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I..MORALITY
Retribution is immoral because it is just a sanitised The Victorian legal philosopher James Fitzjames
form of vengeance. Scenes of howling mobs Stephens thought vengeance was an acceptable
attacking prison vans containing those accused of justification for punishment. Punishment, he
murder on their way to and from court, or thought, should be inflicted:
chanting aggressively outside prisons when an
offender is being executed, suggest that vengeance for the sake of ratifying the feeling of hatred-call it
remains a major ingredient in the public popularity revenge, resentment, or what you will-which the
of capital punishment. contemplation of such [offensive] conduct excites
in healthily constituted minds.
But just retribution, designed to re-establish
justice, can easily be distinguished from vengeance Sir James Fitzjames Stephens, Liberty, Equality, Fraternity
and vindictiveness. ------
------
Life imprisonment without possibility of parole
Camus and Dostoevsky argued that the retribution causes much more suffering to the offender than a
in the case of the death penalty was not fair, painless death after a short period of
because the anticipatory suffering of the criminal imprisonment.
before execution would probably outweigh the
anticipatory suffering of the victim of their crime.
Failure to deter
The death penalty doesn't seem to deter people It's actually impossible to test the deterrent effect
from committing serious violent crimes. The thing of a punishment in a rigorous way, as to do so
that deters is the likelihood of being caught and would require knowing how many murders would
punished. have been committed in a particular state if the
law had been different during the same time
The general consensus among social scientists is period.
that the deterrent effect of the death penalty is at
best unproven.
Brutalising society
Brutalising the state Executions private or not teach the public lessons
about justice, retribution, and personal
Capital punishment may brutalise society in a
responsibility for one's own actions.
different and even more fundamental way, one
that has implications for the state's relationship
with all citizens.
Free will
The idea that we must be punished for any act of A person must be punished for any act of
wrongdoing, whatever its nature, relies upon a wrongdoing, whatever its nature, because he has
belief in human free will and a person's ability to free will and the ability to be responsible for his
be responsible for their own actions. own actions.
Expense
In the USA capital punishment costs a great deal. (Countries with a less costly and lengthy appeals
procedure, capital punishment seems like a much
In New York and New Jersey, the high costs of cheaper option than long-term imprisonment.)
capital punishment were one factor in those states'
decisions to abandon the death penalty. New York Counter-arguments
spent about $170 million over 9 years and had no
executions. New Jersey spent $253 million over a It is a fallacy that capital punishment costs
25-year period and also had no executions. Source: more than life without parole
Death Penalty Information Center
Lethal injection
AGAINST IN FAVOR
The Second Optional Protocol to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, Aiming at the
Abolition of the Death Penalty
The following are some of the Constitutional Issues passed upon by the Supreme Court in
Echegaray vs Secretary of Justice, G.R. No. 132601, January 19, 1999
LETHAL INJECTION, CRUEL, DEGRADING OR INHUMAN PUNISHMENT UNDER SECTION 19, ARTICLE III OF
THE 1987 CONSTITUTION.
Death by lethal injection constitutes cruel, It is well-settled in jurisprudence that the death
degrading and inhuman punishment considering penalty per se is not a cruel, degrading or inhuman
that (1) R.A. No. 8177 fails to provide for the drugs punishment. In the oft-cited case of Harden v.
to be used in carrying out lethal injection, the Director of Prisons, this Court held that
dosage for each drug to be administered, and the "[p]unishments are cruel when they involve
procedure in administering said drug/s into the torture or a lingering death; but the punishment of
accused; (2) R.A. No. 8177 and its implementing death is not cruel, within the meaning of that word
rules are uncertain as to the date of the execution, as used in the constitution.
time of notification, the court which will fix the
date of execution, which uncertainties cause the
Any infliction of pain in lethal injection is
greatest pain and suffering for the convict; and (3)
merely incidental in carrying out the execution of
the possibility of "botched executions" or mistakes
death penalty and does not fall within the
in administering the drugs renders lethal injection
constitutional proscription against cruel, degrading
inherently cruel.
and inhuman punishment. "In a limited sense,
anything is cruel which is calculated to give pain or
distress, and since punishment imports pain or
suffering to the convict, it may be said that all
punishments are cruel. But of course the
Constitution does not mean that crime, for this
reason, is to go unpunished." The cruelty against
which the Constitution protects a convicted man is
cruelty inherent in the method of punishment, not
the necessary suffering involved in any method
employed to extinguish life humanely.
