United States Africa Command

Public Affairs Office

22 July 2010

USAFRICOM - related news stories

TOP NEWS RELATED TO U.S. AFRICA COMMAND AND AFRICA

There are ways in which Africa can defeat the murderous al Shabaab (Daily Nation)
When Internal Security minister George Saitoti visited Israel early this year, he
expressed concern over increasing threat to Kenya and other African countries from
radical Islamists.

U.S. financial reform bill also targets 'conflict minerals' from Congo (Washington
Post)
(Congo) The financial regulation bill that President Obama will sign into law on
Wednesday is supposed to clean up Wall Street. But an obscure passage buried deep in
the 2,300-page legislation aims to transform a very different place -- eastern Congo,
labeled the "rape capital of the world."

Somalia: Washington’s Response to the Kampala Bombings - Continued

Procrastination (Garowe Online)
(Somalia) Analysis of Washington’s statements following the July 11 World Cup
bombings in Kampala leads to the conclusion that the United States is determined to
persist in its interminable procrastination over what to do about Somalia.

Somalia's Spreading Cancer (The Atlantic)

(Somalia) Despite the U.S. military's establishment of AFRICOM, Americans should
not look for engagement in the bloody and heartbreaking struggle of the Somali people
for freedom from throat-crushing Islamic rule.

Western Sahara conflict a source of disturbance, Sanderson (El Khabar)

(Maghreb) Algeria and the Sahel countries prefer fighting Al-Qaeda in the Islamic
Maghreb together without foreign assistance, US Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for
Near Eastern and North African Affairs, Janet Sanderson, said, Tuesday.

Moscow accuses US of kidnapping pilot (Associated Press)

(Liberia) The Russian Foreign Ministry accused the U.S. on Wednesday of
"kidnapping" a Russian pilot in the West African country of Liberia several weeks ago
for alleged drug smuggling.
AU Military Chiefs Draw Somalia War Plan (Daily Monitor)
(Somalia) A key Somalia strategy meeting is underway in the Ethiopian capital, Addis
Ababa, with military chiefs from across Africa expected to hammer out a plan of action
to confront the crisis in the war-torn country.

Nigeria to support ECOWAS fund on transportation, energy (Xinhua)

(Nigeria) Nigerian President Goodluck Jonathan has said the establishment of a special
fund for transportation and energy infrastructure in the West African sub-region will
receive his support.

The Truth About Africom (Foreign Policy)

I feel fortunate that I can say that I was present at the inception of U.S. Africa Command
(Africom), the U.S. military headquarters that oversees and coordinates U.S. military
activities in Africa. Starting with just a handful of people sitting around a table nearly
four years ago, we built an organization dedicated to the idea that U.S. security interests
in Africa are best served by building long-term partnerships with African nations,
regional organizations, and the African Union. At the same time, however, there has
been a great deal of speculation and concern about Africom. We believe our work and
accomplishments will continue to speak for themselves.

AFRICOM Chief Gen. Ward: 'What We Do Must Continue' (National Defense

Magazine)
The budget wars inside the Pentagon tend to have rippling effects around the world.

Security stepped up after GSU man shot (Daily Nation)

Surveillance against snipers has been intensified on the Somalia-Kenya border

following the shooting of a GSU officer on Tuesday.

US seeks ways to assist African forces in Somalia (Mail&GuardianOnline)

The United States military is prepared to step up assistance to African Union forces in
Somalia, where violence has escalated since al-Shabaab Islamist rebels carried out
bombings in Uganda earlier this month, a top US general said on Tuesday.

UN News Service Africa Briefs

Full Articles on UN Website
 UNICEF signs child protection pact with key rebel group in Darfur
 Joint UN-African Union mediator reports progress in Darfur peace talks
 Burkina Faso and Niger refer border dispute to UN World Court
 UN sounds the alarm as dire humanitarian situation continues to grip Somalia
-------------------------------------------------------------------------
UPCOMING EVENTS OF INTEREST:
WHEN/WHERE: Thursday, July 29, 8:15 a.m., Woodrow Wilson International Center
for Scholars
WHAT: African Growth and Opportunity Act Civil Society Forum 2010 “A Decade of
Progress in Bridging the U.S.-Africa Trade Gap”
WHO: Keynote Speakers include Senator Benjamin Cardin (D-MD), Senate Foreign
Relations Committee; Erastus Mwencha, Deputy Chairperson, African Union*
Info: http://www.wilsoncenter.org/index.cfm?
fuseaction=events.event_summary&event_id=629709
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
FULL ARTICLE TEXT

There are ways in which Africa can defeat the murderous al Shabaab (Daily Nation)
When Internal Security minister George Saitoti visited Israel early this year, he
expressed concern over increasing threat to Kenya and other African countries from
radical Islamists.

His Israeli counterpart, Mr Yitzhak Aharonovich, told him that one effective way Israel
has applied to contain Hamas is through erecting a security wall along the Gaza border.

A hi-tech security fence along the 682-km long Kenyan-Somalia border would do much
to stem the entry of terrorists, explosives and contraband. Going by conservative Israeli
estimates, the cost would be $2 million per kilometre.

The total cost to the Kenyan taxpayer would therefore be way over the projected
African Union mission to Somalia’s budget of $1 billion.

Away from the glare of the cameras, Prof Saitoti might have learnt of less expensive
alternatives. At the time the minister was in Israel, the world was learning of the
assassination of a Hamas high commander in Dubai.

That extremist factions in Gaza now openly question the wisdom of Hamas leadership
attests to what a blow the terrorist group was dealt.

Such a method could have been very effective in neutralising Fazul Abdul Mohammed
in Runda, Mombasa or Madagascar — places the local press reported he had been
sighted. He slipped through, and it is now believed he is the chief of operations for al
Shabaab.

The bulwark of defence against terrorism in Israel lies, however, not just within the
docket of the Ministry of Internal Security but also of the Ministry of Defence.
The Gaza naval blockade has severely crippled the capacity of extremists, for without
rockets, Hamas youths can only hurl stones that bounce off Israeli tanks. A military
blockade of Somalia would enhance the security of Kenya and the rest of East Africa.

If Kenya is unable to do it alone, it is time the USA Africa Command, currently in

Germany, transferred to the Kenyan coast and lent a hand. The USA is unlikely to
object to this as they have been angling since the Bush tenure to find an African base for
their operations.

A foothold in Kenya would enable the US army to more effectively launch drone strikes
against an Al Qaeda leadership who are our common enemies. Furthermore the piracy
menace would be more efficiently countered, as would illicit waste-dumping and
fishing in the Indian Ocean.

To return to the Israeli counter-terrorism approach, their most effective and devastating
military manoeuvre is one that did not attract much commentary in the East African
press.

