Reflective Journal One

Amy Pickburn
Word Count: 547

When asked to discuss which element of health has interested us the most thus far, I was immediately
drawn to the idea of the sociological imagination, or thinking sociologically about health. I was intrigued by
this aspect the most as it provides an alternative to the traditional and old-fashioned view that health can
only be considered from a medical perspective, also commented on by John Germov (2014 p.7).
Personally, this broadened my view on how I now look at certain health issues especially mental illnesses,
such as depression, which I focused on when completing the Sociological Imagination Template (SIT) in
the week three workshop (Mills 1959 & Willis 1993; as cited in Germov, 2014. p.7). During this time, I
critically considered my own points, but was surprised during class discussion when other students had
analysed depression from a male's perspective, rather than generalising the illness to both male and
females like I had. Until that discussion, I had not considered this point of view perhaps because I myself,
am female and the other students who looked at depression in men, were male themselves possibly
meaning that we each could understand the issue better from our own perspectives (as male and females).
When reflecting back upon my SIT, it is clear that far more social aspects of health were prevalent in my
template rather than biomedical ones (Germov, 2014. p.7). This made me realise that I have more of an
interest and understanding of a societal focus on health (such as lifestyle and working conditions affecting
health) rather than an individual focus (such as medical treatment). This could be because of my topic and
its main goal of reducing stigma in society to help recovery and to normalise the illness. However, it could
also relate to my own life and how I seen mental illnesses arise from the individual's environment rather
than a gene defect (despite it being considered a hereditary illness).
When further delving into the concept of looking at health sociologically, C. Wright Mills unpacks an idea
that I, myself have never put much thought into. Being that, people often view their experiences as unique
and personal, yet Mills describes a connection between the individual and the society where a person acts
out of response to their situation, mimicking the society at the time without consciously knowing it. He
quotes, The sociological imagination is a quality of mind that seems most dramatically to promise an
understanding of the intimate realities of ourselves in connection with larger social realities. (Mills 1959; as
cited in Germov, 2014. p.7). This quotation from Mills further emphasises the idea that structure dictates an
individual's agency and freedom to make their own choices and decisions. I completely agree with this
concept and it has made me question whether anything I have experienced actually mirrored a larger social
group. An example could be feeling stressed and anxious about Year 12 exams, where my actions (eg.
studying, not socialising) could be a general pattern throughout teenagers aged 17-18 during that time
period. Overall, learning about the sociological imagination has allowed me to grasp a better understanding
of society, more so, how I am neither isolated or detached from the outside world, but rather more
connected and intertwined than I first thought.

Reference List:
Germov, J. (2014). Second Opinion (5th ed., p. 7). Melbourne: Oxford University Press.
Reflective Journal Two
Amy Pickburn
Word Count: 915

During the week five workshop, I was pleasantly surprised by the interactive approach to the lesson as I,
myself enjoy a kinesthetic style of learning through carrying out physical activities in order to learn and
understand concepts. When participating in the exercise to showcase the different pressures each social
classes are exposed to, I was amazed at how representative it was of the real world. As I was initially
placed into the circle group, I realised it was a metaphor for being born into a middle class society, where I
was thankful to not be a triangle (a lower class individual) but envied those in the square group (upper
class), which I can relate to in my personal life as I am considered a middle class individual. In its entirety,
the exercise worked well for me to display just how strenuous it can be for someone in the middle class to
have the economic stability to stay in their social class and maintain their current lifestyle. This shocked me
as I had previously thought that only lower class individuals needed to put in such large amounts of time,
energy and effort just to survive, however this exercise made realise it is not that simple. Moreover, I did
not know how difficult it was to move from middle to upper class, or opposingly how simple it was to
downgrade from middle to lower class as I did in the exercise. I was also astonished at the mass of
individuals within each group, with lower class having the majority and upper class being the minority, as I
thought most individuals would be in the middle class group. John Germov makes mention of this by
commenting on Pakulski and Waters research that identified four key features of class analysis including
economism, groupness, behavioural and cultural linkage, and transformational capacity (Pakulski and
Waters, 1996; as cited in Germov, 2014. p.86). For me, I saw economism as being very evident within the
exercise as the minority (upper class) was able to accumulate wealth relatively easily due to unequal
circumstances (having a better coin bag). Behavioural and cultural linkage was also prevalent as each
member within the classes shared similar desires, goals and interests, where they worked hard to maintain
their current lifestyle. This meant they were essentially sharing class consciousness where each member
was aware of their place in the system of social classing, and the struggles associated with their position
(Pakulski and Waters, 1996; as cited in Germov, 2014. p.86). Personally, I found these two features
extremely noticeable during the exercise as people were aware of their class position and expressed
certain characteristics linked to these specific features.

