Академический Документы
Профессиональный Документы
Культура Документы
http://wes.sagepub.com
Published by:
http://www.sagepublications.com
On behalf of:
Additional services and information for Work, Employment & Society can be found at:
Subscriptions: http://wes.sagepub.com/subscriptions
Reprints: http://www.sagepub.com/journalsReprints.nav
Permissions: http://www.sagepub.co.uk/journalsPermissions.nav
Work/life balance
Copyright 2007
BSA Publications Ltd
Volume 21(4): 673691
[DOI: 10.1177/0950017007082876]
SAGE Publications
Los Angeles, London, New Delhi and Singapore
ABSTRACT
Formal policies intended to enable employees to meet family commitments may
be important indicators of an organizations intent, but they do not guarantee that
the informal culture is supportive of employees families or their attempts to man-
age occasionally conflicting priorities (Lewis, 1997; Lewis and Lewis, 1996). Two
case studies were conducted to identify salient aspects of the culture of two orga-
nizations and the extent to which changes in culture result from the implementa-
tion of family-friendly policies. The wider issue of the ease with which purposive
cultural change or organizational learning may be engendered to ameliorate
employees worklife balance is also considered.
KEY WORDS
case studies / family-friendly policies / organizational culture / organizational learning/
worklife balance
Introduction
T
his article will describe the extent to which family-friendly policies changed
particular facets of culture in two organizations and how these facets artic-
ulate with each other. Obviously the particularities of these two companies
are of only limited interest and these findings are useful to the extent that they
indicate possible roadmaps for change in organizations with similar cultural
facets. They also highlight the difficulties inherent in the notion of cultural
change despite the popularity of the concept in the management literature
(Barth, 2005; Parker, 2000). It is becoming a commonplace assertion that a
673
Downloaded from http://wes.sagepub.com by Roberto Hernandez Sampieri on October 7, 2008
674 Work, employment and society Volume 21 Number 4 December 2007
Hochschild (1997) and Bailyn (1993) however, distinguish between two cat-
egories of policies or benefits. The first category make it easier for employees
with family responsibilities to spend time and energy at work whereas the sec-
ond category consists of policies that create flexibility in location and time and
varying arrangements for personal leave. These aim to provide employees with
more control over the conditions of work and allow employees themselves to
attend to family needs. Hochschild found that the first category of benefits was
in great demand in the companies she studied, however very few workers
applied for the second type of benefit which offer more unconflicted time at
home (1997: 22). Policies may, in reality, be designed to elicit high levels of
commitment from workers and not lead to better worklife balance (White
et al., 2003).
Moreover, many argue that if work-life initiatives are part of a genuine strat-
egy to help workers balance their conflicting priorities then the whole issue has
to establish links with other cherished corporate values and goals (Gonyea and
Googins, 1992: 224; Lee et al., 2000) and be part of a culture change in the orga-
nization itself (Kirchmeyer, 2000; Lewis and Lewis, 1996). Rapoport et al. (2002)
describe organizational settings which boast an array of flexible benefits where
people still struggle to manage worklife conflicts. They caution that even where
change appears to be proceeding in the desired strategic direction, old, deeply
embedded, implicit assumptions can continue to influence concrete work prac-
tices. Without shifts in what is referred to in this article as cultural facets, barri-
ers to the adoption of policies and the pervasiveness of long hours working will
remain. Lewis and Taylor (1996: 112) contend that organizational cultures are
grounded in deep-seated beliefs about gender, the nature of work and the ideal
employee, which reflect societal norms and are often implicit or even unconscious
and are therefore difficult to challenge. They and others (Bailyn, 1993, 2003;
Rapoport et al., 2002) advocate rendering explicit and challenging some of the
basic and often anachronistic assumptions underpinning these cultures.
This article will briefly consider what family-friendly policies offer to
employees and why culture is increasingly becoming a preferred site of inquiry.
The methodology employed to access the basic assumptions which are consti-
tutive of culture and the two case study organizations themselves will then be
described. Five key facets of culture in each organization are discussed before
attention is turned to the influence on these of policies, in terms of shifts in them
and in the way they articulate with each other. Finally, the merits of a cultural
change paradigm for ensuring lasting improvement in employees ability to
manage their work and home responsibilities will be critically appraised.