Congress, in enacting RA 7659, failed to discharge its constitutional burden of proving the existence of
"compelling reasons" to prescribe death for "heinous" crimes. In batting for the unconstitutionality of said statute, I
summarized my reason as follows:
"1. The 1987 Constitution abolished the death penalty from our statute books. It did not merely suspend or
prohibit its imposition. With the abolition of the death penalty in 1987 Constitution, any means to carry it out is
without any basis and, therefore, is illegal.
"2. The Charter effectively granted a new right; the constitutional right against the death penalty, which is
really a species of the right to life.
"3. Any law reviving the capital penalty must be strictly construed against the State and liberally in favor of the
accused, because such a statute denigrates the Constitution, impinges on a basic right and tends to deny equal
justice to the underprivileged.
"(4) Every word or phrase in the Constitution is sacred and should never be ignored, cavalierly treated or
brushed aside.
"(5) Congressional power to prescribe death is severely limited by two concurrent requirements:
"(a) First, Congress must provide a set of attendant circumstances which the prosecution must prove beyond
reasonable doubt, apart from the elements of the crime and itself. Congress must explain why and how these
circumstances define or characterize the crime as 'heinous.'
"(b) Second, Congress has also the duty of laying out clear and specific reasons which arose after the effectivity
of the Constitution compelling the enactment of the law. It bears repeating that these requirements are
inseparable. They must both be present in view of the specific constitutional mandate -- 'for compelling
reasons involving heinous crimes.' The compelling reason must flow from the heinous nature of the offense.
"(6) In every law reviving the capital penalty, the heinousness and compelling reasons must be set out
for each and every crime, and not just for all crimes generally and collectively."
"If the deterrent case is to be accepted, ... we at least ought to be sure that it deters. If we are to hang
men and women by the necks until they are dead, we ought to do it on more than a hunch, a
superstition, a vague impression"
(United Kingdom parliament debate on the death penalty in 1983)
AGAINST IN FAVOR
In 1988, a major report was submitted to
the United Nations by Roger Hood, Director of Death penalty is actually 100% effective as a
the Center for Criminological Research at Oxford deterrent to crime: the murderer will never commit
University in the United Kingdom. This study another crime once he has been executed. While
was prepared and published pursuant to there is no proof that any innocents have been
Economic and Social Council Resolutions executed in this century, there is an abundance of
1986/10, section X and 1989/64- evidence that prisoners who either escaped or were
The study concluded that "xxx (the) released early murdered innocent victims again.
research has failed to provide scientific proof
that executions have a greater deterrent effect Professor Paul Cassell points out that:
than life imprisonment."
Out of a sample of 164 paroled Georgia
Such conclusion only confirmed the two murderers, eight committed subsequent murders
earlier reports on the same subject matter. within seven years of release. A study of twenty
Oregon murderers released on parole in 1979 found
Other studies show that convicted persons
that one (i.e., five percent) had committed a
did not remember thinking they might be
subsequent homicide within five years of release.
sentenced to death before committing the
Another study found that of 11,404 persons originally
crime despite their knowledge of the death convicted of "willful homicide" and released during
penalty. They found that it is incorrect to 1965 and 1974, 34 were returned to prison for
assume that people who commit such serious commission of a subsequent criminal homicide during
crimes such as murder do so after rationally the first year alone.
calculating the consequences.
"The Death Penalty: Morally Defensible?" Casey Carmical.