Operation Cast Lead was a 22-day manoeuvre that ended on January 18, 2009.
According to the comments attributed to the Israeli Defence Force and reproduced in
Wikipedia, within 220 seconds of the opening wave of the operation, 100 targets
comprising militant headquarters, training bases, and weapon depots were destroyed.

The rest of the days were used for mopping up operations and disabling the flow of
weapons, ominously from African conduits. There were minimal casualties on the
Israeli side, but regrettably a high number of innocents were killed as militants used
human shields and stored arms in mosques and schools.

This week, it has been reported that Uganda will ask the African Union to send 20,000
troops to dismantle al Shabaab in Somalia. This number may not be sufficient as al
Shabaab contains Afghanistan veterans experienced in warfare.

A military surge modelled on the size and resourcefulness planned by Nato for
Afghanistan and of the surgical finesse of Operation Cast Lead is what East Africa, as a
whole, with the unambiguous support of the African Union, the Arab League and the
United Nations, should prepare. Uganda, going it alone, as President Yoweri Museveni
has vowed to do, does not fully satisfy the benchmark for success.

To avoid the proxy wars that accompanied the Ethiopian invasion, Museveni should
use the African Union summit to bring African countries on board and lobby France
and UK to follow through with UN Resolution 1863.
Ultimately, the time may have come to find out if Fazul Abdul Mohammed and his
murderous al Shabaab are, indeed, stronger than our collective might.

--------------------
U.S. financial reform bill also targets 'conflict minerals' from Congo (Washington
Post)

The financial regulation bill that President Obama will sign into law on Wednesday is
supposed to clean up Wall Street. But an obscure passage buried deep in the 2,300-page
legislation aims to transform a very different place -- eastern Congo, labeled the "rape
capital of the world."

The passage, tucked into the bill's "Miscellaneous Provisions," will require thousands of
U.S. companies to disclose what steps they are taking to ensure that their products,
including laptops, cellphones and medical devices, don't contain "conflict minerals"
from the Democratic Republic of the Congo. The sale of such minerals has fueled a
nearly 15-year war that has been marked by a horrific epidemic of sexual violence.

The issue of "conflict minerals" was barely mentioned during congressional debate on
the Wall Street bill. But it has attracted growing concern from an unlikely alliance of
conservatives and liberals -- from Sen. Sam Brownback ((R-Kan.) to feminist Eve Ensler,
author of "The Vagina Monologues." Activists hope to ultimately see an international
system for curbing the trade, such as the one that has slowed the sale of "blood
diamonds" from West Africa.

"This is one of those issues that is below the radar for about 99.9 percent of
Americans. . . . Everyone has their cellphone up against their ear, nobody is thinking of
Congo or conflict minerals. But everybody's got some, potentially, right next to their
ear," said Rep. Jim McDermott (D-Wash.), speaking recently at the Center for American
Progress.

Although little noticed by the public, the provision in the regulatory bill could have a
broad impact. It applies not only to electronics companies, which are major users of
Congolese tantalum, but also to all publicly traded U.S. firms that use tin and gold.

"This is a law that is going to affect virtually the entire U.S. manufacturing sector," said
Rick Goss, vice president of environment at the Information Technology Industry
Council.

Charting new territory

Congo "conflict minerals" law is the first of its kind in the world, Goss said. European
governments are pondering similar steps, even as U.S. officials and industry experts
caution that the murky nature of the conflict makes it difficult to trace the minerals.
The war in Congo began after the 1994 genocide in neighboring Rwanda, which sent
streams of militiamen across the border. An estimated 5 million people have died since
in mineral-rich eastern Congo, in one of the bloodiest conflicts since World War II.
Hundreds of thousands of women have been sexually assaulted in what U.N. envoy
Margot Wallstrom referred to in April as the world's "rape capital."

Congolese activists, U.N. experts and nongovernmental groups have become

increasingly concerned that armed Congolese groups are financing themselves with
minerals such as gold and the "three T's" -- tin, tungsten and tantalum. The minerals are
extracted from remote Congolese mines and smuggled to neighboring countries.

Congo is the source for an estimated one-fifth of the world's tantalum, as well as
smaller percentages of the other three minerals.

During her trip to Congo last year, in which she held an emotional meeting with rape
victims, Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton called for greater international
action to stem the flow of the minerals.

The issue got tied to the financial reform bill largely because of Brownback, who had
previously introduced legislation on "conflict minerals." He sought to attach an
amendment to the bill, and Sen. Christopher J. Dodd (D-Conn), chairman of the
banking committee, supported it, congressional staff said. In the end, Brownback voted
against the overall bill, but his amendment survived.

The new law requires American companies to submit an annual report to the Securities
and Exchange Commission disclosing whether their products contain gold, tin,
tungsten or tantalum from Congo or adjacent countries. If so, they have to describe
what measures they are taking to trace the minerals' origin.

The law does not impose any penalty on companies who report taking no action. But
the disclosures must be made publicly on firms' Web sites.

"The consequence is a market-driven one. Consumers can make their choices. Do they
want their electronic products to be funding gang rape in central Africa? I don't think
most Americans would want that," said Rory Anderson of the World Vision
humanitarian group, which has been pushing for the legislation.

'We need to toughen up'

U.S. executives say it can be exceedingly difficult to figure out whether there are
"conflict minerals" in their products. Such minerals may, for example, be smuggled
from Congo through Rwanda, mixed with ore from other countries in a smelter in
Kazakhstan and then sold to a company in Southeast Asia that supplies a parts
manufacturer in China.

Many firms in the high-tech sector have been trying to ensure their suppliers don't use
"conflict minerals," jointly running a pilot program at smelters to identify where
minerals come from.

Robert Hormats, the undersecretary of state for economic affairs, said in an interview
that tracing the source of minerals is much more complicated than tracing the source of
diamonds. For one thing, he said, diamonds "aren't melted down." In addition, the
rebels sometimes gain or lose control over mines.

Still, the State and Treasury departments are examining possible sanctions against U.S.
companies that use "conflict minerals."

"We need to toughen up. Sanctions is one way," said Hormats, who has been working
with industry to improve accountability.

Some companies said they welcomed the law. Michael Holston, the general counsel of
HP, the Palo Alto, Calif.-based computer maker, applauded the measure, saying it
would "help reduce some of the factors that have contributed to the civil war" in Congo.

Both industry experts and advocates said the law is one step in solving a much larger
conflict.

"What really needs to happen is the international community needs to redouble its
efforts to bring an overall diplomatic [solution] to what's going on in Congo," Goss said.
--------------------
Somalia: Washington’s Response to the Kampala Bombings - Continued
Procrastination (Garowe Online)

Analysis of Washington’s statements following the July 11 World Cup bombings in

Kampala leads to the conclusion that the United States is determined to persist in its
interminable procrastination over what to do about Somalia.

