Deviant Behavior

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The Effect of Religion on Risky Sexual Behavior

among College Students

Leslie Gordon Simons , Callie Harbin Burt & F. Ryan Peterson

To cite this article: Leslie Gordon Simons , Callie Harbin Burt & F. Ryan Peterson (2009) The
Effect of Religion on Risky Sexual Behavior among College Students, Deviant Behavior, 30:5,
467-485, DOI: 10.1080/01639620802296279

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Published online: 21 May 2009.

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Deviant Behavior, 30: 467485, 2009
Copyright # Taylor & Francis Group, LLC
ISSN: 0163-9625 print=1521-0456 online
DOI: 10.1080/01639620802296279

the effect of religion on risky

sexual behavior among college
students

Leslie Gordon Simons

Department of Child and Family Development,
University of Georgia, Athens, Georgia, USA

Callie Harbin Burt

Department of Sociology, University of
Massachusetts, Amherst, Massachusetts, USA
F. Ryan Peterson
Department of Educational Leadership and
Human Development, Central Missouri State
University, Warrensburg, Missouri, USA
This study focuses on the mechanisms whereby
religiosity influences adolescent involvement in
risky sexual behavior. The study hypotheses were
tested using structural equation modeling with a
sample of approximately 2,100 undergraduates
enrolled at two large state universities. Religious
respondents reported a more conservative view of
the circumstances under which sexual behavior is
acceptable. This conservative perspective on sex
was associated with older age at first intercourse
and an increased likelihood that first intercourse
was with a fiance or spouse. Both of these
outcomes, in turn, reduced the probability of

Received 29 November 2007; accepted 29 April 2008.

Address correspondence to Leslie Gordon Simons, Department of Child and Family
Development, 123 Dawson Hall, University of Georgia, Athens, GA 30602, USA. E-mail:
lgsimons@uga.edu

467
468 L. Gordon Simons et al.

having had a large number of subsequent sexual

partners. In addition, there was a strong direct
association between sexually permissive attitudes
and a greater number of sexual partners. While
these findings held for both males and females, we
also found several sex differences. For example,
negative feelings about first intercourse predicted
an increased number of sexual partners for females,
but was unrelated to number of partners for males.
Although there are a variety of influences in the lives of
adolescents (e.g., peers, media), the family remains the pri-
mary agent of socialization. Religion is one mechanism by
which families socialize their offspring. Parents often use
religion as a context for teaching important messages about
values and for setting behavior standards. This article
focuses on the extent to which religion influences adoles-
cent risky sexual behaviors and identifies mediating
mechanisms in the relationship between religion and sexual
behavior.
Research on religion, including studies by family scholars,
has focused on the social control function it provides for
individuals and society (Baier and Wright 2001; Durkheim
1951; Sherkat and Ellison 1999; Simons et al. 2004; Weber
1958). To the extent that religion serves this purpose, one
might expect that religious adolescents would be less
inclined to engage in delinquent activities and risky sexual
behavior than their less religious peers. Overall, social scien-
tific research supports this hypothesis. A recent meta-analysis
of 60 studies published between 1969 and 1998 indicated
that religious beliefs and behaviors exert at least a moderate
deterrent effect on delinquent and criminal behavior (Baier
and Wright 2001). Additionally, several studies have
reported that religious adolescents are less likely to engage
in risky sexual behavior (Baier and Wright 2001; Brewster
et al. 1998; Meier 2003; Rostosky et al. 2004). Researchers
usually define risky sex as including early sexual debut,
having many sexual partners, and low rate of condom use
(Bond et al. 2002; Krantz et al. 2002; Metzler et al. 1992).
The present study focuses on the first two of these sexual
behaviors.
According to a recent meta-analysis of 530 studies from
1943 to 1999, age at first intercourse for males has declined
 Effect of Religion on Risky College Sexual Behavior 469