When further looking at class and health, debates arise about whether upper classes act as ruling classes,
where they gain political power as a result of their economic wealth (Germov, 2014. pg.85). I definitely find
myself agreeing with this stance as those who have political power are often wealthy and have the ability to
push for new policies that could benefit those already well off, such as low taxation etc. (Germov, 2014.
pg.85). When participating in the exercise, I was surprised by the triangles (upper class) decision to swap
the coin bags, putting themselves at a disadvantage in order to help others survive. Perhaps being
significantly wealthier than the other classes, they were able to make a small sacrifice which resulted in
little, to no change in where people stood in terms of class. When reflecting upon this choice, I found it
extremely difficult to find an example of this in the real world as charity often makes the donor feel better
about themselves and they often gain a positive reputation amongst peers within the same social
group/class.

Lastly, the issue of social exclusion was clearly evident within the exercise as each group tended to
exchange coins within their own social class, and thus isolated their communications and association with
the lesser groups which I believe can be quite reflective of real life. Many social circles and groups often
contain people from the same social background and income status due to the similar lifestyles they share.
Germov mentions this when stating social exclusion is a broad term used to encompass individuals and
groups who experience persistent social disadvantage from a range of causes (social isolation etc.),
preventing participation in social institutions and political practices. (Germov, 2014. pg.86). This was
extremely clear in the exercise as the lower classes had less power over the changing of rules, and
ultimately the upper class was able to dictate and decide on which policy they would prefer and would
benefit most from. This definitely links back to the idea of upper classes acting as ruling classes, and how
this can lead to social exclusion. In the real world it is clear that those better off such as politicians are able
to voice their opinions more easily, whereas those worse off might be unable to share their ideas and
opinions so easily and often at times, may not be taken seriously because of their low income or economic
status. Overall, this topic of class and health inequality ultimately makes me more aware of the advantages
I have as a middle class individual. However, it also raises issues and highlights that change needs to
occur in terms of reducing social exclusion through broadening social interactions, and how political power
needs to be shared amongst classes and should not reflect economic wealth.
Reference List:

Germov, J. (2014). Second Opinion (5th ed., p.85-86). Melbourne: Oxford University Press.
Reflective Journal Three
Amy Pickburn
Word Count: 1405

I was thoroughly engaged during the week ten workshop as the topic of health promoting schools is an
aspect of health I am most interested in as it relates to my education degree, as it has a particular focus on
primary school students. When asked to consider my own experience with health promoting strategies
during my schooling life, I realised there were many implemented in my schools to promote positive health
choices and lifestyles. These included the canteen selling low sugar items and fruit to promote healthy
eating choices, taking time out of class to learn about how to grow vegetables in the garden to further
reinforce healthy eating, fun run activities where students were encouraged to be physically active, Jump
Rope for Heart programs once again reinforcing to be active and lastly nude food days where students
were encouraged to bring foods without wrappers to promote the environments health. During class
discussion, I came to the realisation that each of these positive health promoting strategies included
various downfalls. For example, when students were encouraged to pick up rubbish after lunch, not only did
teachers not participate themselves, but students often got bored, distracted or viewed this time as a
bludge essentially missing the entire point to protect our environment and to not litter, and rather viewed it
as a way of getting out of class. Unfortunately this trend of downfalls is evident in many, to almost every
attempt of health promoting strategy we discussed in class.

According to Germov (2014, p.477), Health education approaches cannot assume people have adequate
health literacy to understand, evaluate and act on health information; let alone the social and economic
means to do so. This comment then lead me to further question whether children even understand certain
health promoting strategies that are implemented in their schools, whether they see links between activities
done at school and important health concepts, as well as whether or not they are implementing these
strategies in their everyday lives. The notion of healthy literacy is one in which schools must place
significant importance on when implementing health promoting strategies. Some people, especially
children, may be unable to read and understand health care information and thus, are unable to apply the
relevant information to their own lives. An example discussed in class was growing vegetables at school.
Whilst this encourages children to eat healthy, it is unlikely that many of the students will continue to grow
vegetables at home when thinking about the long-term impact. Germov (2014, p.477) further comments,
Criticisms of IHP [individualist health promotion] programs involve their general lack of success in terms of
changing behaviour in the long-term, and their tendency toward victim-blaming. These criticisms highlight
the ineffectiveness of targeting individual behaviour and responsibility, and placing the blame on the
individual's non-compliance with health advice. (Germov 2014, p.468). Alternatively, structuralist-
collectivist health promotion (SCHP) has more of a focus on the social determinants of health behaviour,
deterring from victim-blaming, and rather analysing the structural causes of ill-health. The SCHP approach
is one that needs to be further embedded in schools due to the need of broad support, a focus on holistic
and social views of health (not individualistic) and the need to push for change assisted through policies,
funding and support. Furthermore, I believe that first students need to have a basic understanding of health
literacy before they are introduced to any health promoting strategies at their schools in order to best utilise
both the students and teachers time and effort. This way, students will have a better grasp at what
messages are being conveyed through different activities, and how they may apply these to their own lives.