Organizational culture
Scheins formulation implies that there is some deep level of structural sta-
bility in the group which is less conscious and therefore less tangible and visi-
ble. He argues that this stability partly flows from the patterning or integration
of key elements, such as values, behaviours, rituals, climates etc., into a larger,
Methodology
The case studies mainly consisted of three rounds of interviews in each of the
two organizations. A total of 44 respondents (21 male and 23 female) were
interviewed in one of the research and development sites of an international
pharmaceuticals company, PharMerger. Just under half of these respondents
line-managed between one and 17 other staff. Another 50 (29 male and 21
female) respondents were interviewed from two business units of a global engi-
neering company, EngCorp, one third of whom had some managerial responsi-
bility. In both case studies interviewees were sampled to be as representative as
possible of the corporate hierarchies, to identify any differences between the
managerialist and employee perspectives. The PharMerger sites employee pro-
file was highly diverse and included research scientists, production engineers,
security officers and administrative and ancillary service staff, all of whom were
represented in the sample. The composition of the EngCorp sites, and the sam-
ples thereof were, unsurprisingly, dominated by a wide range of manual and
non-manual engineering functions but also included commercial managers, sec-
retarial and maintenance staff. The global nature of both companies meant that
they recruited locally, nationally and internationally, depending on the senior-
ity of the appointments (accordingly employees experiences of working condi-
tions in other contexts were distinctly heterogeneous).
original company was less family-friendly than PharMerger is now, many sug-
gested that this could be due to the passage of time, rather than to divergent
approaches of the two companies. Any company aspiring to attract and retain
the best employees (as PharMerger certainly does) now has to provide an envi-
ronment which is more family-friendly than in previous decades.
HR professionals admitted that competitors in the pharmaceutical industry
offering a high level of family-friendly provision are to some extent driving the
continuous improvement of their policies (similarly, McKee et al., 2000, found
that employers in the oil and gas industry compete with each other but also
share information through tacit and formal networking in the setting of poli-
cies). They were representative of the corporate perspective in that they consid-
ered that provision was generous, above the statute and that employees should
be content with it. Managers, especially those who had responsibility for sev-
eral members of staff, rather than just one or two, tended to share this opinion.
Other research has examined the extent to which managers are gatekeepers to
policy implementation (Bond et al., 2002; Dex and Scheibl, 2002; Yeandle
et al., 2003) and this study confirmed previous findings about the highly deter-
minative nature of their discretion. Respondents typically stated that the com-
pany itself could not put more policies in place but that it was down to the
managers and how they used them. Managers in turn felt somewhat con-
strained by policies, usually in the sense that policy provision was too generous
if fully implemented and that it could hinder their ability to deliver against
demanding targets.
Many parents needed to fit work around school hours and flexible work-
ing policies offered opportunities to finish early and begin again in the early
evening. These opportunities, almost exclusively taken up by women, had no
adverse consequences for administrative staff but commonly more senior staff
had to work officially part-time and be willing if necessary to allow work to
intrude (e.g. by remotely accessing email and being available on the telephone)
outside their contracted hours. Individual employees also had tightly set targets
to reach which, in some cases, precluded the take-up of policies. One scientist
who occasionally needed additional flexibility to attend hospital appointments
with a disabled child, found that the pressure to reach targets strongly disin-
centivized her from using policies and necessitated using annual leave instead.
She eventually left the company, citing the pressure of targets as strongly influ-
encing her decision. Such an employee effectively contested certain facets of the
culture, such as the ideal worker type, which are described below.
Significantly, female managers also contested the notion that the organiza-
tion was family-friendly where ongoing progression was hindered by policy take-
up, e.g. working slightly reduced hours. More generally, career-oriented women
in the organization, whose caring responsibilities routinely impacted upon their
working hours (that is, they worked part-time or flexible hours) expressed a sense
that they had to downplay family concerns in order to conform to what was
referred to earlier as the ideal worker type. This indicates the extent to which
this construct is essentially overlaid with stereotypically male characteristics
although there were many men in PharMerger who usually required some degree
of flexibility in order to fulfil more limited caring responsibilities.
Turning to the engineering company, EngCorp, this has a similarly inter-
national presence. The two business units included in the study are located in
the town considered to be the global headquarters of the company. EngCorp
has a reputation in the area of being a caring company which puts people
first, and many respondents described their jobs as the best they had ever had
because of their employment conditions. The phrase family-friendly was not
one with which all employees were familiar; however, most described the flex-
ibility which was an integral part of working for EngCorp, and the under-
standing which the company had repeatedly shown for their family considerations.
Parents used unpaid days allowed by parental leave policies to negotiate nine-
day fortnight arrangements or annualized hours provision to be absent during
school holidays.