from an average age of 18.2 years in the mid-1960s to 15.1

years in the late 1990s (Wells and Twenge 2005). During the
same period, the average age for females declined from 18.5
years to 15.2 years. Importantly, early sexual debut is asso-
ciated with increased risk for acquiring sexually transmitted
infection and an unplanned pregnancy (Barber and Axinn
1998; Haffner 1997; Zabin and Hayward 1993). Both of
these undesired results have immediate and long-term con-
sequences for an adolescent. Further, age at sexual debut is
a strong predictor of number of subsequent premarital sex
partners (Niccolai et al. 2004 ). Past research has established
that number of sexual partners, like early sexual debut, has a
strong association with risk for exposure to sexually trans-
mitted infection and an unplanned pregnancy (Barber and
Axinn 1998; Zabin and Hayward 1993). Indeed, much of
the relationship between early sexual debut and these two
negative outcomes may be because of its association with
an increased number of sexual partners.
Given the high rate of adolescent sex and the potential
negative consequences of such behavior, there has been
increased interest in identifying factors that may contribute
to delayed sexual debut and a reduction in number of part-
ners during adolescence. The National Campaign to Prevent
Teen Pregnancy identified attachment to religious institu-
tions as one of the antecedents to reduce sexual risk taking
(Kirby 1999). Findings from that research indicate that sexual
activity is delayed if an individual is religious, if a family
emphasizes religion, or if the greater community has a focus
on religion. According to data from the National Study of
Youth and Religion (NSYR), most adolescents indicate that
religious faith is important in their lives (Smith 2005). Such
findings suggest the importance of studying religion as a
deterrent to risky sexual behavior among teens.
The present study is an attempt to extend past research by
investigating the mechanisms whereby religiosity influences
sexual debut and number of sexual partners. Toward this
end, we examine the contribution of three potentially med-
iating variables: attitudes about sexual permissiveness, nat-
ure of the relationship with the first sexual partner, and
feelings experienced after first intercourse. Each of these
factors is expected to mediate a portion of the relationship
between religiosity and risky sexual behavior.
470 L. Gordon Simons et al.

HYPOTHESIZED MODEL
Past research that has examined the influence of religiosity
on adolescent sex finds that religious individuals have first
sex at a later age than their less religious peers (Brewster
et al. 1998; Lammers et al. 2000; Rostosky et al. 2004).
Similarly, studies indicate that the number of sex partners
decreases as religiosity increases (Jones et al. 2005). The
present study employs a social control perspective to for-
mulate a model of the mechanisms whereby religion
achieves this effect. A social control perspective assumes
that social institutions such as family, school, and religion
promote attachments and values that are consistent with
conventional behavior. Family, schools, and religion are
examples of institutions that exercise social control
because they socialize members to adopt the norms and
values of the group. Individuals abide by these norms
and values because they are bonded to the agents of socia-
lization and they do not want to jeopardize the bonds or to
risk being sanctioned by the group (Hirschi 1969; Sampson
and Laub 1993). Over time those norms and values
become internalized and the social control mechanism is
self-sustaining.
Thus, the impact of religion on sexual behavior is largely a
function of the values that it imparts. From a religious per-
spective, these values include the view that sex is reserved
for marriage and should take place within the context of a
loving, committed relationship. From the perspective of
most religions, these principles are seen as divinely
ordained while behavior that violates them is considered
immoral. We test the idea that this conservative view of
sex influences the age sexual intercourse first occurs, with
whom first sexual intercourse occurs, and how the person
feels about their first experience with sexual intercourse.
We expect that these variables, in turn, influence number
of sexual partners. The ideas are depicted in the path model
in Figure 1.
Based on the social control ideas just discussed, the figure
suggests that the effect of religion on sexual behavior is
largely through its impact on beliefs about when and with
whom sex is appropriate. The model indicates that
religiously committed individuals possess less permissive
 Effect of Religion on Risky College Sexual Behavior 471

FIGURE 1 Theoretical Model.

