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Gender and Society in the Digital Age

Bailey, Steeves, Burkell and Regan (2013) explain that when internet use initially became
more widespread, it was hypothesised that the online environment would provide a forum
in which stereotypical definitions about gender would be replaced by new narratives as
people could go online and write for themselves what it means to be either male and
female. This was supposed to lead to a wider definition of being male or female which could
challenge gender stereotypes. There was also the idea that the anonymous nature of
online interactions would have an equalising effect on men and women (Herring, 2000 &
Flanagan 1999). These opinions saw the digital age as providing a greater voice and
empowerment to women who could experience less gender constraints in online
environments.

Unfortunately online environments, such as social networking sites (SNS) are rife with
particular themes surrounding gender and profiles typically incorporate elements taken
from typical gender stereotypes prevalent today (Bailey et al, 2013). Research suggests that
there is pressure for people to emphasise gender stereotypes in online environments
(Oberst, Renau, Chamarro & Carbonell, 2016). This may be because while social networking
sites offer people a way to create their identity according to how they ideally see
themselves and wish to be perceived, online identities are also influenced by the fact that
participants recognise that a certain type of self-exposure is valued as a form of social
capital which other users will respond to with likes and comments (Oberst et al, 2016).
Users believe their online profile will facilitate social success and feel pressure to conform to
social expectations about presenting gender online (Bailey et al, 2013).

A predominant online stereotype today depicts a brand of girl who is focussed on the type
and standard of appearance that the media imposes and takes selfies to promote her
sexual attractiveness (Bailey, Steeves, Burkell & Regan, 2013). This stereotype, influenced
by celebrity culture, informs girls that they should be attractive, active on the social scene,
emotional and in a heterosexual relationship (Bailey et al, 2013). In fact, SNS are now
littered with profiles inspired by this stereotype. During their study on gender stereotypes
in online environments, Bailey et al (2013) found only 1 profile that deviated from the 1500
others which all contained elements of this stereotype.

These stereotypes particularly impact teenage girls who flock to SNS which include
advertising on their pages entrenched with images containing this stereotype (Bailey et al,
2013). Oberst et al (2016) note that gender roles become increasingly valued in adolescence
before becoming less important in adulthood which makes adolescents susceptible to the
impact that online gender stereotypes can have on identity, reputation and self esteem.
Young people are now known to portray themselves online in a way that is
misrepresentative by changing their appearance using applications such as Photoshop. It is
documented that when young people misrepresent themselves online this has the effect of
lowering their self esteem (Oberst et al, 2016). Profiles which are more androgynous are
associated with higher self-esteem and better wellbeing which aligns with studies on
gender and wellbeing in offline contexts (Oberst et al, 2016).

Although gender is highlighted in SNS to illustrate online identities, gender differences


disadvantage females in online environments (Herring, 200o). Herring (2000) points out
that tendencies developed through gender socialisation are carried into online
conversations. Researchers on gender and technology have found that males are more
likely to try to start and end conversations, make claims appear as facts, type wordy posts
and swear and be aggressive online. Contrarily, women attempt to justify their claims, post
shorter messages, are more polite and give moral support to other users. Herring (2000)
believes these behaviours align with typical behaviours exhibited by many (but not all) men
and women that are developed through gender socialisation.

Gender differences also lead to inequality in the online environment. In forums, males
dominate conversations, womens opinions are less common and women receive fewer
responses to their posts (Herring, 2000). Herring (2000) posits that the way men strongly
assert their opinions puts women off participating online because women are concerned
with politeness and social harmony. At the same time, men find the polite and supportive
ways women express themselves as a waste of space, or intended to censor discussions.
These conflicting behaviours, originating from differing core values, create tension
between male and female users. Unfortunately, there are limited ways to prohibit poor
behaviour online and aggressive behaviours dominate in online communities.

Herring (2000) mentions that, at the same time that this research began emerging, the
media was reporting that women were being targeted by sexual deception, harassment
and bullying online. While not all males behave this way, Herring (2000) believes that
gender predicts particular online behaviour with higher than chance regularity when
considered over mass populations of users.

Herring (2000) brings up the point that anonymity can lead to a reduced sense of
accountability, making it easier for users to become aggressive and harmful to others.
Herring (2000) mentions that even when people are anonymous, their discursive style
reveals their gender, preventing gender anonymity. Interestingly, politeness indicated
gender. Because women have learned that being polite and valuing relationships is a
significant aspect of their gender style, politeness is expressed online. In a study by
Flanagan (1999) which involved using avatars in online chat rooms and observing their
interactions, it was found that female avatars were subject to more gender related
questions and inappropriate private messages. The study found that harassing language
(both sexual and violent) was highly targeted at the female avatars.

References:
Bailey, J., Burkel, J., Steeves, V., Regan, P. (2013). Negotiating with gender stereotypes on
social networking sites: From bicycle face to Facebook. Journal of Communication
Inquiry 37, 91-112.
Bessant, J. & Watts, R. (2002). Sociology Australia. St Leonards: Allen and Unwin.
Flanagan, M. (1999). Practicing stereotypes: Exploring gender stereotypes online.
Herring, S. (2000). Gender differences in CMC: Findings and implications. Computer
Professionals for Social Responsibility Journal 18.1.
Jackson, S. (1999). Families, households and domestic life. In E. Taylor (Eds) Sociology:
Issues and Debates., Macmillan: London.

McLennan, G., McManus, R. & Spoonley, P. (2010). Exploring Society: Sociology for New
Zealand Students (3rd ed.). Pearson: Auckland.
Oberst, U., Renau, V., Chamarro, A & Carbonell, X. (2016). Gender stereotypes in Facebook
profiles: Are women more female online? Computers in Human Behavior 60, 559-
564.

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