Empirical evidence further shows that Undated. 19 February 2017.
murders are often committed in moments of http://www.hoshuha.com/articles/deathpenalty.html
passion, when extreme emotion overcomes
reason or under the influence of alcohol or
drugs or in moments of panic. It was further
established that people who plan serious crimes
in a calculated manner to decide to proceed
despite the risk in the belief that they will not
be caught. In none of these cases did fear of
the death penalty deter the commission of
crimes. (Echegaray vs Secretary of Justice, G.R. No.
132601. January 19, 1999.)
Crime data are usually laden with many caveats, most notably underreporting. But despite these
limitations, Figure 1 suggests at least 3 things.
First, the supposed rising tide of criminality is more of a myth than a fact: index crimes have, in fact,
been falling steadily since the early 1990s.
Second, even in the years without the death penalty, the index crime rate had plummeted. Hence, the
death penalty is not necessary to see a fall in crime rates.
Third, even after a record number of executions in 1999 (when Leo Echegaray and 6 others were put
to death by lethal injection), no pronounced drop in index crimes was observed. The incidence of index
crimes even rose by 8.8% from 1999 to 2002.
(Why the death penalty is unnecessary, anti-poor, error-prone. JC Punongbayan and Kevin Mandrilla. Published 9:00 AM,
February 11, 2017. February 11, 2017)
Studies abroad could also not find strong
evidence the death penalty deters crime.
Indeed, the US National Research Council concluded in 2012 that, research to dateis not
informative about whether capital punishment decreases, increases or has no effect on homicide rates.
In Asia, a separate study reached the same conclusion when it compared the homicide rates in Singapore
(a country of many executions) and Hong Kong (few executions). More recent research also shows that,
instead of imposing harsher punishments, a higher certainty of being caught may be more effective in
deterring crime.
(Why the death penalty is unnecessary, anti-poor, error-prone. JC Punongbayan and Kevin Mandrilla. Published 9:00 AM,
February 11, 2017. February 11, 2017)
The (US) National Research Council( Deterrence and the Death Penalty) stated that studies claiming
that the death penalty has a deterrent effect on murder rates are fundamentally flawed and should
not be used when making policy decisions (2012).
DEATH PENALTY
INFORMATION
CENTER, Facts
about the Death
Penalty, 1015 18th St.
NW, Suite 704 Washington,
DC 20036
www.deathpenaltyinfo.org
dpic@deathpenaltyinfo.org
@DPInfoCtr
facebook.com/DeathPenaltyIn
fo
AGAINST
Previous death sentences were error-prone.
Too many Filipinos were wrongly sentenced to death before. This may be the single most damning
argument against the reimposition of the death penalty.
In the case of People of the Philippines vs. Mateo (2004), the Supreme Court admitted that a vast
majority of trial courts had wrongfully imposed the death penalty during the time it was available as a
sentencing option from 1993 to 2004 (only 25.36% of the cases reviewed were affirmed!).
Figure 4 shows that of the 907 death convictions that went to the Supreme Court for review, as many
as 72% were erroneously decided upon. These cases were returned to lower courts for further
proceedings, reduced to life imprisonment, or even reversed to acquittal. By detecting these errors, a
total of 651 out of 907 lives were saved from lethal injection.
Unless this alarmingly high rate of judicial errors is fixed, bringing back the death penalty will only
put more innocent people on death row.
Within the eleven-year period since the re-imposition of the death penalty law in 1993 until June
2004, the trial courts have imposed capital punishment in approximately 1,493, out of which 907 cases
have been passed upon in review by the Court.
In the Supreme Court, where these staggering numbers find their way on automatic review, the
penalty has been affirmed in only 230 cases comprising but 25.36% of the total number. Significantly,
in more than half or 64.61% of the cases, the judgment has been modified through an order of remand
for further proceedings, by the application of the Indeterminate Sentence Law or by a reduction of the
sentence. Indeed, the reduction by the Court of the death penalty to reclusion perpetua has been made
in no less than 483 cases or 53.25% of the total number.
The Court has also rendered a judgment of acquittal in sixty-five (65) cases. In sum, the cases where
the judgment of death has either been modified or vacated consist of an astounding 71.77% of the total
of death penalty cases directly elevated before the Court on automatic review that translates to a total
of six hundred fifty-one (651) out of nine hundred seven (907) appellants saved from lethal injection.