attitudes regarding sex. Several studies have reported support

for this relationship (Meier 2003; Thornton and Camburn
1987). We expect that these attitudes influence all of the
other endogenous variables in the model.
First, the model suggests that there will be an inverse rela-
tionship between level of sexual permissiveness and age at
first intercourse. And, the model posits that low sexual per-
missiveness increases the likelihood that when sex first
occurs, it will be with a marital partner or fiance (Rostosky
et al. 2004). Further, the model depicts a positive relation-
ship between sexual permissiveness and positive feelings
following first intercourse. We expect that those with conser-
vative attitudes are more apt to experience guilt and regret
following first intercourse than those with more permissive
views (Davidson et al. 2004). We expect, however, that feel-
ings following first intercourse are also influenced by age and
the nature of the relationship within which it occurred. The
older a person is when they first have intercourse the better
they are likely to feel about the experience, as the general
culture suggests that sex is more acceptable in late adoles-
cence and may be even part of normal human development
and maturation (DeLamater 1989). And, individuals who first
have sex within a committed relationship are expected to
have more positive feelings following the event than those
whose experience involved a more casual partner (Houts
2005).
472 L. Gordon Simons et al.

Finally, we expect that all of these variables exert an

impact on number of sexual partners. First, as noted earlier,
several studies have shown that age at first intercourse has a
strong inverse association with number of partners (White
and DeBlassie 1992). Second, number of subsequent part-
ners is expected to be greater when sexual debut occurs in
an uncommitted relationship. Third, sexually permissive
attitudes are likely to be associated with an increased
number of sexual partners. Finally, we expect that negative
feelings following first intercourse will be associated with a
larger number of partners.
Although this latter prediction may seem counter-intuitive,
we believe there are several reasons for expecting this
association. Persons who feel guilt and regret following first
intercourse may begin to make less responsible choices
regarding sex (Baier and Wright 2001). Further, as posited
in our model, a positive first sexual experience usually
occurs within a committed sexual relationship. Thus, persons
who feel positive about their sexual debut are likely to view
sex as part of an intimate, trusting relationship. This perspec-
tive is contrary to having casual sex with a number of part-
ners. Finally, it may be that individuals whose first sexual
episode is disappointing either seek out additional partners
in an attempt to have a more satisfying experience, or their
initial disheartening sexual encounter leads them to view
sex as a rather meaningless or insignificant act that can be
treated in a cavalier fashion.
Past research has reported that high religiosity influences
the sexual behavior of females more than males (Rostosky
et al. 2003). This suggests that the various paths posited in
our model may be more evident for females. We test our
model separately for males and females in order to examine
this possibility.

METHODS
Sample
Data were collected from 2,108 undergraduates enrolled in
sociology courses at two large state universities during the
20012002 academic year. Questions focused on family
of origin, current and past relationship experiences, and
 Effect of Religion on Risky College Sexual Behavior 473

attitudes and behaviors regarding sex, marriage, substance

use, and religion. Pencil and paper surveys were adminis-
tered and, due to the personal nature of some items, comple-
tion of the survey was proctored like an exam. Participation
was voluntary and there were no identifiers on the survey
instrument. Virtually all students present on the day the sur-
vey was administered agreed to participate. This consisted of
791 males and 1,317 females. Complete data were available
for 602 males and 1,010 females. Seventy-five percent of the
sample indicated that their parents were married to each
other. When asked to identify their religious preference,
789 respondents (37.3%) indicated that they were Protestant,
529 respondents (25%) stated they were Catholic, 7 respon-
dents (.3%) reported being Jewish, 569 respondents (27%)
selected other, and 217 respondents (10%) indicated no reli-
gious preference. We suspect that a large portion of the
respondents who selected other may be Protestants
but either did not recognize that term or were specifically
looking for their Protestant denomination. Because the
response format did not allow for that choice, many may
have chosen other.
Measures
Religiosity
Religion is expected to influence an individuals behavior to
the extent that religious belief and faith serves as a source of
meaning and inspiration in ones everyday life. Consistent
with this notion, researchers have found that questions that
focus upon the importance or salience of religion in ones
everyday life are almost always related to involvement in
delinquency and other types of deviant behavior (Baier and
Wright 2001). Based on this literature, religiosity was
assessed in the present study with the following question:
What is the influence of religion on your daily life? The
response format ranged from 1 (none) to 5 (very influential).
Sexually Permissive Attitudes
This construct was assessed using Reisss 5-item Sexual
Permissiveness Scale (Reiss 1967). Respondents are asked
to indicate how strongly they agree (1 strongly disagree,
5 strongly agree) that sexual intercourse is acceptable on
474 L. Gordon Simons et al.

