The Genesis of Marxism

Author(s): LASLO SEKELJ

Source: ARSP: Archiv fr Rechts- und Sozialphilosophie / Archives for Philosophy of Law
and Social Philosophy, Vol. 74, No. 4 (1988), pp. 503-512
Published by: Franz Steiner Verlag
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 The Genesis of Marxism

BY LASLO SEKELJ, BELGRADE

The most significant long-term consquence of Lukics' book Geschichte und Klassen
bewutsein und Karl Korsch's Marxismus und Philosophie, both printed in the early
twenties concerned the legitimacy of Karl Kautsky's claim that his own work is nothing
eise but pure, unoriginal, re-interpretation of ideas of Karl Marx. These early doubts
about the degree of orthodoxy of orthodox Marxism were adequately evaluated in the
1950's, but also recently the main ideas of orthodox Marxism have found acceptance
- through the mdiation of Lenin as embodying the whole of Marxism. Marxism"
was not created by Karl Marx; Karl Kautsky was most respondible for its cration
(Blumenberg, 1962). However, Blumenberg did overemphasize Kautsky's role in the
cration of common sense Marxism. The type of Marxism which is under considra
tion here is equal to the orthodox Marxism of the Second International. Nevertheless,
it was not only during the period of the Second International that this peculiar theory
and ideology was equated with the whole of Marxism: through many gnrations
among Marxist ideologicians, theoreticians, and simply followers, as well as by Marxist
and non-Marxist scholars, the orthodox Marxism of the Second International was
accepted as the most adquate and the most legitmate interprtation of Karl Marx
thought. After the schism in the Marxist political movement over the Bolshevik notion
of the dictatorship of the proltariat - a new, mostly political agenda was added to
the entire corpus of Marxism as interpreted through the orthodox Marxism of the
Second International.
The Marxism which is here under considration is (really) a Marxist ideology
created on the basis of popular semi-theoretical works which were widely accepted as
the exclusively adquate interprtation of Marxian writings as well as the intermedia
tors between the movement's founding fathers, political theory and current praxis.
This meant that these works have had also a function of interprtation of recent praxis
and the organization's aim in light of the theoretical ideas of the founding father. The
entire corpus of orthodox Marxism is based on the following works of Friedrich En
gels: Anti-Duehring (1878), The Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State
(1884), August Bebel's Woman under Socialism (1878), and three writings of Karl
Kautsky: The Erfurter Program (1892), The Economical Thought of Karl Marx (1887)
and the article in his review Die Neue Zeit entitled "The New Program of Social-Demo
cracy in Austria" (1902). After the collapse of the Second International in 1914 and
the cration of the Communist (Third) International in 1919 this entire corpus of
orthodox Marxism was enlarged with some works of Lenin and J. V. Stalin, but with
out significant changes concerning issues not related with the dictatorship of the pro
ltariat.
One should mention the impact of these writings on the contemporaries. Anti
Duehring has been understood as a Marxist encyclopedia, Bebel's book as a widely
announced prophecy of communism: in only forty years up to 1908, 50 ditions were
printed in German and translations in almost every European language. Kautsky's
Karl Marx' konomische Lehre, translated into 16 languages and with 25 ditions in
German was studied as the best interprtation of Marxian science, and his article on

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 504 Laslo Sekelj

the role of intellectuals in the cr

served not only as a basis of lgiti
the professional revolutionaries bu
elite over the membership in the
This relationship created the factu
(Michels, 1962). Politically, the mos
corpus of orthodox Marxism was K
after re-legalisation in 1891 of th
1892). This book was considered
Marxism but also as a new Commun
turn of the Century. The significan
from 1890-1914, was also supporte
"Marxist political program" (Eng
tional". That was a model of a long
of the Second International. In som
copied the Erfurt Program. Last b
as a science as well as the pivotai r
munism fitted perfectly later on
practical aims of Soviet Marxism -
tion of orthodox Marxism with Ma
al, independently of ail political d
That orthodox Marxism was ide
following six most important stru
national and of Soviet Marxism bu
prtation of Marxism in scholarly
with the main sources are :