Washington’s inability to form a coherent policy towards Somalia has undermined its
interests in the Horn of Africa, allowing a civil war to deepen in Somalia to the point at
which Washington’s adversary, the revolutionary Islamist Harakat al-Shabaab
Mujahideen (H.S.M.), calculated that it was in its interest to strike directly at Uganda,
one of the contributors to the African Union peacekeeping mission in Mogadishu
(AMISOM). For Washington, the Kampala bombings were an embarrassment, not the
crisis and shock that they were in East Africa. The bombings simply showed more
slippage in Somalia; Washington had no intentions of getting decisively involved in
Somalia – it faced a public relations problem of how to appear to be playing while
remaining on the sidelines conducting its permanent policy review that never seems to
end.

The Development of Washington’s Response

Washington’s first response to the bombings came from Under-Secretary of State for
Africa Johnnie Carson, who is the point man for Somalia policy. Carson denounced
H.S.M., which he likened to a “localized cancer” that had “metastasized into a regional
crisis … that has bled across borders and is now infecting the international
community.” Let us note that Carson is demonizing H.S.M. here and depersonalizing
them by calling them a disease. This is not the language of the diplomat but of the
rabble rouser. It was simply politically necessary for Washington to express outrage.

Nonetheless, at the same time that Carson was throwing raw meat to the crowd, State
Department spokesman Philip Crowley told reporters that he could not talk about any
plans that Washington might have for responding to the bombings, adding that H.S.M.
is “an outgrowth of other issues” – refugees, the illegal arms trade and piracy.

The most comprehensive statements on Washington’s Somalia policy came on July 14 in

a briefing for reporters on “Al Shabaab Terrorist Group” conducted by “senior
officials” and posted in full by Washington. A close reading of the briefing follows.
In the introductory remarks, a senior official (Johnnie Carson?) took a nuanced view of
H.S.M., saying that it had a “dual persona;” most members of H.S.M. are nationalist and
a minority is transnationalist with ties to Al-Qaeda. So much for the metastasizing
cancer metaphor.

In responding to the question of what the United States is doing, a senior official cited
having listed an H.S.M. commander as a terrorist and having frozen the assets of an
H.S.M. financier under Executive Order 13536. More generally, the official said that
Washington would “use the tools available to support international efforts to weaken
this group [H.S.M.].” In particular, Washington would continue to support AMISOM
with training and supplies, and assist internally displaced persons. How to cope with
the spillover of H.S.M. would be “something that we are going to work with very
closely with regional governments to counter.” To put it simply, Washington was not
going to assume a leadership role.

When asked whether there had been a policy shift in light of the bombings, an official
said that Washington would “take a look and see what it is that we need to do as a
result of those attacks.” As to whether the bombing showed a “trend” in H.S.M.’s
behavior, the official said that “this is something that our government is going to be
looking very closely at and working with governments in the region on.” The official’s
remarks not only indicate that Washington remains committed to procrastination, but
that it had not formulated a contingency plan for responding to a major H.S.M. attack in
the region.
Despite warnings by H.S.M. that it would attack AMISOM contributors at home, and
despite Kenyan Foreign Minister Moses Wetang’ula’s claim that Nairobi had shared
intelligence with Washington on H.S.M.’s plans to strike East Africa, and had asked for
Washington’s help, the official said that “there was no forewarning or reports that these
attacks were going to be taking place in Kampala.” Perhaps there were no forewarnings
of the specific attacks – what fighter tells their opponent about their specific plans? –
and no reporting (H.SM. had succeeded in keeping its plans secret). Yet the warnings of
attacks were loud and clear; they apparently were not taken seriously and, as a
consequence, the bombings caught Washington flatfooted. That the attacks supposedly
came out of the blue also shows intelligence failure. The official admitted that H.S.M.
was “making good on its threats to carry out attacks.”

As for the goals of U.S. policy in Somalia, an official said that they were to build up the
capacities of AMISOM as well as the T.F.G. [Somalia’s Transitional Federal
Government], which is exactly what Washington has been doing half heartedly
throughout its exercise in procrastination. Any grander aim “is going to take years to
address because the problems that affect the country are systemic, structural.” That is
an admission that Washington has no policy, that is, no mediation between vision and
tactics, no plan of action.

On the ground, an official said, Washington was working with the T.F.G. and AMISOM
“to broaden the area of Mogadishu” controlled by the T.F.G. with the essential
protection of AMISOM. That is also current U.S. tactics and marks no change.

At its end, the briefing circled back to its beginning, with an official opining that
H.S.M.’s power has been overrated – “it’s just operating in a place where normal
structures are so very broken.” The official expressed concern about H.S.M. in the sense
that Washington would be concerned about any group that had “Al Qaeda elements
sprinkled within it.” Is H.S.M. a metastasizing cancer or an ice-cream sundae sprinkled
with al-Qaeda chips? The official’s rhetoric diminishes H.S.M.’s stature and threat,
which makes it possible for Washington to justify its procrastination.

With Washington’s own dual persona in place, it was time for U.S. President Barack
Obama to weigh in. In his interview with the South African Broadcasting Corporation
on July 15, Obama would somehow have to reconcile the duality, speak from one of the
poles, or speak from both; he chose the latter. Beginning with the raw meat, Obama said
that Washington would “redouble” its efforts in Somalia, adding that “what we know is
that if al-Shabaab takes more and more control within Somalia, that it is going to be
exporting violence the way it just did in Somalia” – a declaration of a “trend.” Then he
drew back and entered the caveat that fighting H.S.M. was not something that
Washington “should do alone;” rather, Washington would cooperate with the African
Union through AMISOM on “working the T.F.G. to try to stabilize the situation.”
Obama had wedged together Johnnie Carson’s initial statement and the “official”
background briefing – much bark and little bite.

The same day, State Department spokesman Crowley emphasized the continuation of
support for AMISOM and said that Washington would extend it if Uganda deployed, as
its president, Yowaheri Museveni, said that it would, two thousand more troops to the
mission. Museveni’s pledge, however, was premised on an expansion of AMISOM’s
mandate by the United Nations Security Council from peacekeeping to peace enforcing.

Also on July 15, Washington posted on America.gov an official interview with the State
Department’s Counterterrorism Coordinator Daniel Benjamin who continued the
Obama administration’s effort to downplay H.S.M. Benjamin said that Washington
“would have to consider” if H.S.M. had reached a new level of capability. As for
H.S.M.’s links to al-Qaeda, Benjamin urged caution. Although H.S.M. “has some
indirect links to the transnational terrorist group al Quaida,” those ties have to be
“examined with great care:” some of H.S.M.’s leaders have pledged loyalty to al-Qaeda,
and al-Qaeda “has been in touch with al-Shabaab from time to time,” and its operatives
have trained some H.S.M. “individuals.” Benjamin concluded, however, that “we
certainly do not see these groups as having merged or being unitary in any way.” There
is no firm link “just yet.” That would be one more reason for keeping the
procrastination going and tempering any response.