a first date, when casually dating, in an exclusive relation-

ship for more than one year, engaged to be married, or
married. Cronbachs alpha for this scale was .86.
First Sex Partner
Respondents were asked, With whom did you first
have sexual intercourse? Response choices were: have
never had intercourse, spouse after marriage, fiance, steady
dating partner, or casual acquaintance. Respondents who
indicated that they had never experienced sexual intercourse
were excluded from further analyses. Items were coded so
that a high score indicated a more casual or distant relation-
ship with the first partner.
Feelings about First Intercourse
Respondents were asked to indicate how they felt about their
first experience with intercourse. Possible responses were: very
regretful, somewhat regretful, moderately happy, or very
happy.
Age at First Intercourse
Respondents were asked to indicate their age at the time of
their first experience with intercourse.
Number of Premarital Sex Partners
Respondents were asked to indicate the number of
partners with whom they had had sexual intercourse.

RESULTS
When asked about the importance of religion, almost 78% of
the students indicated that religion had a moderate, high, or
very strong influence on their daily lives, whereas only 4%
responded that religion had no influence. This pattern is
similar to that reported in the NSYR, which found 82% and
7%, respectively (Smith 2005). Notably, the influence of reli-
gion in our sample was significantly greater for females than
males (v2(df) 29.7(4); p < .001). Females were more likely to
state that religion played a very strong role in their lives than
males (17% vs. 11%); conversely, religion had no influence
on the lives of 6% of the males compared to only 3% of
females. Not surprisingly, males attitudes toward sexual
 Effect of Religion on Risky College Sexual Behavior 475

intercourse were significantly more permissive than females

(t 13.1; p < .001).
Turning to the respondents sexual behaviors, we found
that a majority (72.9%) first experienced intercourse with a
steady dating partner. Moreover, this percentage was sig-
nificantly higher for females (78.6%) than males (63.3%;
v2(df) 44.5(1); p < .001). The percentage of males who first
had intercourse with a causal partner was double the per-
centage for females (33.7% vs. 16.85%), and this difference
was statistically significant (v2(df) 59.2; p < .001). The
modal age range in which these respondents initially
engaged in sexual intercourse was 15 to 17 years; there were
no significant gender differences in this measure. Among
both males and females, 1% were 12 years or younger, 7%
were 13 to 14 years of age, almost 51% were between 15
to 17 years of age, and 41% were 18 years or older at first
intercourse.
Substantial gender differences emerged in the respondents
reports of their feelings about their first sexual intercourse,
with males having significantly more positive feelings than
females (v2(df) 87.2(3); p < .001). Illustratively, more than
33% of females indicated that they felt very regretful or
somewhat regretful about their sexual debut, compared
to 25% of males. In the same vein, more than 42% of the
males reported that they felt very happy about their first
intercourse, whereas only 22% of females reporting this
response. Despite the gender divergence in feelings about
their first sexual experience, the distribution of males and
females across number of sexual partners was similar.
Slightly less than 1% reported having had only one partner,
30% reported two partners, and 17.5% reported three
partners. The remaining half of the sample was split evenly,
with one quarter having had 35 sexual partners, and the
other quarter reporting 6 or more partners.
Table 1 presents the means, standard deviations, and
correlation matrices separated for the study variables. The
coefficients for females are below the diagonal whereas
those for males are above the diagonal. Most all of the cor-
relations in the table are statistically significant and in the
expected direction. For both males and females, religiosity
shows a negative association with sexually permissive atti-
tudes, relational distance with first partner, positive feelings
476 L. Gordon Simons et al.