1) The Materialist conception of history (Engels, 1947, and Kautsky, 1887)

2) The Theory of the State (Engels, 1980)
3) The Notion of socialism as a State of a new type (Engels, 1947, and Kautsky, 1892)
4) The withering away of the state (Engels, 1947 and 1980, and Bebel, 1971)
5) The inevitability of the collapse of capitalism and of the formation of socialism
(Die Zusammenbruchstheorie) caused by objective laws of social necessity (Engels,
1947, and Kautsky, 1892)
6) The enlightenment role of the workers party in the cration of workers class con
sciousness and its function as the executioner of the crisis of capitalism (Kautsky
1892 and 1902).

Materialist conception of history and Zusammenbruchstheorie

Orthodox Marxism sees in human history the continuation of natural history. That
was a common place in the nineteenth Century science which was under the influence
of vulgar mechanistic materialism. Engels wanted to differentiate the social democracy
from this vulgar naturalistic materialism. Guided by this desire he wrote the series of
articles against the very popular philosopher Diihring. Published in 1878 as a book
under the title Anti-Duehring, this work has been identified with the totality of Marx
ism and has been considered as its encyclopedia. In Anti-Duehring one can search for

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 The Genesis of Marxism 505

and find the ready answers to all questions; but the mai
owed to the fact that the real meaning of the Engelsian
substitution of vulgar mechanistic conceptions, at that ti
socialism. A second cause of the impact of this book was
and social theory in favor of a common sense comprhe
tific Weltanschauung (Engels, 1947; 36). The dialectic
accepted as the universal theory of change and as unifo
such, this type of dialectical materialism served for Ma
quacy of historical materialism. The philosophically une
the leading theoreticians and ideologicians of social dem
Eduard Bernstein were supposed to be - saw in this wor
them, this mechanistic dialectic served as the foundatio
the advocates of socialism are the discoverers of natural
covers nature as well as society (Fetscher, 1967: 27-2
omnipotence of the natural sciences has been transferre
as well; but its cost was the rduction of Marxian philoso
Weltanschauung. In that way Engels started the process o
reason: "active social forces work exactly like natural fo
structively, so long as we do not understand and reckon
339) And that is the function of philosophy-free natural
With the knowledge of these forces of necessity Eng
same book mankind will find its freedom by applyin
fessional knowledge the objective laws of social develope
142) This means a transfer of the model of social engineer
according to mechanical laws of nature. (Engels, 1947: 33
Such a notion of historical materialism is very closely
the inevitability of the crisis of capitalism and of the n
Zusammenbruchstheorie). Literally as Zusammenbruchst
so called by Heinrich Cunow (Cunow, 1898) but the cont
gress of SPD in Erfurt, in 1891. It was part of the Erfurt
is directly linked with Engels' notion that the conflict be
productive relationships in capitalism leads to the inevit
and to the necessary emergence of socialism on the basis
1947: 3738,339) If there are some doubts in the meanin
Duehring, let me quote a key sentence from Engel's fore
Poverty of Philosophy : "Marx, therefore, never based h
this, but upon the inevitable collapse of the capitalist m
daily taking place before our eyes to an ever greater deg
The rception of Anti-Duehring among "Marxist" cont
in opposition to this naturalistic materialism as the typica
Century bourgeoise ideology but in harmonious accord wi
of the Party, Karl Kautsky's Die Neue Zeit as well as the
lished by the Publishing house of the German Social Dm
played the key role in this process. Indeed, a historical s
that the most popular literature borrowed from party spo
were the popularizations of the vulgar naturalistic m