Respondents described a strong sense of company identity and talked about
there being a definable and pervasive culture as a result of shared and recognized
values. It is important to reiterate the distinction here between root culture and
more diffuse values. The emic or insider view of culture usually conflates and
confuses these two terms whereas the role of the researcher is to identify under-
lying assumptions which are largely determining insiders values but of which
few may be aware. Again, this need not presuppose an uncontested model of cul-
ture (or omniscience on the part of the researcher). As with PharMerger, several
individuals stood out as dissenting to the majority view of the company.
Managers and employees tended to view policy implementation somewhat dif-
ferently and womens experiences were usually qualitatively different to those of
their male counterparts. The company acknowledges that it is male-dominated
and is consciously attempting to attract and retain female engineers. However,
career-minded female employees considered that, notwithstanding policies, their
progress was curtailed as long as they were not working in the same way as their
male counterparts, that is, according to the ideal worker type. In both compa-
nies, many women who were interviewed had largely internalized this type,
although it conflicted with their domestic responsibilities (and mens who were
primary carers, for example, widowers), as was evident in their uncontested
acceptance of works intrusion into their home life if working part-time.
The cultural facets which were identified will be analysed by considering simi-
larities and differences between the case studies and treated as five contrasting
or similar pairs, italicized when first introduced and denoted as P1, E1 etc.,
with the initial letter referring to the organization to which they pertain
(PharMerger and EngCorp respectively). Implications of these cultural facets
for differences in orientation towards family-friendly policies in each of the two
organizations are summarized in Table 1.
PharMerger EngCorp
Policies seen as one facet of a constantly Preference for seeing policies modelled by
changing employment landscape (P1), exemplars (rather than trumpeted), then
employees comfortable with (and expect) taken up in a way that only gradually affects
high profile publicity campaigns for new policies working patterns (E1)
Expectation of continuous improvement in Assumption that policies should formalize
working conditions therefore a sense of existing arrangement and should continue to
entitlement (P2) to generous policy provision facilitate care in a crisis (E2) rather than
(in comparison with similar employers) catalyze significant changes in working patterns
Perception that individualized working The sense of a need to preserve equality (E3)
patterns (P3) should be facilitated and given dominates attitudes towards policies, which are
greater legitimacy by policies seen as a means of ensuring consistency
Greater time sovereignty (P4), the sine qua Informal, more tacitly agreed arrangements, less
non of working in this industry, is considered infringing on equality are preferred, with policies
to be facilitated by policies seen as reducing autonomy (E4)
Individualized working patterns facilitated by Notions of professionalism (E5)
policies can be seen as indicative of lower disincentivize take-up of policies which facilitate
commitment and ambitious employees keeping employees in holding positions in their
fear take-up will be penalized in career careers
terms (P5)
Unlike the first case study company, EngCorp has not been involved in
recent mergers but both business units have, for different reasons, experienced
a level of change which was atypical for EngCorp over the last four years. (One
was particularly caught up in the global ramifications of the terrorist attacks on
the US on September 11 2001, and affected by a large number of redundancies.)
A company which used to provide a job for life has become a far less secure
working environment. Despite acknowledging the reality of global and indus-
trial shifts and expressing as a value the need to stay abreast of them, the first
underlying assumption or cultural facet of EngCorp to be described is its pro-
found conservatism, favouring gradualism with respect to change (E1). The
preference of most people within the company is for change to take place as a
result of evolution not revolution as phrased by one interviewee. This prefer-
ence for gradualism is associated, by many respondents, with the image of reli-
ability and predictability EngCorp projects to its stakeholders. It tends to do
things very cautiously, carefully, and in a considered fashion, its the EngCorp
way (male engineer). Managers, and fellow workers, were often initially resis-
tant, even with policies in place, to employees changing their working patterns,
and became only very gradually more accepting.
Looking at the effect of policies on this facet of culture, it emerged that
changes in working practices which might be legitimized by policies were being
effected very tentatively. Policies had been introduced and implemented in a very
conservative manner; for example, they were used to formalize arrangements
PharMergers ideal worker type where exhibiting the primacy of work was the
highest priority. This concept of alternating between the ideal worker type and
the integrated worker type shall be revisited below.
