The state of health in Myanmar is gradually improving, with significantly higher levels of funding being

allocated by the state, and foreign donors and private investors looking to participate. To ensure its 56m
people have access to better care, and mindful of the challenges, the administration is increasingly open to
assistance from foreign governments, NGOs and private firms. The newly installed government has also
put education at the heart of its reform agenda, recognising its potential for lifting the country out of
poverty. More money is being channelled into the sector as officials seek to build a 21st-century
education system to help push Myanmar into the ranks of the upper-middle-income nations by 2030.

This chapter contains a viewpoint from Dr Myint Htwe, Union Minister, Ministry of Health and Sports;
and an interview with Myo Thein Gyi, Minister of Education.

Articles from this chapter

This chapter includes the following articles.
Myanmar's government makes health care investment key policy

Myanmar's government makes health care investment key policy

The state of health in Myanmar is gradually improving, with significantly higher levels of funding being
allocated by the government. Foreign donors and private investors are looking to participate in the fast-
expanding service sector. To ensure its 56m people have access to better care, and mindful of the
challenges, the government is increasingly open to assistance from foreign governments, NGOs and
private firms.

Instituting Reforms

Dr San San Yi, chairman of medical equipment supplier Okkar Thiri, told OBG, The government has
hurdles to overcome. They need support from local and international firms. Together we can make a
difference, but agendas and policy need to be synchronised.

The National League for Democracy (NLD) took office in April 2016 and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who
now holds the position of state counsellor, has stressed that health care is a priority of her partys
government. In opposition, the NLD started the National Health Network to provide basic health care
services an initiative that is now likely to be scaled up and its manifesto promised to improve and
expand the countrys medical services, and reduce the level of out-of-pocket spending by those who are
seeking treatment. The goal is to achieve universal health care by 2030, if not earlier.

The Ministry of Health (MoH) has ultimate responsibility for Myanmars health system, but after years of
isolation under the military regime, the countrys new civilian leadership is opening the door to the
international community and NGOs, and deepening ties with community groups and religious societies
who have often filled the gaps in health care provision.

The Department of Public Health oversees the provision of basic health care and operates 1132 hospitals
nationwide. Its facilities range in size from 2000-bed hospitals in cities like Yangon and Naypyidaw,
providing a variety of specialisations, to remote rural health clinics with 20 or fewer beds.
Sector Spend

Government health spending rose nine-fold between 2011 and 2015, with public health expenditure as a
percentage of total health spending increasing from 20% to 34%, according to Dr Phyu Phyu Thi Zaw, a
World Health Organisation (WHO) human reproduction programme career development fellow at
Stanford University. Even with the increase, UK Trade & Investment (now the Department for
International Trade) noted in February 2016, A much larger injection of funds and foreign investment is
necessary to reverse decades of neglect and mismanagement. Myanmar spends less on health care than
its ASEAN neighbours. According to the World Bank, health spending rose to $1.08bn in 2014 (2.28% of
GDP), compared with $236.98m (1.83% of GDP) in 2005. By 2015 the proportion of spending devoted to
health had risen further, to 3.8%. In per capita terms, the World Bank said Myanmar spent $20.29 in
2014, compared with $4.74 in 2005. The World Bank, the Global Fund and the Three Millennium
Development Goals Fund are fuelling momentum towards universal health coverage, providing financial
assistance to tackle HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis (TB) and malaria, as well as support for the development of
health care for pregnant women and children.

Modernisation Effort

The UK government, under the Department for International Development, has been working with the
MoH to modernise the Yangon General Hospital (YGH), which was built by the colonial administration
in 1889 and was last renovated in 1964. The 2000-bed facility is the main training hospital for the
countrys medical university, and its 1800 staff, including 300 doctors and 480 nurses, widely seen as the
most skilled in the country. The hospital handles more than 3000 patients every day, some 300 of them
emergency cases. The work at YGH includes not only building improvements new roofing, ventilation
systems and drainage but also a reform of the means for storing medical records. Additionally, a visiting
professorship programme involving oncology and nuclear medicine training was planned for 2016. The
renovation at YGH has also brought more up-to-date medical equipment, including a MMK210m
($170,580) endowment of modern equipment from Sea Lion, the local agent for GE Healthcare. GE has
sold 13 of its digital imaging CT scanners to hospitals in Myanmar.

While beneficial, increases in government spending mask sharp differences between urban and rural
areas. The strategy consulting firm Solidiance, which tracks Myanmars health market, describes Yangon
as the epicentre of the health sector and data shows the city has more doctors per 1000 people than the
country as a whole. The ratios for nurses and hospital beds are also better in Yangon than elsewhere.
According to Phyu Phyu, areas such as Chin State and Shan State have seen only minimal increases in
funding compared to Yangon, Mandalay and Ayeyarwady. About 70% of Myanmars population lives in
rural areas, and the poverty level in Chin State is 73% the highest in the country followed by Rakhine
at 44%.