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506 Laslo Sekelj

1611, 84, 130). On the other hand

the Weltanschauung of Karl Kauts
(Kautsky, 1895) but it is debatable
expriences (Mathias, 1957; Holzh
quasi-objective necessity of the co
the very foundation-grounds of t
national as well: Wilhelm Liebknec
towards socialism is going accordin
a common place idea in both fact
congress of unification in Gotha
Marxists". However, this idea is
the "Lassallian" program of united
in the "Marxist" Erfurt program o
Social Democracy and ipso facto in
with Marxism, it meant that the m
was transferred also to the ideolog
influenced, not indeed, on the bas
the ground of the lgitimation de
cratie Party of Germany. Such is t
the type of Marxism which is unde
the rception of popular-scientific
cerpts from works which had for
lism. (Jacoby, 1973: 115-118)
A special interest should be dev
particular conception of Marxism.
who checked and approved Anti-
himself point out (Marx, 1985: 232
Did not Marx himself as early as in
word for the second German di
Kautsky rightly argued in 1892
the inexorability of a law of natur
The answer to all questions stress
terialist conception of history has
"economic determinism" which is
been empirically proven by social
ideas such as the dtermination by
social superstructure through vario
zation of communism and for succ
there is
indeed a substantial error
Marx tili
Stalin : that Marxists hav
ly changeless social Order when it
known in human history.

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 The Genesis of Marxism 507

Socialism and the State

The Marxist theory of the State (ipso facto from orthodox Marxism as well) is in reali
ty Engels' notion of the State in The Origin of the Family, Private Property and the
State. Its main characteristic is the transposition of the features of the modern re
prsentative State to the State as such, to the very institution of the State without
taking into account which particular historie epoch or which specific socio-economic
order is the State's foundation. Engels describes as the fundamental notion of every
type of class rule, that which Marx considers as the particular feature of the modern
reprsentative state: that in bourgeoisie (brgerlich) society the particular class inter
ests represent themselves in ideological form as tlje political universality of general
interests through mdiation by the abstraction of the political sphere. And that is the
meaning of the Marxian notion of the State as the Surrogate or chimerical Community
(Marx, 1964: 98, 277-278) contrary to the true human Community of communism.
(Sekelj, 1984: 359) But Engels, indeed, did not connect this process of abstraction to
the particular capitalist socio-economic structure and did not explain this process of
abstraction as a peculiar organic product of that particular society. Because of this
oversight in The Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State this process of
abstraction and sublimation is described as a conscious fraud or manipulation of the
ruling class in the sense of a Voltairean notion of religion as an entity which owes its
origin to the tricks of clergy (priests).
There are two immdiate consquences of this Engelsian incapacity to relate the
modern state with its particular economic basis. First, there is the voluntaristic ap
proach according to which the particular state or at least the particular form of it is
supposed to be a conscious but ad hoc crature of the ruling class. The second con
squence follows from the first so far as one sees the state as indifferent towards
the social relations which rule over it, this means extreme subjectivism and interclassism
at the same time. The voluntaristic approach has led to an identification of the seizure
of power by one party or even one person with the social rvolution and has been
considered as a crucial and pivotai point for the realization of socialism and commun
ism. The interclassism has been demonstrated in the way that such a notion of power
gives it the quality to be equally justified and an equally adquate instrument (tool)
for purposes of ail interests and the aims of literally ail social classes. Consequently it
means that state power has structural features of indiffrence towards every class
structure. (Colletti, 1974: 74)
In the foundation of Marxism, in the orthodox Marxism of the Second International,
the voluntaristic notion of the State emerged in the way that the seizure of political
power in the State by a Social Dmocratie party (working class party) was equated not
only with the victory of socialism in the sense of prevailing over ail structures and
relations of the bourgeoise-capitalist society. Later on, the Bolsheviks and Soviet
Marxism made one change: they changed the ame of the particular working class
party. In short, the Marxism of the Internationais is characteristically the notion of
the socialist state as being the main creative force of the socialist society and of the
process of the realization of communism (Kautsky, 1892, Lenin, 1970). The seizure
of political power in the state is a crucial point for theory and politics of orthodox
Marxism because the political institution of the state was treated as a magical instru