(People vs Mateo. G.R. NO. 147678-87. 2004 July 7.)
The death penalty, as applied in the Philippines before, was not only unnecessary in reducing crime
but also largely anti-poor: poor inmates were more likely to be sentenced to death than rich inmates.
Back in 2004 the Free Legal
Assistance Group (FLAG) did a survey of
890 death row inmates. Among other
things, FLAG found that 79% of death
row inmates did not reach college and
63% were previously employed in blue-
collar work in sectors like agriculture,
transport, and construction.
Incompetent Counsels
Usually financially unable to pay for counsel, the court appoints counsel de officio for them. More
often, poor persons may not receive fair trails due to incompetent, inexperienced or ineffective counsel.
Thus, while the law is not discriminatory, the practical effect of the death penalty is discrimination
against the poor. (CHR Resolution on the Re-examination of the Death Penalty. 6 March 1997.)
Death Row inmates are served by a severely under-funded Public Attorney's Office (PAO), often
with disastrous results. Condemned men say they are railroaded into prison with limited or no
representation. FLAG cites cases in which public attorneys advise clients to plead guilty to obtain a
lighter sentence, unaware that the charges carry a mandatory death sentence. PAO acknowledges that
its 877 attorneys receive no special training on capital cases. It also notes that besides handling death-
sentence cases, public defenders are involved in more than 350,000 civil and criminal cases each year, as
well as millions of consultations, filings and mediation matters. (Waiting to Go. Ron Gluckman, Asiaweek
Magazine, July 23, 1999.) http://www.gluckman.com/Death'Penalty.htm
V. COST
AGAINST
Death penalty results to even more clogged dockets. The automatic review of the Supreme Court
significantly increases its already heavy workload, thus, contributing to the slow and costly
administration of justice.
There is no empirical study done on the cost of litigation involving death penalty cases in the
Philippines. Inference may be made, however, that the automatic review of the Supreme Court in cases
where death penalty was imposed by the lower courts necessarily involved more cost to the government
and to the accused.
However, studies done in the US as to the real cost of death penalty are enlightening.
The Financial Costs of the Death Penalty
Death penalty cases are much more expensive than other criminal cases and cost more than
imprisonment for life with no possibility of parole. In California, capital trials are six times more costly
than other murder trials.(1) A study in Kansas indicated that a capital trial costs $116,700 more than an
ordinary murder trial.(2) Complex pre-trial motions, lengthy jury selections, and expenses for expert
witnesses are all likely to add to the costs in death penalty cases. The irreversibility of the death
sentence requires courts to follow heightened due process in the preparation and course of the trial. The
separate sentencing phase of the trial can take even longer than the guilt or innocence phase of the trial.
And defendants are much more likely to insist on a trial when they are facing a possible death sentence.
After conviction, there are constitutionally mandated appeals which involve both prosecution and
defense costs.
Most of these costs occur in every case for which capital punishment is sought, regardless of the
outcome. Thus, the true cost of the death penalty includes all the added expenses of the "unsuccessful"
trials in which the death penalty is sought but not achieved. Moreover, if a defendant is convicted but
not given the death sentence, the state will still incur the costs of life imprisonment, in addition to the
increased trial expenses.
What Politicians Don't Say About the High Costs of the Death Penalty. Richard C. Dieter. Undated.
http://www.fnsa.org/v1n1/dieter1.html
A new study in California revealed that the cost of the death penalty in the state has been over $4
billion since 1978. Study considered pretrial and trial costs, costs of automatic appeals and state habeas
corpus petitions, costs of federal habeas corpus appeals, and costs of incarceration on death row.
(Alarcon & Mitchell, 2011).
Defense costs for death penalty trials in Kansas averaged about $400,000 per case, compared to
$100,000 per case when the death penalty was not sought. (Kansas Judicial Council, 2014).
Facts about the Death Penalty. DEATH PENALTY INFORMATION CENTER. 1015 18th St. NW, Suite 704 Washington,
DC 20036.
