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Ariel admits that there is a problem to the concept of “state” itself. He uses
Weber’s definition: “a system of authority that has legitimate monopoly over
institutionalized violence in a given territory”. He modifies the term with the neo-
Marxist concept on hegemony plus an international aspect, such as the US-
backed Indonesian Military during the New Order era.
Ariel also points out that state terrorism happens not only in communist, socialist
and authoritarian states. Even the states professing “liberal democracy”, including
the United States, also do it, especially since the 1980s. The differences lie only
in scope, intensity, duration and style.
But, State Terrorism… speaks of the Indonesian case. During the New Order
days, various groups of people in society had become victims, like thugs (the
case of mysterious killings during the 1980s) and Muslim groups (the cases of
Woyla, Tanjung Priok and Talangsari). However, the longest-lasting and most-
intensive terrorism was against those considered to be involved in the 1965
event.
It started with the massacre of half a million people (according to the author,
about 1 million) and the detention of hundreds of thousands of other people,
revocation of the passports of Indonesian citizens abroad after 1965, banishment
to Buru Island (1969-1979), followed with the imposition of stigmas on the 1965
victims and their families. In 1981, the Ministry of Home Affairs issued a
regulation banning them and their families from becoming civil servants, military,
policemen and other strategic positions in society.
This book shows the author’s mastery of modern theories and profound analytical
ability even though there is an impression that he has been extremely careful in
drawing conclusions. At least two aspects can be further discussed, namely the
link between terrorism and support from community groups, and connection
between terrorism and capitalism.
In the 1965 case, state terrorism was carried out not only by the apparatus, but
was also supported by community groups. They became the “doers” in the 1965
event, although they also became “victims” in subsequent periods. The root of the
conflict can be traced to the periods following Indonesia’s independence (the
1948 Madiun affair, political rivalry in the 1955 general elections, the PKI’s
arbitrary actions, and so on). In Aceh, General Ishak Juarsa asked Muslim clerics
for opinions following the outbreak of the G30S (September 30, 1965 abortive
communist coup). Aceh Muslim clerics issued an edict that “communism is
unlawful and members of the [communist] party are infidels” (Tgk Abdullah Ujong
Rimba’s paper 1965). A similar edict was also issued by Muhammadiyah in
November 1965 (Hasan Ambary’s working paper 2001).
In short, this is a book which can be used as a sample of the balance between
modern social theories and empirical analysis in studying an event that has
changed Indonesia’s history.
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