PharMergers culturally rooted imperative for change is reflected in the
dynamic policy making process and employees reactions to it. Human resource
(HR) managers are aware that their benefits package requires constant improve-
ment in order to attract and retain the best employees but staff were not in agree-
ment about the extent to which they achieved this and many did not perceive
policies to be ground-breaking. This was due to the high sense of entitlement, (P2)
the second facet of root culture identified. Rewards and opportunities for
advancement appear to be substantial in the pharmaceutical industry, and when
an employer explicitly states that their staff are elite, employees begin to expect
concomitant treatment. However, this sense of entitlement clashes with the pri-
macy of work and the expression of the ideal worker type. Although PharMerger
provided policies to ease the management of conflicting priorities, many employ-
ees still considered that they did not do enough, because taking up the policies
would cast them as non-ideal employees. For example, one female team leader
wanting reduced hours was precluded from doing so as she would have had to
leave the management career track and go onto the scientific track, perceived to
be the route through the company for failed managers. Policies reinforced the
strong sense of entitlement but had not reduced the potential for clash between
this facet of culture and the primacy of work. Indeed managers perceived one to
be a corrective for the other. Such a competitive industry requires the provision
of leading edge policies but if policies are implemented to their fullest extent
many managers considered that they would be unable to meet their targets. Many
managers perceived PharMerger to be too generous to its employees and despite
having a high sense of entitlement themselves they resented staff whose use of
policies seemed untempered by the culturally rooted principle of the primacy of
work.
EngCorp, on the other hand, set limits to entitlement in a way which was
very illuminating for this particular study. The company was considered to be
caring but interview data revealed that people implicitly expected care in a cri-
sis (E2) rather than care in business as usual. Employees wanting to work flex-
ibly, who encountered resistance from managers, notwithstanding the
implementation of policies, struggled with the contradiction inherent in this dis-
tinction. Policies appeared to support working patterns which would make it
easier to manage work and domestic priorities but, again, the primacy of work
appeared to trump these considerations despite the underlying assumption that
EngCorp was a caring company. EngCorp has historically been very accommo-
dating of difficult family circumstances. One interviewees wife had died leaving
him with two pre-school children and EngCorp retained him at full pay while
allowing significant periods of absence, then highly flexible working arrange-
ments. However, this was an example of care in a crisis, not an example of their
willingness to facilitate the management of routine work and family issues.
Policies governing care in a crisis have been in place for a very long time and
the presence of a strong ideal worker type (P5, E5). The ideal worker type is
considered to be bound up with notions of professionalism which sustain def-
initions of selfhood that elevate the workplace over home life (Kerfoot, 2002:
93). Typically those conforming to this type did not visibly structure their
working day around family matters and routinely worked long hours to get the
job done. The type was stronger and more evident in PharMerger and was a
source of workforce homogeneity despite the culture of individuation.
Respondents did not appear to contest that advancement in the company neces-
sitated this approach as willingness to relocate, travel and allow work to
intrude into home life (e.g. by clearing email backlogs in the evening and being
available on the telephone) were considered to be essential. In both organiza-
tions, very little shift was apparent in this facet, because
Peoples identities, how they see themselves, and their image, how they
want others to see them (Hatch and Schultz, 1997; Whetten and Godfrey,
1998) are often bound up with their performing the role of the ideal worker.
Being professional entails elevating ones work identity above all other aspects
of selfhood (Kerfoot, 2002) but taking up policies explicitly acknowledges
divided loyalties.
In both organizations, policies could and had been implemented to allow
managers to work reduced hours but those not working full-time perceived
that they occupied a dissident position and would not advance further.
Comparatively speaking, the integrated worker type was more acceptable in
EngCorp, where the ideal worker type was less strong, however its adoption
implied a curtailment of progress. At best, policies appeared to facilitate the
keeping of employees in holding positions until they could return to more
conventional working patterns. At worst, taking up policies could mean a per-
manent, rather than temporary, shift to a non-managerial scale, as it was antic-
ipated might be the case in PharMerger. In the latter organization, as described
earlier, employees under supportive managers, who believed that work could
and should be explicitly integrated with family considerations, alternated
between types. When board-level pronouncements supported worklife balance
initiatives and workload pressure lessened they began to conform to the inte-
grated worker type. However, when organizational attention refocused on the
need for profound workplace transformation, itself a source of stress, people
reverted to the safer ideal worker type. In this organization, as in many oth-
ers, it did not appear possible for senior management attention to stay fixed on
employee wellbeing while pursuing other priorities. In terms of employee well-
being, however, it is arguably during periods of change and heightened work-
load pressure that the concern with worklife balance most needs to be
explicitly stated on an ongoing basis.