TABLE 1. Correlation Matrix for Study Variables by Gendera

Males

1 2 3 4 5 6 Mean Std. Dev.

1. Religious
.38
.03 .01
.16
.08 1.98 1.02

Influence
2. Sexually
.39 .19
.08 .31 .33 14.78 3.45
Permissive
Attitudes
3. Relational
.16 .26
.10
.23 .32 3.30 .54
Distance 1st
Partner
4. Age at 1st .08
.18
.13
.02
.39 3.30 .67
Intercourse
5. Positive
.11 .17
.24 .10 .04 3.10 .94
Feelings about
1st Sex
6. Number of
.10 .39 .30
.47
.21 3.48 1.21
Sexual Partners
Females Mean 2.21 12.34 3.11 3.34 2.66 3.41
Females Std. Dev. .98 2.98 .48 .64 .97 1.17

Note: Female N 1010; Male N 602;  p  .01;  p  .001.

a
Correlation coefficients for females are located below the diagonal, while
those for males are presented above the diagonal.

about first intercourse, and number of sex partners. Religios-

ity is positively associated with age at first intercourse for
females, but not for males. For both sexes less relational dis-
tance (i.e., greater intimacy with first partner) is associated
with more positive feelings about first intercourse, which,
in turn, is inversely associated with number of sexual part-
ners. Finally, permissive sexual attitudes are associated with
positive feelings about first intercourse and number of sexual
partners. Overall, this pattern of zero-order correlations is
consistent with the theoretical arguments made earlier.
We used structural equation modeling (SEM) with
observed constructs using AMOS 5.0 to test for the mediating
processes posited in Figure 1. Utilizing SEM has several
advantages over other path analytic approaches. First, SEM
allows for the inclusion of latent error terms into the
 Effect of Religion on Risky College Sexual Behavior 477

structural model, which represent both the effects of vari-

ables omitted from the model and measurement error. Addi-
tionally, the fit of the structural model to the covariance
matrix can be assessed using various indices of fit. Here
we evaluate model fit using chi-square tests, the comparative
fit index (CFI), which reflects the degree to which the sample
variances and covariances are reproduced by the hypothe-
sized model structure (Bentler 1990). CFI values range from
0 (the worst fit) to 1, and values above .90 indicate accepta-
ble fit. The root mean square error of approximation (RMSEA)
ranges from 0 to infinity, and values less than .05 indicate
good fit (Browne and Cudeck 1993; Steiger 1990). Both the
CFI and RMSEA are sensitive to model misspecification and
are minimally affected by sample size (Hu and Bentler 1995).
We used the model stacking procedure to test for differ-
ences in SEM results males versus females (Bollen 1989).
We compared two models: a restricted model, in which all
estimated parameters were required to be equal across males
and females, and a non-restricted model, in which these
parameter estimates were allowed to differ across the two
groups. Model comparison tests demonstrated that the non-
restricted model fit the data better than the restricted model
(Dv2(Ddf) 41.74(14); p < .001). This indicated that the struc-
tural model is different for males and females. In order to
determine which paths were significantly different, we tested
for the significance in v2 between models that constrained
relationships to be identical for males and females to those
that allowed specific relationships to vary between the two
groups. We found significant gender differences for seven
of the fourteen paths.
The reduced models obtained after deleting insignificant
paths are shown in Figures 2 and 3. All coefficients in the
models are standardized and are significant at p < .05. Figure
2 presents the reduced model for females. The asterisks on
the coefficients in the model indicate paths that are signifi-
cantly different than those for males. The figure indicates that
religiosity exerts most of its effect through sexual permissive-
ness. Sexual permissiveness increases relational distance
with first partner (b .23) and decreases age at first
intercourse (b
.18). Relational distance and age at first
intercourse, in turn, exert both a direct effect on number
of sexual partners (b .13 and
.37, respectively) and an
478 L. Gordon Simons et al.