On July 19, the development of Washington’s position reached an intelligible

conclusion (probably provisional) in a press briefing by a “U.S. official” in London who
unveiled a new strategy of trying to “divide the insurgents,” thereby splitting their dual
persona. In the Reuters report of the briefing, the official quickly backtracked, admitting
that “we know nothing that galvanizes Somalis like an outside influence.” Indeed, if
Washington were to do “something in an imprudent manner,” it would unite the
insurgents. Rather than being a new strategy, dividing H.S.M is a gesture of impotence.
The official added that there was “vigorous discussion” going on among Somalia’s
African “allies” about expanding AMISOM’s mandate to peace enforcement, leaving a
crack in the door open for a more vigorous response, depending upon what the regional
states and organizations come up with. Again, Washington would not take a leadership
role.

On July 19, the commander of the U.S. Africa Command (Africom), Gen. William Ward,
addressed the Center for Strategic and International Studies, saying that military
assistance to AMISOM could include additional equipment, training, logistical support
and information-sharing. Ward insisted that the promised boost in support for
AMISOM was not a result of the Kampala bombings: “We were already looking at how
can we be more robust in helping [AMISOM contributors].” Ward ruled out U.S.
employment of drone aircraft to support AMISOM for the present. Reuters reported
that a “U.S. counterterrorism official” had not ruled out U.S. military operations against
H.S.M. and had added that connections between H.S.M. and al-Qaeda were close: “It’s
hard to figure out in some cases where one group ends and the other begins…That’s
why it’s critical that we take aggressive action to thwart them.” The official insisted:
“Our efforts are aggressive and have intensified.” Did the counterterrorism official’s
statements indicate a shift in U.S. policy, a dispute over policy between the State
Department and the Defense Department and /or other security agencies, or inflated
rhetoric? Did they indicate that Washington was no longer interested in dividing
H.S.M.? They are at least an indication of confusion in Washington.

Conclusion

The preceding analysis of Washington’s strategic response to the Kampala bombings

indicates that the attacks were not, at least for Washington, a “game shifter,” as
Chatham House analyst Sally Healy thought they would be when she spoke to the U.S.
military newspaper Stars and Stripes. Richard Downie of the Center for Strategic and
International Studies came closer to the truth when he told the same publication: “I
don’t really see what the United States can do. There aren’t any attractive options.”

What would make Washington assume leadership or, as analyst Bronwyn Bruton
persuasively argues, “constructively disengage?” That is a question for readers to
answer.
--------------------
Somalia's Spreading Cancer (The Atlantic)

As it turns out, those three pirates snuffed by SEALs last year are not only bad guys in
Somalia. Though it's made few headlines of late, life in the post-apocalyptic African
state has gone from bad to worse.

A decade into the bloody civil war, which began in 1991 (the second phase of which
involved U.S. ground forces as depicted in Mark Bowden's Black Hawk Down), a group
called the Islamic Courts Union seized power in southern Somalia and promptly
declared Sharia Law (sound familiar?). A Transition Federal Government regrouped
and pushed back, unseating the ICU, which promptly splintered into a handful of
nastier militant Islamic sects. Al-Shabaab, an Al Qaeda connected faction with ideas that
make the Taliban seem Jeffersonian, waged a brutal and effective war against the TFG
and international forces. Last year, the TFG relented and formed a coalition with
"moderate" elements of the ICU (sound familiar?) and promptly reimposed Sharia law.
Fighting continues.

Last week, Somalia's problems became everyone's problem when al-Shabaab carried
out suicide missions that killed 76 Ugandan civilians.

According to a DPA wire report:

Somalia's Minister of National Security and Regional Development, Ahmed Abdisalam
Xaji Adan, believes al-Shabaab, which claims links with al-Qaeda, has proven just how
dangerous it is to the wider world.

"A year ago no-one believed they would come to Kampala or Kenya or anywhere else,"
he told journalists in the Kenyan capital Nairobi. "The threat is there, it is real."

Sound familiar?

Meanwhile, Shabelle Media Network reports that fighting has flared in Mogadishu,
killing 10 and wounding 22. This has led Somalia's president to criticize the
international community for doing little to stem the violence and restore order in the
terrorist haven.

Despite the U.S. military's establishment of AFRICOM, Americans should not look for
engagement in the bloody and heartbreaking struggle of the Somali people for freedom
from throat-crushing Islamic rule. The First Battle of Mogadishu was 17 years ago --
though Americans will long remember the images of dismembered Delta operatives
and Rangers dragged through the street, knifed to pieces by a celebratory crowd and
mounted for public display. And frankly, America has no business in Somalia and no
compelling interest in a far-off land's civil war.

But I recall many years ago learning from an NPR report of the tragic demolition of the
Buddhas of Bamyan by a barbaric government in some far-off wasteland.

And not long after, Afghanistan's problem became our problem.

Somalia today sounds a little too familiar.

--------------------
Western Sahara conflict a source of disturbance, Sanderson (El Khabar)

Algeria and the Sahel countries prefer fighting Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb
together without foreign assistance, US Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for Near
Eastern and North African Affairs, Janet Sanderson, said, Tuesday.
At the sidelines of her meeting with British Foreign Affairs officials, in London, Mrs.
Janet Sanderson was quoted by Al-Hayat newspaper as saying: “The United States is
always ready to provide assistance to Algeria and the Sahel region countries in terms of
counterterrorism efforts. Yet they still insist on leading the fight by themselves, which
does not, in fact, bother my Government”.
The US official had further praised the progress that Algeria has made in terms of
counterterrorism: “After years of painful sacrifices, it seems that the Algerians have
succeeded to make remarkable progress in the fight against terrorism”.
As far as the kind of assistance that the US intends to provide to Algeria and Sahel
countries, Mrs. Sanderson underlined: “We have established the Trans Saharan
Counterterrorism Initiative and the Africom command which tend to anticipate Al
Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb terror acts”.
“But, Sahel countries still prefer fighting terrorism alone, and I think these countries, on
the top of them Algeria, are doing a remarkable job that the US supports,” she insisted.
As for the Western Sahara issue, the US official said her country supports efforts of the
UN Secretary General Personal Envoy, Christopher Ross, adding that the current
situation does by no way serve any country’s interest in the region.
--------------------
Moscow accuses US of kidnapping pilot (Associated Press)

MOSCOW – The Russian Foreign Ministry accused the U.S. on Wednesday of

"kidnapping" a Russian pilot in the West African country of Liberia several weeks ago
for alleged drug smuggling.