Hiring Challenges

Decades of neglect have created manpower shortages, not only for doctors, nurses and dentists, but also in
health care administration. Against a global standard of 2.4 health workers for every 1000 people,
Myanmar has 1.3, according to the UN Population Fund. There is a significant lack of specialists, with
just 17 oncologists in the country and only 10 of those considered senior. Medical workers are poorly
paid, so many doctors who work in the public sector supplement their income by running private
consultations, selling pharmaceuticals or teaching. The government is trying to improve the situation,
working with international academic partners to bring medical training programmes at the countrys
medical universities and training colleges up to date. For example, under the Jhpiego programme, a
maternal health programme, Johns Hopkins University is working with the MoH and 24 local midwifery
schools, which have been established to increase both the number of students and teachers, and raise
standards of local clinical practice.

As of 2015 it is estimated that some 3700 women died each year in childbirth in Myanmar, while 43%
were giving birth without a skilled professional in attendance. Alongside Western medicine, many people
in Myanmar seek traditional remedies, which are often cheaper an important consideration, given
treatment costs dissuade some patients. A Department of Traditional Medicine was set up in the Ministry
of Health in 1989 and is responsible for 20 hospitals across the country, as well as a Traditional Medicine
University and two factories producing a full range of traditional drugs. There are also 1000 traditional
medicine providers in the public system and 6000 working privately.

Private Hospitals Open

For decades Myanmars wealthy have travelled overseas for medical treatment, usually to Singapore or
Thailand, reflecting not only the poor quality of medical facilities at home, but also a deficit of trust borne
of the poor conditions in the countrys health sector and frequent misdiagnoses. Assisted by local
representatives who arrange visas, accommodation and even an interpreter, those Myanmar who can
afford to do so seek treatment overseas, especially when it comes to serious conditions such as cancer,
liver disease and organ transplants. Myanmar patients spend an estimated $600m per year on medical care
outside the country.

Tourists and expatriates are frequently warned of the risks of falling ill or having an accident in Myanmar,
with travel operators advising medical evacuation insurance. However, thanks to amendments to the
foreign investment law in relation to health, new clinics and hospitals have been opened, catering not only
to the rich, but also to a newly emerging middle class, who have more money to spend on their health.

It is not true that you have to evacuate for quality care, Dr Gershu Paul, CEO of Pun Hlaing Siloam
Hospitals (PHSH), told OBG. People are taking a view on what it was, rather than what it is and what it
will be.

Foreign Investment

Until 2014 foreigners were barred from investing in Myanmars health care sector, but they are now
allowed to invest in private hospitals, clinics, diagnostic services and devices, as well as health-related
education, provided they do not own more than 80% of the venture. That compares positively with the
region, where the investment limits range from 100% in Singapore to 30% in Malaysia. At the same time,
ASEAN has made health care a priority of its economic integration plans, with a focus on trade in
pharmaceuticals and medical equipment, as well as the provision of health services and the extension of
mutual recognition agreements allowing medical professionals to work throughout the ASEAN region.
Still, financiers must do their research. Girish Wadhwa, president of MEGA Lifesciences, told OBG,
Some investors need to enter the market with more caution. While the country is developing, there are
still obstacles that need to be overcome.

New Projects

Regional health care giants have shown greater interest in Myanmar in the past couple of years,
encouraged by less rigid investment rules and rising domestic incomes. One of the more ambitious
projects is PHSH, a joint venture (JV) between Serge Pun & Associates (SPA Group) and Indonesias
Lippo Group, the conglomerate that operates the Siloam Hospitals Group in the archipelago. The JV plans
to build on the reputation of PHSH, which was opened by SPA in 2005, before Lippo took a 40% stake in
2014, to open more than 10 hospitals across Myanmar by 2023, with the first to open in Mandalay in
2017. It also aims to achieve Joint Commission International accreditation by the first quarter of 2017.