Further limitations arise, however, when attempting to change negative lifestyle choices in children as
some may not have a choice on whether they are able to eat healthy or exercise, due to financial
constraints or family values. Varying views on the importance of health promotion and what an effective
health promoting strategy exactly entails further complicates the issue. Germov (2014, p.469) further
explains, Much IHP is based on risk discourse and healthism, ignoring that some people may not have the
power to choose or may not view health as a priority. Robert Crawford comments on the concept of
healthism, stating such extreme concern with personal health has now become national preoccupation. In
fact, it can be argued that our preoccupation with our bodily health is unhealthy. (Crawford 1980; as cited
in Germov 2014, p.469). This quotation made me reflect further on how health has now become a
commodity, and how healthism in particular has generated a consumer culture. This ongoing anxiety about
our appearances and to prevent the worst from occurring (risk discourse), has lead people to buy into gym
memberships, personal trainers, products from health food/organic shops, magazines that give advice on
what to eat/not eat, and television programs that encourage rapid weight loss with little information about
how to positively undergo this transformation themselves. Crawford further comments, The sign of being
normal is to have a healthy body. So what emerges from such health consumerism is a set of distinctions
that become elaborated into a system of social control. (Crawford 1980; as cited in Germov 2014, p.469).
Although strategies such as healthy eating to lose weight, may appear harmless, those who may not have
the resources to buy healthy foods may look at unhealthy alternative measures to lose weight. This
repetitive bombardment of weight loss and obsession with appearance may actually encourage people to
consider negative health strategies in order conform with what society views as desirable or acceptable.
Such unhealthy strategies and illnesses could include anorexia, binge-eating disorder, purging disorder and
bulimia. These serious eating disorders may be a result of ineffective or lack of health promoting strategies
in schools and in their everyday lives, as well as the misinterpretation of such strategies (health illiteracy).

Lastly, as mentioned in Germov (2014, p.467), the Ottawa Charter (1986) is a model that has attempted to
integrate both health education with individual behaviour-change strategies as well as broader structural
strategies. The Ottawa Charter shows three key health promoting strategies, enable, mediate and
advocate and five interrelated action areas, some in which I could clearly identify in Jens health promoting
strategy, Jump Rope for Heart at her previous school. Firstly, I found strengthen community action to be
clearly evident as she encouraged the school community to actively participate, despite each individual's
skill level and age, as well as lack of teacher participation. Jen further created a supportive environment
within the school by assigning buddies to skip with and creating a skipping club during lunch hours to help
continue their efforts at being active. However as Jen mentioned, when she left her job, this health
promoting strategy did not continue and therefore was not a long-term solution to being active and
supporting important causes. This issue of lack of teacher involvement as well as health illiteracy is raised
once again. Students who participated in raising money were mostly unaware of where the contributions
went, or the exact causes in which they were supporting. Rather, they were enticed through earning points
for their school and incentivised through the distribution of materialistic prizes. These issues extend further
including, lack of knowledge or ability amongst teachers to continue to effectively implement health
promoting strategies, limited financial support (weighing up cost and benefit), time constraints and lack of
space.

Overall, it is clear that significant changes need to be made to many health promoting strategies that are
implemented, not just in schools, but in our everyday lives. Caution must also be taken when considering
the health literacy amongst students and how they may go about implementing strategies in their own lives,
due to healthism and risk discourse. The integration of both IHP and SHCP via ecological and new public
health approaches is a strategy in which I believe may change the current ineffectiveness associated with
health promotion. Ultimately, this topic has helped me reflect back upon my own lifestyle choices and
whether these mirror any health promoting strategies I experienced during my schooling such as eating
fruits and vegetables which may be associated with gardening at school.

Reference List:

Germov, J. (2014). Second Opinion (5th ed., p.467- 477). Melbourne: Oxford University Press.