FIGURE 2 Reduced Structural Model for Females (n 1010).

FIGURE 3 Reduced Structural Model for Males (n 602).

 Effect of Religion on Risky College Sexual Behavior 479

indirect effect through feelings about first intercourse. Religi-

osity reduces the probability of this chain of events taking
place as it shows a strong negative association with sexual
permissiveness (b
.39). Indeed, all of the effect of religios-
ity on age at first intercourse is indirect through sexual per-
missiveness and almost all of the effect of religiosity on
number of partners is indirect through this variable. There
remains only a very small association of .06 between religi-
osity and number of partners after the indirect effects are
taken into account. Our tests using both the delta and
bootstrapping methods indicated that the indirect effects of
religiosity through sexual permissiveness on age at first
intercourse and number of sexual partners are statistically
significant (p < .01).
The results for males are presented in Figure 3. Consistent
with the findings for females, religiosity has an indirect effect
on relational distance with first partner through sexual per-
missiveness. Relational distance, in turn, has an impact on
number of partners (b .24). Further, religiosity influences
age at first intercourse through sexual permissiveness, with
age at first intercourse, in turn, influencing number of part-
ners (b
.34). Finally, in addition to its indirect influences
through relational distance and age at first intercourse, sex-
ual permissiveness shows a direct effect on number of
partners (b .26).
Although these findings are consonant with those found
for females, there is also evidence of several sex differences.
First, the effect of sexual permissiveness on both relational
distance and age at first intercourse is stronger for females
than males. Second, contrary to the findings for females,
age at first intercourse has no effect on a males feelings
about the event. And, while relational distance influences
feelings about first intercourse for both males and females,
feelings about first intercourse influences number of sexual
partners for females but not males. Finally, although rela-
tional distance predicts number of partners for both males
and females, the effect is significantly higher for males.

DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS

Research has shown that as the age of first sexual activity
decreases, the likelihood of acquiring a sexually transmitted
480 L. Gordon Simons et al.

disease or having an early pregnancy increases (Barber and

Axinn 1998; Zabin and Hayward 1993). Additionally, the
younger the age at which intercourse is first experienced,
the greater the number of subsequent premarital sex part-
ners (Niccolai et al. 2004). And, the more sex partners a
person has the greater the likelihood that he or she will
acquire a sexually transmitted infection or experience an
unexpected pregnancy (Barber and Axinn 1998; Haffner
1997). Further, studies have reported a strong positive cor-
relation between number of premarital sex partners and
both extramarital sex and divorce (Teachman 2003; White
et al. 2000). Thus, early sexual debut and multiple premar-
ital sexual partners can potentially launch an adolescent on
a troublesome life course trajectory of cumulative disadvan-
tage (e.g., acquisition of a sexually transmitted infection,
unplanned pregnancy, and marital instability). It is because
of these possible negative outcomes that adolescent sexual
behavior is a major focus for the general population as well
as for policymakers, practitioners, and researchers.
Findings from the present study indicate that in large mea-
sure religion influences sexual behavior through its impact
on sexual attitudes. We found religious adolescents to be
committed to a more conservative view of the circumstances
under which sexual behavior is acceptable. In general, they
were much more likely than their non-religious counterparts
to believe that sex should only take place with a fiance or
marital partner. This more conservative perspective on sex
was associated with an older age at first intercourse and an
increased likelihood that first intercourse was with a fiance
or spouse. Both of these outcomes, in turn, reduced the prob-
ability of having had a large number of subsequent sexual
partners. Further, sexual attitudes showed a direct effect on
number of partners in addition to its indirect effect through
age at first intercourse and relational distance with first
partner. Permissive attitudes about sex were strongly related
to a greater number of partners.
While these findings held for both males and females,
our results also indicated several sex differences. First, sex-
ual attitudes were more strongly related to age at first inter-
course and relational distance with first partner for females
than males. Second, for females older age at first inter-
course was associated with positive feelings about the
 Effect of Religion on Risky College Sexual Behavior 481