SPA Group wants its facilities to be internationally competitive, but also accessible so offers tiered
pricing. A caesarean, for example, would cost between $400 and $1500 depending on the patients
income, according to Gershu. Malaysias IHH Healthcare, the worlds second-biggest hospital operator
with the Gleneagles and Parkway brands, signed an agreement in January for a $70m, 250-bed hospital on
a prime tract of government land close to YGH, which it expected to open in 2020. The project broke
ground in 2016 and, under a build-operate-transfer agreement, the private hospital will become public in
50 years, Yet in early 2017 the government overturned the land allocated and the projects future was
uncertain. According to Dr Kyaw Min Soe, a researcher at the Research Centre for Health Economics and
Evaluation, while opening up the market could help raise standards and improve medical knowledge, the
process needed to be effectively managed. Increasing foreign investment can worsen inequalities in the
current Myanmar health care system, Dr Kyaw wrote in Myanmar in the urban area and target good-
income patients. Those investments can also lead to the internal brain drain of medical professionals, as
more doctors and nurses work in the foreign hospitals offering good salaries. It is up to us to ensure a
strong health system for promoting the equitable (and) affordable access to health care for all Myanmar
citizens. Many medical professionals work in both the public and private sectors, with private
employment supplementing the public sector salary. PHSHs Gershu said that of 40 full-time specialists
employed at the hospital under exclusive contracts, 25 to 30 are returning locals.

Disease Burden

Despite substantial progress across many sectors, Myanmar remains a frontier economy with one of the
lowest per capita incomes in Asia, a condition that is reflected in the health of its population. In 2015 life
expectancy at birth was 65 for men and 68 for women, behind Cambodia but ahead of Laos. Despite
reforms in recent years, the country also continued to report a relatively high level of deaths among
under-fives (56,000 per year) and new mothers (200 per 100,000).

The risk of infection in Myanmar also remains very high, with a prevalence of water and food-borne
diseases, as well as malaria and Japanese encephalitis (JE). In August 2016 an outbreak of serious
diarrhoea and cholera, was reported in Pyay, a town along the Ayeyarwady River and led to the
hospitalisation of more than 140 people. While deaths from diseases like HIV/AIDS, TB and malaria
appear high compared with elsewhere in the region, significant progress has been made. Myanmar
stabilised its HIV/AIDS epidemic, according to the UN Development Programme, reducing the
prevalence of the disease among the 15- to 49-year-old population to less than 1%. The incidence of TB
has also declined reduced by half between 1990 and 2010. The government has also halved malaria
morbidity and mortality since 2007, in line with the UNs Millennium Development Goals.

An expanded immunisation programme supported by WHO, the UN Childrens Fund and the Global
Alliance for Vaccines and Immunisation that began in 2012, has also helped manage outbreaks of
infectious diseases, as well as deaths among underfives. By 2016 Myanmar aimed to achieve routine
immunisation coverage nationally of 95%, with at least 80% coverage in every township for all antigens.

Still, health workers face problems with refrigeration that risk compromising the efficacy of the vaccines.
Authorities are using solar energy to provide the power necessary to ensure prolonged cold storage in
remote areas and places that have fewer than eight daily hours of electricity. In 2016 after the country saw
serious outbreaks of JE, which is carried by the bite of an infected mosquito, and measles, the government
responded with a vaccination campaign in the affected areas. More than 15,000 children were inoculated,
covering 85% of the region.

Even as it continues to battle infectious diseases, Myanmar faces a rising incidence of stroke, diabetes and
heart disease; the types of chronic illnesses that are typically associated with changing diets and sedentary
lifestyles. Non-communicable diseases now account for about 59% of all deaths, according to global
information provider IMS Health.

Smoking Culture

The use of tobacco whether cigarettes or betel (a leaf wrapped around a mixture of tobacco and lime)
chewing is widespread. About 60% of men and 18% of women are smokers and the government has
been tightening tobacco regulations, most recently in 2016 when rules requiring the use of graphic health
warnings on cigarette packaging were introduced. However, cigarettes remain relatively cheap at
roughly MMK650 ($0.53) a for a pack of 20 and the WHO has recommended the tobacco excise duty
be increased to at least 70% of the retail price.

Betel chewing is also a major problem, according to Dr Than Sein, a former senior executive at the
WHO who now leads the Peoples Health Foundation (PHF). About 60% of men above the age of 25
chew betel and about 25% of women, according to the Foundation. Many of them chew the leaf daily. Its
use has also been rising among young people, with about 30% of 15-year-olds chewing, compared with
10% in 2009. The incidence is not only high, but it is increasing, Dr Than Sein told OBG. Betel
chewing has a long tradition in Myanmar and much of South-east Asia and is linked with cancers and
diseases of the gums, mouth and throat, and is a risk factor for chronic conditions such as hypertension
and diabetes but neighbouring countries have largely cut back on the practice.

Costs & Drugs

Health care costs are a big issue in Myanmar, largely determining when and where people seek treatment.
The out-of-pocket cost is around 82% of the charge, the highest in the world, according to Phyu Phyu.
Serious conditions will often require patients to make long journeys to the major cities to seek specialist
care, further adding to the cost.