Konstantin Yaroshenko, 41, was arrested in Monrovia, Liberia's capital, in late May —
by U.S. agents, Russian officials said — and then extradited to New York.

He was charged with smuggling "thousand-kilogram quantities of cocaine" throughout

South America, Africa and Europe, the U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration said in a
statement Wednesday.

DEA spokeswoman Dawn Dearden said Yaroshenko was apprehended May 28 by

Liberian authorities, who turned him over to the DEA two days later under an arrest
warrant issued by the U.S. District Court for the Southern District of New York.

"While he was in DEA custody, the DEA followed the rules of law and the Geneva
Convention regulations regarding treatment of a defendant," the DEA's statement said.

Russia's Foreign Ministry sharply condemned Yaroshenko's arrest and extradition.

"We're talking about a kidnapping of a Russian national from a third country," Russia's
Foreign Ministry said Wednesday in a statement on its website. "The actions of U.S.
special services in the forcible and secret relocation of our national from Monrovia to
New York could only been seen as open lawlessness."

Asked about the case at a news briefing, U.S. State Department spokesman P.J. Crowley
said that, with regard to specifics, he would defer to the Justice Department or the DEA.

Crowley said that, upon his arrival in New York, Yaroshenko was given access to a
Russian consulate official.

Yaroshenko's lawyer, Alexander Bozhenko, was quoted Wednesday by RIA news

agency as saying that the way Yaroshenko was arrested violated the law, and that
Yaroshenko was kept tied up in a hotel room, naked and without water, for two days
before his extradition.

Yaroshenko's U.S. lawyer, Sam Schmidt, said Wednesday that it was his "understanding
was he was not treated well" in Liberia after his arrest. His client is "doing OK"
physically now that he is in the U.S. prison system, he added.

He said Yaroshenko was not extradited but instead was expelled by the Liberian
government just before he was taken into custody by Liberian authorities and the U.S.
Drug Enforcement Administration and brought to New York.

"Somehow from this existing expulsion order, the DEA took custody of him without
notifying the Russian embassy or consulate or anyone else," Schmidt said.

Charges filed by the U.S. Attorney's office in Manhattan allege Yaroshenko was "an
aircraft pilot and aviation transport expert" who transported thousands of kilograms of
cocaine throughout South America, Africa and Europe. Prosecutors declined comment
Wednesday.

Schmidt said, "Obviously, nothing was actually done by my client."

RIA quoted Yaroshenko's wife, Viktoria, as saying that her husband had been working
as a pilot in various African countries for 10 years. She said he visited Liberia in May for
talks with potential employers, RIA said.

A Russian diplomat accused U.S. agents of "framing" Yaroshenko.

"They needed any pilot, any airline to frame," Russia's general consul in New York,
Andrey Yushmanov, said in televised remarks.

Russia's NTV played a telephone interview with a man who identified himself as
Yaroshenko and claimed that he had been was arrested illegally and tortured.

In recent years, drug cartels have used West Africa as a major transit point for shipment
of vast quantities of cocaine to Europe and the U.S.
--------------------
AU Military Chiefs Draw Somalia War Plan (Daily Monitor)

A key Somalia strategy meeting is underway in the Ethiopian capital, Addis Ababa,
with military chiefs from across Africa expected to hammer out a plan of action to
confront the crisis in the war-torn country.

It was announced yesterday on the sidelines of the ongoing AU Summit in Kampala

that the African Union and regional Inter-Governmental Authority on Development
(IGAD) expect their military representatives to assess the resources that will be required
to rid Somalia of the terrorist-affiliated al Shabaab militants.

Deputy Chairperson of the African Union Erastus Mwencha told journalists in

Munyonyo that Somalia is high on the Summit agenda. He said resolutions from the
Addis meeting would be presented to the AU Executive Council sitting in Kampala in
three days.

“Our military people are having a meeting in Addis Ababa to discuss the strategy and
the logistics needed to deal with this Somali situation,” he said. He blamed the delay by
other African countries to reinforce Burundian and Ugandan peacekeepers in Somalia
on lack of capacity.

“It takes courage, commitment and resources to deploy troops for peacekeeping
especially when you hear that those who are there are being killed. The problem has
been lack of capacity. Commitment from the member countries exists but they lack
resources, nothing else,” he said.

Wake up call

Uganda has about 3,400 troops, whereas Burundi has so far sent 1,600 troops.

Nigeria, Malawi and Ghana had pledged forces to make up the initial envisaged 8,000
peacekeeping mission (AMISOM) but have not honoured their pledges. AMISOM has
recently been upgraded to an expected 20,000-strong force. Mr Mwencha said the July
11 terrorist attacks in Kampala were “a wake-up call” to African countries to unite and
put in place measures to end the 19-year Somalia civil war that threatens regional
security.

Piracy and terrorism

The Somali militant group, al- Shabaab, have claimed responsibility for the bomb blasts
that left 76 people dead in Kampala. Giving a hint of a possible shift in continental
opinion that will likely see Amisom’s peacekeeping mandate changed, Mr Mwencha
asked: “What peace is there to keep” in the troubled country?” “That is why we are
saying we need at least 20,000 troops in Somalia to ensure peace.

We are calling upon the international community to come and help us. “If we got
everything we need in place today, troops will be dispatched to Somalia tomorrow.”
“The international community is too far to feel the pinch of the Somalia situation, but
we now have piracy and terrorism that are affecting everybody. These are not African
problems alone,” said the official.
Following the blasts in Kampala, President Museveni announced that he was ready to
commit more troops to deal with the terrorists in Somalia, once cleared by IGAD and
other AU member states.
--------------------
Nigeria to support ECOWAS fund on transportation, energy (Xinhua)

ABUJA, Nigeria - Nigerian President Goodluck Jonathan has said the establishment of a
special fund for transportation and energy infrastructure in the West African sub-region
will receive his support.

The Nigerian leader said this in Abuja on Tuesday while receiving Marie Delesse
Schwisenberg, an envoy of President Laurent Gbagbo of Cote d'Ivoire, who has been
mandated by ECOWAS to oversee the establishment of the fund.

"Nigeria will do all it can to accelerate the setting up of the fund because of the
centrality of energy and transportation issues to development in Africa," Jonathan said.

The president also said it was the responsibility of all leaders of ECOWAS members to
support the regional organization's decision to establish the fund.

He pledged to hold further consultations with Gbagbo soon on what needed to be done
to ensure that it became operational in the shortest possible time.