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 508 Laslo Sekelj

ment of social transformation. But

was argued that the institution of
aims) and of being an adquate tool
working class; ipso facto it was sup
call, in "On the Jewish Question"
44-45). Contrary to Marx, orthodox
overemphasized the role of the Stat
working class power with a working
ogically trying to find an aliby for
of such states, taking for granted
directly to the Stalinist State and lat
Interclassism as a resuit of the Eng
tion of
the modern reprsentative S
ignoring, for Marxism so characteris
State as well as to the rduction of
to the institution of the State. The
the following: the impossibility of
ent forms of
the the State ruled by
between state as illusory Communi
inconsistent Standpoints towards li
cation of Marxism with State sociali
one's dfinition of the State is as a
class for the rule over other classes - and that is the notion of the state in orthodox
Marxism (Engels, 1980; Kautsky, 1892) one is then not able to explain the interna
tional relations, the relations between states - where political power appears in the
form of its most characteristic feature as a force (Bobbio, 1979). According to the
orthodox Marxist dfinition of the State - and Marx himself partly shares this attitude
(Marx and Engels, 1976) - the state is supposed to be (in international relations) a
tool of dominance of one ruling class over other ruling classes. This means also that for
purposes of research of concrete states and particular political institutions one should
make a clear differentiation between political institutions such as "polis", "res publi
ca", "regnum", "city", and the peculiar type of political institution that emerged in
the 16th Century with absolutist monarchy and which has two main qualifies: a) it
includes the totality of political life of the nation and b) it has a feature of perman
ence: it does not disappear with a change in the political order or the ruling elite.
Contrary to all previous political institutions which used to disappear with the collapse
of the political order or even with a break of the power of the ruling elite, the State is
something constant and "permanent". One should not be misled by some similarities
between these ancient and medieval political institutions and the State; one should
have in mind an analogy with similarities between forms of capital in the Ancient and
Middle Ages with capital in a market economy. Orthodox Marxism was unable to
reach the point where one sees the State as an illusory Community because from Engels
until current Soviet authors, they have not made this substantive distinction between
regnum or polis and the modern reprsentative State, both being stated as instruments
for class rule, ignoring the fact that the main characteristic of "polis" or "regnum"
was particularity and discontinuity contrary to the totality and permanence of the

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 The Genesis of Marxism 509

State. And because of those features of the modern reprsentat

the Jewish Question" and in The German Ideology, used the ex
for the notion of that particular State and the illusion of Comm
process of abstraction of general interests in political society div
(Plamenatz, 1975). Ignoring this distinction and having transpos
modern reprsentative State to every institution of rulership, t
was a non-issue for orthodox Marxism: Kautsky devoted a who
cally most influential work to the future State (Zukunftsstaat) h
that the stratgie aim of social demoeraey - ipso facto of Marx
of the new State order (Kautsky, 1892). The same statist vision
ab le to find also in Lenin; the soviets are supposed to build a
State and Revolution. Because of class indiffrence of the S
instrumentalist notion of the State by orthodox Marxism, Kaut
find any contradiction in the reconstruction of State structure
in socialist/communist society. In Kautsky (1892) the socialist so
society in which the State would be the monopolistic owner of
body would be in wage relationship to it. In State and Revolut
that Lenin does not see the soviet State as a real non-state and t
direct demoeraey, but as a competing State with the same p
existing centralized state. As well as for Kautsky, this new Sta
change of the power elite in the state apparatus, i.e. change of
the social power. Lenin also adopts Kautsky's and Hilferding's p
ist state as a state of the new type - contrary to the liberal st
ized cartel managed in the same way as this very product of m
(Lenin, 1970: 322) To the idea that the socialist state means
Lenin added the political slogan that this is still not socialism
any longer either. Rather it is a monopolistic state capitalism
because of the personnel change in the power elite. According
this state capitalism in Soviet Russia is diffrent from the "cap
because the holders of power are diffrent, i.e. the holder of
class, i.e. the Bolsheviks, i.e. "us" (Lenin, 1970: 663, 692-69
incorporated the soviets, an institution of direct demoeraey s
of commune into the party-state . They become finally a t
state and party apparatus and not only in theory but in
Union.
The instrumentalist notion of the state was expressed in its whole purity, when
Lenin pointed out that there are only two types of state: one is the state of the dicta
torship of the proltariat and the other one is the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie
(Lenin, 1965). There is no third type. In this rduction, ail bourgoisie states become
the same; all class dictatorships in diffrent forms.
Engels' theory of the withering away of the state has been very supportive of this
Marxist version of state socialism. Contrary to Marx, who was a partisan of the limi
nation and transcendence of the state (Aufhebung des Staates) - having in mind a
philosophical tradition of liberty and the Hegelian notion of dialectic, Engels advocated
a notion coming from biology with clear connections with state socialist tradition.
Aufhebung and Absterben of the state represent two diffrent intellectual traditions