The country is now experimenting with its first health insurance scheme, developed in consultation with
the MoH, Myanmar Medical Association, and insurance experts from both the public and private sector. It
is open to all citizens and residents aged six to 65 and involves 12 insurers, including the major player
Myanmar Insurance. Under the plan, residents can buy up to five units of insurance at an annual premium
of MMK50,000 ($40) per unit. Each unit will cover MMK15,000 ($12.20) of treatment a day including
hospitalisation for as long as 30 days. A single policy standardised across all the companies provides a
death benefit of MMK1m ($812).

According to IMS Health, initial uptake was slow with only 2000 applications. However, with the middle
class set to expand to 19m by 2030, insurance has much potential to improve access to medical care. Drug
prices are relatively high too despite the use of generics from India, Pakistan and Bangladesh. Myanmar
imports most of its drugs in US dollars, and the kyats decline has helped fuel inflation around 12% in
2016. A commercial tax of 5% also took effect in 2015 and it is applied to most medicines. According to
Than, prices have risen by as much as 20% in the past year, prompting the government to accelerate plans
to introduce a price control mechanism for essential medicines. Dr Than Htut, director-general of the
Food and Drug Administration (FDA), which regulates the industry, told the local media in June 2016
that a maximum retail price, modelled on the programme in India, was on the table and would help
stabilise prices and protect consumers from unregistered drugs.

However, some industry experts said the FDAs own licensing scheme in some ways contributes to the
distortions in the market. It can take two years to get approval for a drug, even where that drug has
already been approved by regulators in developed countries, and applications have to be typed out on a
manual typewriter. Distributors receive a trial registration certificate, which takes about 18 months, and
then after a few more months a direct import assessment certificate, valid for five years. Licence renewals
take three months. The drug registration process has become smoother over the years, resulting in faster
clearances. However, it can be further improved to facilitate the availability and affordability of quality
medicines in the country, Rajeev Rawal, Executive director of ABC International Myanmar, which
markets and distributes products made by international drug majors such as Bago Pharma, Montpelier,
Ferozsons Laboratories, ICPA and Flamingo, told OBG.

Local media report that some 25% of drugs sold in Myanmar pharmacies are illegal or substandard. These
medicines are usually cheaper than registered products, but there are concerns about storage and dosage.
Counterfeit medicines are usually over-thecounter drugs and are often found near the borders.

Outlook

Despite the problems, the countrys pharmaceutical market has been growing. ABCs Rawal estimated
the market to be worth $650m and is very bullish about growth. According to IMS Health, the market
could grow to be worth $1bn by 2018.

A new Food Law and a Medical Devices Law are being drafted, and the FDA is stepping up inspections,
with some indications that it may become an independent entity. The potential for growth has attracted
the interest of multinational firms, and as the pool of industry talent grows and the regulatory
environment evolves, costs are expected to decline.

Dr Myint Htwe, Union Minister, Ministry of Health and Sports, on responding to the challenges of a fast-
changing sector: Viewpoint

Dr Myint Htwe, Union Minister, Ministry of Health and Sports, on responding to the challenges of
a fast-changing sector: Viewpoint

Viewpoint: Dr Myint Htwe

The slogan of the National League for Democracy is Time for Change. This is the current theme of the
country from several perspectives, and health is no exception. As per this slogan, we should not be afraid
of changing things at any level, whether it be technical, administrative, managerial or logistical, because
such changes will enable us to improve our health services. We must strategise ways to develop the sector
and benefit the entire population of our country.

The health sector is facing increased demand and is changing fast. There are many challenges facing us,
and some of them will be unexpected and sudden. If we are not observant and do not adapt to the
changing situation by modifying or improving the way we work, plan, manage, assess and collaborate, we
will not be able to improve the health of the population. We will, therefore, not be able to attain our
objectives.

Therefore, we will prioritise innovative thinking and practise epidemiological thinking. Under this new
management, if there is a strong indication that changes should be made in administrative, managerial,
logistical or technical matters, we should not hesitate to act. But changes should be bounded by a certain
set of realistic criteria and rules. We will not make alterations haphazardly.

As we go along, we will streamline our programmes and activities in a systematic manner so that they
will serve our population efficiently and effectively. All suggestions and input will be treated equally in
terms of importance and taken care of to the largest possible extent. We will devise mechanisms so that
all suggestions and voices can be heard. We should always envision the face of the people, note the plight
of the people and think from the perspectives of the people when providing health services or sports and
physical education services. Our focus of attention should be on the population that we are serving. I will
consult with my senior team to make this happen at all levels of the health system as a matter of routine
habit. Ignoring suggestions given by team members and citizens will defeat our purpose. We will make a
combined effort to address constructive criticisms. Generally, people are reluctant or uncomfortable with
receiving criticism. In fact, constructive criticism is good for the recipient.