"This is a regional project. President Gbagbo is only helping to move it forward and it is
the responsibility of other leaders to help and support him," he added.
--------------------
The Truth About Africom (Foreign Policy)
I feel fortunate that I can say that I was present at the inception of U.S. Africa Command
(Africom), the U.S. military headquarters that oversees and coordinates U.S. military
activities in Africa. Starting with just a handful of people sitting around a table nearly
four years ago, we built an organization dedicated to the idea that U.S. security interests
in Africa are best served by building long-term partnerships with African nations,
regional organizations, and the African Union. At the same time, however, there has
been a great deal of speculation and concern about Africom. We believe our work and
accomplishments will continue to speak for themselves.

Still, many of these concerns raise important issues, and it is important to continue to
address and clarify Africom's position on these issues. There is great work being done
by and for Africa nations with Africom's assistance, and the success of the missions
between these partner nations inevitably affects the security of the United States and the
world as a whole. During our work in designing Africom and helping guide it through
the early years of its existence, a number of lessons have helped inform our decisions
and ensure we performed our job responsibly and effectively.
Lesson 1: Africom does not create policy.
One of the most serious criticisms leveled at Africom is that the organization represents
a U.S. military takeover of the foreign-policy process. This is certainly not true, though I
suspect some of our more outspoken critics have been so vocal about this that it is quite
challenging for them to change course.

Let there be no mistake. Africom's job is to protect American lives and promote
American interests. That is what nations and militaries do. But we also have found that
our own national interest in a stable and prosperous Africa is shared strongly by our
African partners. By working together, we can pursue our shared interests more
effectively.

Africa's security challenges are well known. They include piracy and illegal trafficking,
ethnic tensions, irregular militaries and violent extremist groups, undergoverned
regions, and pilferage of resources. This last challenge includes oil theft, as well as
widespread illegal fishing that robs the African people of an estimated $1 billion a year
because their coastal patrols lack the capacity to find and interdict suspicious vessels
within their territorial waters and economic exclusion zones.

As a military organization, most of our work consists of supporting security and

stability programs in Africa and its island nations. Our focus is on building capacity,
both with African national militaries and, increasingly, with Africa's regional
organizations. One of our biggest success stories is the Africa Partnership Station, a
Navy program that partners Africom with African and international sailors to put
together a multinational staff aboard a U.S. or international vessel. This creates what
some have called a "floating schoolhouse," where the staff share a host of ideas, ranging
from basic search-and-rescue techniques to advanced concepts of maritime domain
awareness.

Across the continent, we work closely within the framework of the overall U.S.
government effort. As a military organization, we do not create policy. Rather, we
support those policy decisions and coordinate our actions closely with the State
Department, U.S. embassies in the region, the U.S. Agency for International
Development (USAID), and other U.S. government agencies that have been trusted
partners in Africa for decades.

Lesson 2: Africom must work hand in hand with the diplomatic corps.
It's no secret that Africom's early rollout was met by concern within some quarters of
the foreign-policy community. We've worked hard to allay those concerns. Despite the
warnings of skeptics, the past three years have not seen any dramatic increase in
numbers of U.S. personnel or military funding directed at Africa. Depending on how
you count the figures, the U.S. military represents between 5 and 10 percent of all U.S.
government spending in Africa, and we do not anticipate significant future shifts. We
believe diplomacy, development, and defense should work hand in hand -- and in
balance -- to achieve long-term security. Defense Secretary Robert Gates has spoken
eloquently about the need to increase funding for diplomacy and development and has
warned of what he calls "excessive militarization."

The U.S. military has been working with African militaries for decades, but the work
was not sustained and integrated as effectively as it probably could have been to
complement and better support the activities of other agencies of the U.S. government.
In many ways, Africom was devised as a test platform for helping the military as an
institution to better understand its role in supporting diplomacy and development.
State Department and USAID officials serve in senior billets on the staff, advising the
military on the best way to support their agencies. And yes, they frequently send
message traffic back to their home offices to help ensure the military understands its
subordinate role in Africa.

All the U.S. military's work in Africa is done with the approval of U.S. ambassadors. We
take that seriously. I have seen anecdotal stories of military personnel showing up in an
African nation unaware that they ultimately report to the U.S. ambassador of the host
nation in question. If you run across one of those stories, take a look at the date. There's
a strong chance that incident took place before or not long after October 2008, when
Africom formally became responsible for everything the U.S. military does in Africa.
One of the reasons Africom was created was to help put an end to that kind of
confusion.

Lesson 3: Keep our footprint in Africa limited.

We have also been accused of looking to establish military bases across the African
continent. This was false when the rumors arose at the time of Africom's creation and
remains false today. Africom's headquarters is in Stuttgart, Germany, and we are not
looking for any other location. Misconceptions arose when, in the early months of 2007,
some people in the U.S. Defense Department community considered the idea of
positioning small teams regionally to better coordinate the command's day-to-day
partnerships. However, there was never a formal search, and as soon as the command
opened its doors in October 2007, we made it clear that we intended to stay in Stuttgart
for the foreseeable future.

Our footprint in Africa remains purposefully limited. We have only one forward
operating base, at Camp Lemonnier in Djibouti, established in 2002 under the U.S.
Central Command. In 2008, Africom inherited the base, which is an ideal site for
supporting our military-to-military programs across eastern Africa and also serves as a
key node in the Defense Department's global transportation infrastructure. We are not
seeking any additional bases.

We also have a few dozen program officers and liaisons working across the continent,
mainly in U.S. embassies. This hardly means, however, that we are building "mini-
Africom headquarters" in U.S. embassies, as some have suggested. What we've done is
send one or two staff officers to join embassy teams so that our diplomats do not have
to spend their time coordinating military programs. It is common practice worldwide
for a small number of military personnel to play a supporting role in a larger diplomatic
mission. Our ambassadors continue to be the president's personal representatives
within each nation.

Lesson 4: Africom is most effective when it listens to the concerns of its African
partners.
We have spent the last three years meeting with African leaders, African media, and
African people. Mostly, we have been listening. And what we have heard is that many
people across Africa have an interest in long-term stability.

The consistent message we hear from the leadership and the people of Africa is that
they want to provide for their own security. Despite sometimes difficult histories, many
African nations today are working to develop professional security forces that follow
the rule of law and protect all their peoples. African nations today make up more than
40 percent of all international peacekeepers deployed throughout Africa with the
United Nations and African Union. Their goal is for Africans to make up 100 percent of
the peacekeeping forces within Africa. By building a regionally focused African
Standby Force, the African Union seeks to play an ever-greater role in bringing peace
and security to turbulent regions on the continent.