experience whereas there was no significant association

between these two variables for males. Finally, negative
feelings about first intercourse predicted an increased num-
ber of sexual partners for females, but was unrelated to
number of partners for males. Given the measure used to
assess negative feelings, it is unclear why more females
than males feel regret following their first experience with
sexual intercourse. Those feelings could stem from guilt
over having sex, disappointment in the sexual experience,
or some other form of emotional turmoil. While our results
indicate that females attempt to operate in a manner consis-
tent with their sexual values, this appears to be less true for
males. Conservative sexual attitudes exert only a small
impact on males age at first intercourse or on level of inti-
macy with their first partner. Further, they tend to feel posi-
tive about the experience regardless of their age at first
intercourse and any negative feelings that may follow have
no impact on their number of subsequent sexual partners.
Ostensibly, the double standard within the broader culture
regarding the sexual behavior of males and females
encourages males to take advantage of sexual opportunities
regardless of religiously derived attitudes about when sex is
legitimate. These findings also suggest that the sexual beha-
vior of the males in our sample is less a consequence of
religiously derived attitudes than it is for females. It may
be the case that males generally have a lower threshold
for initiating sexual behavior in the context of whatever
romantic relationships in which they are involved.
It should be noted, however, that the association
between relational distance with first sexual partner and
number of subsequent sexual partners is actually stronger
for males than females. This is an interesting finding as it
suggests that males, even more so than females, may
develop attitudes regarding casual sex within the context
of their initial sexual experience. They are unlikely to have
many additional partners when their first sexual experience
takes place within a committed relationship whereas they
are likely to go on to have a number of subsequent partners
if intercourse first occurs within a more distant or casual
relationship.
Although the present study went beyond prior research by
investigating the mechanisms whereby religion influences
482 L. Gordon Simons et al.

adolescent sexual behavior, there are certain limitations that

need to be acknowledged. First, the data were collected from
a convenience sample as participants were recruited from
undergraduate college classes. Second, all of our measures
were generated from self-reports and often involved retro-
spective recall of past events. Third, the data are cross-
sectional so we were not able to conduct rigorous tests
regarding the causal priorities that exist between the con-
structs in our path model. Finally, religiosity was measured
with a single item. While it would have been useful to have
data on the differential effects of a variety of religious orien-
tations, the single item measure on self-described influence
is valuable because it leaves open the question of specific
beliefs in terms of the liberal-conservative continuum.
Further, the NSYR, which has a large, nationally representa-
tive sample, found that religious faith is important to teens in
terms of shaping daily life and making major decisions
(Smith 2005). So, while a more comprehensive assessment
of religiosity would have been desirable, it should be noted
that measurement error has the effect of attenuating a vari-
ables association with other constructs. Thus, while we
found that religiosity has a strong impact on sexual attitudes
and behavior, our single-item measure undoubtedly caused
us to underestimate religions effect on these variables. Ide-
ally, future research will include a prospective design that
uses multiple reporters, includes a more comprehensive
measure of religiosity, and examines the way that these var-
ious constructs influence each other over time.
Despite these limitations, results from the present study
provide some insight regarding the manner in which religion
serves to deter risky sexual behavior. The study goes beyond
previous research by identifying mediators in the relationship
between religiosity and adolescent sexual activity.

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LESLIE GORDON SIMONS, Ph.D., is an Associate Professor of Child and Family Devel-
opment, Department of Child and Family Development, University of Georgia. Her
research focuses on the predictors and consequences of various family processes. Specifi-
cally, she addresses the ways in which parenting is associated with adolescent delinquency,
risky sexual behavior, and dating violence.
CALLIE HARBIN BURT, Ph.D., is an Assistant Professor in the Department of Sociology,
University of Massachusetts. Her research interests include criminological theory, research
methodologies, and links between family and community processes and crime.
F. RYAN PETERSON, Ph.D. is an Assistant Professor in the Department of Educational
Leadership and Human Development, University of Central Missouri. His area of speciali-
zation is sibling relationships.