We will change our mindset in line with current affairs or demands. To change our mindset overnight is
impossible; however, if the majority is changing, that can help push our mindset in the right direction.
Senior professionals, including myself, have to lead by example and act selflessly to become role models
and encourage others to follow suit. Otherwise, there will be a vicious cycle, and we will never achieve
our common objective of improving the health of the population on our way to attaining universal health
coverage.

Here, I am referring to mindsets in terms of sense of responsibility, sense of accountability, spirit of

collaboration and coordination, spirit of positive attitude and positive thinking, unbiased decision-making,
team spirit and team approach, supporting and respecting each other, fact-finding rather than outright
fault-finding, giving sincere suggestions, ideas and advice in a constructive manner, and considering
people-centred approaches. In addition, we must initiate good ethical practices by applying the principles
of public health ethics, medical ethics, research ethics and sports ethics, to mention just a few.

Achieving this is a tall order, but we all have to try our best as we go along. We will strive to achieve
these conditions as far as possible and as soon as possible. Furthermore, together with the senior
professionals of the ministry, we will facilitate and promote development as we go along.

Major changes to Myanmar's education sector under way

Major changes to Myanmar's education sector under way

The newly installed government of the National League for Democracy (NLD) has put education at the
heart of its reform agenda, recognising its potential for lifting the country out of poverty. More money is
being channelled into the sector as officials seek to build a 21st century education system to help push
Myanmar into the ranks of the upper-middle-income nations by 2030.
Fundamentals

The vast majority of children in Myanmar attend government-run schools, beginning formal classes each
June once they have reached five years of age. Children currently spend five years at primary school, four
in lower secondary and two in upper secondary. According to Ministry of Education (MoE) figures, in the
2015/16 school year Myanmar had 45,387 schools catering to 8.85m children. Of these, some 63%, or
28,519 facilities, were primary schools (with 5.18m students) and 14%, or 6224 institutions, were lower
secondary schools (enrolling 2.8m students). The country had a total of 322,514 teachers, with a teacher-
student ratio of one teacher for every 27 pupils, according to UNESCO figures.

During primary school, which is meant to be compulsory, the curriculum emphasises the basics, such as
maths, science and English. In the final two years of secondary school, the subjects of science and
technology are conducted in English. In March 2016 Reuters reported that the 2014 census revealed that
one in five children between the ages of 10 and 17 about 1.7m young people were working instead of
attending school. Many families need children to earn an income, and often parents cannot afford the cost
of books, uniforms and other school-related fees.

According to UNESCO data, there were 284,278 young children not enrolled in school in 2014, compared
with 649,341 in 2010. Thus, it is clear the nations net enrolment rates have been improving since the
country embarked on its political reforms. At the primary level, the net enrolment rate was 94.5% in
2014, compared with 87.8% in 2010, while at the secondary level the rate was 48.3% in 2014, up from
45.1% four years before.

Alternative Choices

As well as government schools, children can attend schools operated by and for religious or ethnic
groups. Institutions run by Buddhist monks are seen as playing a crucial role in the education system
because they cater to the children of families who cannot afford education, particularly those in remote
areas. Although often poorly resourced and usually reliant on donations, monastic schools, which fall
under the remit of the Ministry of Religious Affairs, are thought to be responsible for the education of
between 150,000 and 300,000 children, according to the Philippines-based
newspaper Daily Inquirer. Schools operated by ethnic communities serve a similar purpose in a country
that has more than 135 ethnic groups and has been embroiled in long-running conflicts with minorities in
border areas, some of which continue.

The new government is supportive of recent moves making education more inclusive and encouraging
instruction in more local languages. In Mon State, for example, the Mon language has been taught since
2013/14 in 380 schools where the Mon ethnic group form the majority of students, according to a
February 2016 report from the Myanmar Times. The UN Childrens Fund, which is leading a language
and peace-building initiative across Malaysia, Myanmar and Thailand, is also developing a similar
programme in Kayin State.

The Myanmar Education Consortium (MEC), with funds from the UK and Australian governments, has
$22m to invest in the countrys education system over the next few years, focusing on both ethnic
community schools and monastic institutions. The MEC found that 72% of monastic schools income
came from individual donations. An increasing number of private schools have also been established
since 2012, when legislation was passed allowing private institutions to open. Most cater to Myanmars
upper class, as well as the children of expatriates working in the country.
The Bill

Spending on education has been rising steadily since the military began to loosen its grip on power,
supported by a sharp increase in support from foreign donors. As a percentage of GDP spending on
education rose from 0.7% in FY 2011/12 to 2.1% in FY 2013/14. Yet, despite the increase, Myanmar
remains well behind its ASEAN neighbours, which spend an average of 3.6% of GDP on education. The
NLD is also currently reviewing budget allocations for FY 2016/17, but it has indicated it wants to devote
more resources to the sector. Under the National Education Sector Plan (NESP) 2016-20, the policy
framework for the reform of the education system, funding for education rose from MMK310bn
($251.8m) in FY 2012/13 to MMK1.4trn ($1.1bn) in 2015/16 and MMK1.5trn ($1.2bn) in FY 2016/17.
The government has also said a 5% tax on mobile phones could be directed to education.