Rather than deploying large numbers of U.S. military forces, we accomplish our goals
by conducting hundreds of what we refer to as "capacity-building" events each year.
Africom sends small teams of specialists to dozens of countries to offer our perspective
on military topics such as leadership, the importance of civilian control of the military,
the importance of an inspector general program, the finer points of air-traffic control
and port security, aircraft maintenance, military law, and squad tactics for a unit
preparing for peacekeeping deployment or patrols against violent extremist groups --
the list goes on. Even though we are showing and explaining how we do business, we
are not imposing U.S. methods upon our partners. After all, our practices might not be
right for them -- that is a question they must answer, based on the information they
receive not only from us, but from their many international partners.

We also take part in military exercises that promote cross-border cooperation and
coordination. We participated in Exercise Flintlock this May, which was designed to
help nations in West and North Africa cooperate more effectively on cross-border
threats from illegal traffickers and violent extremist groups. Another exercise, Africa
Endeavor, brought together 25 African nations in Gabon to coordinate their
communications technology. This is a surprisingly challenging task, due to the fact that
this diverse array of nations uses a hodgepodge of computers and radios made in
different countries throughout the world. Not only do these exercises solve practical
problems -- they provide former adversaries or strangers with opportunities to develop
a shared history of working together to solve problems. This year's Africa Endeavor
exercise is scheduled to take place in Ghana, and we are expecting 30 nations to be
involved.

Lesson 5: Don't expect instant results.

Our partners in Africa warn us that we must adopt an "African time" perspective. We
should not expect quick results or approach the continent with a "make it happen now"
mindset. At the same time, we do see slow, steady progress. Coups are decreasingly
tolerated as a means of acceptable regime change, and in some cases, such as
Mauritania, we have seen militaries take stock of the international community and
make steady progress in restoring civil authority. Much of our work is aimed at
reinforcing African success stories so that we can work together as capable partners to
address regional and global concerns. Tensions in Sudan as next year's referendum on
southern independence approaches can be reduced if regional neighbors build
cooperative relationships with all parties in Sudan.

Somalia remains a country in daily conflict, with a people so fiercely proud of their
independence that any lasting security solution must be African-led. As I write this, the
Ugandan People's Defense Force is operating deep inside neighboring nations, with an
unprecedented level of intergovernmental cooperation, to end the decades-long reign of
terror by the Lord's Resistance Army, an extremist group that has killed tens of
thousands and displaced millions.

In the Democratic Republic of the Congo, the U.S. military is one small player in a much
larger international effort to help that nation reform its security sector. We have
provided some funding to renovate medical facilities that provide support to survivors
of sexual and gender-based violence, and we are currently conducting a six-month pilot
project to train a model military unit in the Congolese Army. Although this program
includes basic military skills training, it also emphasizes respect for human rights, the
rule of law, and an understanding of the military's role in a civil society.

As we conduct our daily and weekly activities across Africa we believe we share a long-
term vision with our African partners: Sustained security programs can, over time, help
support the conditions for economic development, social development, and
improvements in health -- so that people will continue to see progress in their lives and
growing prosperity in their communities.

That is how we support U.S. foreign policy in Africa, while also promoting the long-
term aspirations of the African people. It has indeed been a personal honor and a
privilege to be a part of the creation of Africom.
--------------------

AFRICOM Chief Gen. Ward: 'What We Do Must Continue' (National Defense

Magazine)
The budget wars inside the Pentagon tend to have rippling effects around the world.
Following Defense Secretary Robert Gates’ call for fiscal responsibility, military and
civilian agencies are scrambling to come up with $100 billion in savings over the next
five years. Building insiders already smell blood as it becomes clear that unless major
programs and activities are cut, it will be hard to hit Gates’ bogey.

Against this backdrop, it was an opportune time for the commander of U.S. Africa
Command, Army Gen. William “Kip” Ward, to come to Washington this week and
remind movers and shakers why AFRICOM must hold on to its already scarce
resources.

Speaking to a crowd of industry executives, military officials and think tankers at the
Center for Strategic and International Studies, Ward cautioned that his three-year-old
command is just now gaining traction and it would be a mistake to slow down the
momentum, even in these times of tightening budgets.

CSIS President John Hamre prefaced Ward’s remarks reminding the audience that the
general “needs our help” because new organizations such as AFRICOM are particularly
“fragile in the Washington budget environment.”

In the world of zero-sum budgeting, he said, commanders such as Ward are “instantly
in a fist fight for everything.”

AFRICOM, with headquarters in Stuttgart, Germany, was launched with great fanfare
in 2007 as the first and only military regional command that would focus primarily on
“soft power” and include a heavy mix of civilians in its ranks. It is responsible for
military-to-military relationships with Africa’s 53 nations.

It has endured growing pains but now is finally beginning to prove its value, said
Hamre. “We can’t afford to lose the progress that’s been made,” he said.

The command has suffered its share of PR problems, which is one reason why it is still
based in Europe and has yet to find a home in Africa. The Government Accountability
Office contended in a 2009 report that the mission of AFRICOM raised troubling
questions about where the line should be drawn between military and civilian
diplomatic duties.

In his speech, Ward outlined a case for why AFRICOM serves an essential role “in
pursuit of U.S. national security interests.”

Africa is “strategically important” to the United States, he said. “What we do has to

continue, it makes sense.”

The initial chilly reception that AFRICOM received within the continent has evolved
into warmer ties with many countries, Ward said. “Partners are now asking, ‘What
more can AFRICOM do to help?’ as opposed to ‘Why do we have AFRICOM?’” he said.
“We have turned the corner after a lot of hard work.”

Washington’s short-term thinking clearly frustrates Ward. AFRICOM is about

establishing long-term ties in the region, not just dealing with the crisis of the day, he
said. “I’m often asked ‘What are you going to do about Somalia, Sudan, the Democratic
Republic of Congo, Liberia?’” he said. “We do pay attention to these issues but it’s also
important to look at Africa’s opportunities in development, governance and security.”
Ultimately the work that AFRICOM does “promotes an environment where American
lives are more secure, and American interests are promoted,” he said. Being able to
keep an eye on the burgeoning networks of violent extremist groups in Africa could
help prevent attacks against the United States, he said. Africa’s “stability and growth is
in the best interest of the United States.”

Ward cited the defense secretary’s January 2009 article in “Foreign Affairs,” where
Gates endorsed the notion that the Defense Department should shift resources from
conventional war planning to helping train the militaries of foreign allies in unstable
areas of the world, so they can take care of their own security, as opposed to relying on
the United States.

AFRICOM is doing that, Ward said, although he acknowledged that some militaries in
Africa are destabilizing because they undermine civilian authorities. “Our involvement
is based on our foreign policy objectives,” he said. “Those are national policy decisions,
not Kip Ward decisions where we are going to conduct military-to-military activity.”

