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Nia Saunders
English 102
Dr. Wynne
8 March 2017
Stop-and-Frisk
In an effort to lower crime rates and discourage citizens from carrying drugs and
weapons, law enforcement implemented a law known as stop-and-frisk. Under this law police
officers have the right to stop a suspicious person and search or question them about illegal
activities. While some find comfort in this law, others see it as an opportunity for law
enforcement to infringe on basic citizen rights. In recent years, this country has seen a growing
number of minorities affected by this law while Caucasians are seldom affected. This issue has
lead to individuals questioning the racism behind the law and its constitutionality. To find
The following literature review will discuss stop-and-frisk, its effectiveness in societies, the
why it was implemented in the first place. Frisking is a procedure done by law enforcement
dating back many years; it is when cops search a suspect for concealed weapons and other
illegal objects. Prior to the stop-and-frisk law, this was a regular procedure for cops after they
arrested a suspect to insure they did not have contraband that could potentially harm other
Stop-and-frisk 2
cops or inmates. The new stop-and-frisk law changed the way that people would view
frisking, shifting it from a legal justified means for safety against criminals to an unjustified
search of a citizen.
Stop-and-frisk was first implemented in New York State; it was used as a method to deter
locals from carrying illegal objects that they believed would subsequently lower the crime
rates. According to an article written by Alex Elkins Tellingly, stop-and-frisk did not
become a thing, hyphenated and conjoined, until 1964, the year New York State passed the
countrys first law under that name (Elkins). Citizens did not initially think of the law as
racist until the Terry v. Ohio case shifted public opinion. The case was surrounded around the
investigation of a detective who stopped three black men who he thought were suspicious.
Although they were not doing anything illegal at the time, they were stopped, and the cop
found two pistols and arrested them. The ruling of this case angered minorities because the
court upheld the principles underlying stop-and-search policing, and determined that the
threshold for a stop-and frisk was an officers reasonable and articulable suspicion not
probable cause that a person was involved in crime was armed (Elkins). From that moment
forward the world saw that it was cops own idea of a suspicious person that determined
who would be stopped and searched. Looking at the origin of the idea and the policy
America has today for stop-and frisk, American citizens see the rise of profiling and the
Stop-and-Frisk has caused a divide amongst minorities who believe their civil rights are
compromised under the law and non-minorities who do not believe in the inequalities of the law.
In order to end the inequality debate, however, the researcher must first look at past statistics that
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quantify racial differences. Research done by Joseph Ferrandino found that Of the 532,881
stops recorded by the NYPD in 2012, 53% were black while 31% were Hispanic, representing
similar proportions to their Rikers Island population (Ferrandino). Looking at these results one
might side with the non-minority perspective, arguing that stop and searches are not based on
physical appearance but rather the consistent criminal activity amongst the minority group. These
statistics bring into question the validity of the claim that stop-and-frisk is racially bias as it
shows that although blacks and Hispanics are arrested more, they are also sent to jail just as
much; this information suggests that searches of minorities were actually warranted because they
Research has also been found that challenges the idea that stop-and-frisk is not targeted at
certain individuals. Researcher Joseph Ferrandino wrote in a scholarly journal article While
minorities are more frequently stopped and frisked, whites are as likely to be arrested and were
more likely to have contraband or weapons except guns (Ferrandino). Since White Americans
are just as likely to have weapons as minorities, one must wonder why blacks and Hispanics are
To test the theory that minorities are stopped more than Caucasians, a survey was given
in March at an urban predominately black and Hispanic school (Schenectady High School) and a
suburban predominantly white school (Niskayuna High School). The study was surrounded
around Black, White, and Hispanic male and females. In this study twelve students, eight from
the urban school (4 black and 4 Hispanic) and 4 from the suburban school (all white), were
asked, Have you ever been stopped and searched by a cop when you hadnt done anything
illegal. The study found that 75% (3 of 4) of the black students had been stopped and searched
by police officers when they had not done anything illegal; of these 3 students, 25% (1 out of 4)
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admitted that drugs or a weapon were found on them. The results from the Hispanic students
were that 25% were stopped by law enforcement (1 of 4); he reported that there was no
contraband found on him. Looking at the white students surveyed, 25% or (1 out of 4) said they
had been stopped and searched by an officer; she reported that she did in fact have contraband on
her.