IN FAVOR
Justice cannot be thought of in financial terms
VI. CLOSURE
The long judicial process between conviction and execution, which can span many years in some cases,
also prolongs grief and pain for co-victims. Uncertainty prevails in the face of appeals, hearings, and
trials, while increased publicity inherent in death-penalty cases exacerbates co-victims suffering.
Through media exposure, they repeatedly relive traumatic events.
Pain and anger, especially, are common in the wake of tragic loss and can be accompanied by an
overwhelming desire for revenge. Some co-victims in the Vollum study voiced that the death penalty was
not harsh enough, while others communicated a wish to personally inflict harm on the condemned. In
the majority of cases though, executions were not sufficient to satisfy these desires.
More often than not, families of murder victims do not experience the relief they expected to feel at
the execution, states Lula Redmond, a Florida therapist who works with surviving family
members. Taking a life doesnt fill that void, but its generally not until after the execution that families
realize this.
A death sentence can polarize the two families, obstructing healing for both. However, in a number of
cases, co-victims actually expressed sympathy for family members of the condemned, often empathizing
with the experience of loss.
When life sentences were given, rather than capital punishment, a 2012 Marquette University Law
School study showed improved physical and psychological health for co-victims, as well as greater
satisfaction with the justice system. The authors hypothesize that survivors may prefer the finality of a
life sentence and the obscurity into which the defendant will quickly fall, to the continued uncertainty
and publicity of the death penalty.
Would co-victims move through the natural healing process more rapidly if they were not dependent
on an execution to bring long-awaited peace? Perhaps the execution as an imagined endpoint for closure
only leads to more grief in the meantime.
The realities of capital punishment may be poorly suited for healthy grieving and healing.
The Trauma and Mental Health Report. Robert T. Muller &Caitlin McNair.
https://www.psychologytoday.com/blog/talking-about-trauma/201610/death-penalty-may-not-bring-peace-
victims-families
Last, F. M. (Year, Month Date Published). Article title. Retrieved from URL.
Muller, Robert T. Ph.D. Death Penalty May Not Bring Peace to Victims' Families. Psychology Today. 19
October 2016.
CONCLUSION
Right To Life Not Subject To Popular Vote
It is to be sadly noted that when there is a public-clamor (or clamor of people in power) to stop the
rising tide of criminality, the death penalty is always suggested as a quick fix solution. The issue of
whether the State has the right to kill should not, however, be resolved on the basis of popularity poll
(subject to the mere whim of the administration). Right and righteousness are not based on what is the
fashion of the day. We cannot give a blind eye to the enlightened argument that the way to deter crime
is not to increase the severity of punishment but to increase the likelihood of detection, arrest and
conviction. We cannot be indifferent to the internationally accepted view that rehabilitation and
reformation of criminals ought to be our main penal goal. Let us hearken to the wisdom of Article 10 of
the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights which provides that the "penitentiary system shall
comprise treatment of prisoners the essential aim of which shall be their reformation and social
rehabilitation."
It is not too much to ask that we rejoin the mainstream of civilized nations.
The death penalty can be assailed on many grounds, whether moral, philosophical, or legal. But just
by focusing on the available data, it is apparent that the death penalty, as used in the past, was largely
unnecessary and ineffective in reducing crime.
Even assuming for a moment that it was a deterrent, the death penalty tended to discriminate against
the poor and was subject to alarmingly high error rates.
It is no wonder that so many countries around the world today have abolished the death penalty
rather than retained it. As of 2015, 140 countries have abolished the death penalty in law or in practice.
Crime is a more complex and nuanced issue than many of our politicians will care to admit.
Reinstating the death penalty and equating death with justice is a patently nave and simplistic way
of going about it.
(Why the death penalty is unnecessary, anti-poor, error-prone. JC Punongbayan and Kevin Mandrilla. Published
9:00 AM, February 11, 2017. February 11, 2017.)
JC Punongbayan is a PhD student and teaching fellow at the UP School of Economics. Kevin Mandrilla is an MA
student at the UP Asian Center