The good news, he said, is that more African nations are boosting their capacity to cope
with natural disasters, conduct peacekeeping operations and protect coastal areas from
narco-traffickers and pirates. Civil wars, instability and pandemic disease are huge
challenges for AFRICOM, and more time is needed to address them, he said. Malaria
remains the greatest killer of African children.

If AFRICOM’s existence were to be questioned, he said, the same logic would be

applicable to any of the other five geographic commands. “It’s how we in the United
States exercise our military-to-military cooperation with our partner nations, we do it
through our geographic commands,” said Ward.

Then there is the issue of Africa’s natural resources. The continent is rich in energy
sources and minerals, which often stirs conspiracy theories about outsiders’ land grabs
and quests to tap the region’s wealth.

Ward said promoting development of manufacturing capabilities and infrastructure in

Africa would allow countries to be able to exploit and benefit economically from those
natural resources.
Some U.S. officials have voiced concerns that China may outmaneuver the United States
in Africa in the pursuit of energy sources. In 2005, Marine Gen. James Jones, who was
then military chief of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and currently is President
Obama’s national security advisor, said he worried about growing Chinese influence in
Africa. “It’s beyond question that China is the most aggressive country economically in
Africa,” he told reporters. China is seeking closer ties with nations in the oil-rich
continent, especially Sudan, to sate its rapidly increasing appetite for energy, he said.
The United States needs to do more in the region, Jones said. He quoted one African
diplomat as saying: “We love the United States. You’re always telling us what we
should do. Now, China is giving us the things that you say we need.” Beijing, Jones
said, is flooding the region with free scholarships in China and aid both in the economic
and military sectors. “It’s something we have to worry about.”

Asked whether AFRICOM would consider working with China on common interests,
Ward said it cannot be ruled out, but added so far that has not happened.

“China is pursuing its own national interests on the continent of Africa,” he said. Most
of the evidence of China’s presence is in the form of infrastructure and buildings that
pop up around the continent, Ward said. “I’m not privy to the arrangements that China
makes with African nations but clearly China is involved.”

Right now, Ward has more pressing priorities than partnering with China. Near the top
of the list is ensuring that AFRICOM is spared from the Defense budget ax.
--------------------
Security stepped up after GSU man shot (Daily Nation)

Surveillance against snipers has been intensified on the Somalia-Kenya border

following the shooting of a GSU officer on Tuesday.

The attack at Liboi border point was a departure from past attacks in which Somalia
insurgents confronted Kenyan security officers.

The officer is admitted to the Garissa Provincial General Hospital with a bullet wound
to the thigh. The victim and his colleague, who survived unscathed, did not even see
the direction the shooter fired from.

Al Shabaab militiamen are suspected to be to have stationed snipers at the border. A

senior security officer who spoke to the Nation said the shooting would not cause
further deployments to be made immediately adding surveillance is more appropriate.

Last week, 76 Fifa World Cup football fans were killed in Kampala, Uganda, in an
attack that al Shabaab has claimed responsibility for.
In April, a joint police and military force was sent to Liboi in Garissa District following
an incursion by members of the Somali Islamist group.

The militia are said to have thrown a grenade into the GSU camp, injuring some
officers. Al Shabaab, which has links with the al Qaeda terror network, has besieged the
transitional government in Somalia and has threatened to attack Kenya over its
stationing of soldiers on the border.

The US has expressed its willingness to expand support to African Union peacekeepers
in Somalia. US Africa Command’s top officer William “Kip” Ward said the Pentagon
planned to expand its aid in the form of training, equipment, transport and logistics to
the AU mission.

Speaking at the Center for Strategic and International Studies in Washington, Ward
stressed the need to take immediate action against violent extremists or else it could
attack US personnel and their interests across the globe.

US newspaper Gant Daily, said the US’s commitment came in the wake of suicide
bombings in Kampala, in which 76 people died and hundreds others were injured.

A day later, al Shabaab rebels from Somalia claimed responsibility for the attacks and
warned future attacks on all African nations, which continue to provide support to UN
peacekeeping forces in Somalia.
--------------------
US seeks ways to assist African forces in Somalia (Mail&GuardianOnline)
The United States military is prepared to step up assistance to African Union forces in
Somalia, where violence has escalated since al-Shabaab Islamist rebels carried out
bombings in Uganda earlier this month, a top US general said on Tuesday.

US intelligence agencies have warned of a growing threat from militants aligned with
al-Qaeda in lawless Somalia and nearby Yemen, and the Obama administration has
made it a priority to track and target wanted militants in the region.

The expanded US military assistance to AU forces could include additional equipment,

training, logistical support and information-sharing, General William Ward,
commander of US Africa Command, and other officials said.

Fighting between al-Shabaab rebels and government forces in the north of Somalia's
capital has killed at least 52 civilians and wounded scores over the past week, according
to a local rights group.

The violence in Mogadishu has intensified since al-Shabaab suicide bombers killed
more than 70 people watching the Soccer World Cup final in Uganda's capital on July
11.

Troops from Uganda and Burundi make up the roughly 6 300-strong AU force
protecting key sites in Mogadishu and there have been calls for their mandate to be
widened so they can go on the offensive against the al-Qaeda-linked insurgents.

"The nations that are contributing forces to ... the AU mission in Somalia -- we are
working very closely with their logistics, their training, their transportation,
information that they would use to be effective in what they do, and we continue
looking to ways, based on what they ask us, to enhance these efforts," Ward told the
Centre for Strategic and International Studies, a Washington think-tank.

Key moments
He said the envisaged expansion in US assistance was not triggered by the Uganda
bombings: "We were already looking at how can we be more robust in helping these
nations."

Asked by reporters later if unmanned US military drone aircraft could be used to

support AU contingents on the ground, Ward said: "That's not a part of it at this point
in time."
--------------------
UN News Service Africa Briefs
Full Articles on UN Website

UNICEF signs child protection pact with key rebel group in Darfur
21 July – The United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) today signed a child protection
agreement, which includes ending the recruitment of child soldiers, with a major rebel
group in the war-torn Sudanese region of Darfur.

Joint UN-African Union mediator reports progress in Darfur peace talks

21 July – The negotiations taking place in Doha aimed at bringing an end to the conflict
in the Darfur region of Sudan are making good progress, according to the joint United
Nations-African Union mediator.

Burkina Faso and Niger refer border dispute to UN World Court

21 July – The West African countries of Burkina Faso and Niger have submitted a
dispute over their common border to the United Nations International Court of Justice
(ICJ) as part of a wider agreement by the two States to resolve the situation peacefully.

UN sounds the alarm as dire humanitarian situation continues to grip Somalia

21 July – As Somalia remains in the grip of a humanitarian crisis, it is vital to ensure
adequate funding to assist the 3.2 million people – or more than 40 per cent of the
population – who rely on international aid, a senior United Nations aid official stressed
today.