This increased spending has allowed the ministry to hire more teachers and expand free education. Some
72,000 daily wage teachers have been hired as funds have risen and efforts have been made to improve
teachers skills, according to the NESP. The government has also been able to invest more in school
infrastructure. Between 2010/11 and 2014/15 the MoE built 7616 new schools, with 11,776 classrooms,
according to the draft version of the NESP from late 2015. Some 8945 schools were renovated, improving
13,555 classrooms.

Reforming The System

The new government has ambitious plans to reform education from top to bottom. The rote learning of
facts is no longer seen as the best way to prepare the countrys young people for the future. Major shifts
are required in the coming years to transform the national education system and ensure that all students
progress through the education cycle, achieve quality learning standards, and fulfil their career and
lifelong learning goals and aspirations, the MoE wrote in its introduction to the NESP.

Conceived under the previous government, the NESP is expected to be launched by the end of 2016, with
some modifications by the new administration, U Win Aung, a consultant for the governments
Comprehensive Education Sector Review (CESR), told. The NESP focuses on nine key areas: preschool
education; basic education, including improvements in access and inclusion; curriculum; assessment;
teacher training and management; alternative educational programmes; technical and vocational education
and training (TVET); higher education; and education sector management. The changes made by the new
government have put a greater emphasis on improving the quality of compulsory primary education,
addressing the problem of out-of-school children, and developing TVET as an alternative to a more
academic education, CESRs U Win Aung told OBG.

Many of the provisions of the NESP were enshrined in the National Education Law (NEL) 2014 and the
NEL Amendment 2015. Staring in the 2017/18 academic year, the country will adopt the K-12 structure,
extending schooling by two years, and education will also be made free, as stipulated in the NEL. Steps
will also be taken to improve not only access to education, but also creating the conditions that will keep
children in school. The NESP also notes that drop-out rates remain high during the transition from
primary to middle school and from there to high school.

Under the NEL and NESP, the MoE has also promised to decentralise decision making, empower head
teachers, school managers and parent-teacher associations, as well as improve accountability across the
system between township education officers and schools, and vice versa. It is also committed to
introducing mechanisms to track the implementation of reforms, including independent quality audits and
dedicated school improvement plans. The education curriculum itself will undergo a revision,
emphasising not only problem solving and higher-order thinking skills, but also personal development
and employability. The MoE has said content will be reduced to a manageable level so that students
have the time to understand concepts and complete courses within the academic year. Local curricula will
also be developed to support the languages, culture and tradition of all the countrys ethnic groups.

The system of assessment and examination will also be overhauled. The focus will shift to class-based
assessments with examinations at the end of the primary (grade 5), lower-secondary (grade 9) and upper-
secondary (grade 12) levels. The changes will require modernisation of the Department of Myanmar
Examinations at the MoE, as well as the development of IT systems and monitoring mechanisms to set up
the exams and track results.

In Action

Officials acknowledge the difficulties of implementing such an ambitious plan, which will take many
years to have a real impact on the countrys children. Sufficient financial resources and the support of
international partners, including foreign governments (the British Council is providing assistance),
international non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and aid agencies are seen as crucial to the NESPs
success, according to Win Aung. The MoE will also need to improve its administrative and
implementation skills to push the ambitious programme through, he added.

This plan is quite an incredible transformation, if it is implemented, Lynne Heslop, the British
Councils education director, told OBG. Usually in countries that make changes to their reforms, they do
it bit by bit But here, Myanmar is transforming the whole system over the next five years.

Nurturing Creative Thinking

We have been under authoritarian governance for so many years that many people are well-trained in
how to behave, U Win Aung told OBG. Asians mostly live in a culture of harmony and respect for
superiors, whether teachers or parents, so if we are asking questions or giving our frank opinion, we are
breaking the rules. These are deep-rooted cultural practices, but we have to overcome such barriers.

Myanmar is not the only country in the region that is looking to reform its education system to lessen the
emphasis on rote learning and memorisation and to better prepare children for the jobs of the future.
Malaysia, which aims to become a high-income country by 2020, has introduced similar initiatives and a
comparable reform plan through its Education Blueprint 2013-25. Indonesia is also working to improve
the national schooling system by putting a greater emphasis on subjects like science, technology,
engineering and maths. Even Singapore, which regularly tops international education rankings, is seeking
to move away from high-stakes examinations and to nurture more-well-rounded students.