The survey supports the claim that minorities are more likely to be arrested than whites
under stop-and-frisk. Looking at the data one can see that although more African Americans and
an equal number of Hispanics reported being stopped, more Caucasian Americans were actually
caught with illegal objects. It relates back to the statistics above, which show the large difference
80%
60%
40%
20%
0%
Caucasian Black Hispanic
Some argue that stop-and-frisk does not discriminate or target certain individuals, and
some argue the contrary. According to a book written by David Rudovsky It determined that
African-Americans were stopped six times more frequently than whites(Rudovsky). This means
that for every one white person stopped, six black people were stopped. Supporters of stop-and-
frisk would argue that this is because blacks are more likely to commit crimes but based on the
number of blacks arrested each year the theory cannot be true; Stops without reasonable
Stop-and-frisk 5
suspicion indeed seemed to be weaker, in that only 1 in 29 of these stops led to arrests,
compared to 1 of 7 stops with reasonable suspicions (Gelman, Fagan, Kiss 816). According to
this journal the majority of the arrests were of minorities. This disproves the claim that stop-and-
frisk is not targeted at certain individuals because even though they found nothing and made no
arrests when stopping minorities they continued the pattern of arresting them. This revelation
goes to show that even though minorities continue to prove that they dont partake in
suspicious activity, they will still be seen as suspicious individuals to police. When looking
at the areas targeted by stop-and-frisk, society sees a high concentration of stops in minority
2012, District 1 has consistently listed as one of the top-ranked areas in terms of volumes of
police stops(Rengifo and Slocum). This suggests that not only are minorities targeted, but also
Stop-and-frisk is known for its aggressive approaches on policing, this poses the question
of whether or not it is actually effective. Following President Donald Trumps statement that
Stop-and Frisk lowered crime rates, CNN decided to look into its effectiveness. What they
found was that the number of stops in the New York area had drastically increased the number
of stops in the city rose dramatically from 97,296 in 2002 to 685,724 in 2011 (Holmes). These
statistics suggest that more stops were done as a defense against lowering crime rates, however,
CNN found results that suggested the contrary. The number of homicides did not fall in
proportion to the soaring number of stops, dropping from 587 in 2002 to 515 in 2011. Moreover,
the NYClU also found that in the more than 5 million stops between 2002 and 2013, guns were
found in only.2% of cases (Holmes). What this proves is that not only are stops not drastically
Stop-and-frisk 6
improving crime rates but they also are not resulting in the prevention of contraband; this brings
into question a cops judgment of suspicious activity because they seldom stop actual criminals
or citizens breaking the law. Supporters argue that while stop-and-frisk did not drastically lower
crime rates, not using it wouldve raised crime rates drastically; current statistics prove this
theory to be false. Christina Sterbenz from the Business Insider found that As a whole crime in
those categories fell 7.95% from 2013 to 2016. And that decrease happened while stops carried
out under stop-and-frisk decreased as well (Sterbenz). If crimes decreased when stop-and-frisk
decreased one can deduce that the policy actually had no effect on crime rates. Looking at past
and present statistics one could argue that stop-and-frisk does very little to lower crime rates.
Conclusion
When stop-and-frisk was first implemented, law enforcement had all the right intentions
in lowering crime rates. They had a vision that if they stopped and arrested individuals partaking
in illegal activity then they could deter communities from committing crimes. Sadly, the country
has seen the exact opposite happen. In previous years America has seen that stop-and-frisk is
blatantly directed at certain individuals, most of which, are minorities. Although minorities
continue to remove themselves from criminal situations, they still find themselves being pulled
over and frisked just like any other criminal. Stop-and-frisk is racially prejudice and infringes on
the civil rights of certain individuals. A step towards outlawing stop-and-frisk is a step towards
Work Cited
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https://www.jacobinmag.com/2015/05/stop-and-frisk-dragnet-ferguson-baltimore. Accessed
14 March 2017
Ferrandino, Joseph. "Minority Threat Hypothesis and NYPD Stop and Frisk Policy." Criminal
Gelman, Andrew, Jeffrey Fagan, and Alex Kiss. "An Analysis of the New York City Police
the American Statistical Association, vol. 102, no. 479, 2007, pp. 813-823,
doi:10.1198/016214506000001040.
Holmes, Steven. Reality Check: Was stop-and -frisk effective.CNN, 22 Sept. 2016
http://www.cnn.com/2016/09/22/politics/reality-check-stop-and-frisk/ accessed
6 March 2017
New York City: Conceptualizing Local Conditions and Correlates." Criminal Justice Policy
Rudovsky, David. Breaking the Pattern of Racial Profiling: When Law Enforcement Officers make
Sterbenz, Christina. Donald Trump claims stop-and-frisk had a very,very big impact on New
York Citys crime-heres what data really says. Business Insider, 27 Sept. 2016,
http://www.businessinsider.com/donald-trump-stop-and-frisk-debate-2016-9 . Accessed 27
Feb. 2017
Stop-and-frisk 8