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510 Laslo Sekelj

(Avineri, 1970: 203). Transcendence

pation, social rvolution, self-activ
production, strengthening of socie
withering away of the state is conn
substitution of self-emancipation
political party. There is no empiric
why the etatization and monopoliz
the state power should lead to the
limination of autonomy of societ
state would from that very mome
neral interest. And that is the pri
away of the state: ". . . the taking
of society this, at the same time
The omnipotent state would, ac
1947: 340-341). Engels denies not
no reason to think that one instit
under the circumstance of not hav
sary when all economical and poljti
If one explicitly denies the autonom
is a direct link to Kautsky's and to
amental creator of socialism. Never
away of the state through its stren
never say something like this direc
ed in German Social Democracy an
Engels accommodated the concep
attitude: "The state is not "abolish
of the phrase "a free state" both as
its ultmate scientific insufficiency
purposes were extended even to
program of German Social Demo
democracy until the Second World

SPD and Success of Orthod

There are two main explanations o

that orthodox Marxism transforme
of Karl Marx into an ideology und
ideologicians in terms of everyday
nature and function of the Germa
history. It was an enterprise with
type of political agitator a party
a ready answer on all possible qu
mentioned textbooks, and with the
to explain everything: past, prsen
"objective laws of social developm
explainable. Orthodox Marxism p

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 The Genesis of Marxism 511

Marxian humanist theory ever might have done. Perhap

dox Marxism of the Second International so successfully
foundation of Soviet Marxism.
However, those relations for success of orthodox Marxism should be enlarged by
some facts particularly connected with the nature of the Social Dmocratie Party of
Germany. It was not only the first mass political party and the largest party in Germa
ny, but also an Organization which created a complete counter-life for its members.
Its activity was enlarged to one's whole life, from kindergarten tili pension fund. The
Party had a clear ideological commitment, but theory did not really interest the party
bosses. The secretary of the Party, Ignaz Auer, was known by his pragmatism and
anti-theoretical attitude. Generally speaking, for party-managers practical politics
was all-important and they always used to avoid involvement in any theoretical discus
sion (Steinberg, 1967). On the other hand, party membership did not care for ideology
and theory either. The best example is the following reaction from the floor on the
discussion about the "final goal of social demoeraey" between Bernstein, Kautsky
and Luxembourg at the Stuttgart Congressof the SPD in 1898: One delegate suggested,
with huge approval from the floor that theoretical matters be discussed by "doctors"
a few days before every congress to avoid bothering the entire audience with such
boring issues (Luxembourg, 1974: 238). This pragmatical notion of theory has been
the main characteristic of social demoeraey and later on of communist parties as well.
Theory was something which was supposed to involve solely the professional party
ideologicians. It fits very well the general attitude of political parties of Marxist origin
that the theory and specifically the ideology have to be monolithic and give a closed,
all encompassing reduetive world-view which enables one to have a simple explanation
of facts concerning social life and at the same time to give individual psychological
security of knowledge that his or her sacrifice is directly linked with the realization of
the values for which one stands for. Karl Popper's notion of this approach - "coming
might is right" is a very good description of this Weltanschauung (Popper, 1946).
But Popper misses the point by elaborating that notion having in mind the social
philosophy of Karl Marx using a citation from Stalin. In reality it fits very well with
orthodox Marxism: just another example of false identification of orthodox Marxism
with the social philosophy of Karl Marx and the whole of Marxism. However, today
it is clear that orthodox Marxism was just one of many possible legitmate interprta
tions of Marxian thought and that its orthodoxy should be called into question as well
as its ambition to be the solely legitmate interprtation of Marxism.

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Authors Address: Dr. Laslo Sekelj, University of Belgrade, Center for Philosophy and Social Th
ry, Narodnog Fronta 45, 1100 Belgrade, Yugoslavia.

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