Training Teachers

Myanmars ASEAN neighbours have identified the quality of teaching as crucial to the success of their
reforms, as has Myanmar, which included reforms for the training and management of teachers in the
NEL. The revised system will include a teacher quality assessment system that will reward those who
deliver measurable achievements in student learning.

The MoE has also proposed changes to salaries and promotion mechanisms to encourage experienced
teachers to remain at primary schools. Currently, promotion means moving up to middle school and high
school, leaving the youngest children with the most inexperienced teachers. Officials want to raise
standards by creating primary school experts teachers who have performed well or gained significant
experience to work in that segment. According to a September 2016 report from the Myanmar Times,
the MoEs Department of Basic Education currently employs 369,919 teachers, with starting salaries
ranging from MMK155,000 ($126) for a newly qualified primary school teacher to MMK175,000 ($142)
for a high school teacher. The department spends about 85% of its budget on teachers salaries.

Since 2012 the British Council has been working with the MoE on teacher training, particularly for
English-language instruction, providing expatriate teachers, trainers and teaching materials. It has also
been working with community and monastic schools to improve English-language instruction there,
coaching local staff in the latest techniques, including classroom management, effective presentation and
the use of flashcards, songs, games and other interactive teaching methods.

Meanwhile, The Asia Foundation, a San Francisco-based international non-profit has been donating new
English-language educational and childrens books to Myanmar. In the past eight years, it has provided
nearly 200,000 books to more than 400 educational and research institutions throughout the country. It
has also worked with other organisations to publish childrens story books in local languages, and with
the Myanmar Library Association is undertaking a pilot project in six high schools to Yangon, Mandalay
and Magway to revitalise run-down libraries.

International Involvement

Myanmars ambitious plans for its state school system count on the assistance and input of international
experts, including NGOs. The NESP anticipates a particular need in the area of non-formal education,
helping people find alternative routes to learning and, eventually, work. The MoE estimates some 2.7m
people aged between five and 29 years have either never enrolled in school or dropped out of formal
education. Some 3.5m adults over the age of 15 are thought to be illiterate.

The NLD committed to addressing the problem in its manifesto and aims to partner with NGOs to deliver
alternative education at all levels, from primary to tertiary and adult learning. The programme is designed
to give everyone in Myanmar the opportunity to advance, even if the traditional academic route proves
inappropriate. However, there will also be opportunities for school-age children to re-join the mainstream
system. Myanmar is also looking to foreign investment to expand its network of private schools and aid
the recovery of higher education, particularly with alternative education pathways and vocational training.

Private Schools

While most children attend schools under the MoE, private institutions have started to open, though a
new, more comprehensive law on private education is awaiting the approval of the Parliament. Catering
largely to expatriates and wealthy local families who want their children to have an international, English-
language education, there are now 438 private schools with about 100,000 students on their books,
according to MoE figures. Official supervision is limited. There could be some opportunities for
international businesspeople to get involved in the education sector, U Win Aung told OBG.

For example, Dulwich College International has joined forces with Singapore-based investment holding
company Yoma Strategic to open two international schools in Yangon. Dulwich has already taken control
of the operations of Pun Hlaing International School and will start classes at a purpose-built Star City
campus in 2017. The venture has set aside $100m for the school, which will be disbursed in stages by
Yoma. The outfit expects to cater to as many as 1400 students aged between two and 18 years once fully
operational, with the first phase due to be completed in 2017. The growth in private schools, as in many
other parts of the economy, has created competition for staff, pushing up salaries. The fee schedule within
the private sector reflects the nature of the teaching staff. The fees are going to be set largely by the
international market, Fraser White, Dulwich College Internationals founder and executive chairman,
told local media. However, we have made a particular commitment here in Myanmar to develop a
scholarship scheme so that the best students will be able to access the school.

Tertiary Education

Higher education is also a significant part of the civilian governments educational reforms a far cry
from their military predecessors who sought to undermine higher education by closing institutions and
dispersing management across 13 different ministries, including agriculture and transport.

The MoEs Department of Higher Education controls only 66 of the 163 institutions of higher learning.
In order to sustain economic growth and compete in the global economy, Myanmars higher education
institutions will be reformed to enable greater knowledge production and to develop highly skilled
research centres to support social and economic development, the NESP stated.

As a University of Oxford graduate, State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has gravitated towards the
UK for assistance in rehabilitating the education* system. Myanmars parliamentarians have visited UK
institutions to get an understanding of the British systems, while geoscientists from Oxford and Heriot-
Watts Institute of Petroleum Engineering have visited Myanmar. According to Kevin Mackenzie,
director of the British Council in Myanmar for the four years until July 2016, there has been a drive
towards autonomy a key part of the reforms envisaged under the NESP. Speaking to weekly
magazine Times Higher Education in July 2016, he said, Rectors are more accessible. The new
government is open for business and has a better idea of what university autonomy is.