Conclusion
Three issues emerge from these two case studies. The first concerns the
assertion in the literature (Bailyn, 1993; Rapoport et al., 2002) that an inte-
grated worker type will become an acceptable alternative to the ideal
worker type when the de facto integration of work and family spheres is
acknowledged. This research challenges this assertion as it indicated that
where there is a strong ideal worker type (P5, E5) policies do not tend to
effect a permanent shift from it to the integrated worker type but may allow
for an alternating between the two types. It may be more realistic to see
these two types as co-existing with each other, rather than one evolving into
the other when conditions are right. The integrated worker type might
become a latent model acquiring salience under certain conditions, without
completely supplanting the ideal worker type. Where the ideal worker type
is weaker, the integrated worker type may be an acceptable model for those
willing to plateau in their careers for a period of time but not for those who
wish to advance, for example, during child rearing years when policy take-
up may be most necessary. Such an approach to these two types is also con-
sistent with earlier comments about the lack of consensus genuinely existing
throughout an organization.
Second, cultural facets, basic assumptions, will strongly influence the best
way to propagate a family-friendly agenda if that is the genuine intent of an
organization. In organizations like PharMerger where there is a strong ideal
worker type and imperative for change (P1), frequent high-level, public pro-
nouncements may be required to give salience to the ongoing priority of worklife
balance, emphasizing that this is not just some phase that the company will
soon pass through. In companies which favour more gradual change (E1),
rolling out policies with a fanfare may be more likely to meet with derision
than favour and organizational initiatives and statements indicating abrupt and
profound change may be unpopular with employees who preferred change to
be evolutionary rather than revolutionary. Walking the talk, seeing examples
of successful flexible workers might be more culturally appropriate and encour-
age wider take-up, but the danger is that change may be characteristically and
glacially slow. Highly conservative cultures may need the challenge of an
explicit public campaign where walking the talk accompanies talking the
walk.
Finally, generosity of policies is no guarantor of workplace transformation.
Both companies were considered to be very caring to their employees and
tended to exceed the norm in their family-friendly provision. However, as in
PharMerger, taking up policies to their fullest extent can
a) increase the load on other people in ones team or department, and send
the signal that an employee is less committed by transgressing the principle
of the primacy of work, or
b) simply fuel a high sense of entitlement.
suggestion that radical and systemic change will be straightforward once the code
has been cracked begins to appear somewhat naive. Small, incremental changes
may be all that can be hoped for, strategic nudges in the right direction over a long
period of time. This is not to dismiss the important role of cultural studies in this
area. If organizations basic assumptions can be identified, policies can be presented
in ways which compensate for root cultural facets and help to resolve underlying
contradictions. Moreover, aspects of the culture may actually be harnessed to rein-
force the intent of family-friendly policies, bringing as many change agents to bear
as possible in a process that may more closely resemble evolution than revolution.
Notes
1 Hatch (1993) refined Scheins model by making the levels of culture less cen-
tral than the relationships between them and argued for a dynamic conception
of culture. The emphasis here on root culture does not imply a static model of
culture but utilizes Scheins original and useful separation of levels.
2 Houston and Waumsley (2003) found similar patterns in their study of AEEU
members.
References
Bailyn, L. (1993) Breaking the Mold: Women, Men and Time in the Corporate
World. New York: Free Press.
Bailyn, L. (2003) Academic Careers and Gender Equity: Lessons Learned from
MIT, Gender, Work and Organization 10(2): 13753.
Barth, R. (2005) Lessons Learned: Shaping Relationships and the Culture of the
Workplace. Thousand Oaks: Corwin Press.
Bond, S., Hyman, J., Summers, J. and Wise, S. (2002) Family-friendly Working?
Putting Policy into Practice. Bristol/York: Policy Press/JRF.
Coutu, D.L. (2002) The Anxiety of Learning: An Interview with Edgar H. Schein,
Harvard Business Review 80(3): 1006.
Dex, S. (2003) Families and Work in the 21st Century. Bristol/York: Policy
Press/JRF.
Dex, S. and Scheibl, F. (1999) Business Performance and Family-Friendly Policies,
Journal of General Management 24(4): 2237.
Dex, S. and Scheibl, F. (2002) SMEs and Flexible Working Arrangements.
Bristol/York: Policy Press/JRF.
Finch, J. (1983) Married to the Job: Wives Incorporation in Mens Work. London:
Allen and Unwin.
Fletcher, J.K. and Bailyn, L. (1996) Challenging the Last Boundary: Reconnecting
Work and Family, in M.B. Arthur and D.M. Rousseau (eds) The Boundaryless
Career: A New Employment Principle for a New Organizational Era, pp. 25667.
Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Glaser, B.G. and Strauss, A.L. (1967) The Discovery of Grounded Theory:
Strategies for Qualitative Research. Chicago: Aldine.
Gonyea, J.G. and Googins, B.K. (1992) Linking the Worlds of Work and Family:
Beyond the Productivity Trap, Human Resource Management 31(3):
20226.
Hatch, M.J. (1993) The Dynamics of Organizational Culture, Academy of
Management Review 18(4): 65793.
Hatch, M.J. and Schultz, M. (1997) Relations between Organizational Culture,
Identity and Image, European Journal of Marketing 31(5/6): 35665.
Hochschild, A.R. (1997) The Time Bind: When Work Becomes Home and Home
Becomes Work. New York: Metropolitan Books.
Houston, D. and Waumsley, J.A. (2003) Attitudes to Flexible Working and Family
Life. Bristol: Policy Press/JRF.
Kerfoot, D. (2002) Managing the Professional Man, in M. Dent and S.
Whitehead (eds) Managing Professional Identities: Knowledge, Performativity
and the New Professional, pp. 8198. London and New York: Routledge.
Kirchmeyer, C. (2000) WorkLife Initiatives: Greed or Benevolence Regarding
Workers Time?, in C.L. Cooper and D.M. Rousseau (eds) Trends in
Organizational Behaviour, Volume 7, pp. 7993. Chichester: Wiley.
Lane, N. (2000) The Low Status of Female Part-Time Nurses: A Bed-Pan Ceiling?
Gender, Work and Organization 7(4): 26981.
La Valle, I., Arthur, S., Millward, C., Scott, J. and Clayden, M. (2002) Happy
Families? Atypical Work and its Influence on Family Life. Bristol/York: Policy
Press/JRF.
Lee, M.D., MacDermid, S. and Buck, M.L. (2000) Organizational Paradigms of
Reduced-Load Work: Accommodation, Elaboration and Transformation,
Academy of Management Journal 43(6): 121166.
Lewis, S. (1997) Family Friendly Employment Policies: A Route to Changing
Organizational Culture or Playing About at the Margins?, Gender, Work and
Organization 4(1): 1323.
Lewis, S. and Cooper, C. (2005) WorkLife Integration: Case Studies of
Organizational Change. London: Wiley.
Lewis, S. and Lewis, J. (eds) (1996) The WorkFamily Challenge: Rethinking
Employment. London: Sage.
Lewis, S. and Taylor, K. (1996) Evaluating the Impact of Family-Friendly Employer
Policies: A Case Study, in S. Lewis and J. Lewis (eds) The WorkFamily
Challenge: Rethinking Employment, pp. 11227. London: Sage.
Locke, K. (2001) Grounded Theory in Management Research. Thousand Oaks:
Sage.
McKee, L., Mauthner, N. and Maclean, C. (2000) Family Friendly Policies and
Practices in the Oil and Gas Industry: Employers Perspectives, Work,
Employment and Society 14(3): 55771.
Martin, J. (1992) Cultures in Organizations. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Martin, P.Y. and Turner, B.A. (1986) Grounded Theory and Organizational
Research, Journal of Applied Behavioural Science 22(2): 14157.
Parker, M. (2000) Organizational Culture and Identity. London: Sage.
Pemberton, C. (1995) Organizational Culture and Equalities Work, in J. Shaw and
D. Perrons (eds) Making Equal Opportunities, pp. 10823. Milton Keynes:
Open University Press.
Rapoport, R., Bailyn, L., Fletcher, J.K. and Pruitt, B. (2002) Beyond WorkFamily
Balance. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass.
Schein, E.H. (1992) Organizational Culture and Leadership, 2nd Edition. San
Francisco: Jossey-Bass.
Simkin, C. and Hillage, J. (1992) Family-Friendly Working: New Hope or Old
Hype? IMS Report, 224. Brighton: Institute for Manpower Studies.
Whetten, D.A and Godfrey, P.C. (eds) (1998) Identity in Organizations: Building
Theory through Conversations. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
White, M., Hill, S., McGovern, P., Mills, C. and Smeaton, D. (2003) High-
Performance Management Practices, Working Hours and WorkLife Balance,
British Journal of Industrial Relations 41(2): 17595.
Yeandle, S., Phillips, J., Scheibl, F., Wigfield, A. and Wise, S. (2003) Line Managers
and Family-Friendly Employment. Bristol: Policy Press/JRF.
Samantha Callan