US universities have also shown a willingness to help. Academics from 10 US institutions visited in 2013
under the Institute of International Educations (IIE) International Partnership Programme. Arizona State
University agreed to look into the possibility of working with schools in Myanmar to offer a joint
certificate in religious studies, while Rutgers University has offered financial support to academics that
spend short periods lecturing in Myanmar. However, some obstacles remain. For example, Johns Hopkins
University pulled out of a proposed project with the University of Yangon in 2015 due to concerns about
academic autonomy.

Rebuilding

As elsewhere in Myanmars education system, reform in the tertiary sector requires systemic change and
will take time to achieve. Just 11% of Myanmars young people received any kind of higher education in
2013. Places at universities remain limited, meaning that only those who pass the matriculation exam at
the very top of their class usually the top 30% are accepted, according to figures from City College
Yangon. A 2013 IIE report found learning materials, and the courses themselves, were outdated and the
training received by the lecturers of doubtful quality.

The University of Yangon, the countrys most prestigious institution, was shut down following the
student-led uprising of 1988 and only reopened at the end of 2013. Other institutions were moved to
remote campuses further away from urban centres as a way of isolating opposition to military rule.
Student unions were also banned.

As it sets about rebuilding the system, the NLD government plans to bring higher education back under
the MoE, while also offering more clarity on the obligations and responsibilities that autonomy entails for
tertiary institutions. Officials aim to establish a Higher Education Quality Assurance Agency to develop
national quality standards and ensure accountability. Regulation will also be key to the success of the
emerging private sector too, where most institutions are profit-driven and no legislation yet exists
governing the operation of non-profits. Without oversight lenders are unwilling to back such enterprises,
so they are often self-funded. People are looking for quick bucks, and these are long-term investments.
We have to be patient, Deepak Neopane, founder of City College Yangon, which opened in 2013 with
the goal of training qualified engineers and is supported by private investors, told OBG.

The college currently has about 100 students working towards a higher national diploma, a pre-degree UK
qualification, and the institution is talking to some UK universities about partnerships that would allow
students to continue their studies for two more years to gain a degree. Still, Neopane said, UK
universities want some stability and regulations before they jump in.

Outlook

As the NLD maps out its plans for upcoming reforms across Myanmar, the benefits of changes to the
education system will take many years to be felt. The governments recognition that education is a crucial
part of its long-term goal of creating a more prosperous and inclusive nation is only one component of a
multifaceted effort.

U Myo Thein Gyi, Minister of Education, on improving access to education: Interview

U Myo Thein Gyi, Minister of Education, on improving access to education: Interview

Interview: U Myo Thein Gyi

What approach is the government taking to ensure that less-privileged and marginalised children
in rural areas receive primary education?

U MYO THEIN GYI: The National Education Law reinforces inclusive education, which ensures that
all school-aged children have a chance to learn, including those that are less privileged and marginalised,
and those that cannot access education for various reasons, such as disability. To improve access, more
schools are being opened, new school buildings are being built and existing buildings are being upgraded
every year. Less-developed areas have been given priority with regard to awarding approval for projects.
To boost education in more remote areas and border regions, some of the criteria and rules for the
approval of new schools and school upgrades have been relaxed for those regions. In addition, local
graduates are given priority when it comes to recruiting new teachers for these areas.

In accordance with the National Education Law, free and compulsory primary and secondary education is
being implemented with the aim of enabling all citizens to complete at least primary-level education and
to improve access to basic education for every citizen. All fees are exempted. To increase the net intake
rates, kindergarten students are provided with school uniforms free of charge. In order to increase net
enrolment and retention rates, as well as to reduce dropout rates, all students at other levels of the basic
education system are provided with textbooks and six exercise books free of charge, while all primary
school students are given additional free school uniforms. Furthermore, stipends are provided each year
for less-privileged and marginalised children in rural areas. In Myanmar, the non-formal primary
education programme has been rolled out in collaboration with UNICEF and other development partners
with a focus on remote regions, marginalised border areas and places with migrant workers.

How would you assess the relationship between civil society and the development agencies that are
working to improve education in Myanmar?

MYO THEIN GYI: Civil society and development agencies have joined hands to bolster the education
sector. UN agencies and many development partners are working directly with the Ministry of Education,
but there many areas to be developed to achieve high-quality education. Our development partners mostly
focus on ministry projects. With the technical and financial supports of our development partners, the
Ministry of Education is working to introduce school grants, stipends, early grade reading assessment and
teacher mentoring programmes, as well as to improve basic education and to develop the National
Education Strategic Plan 2016-21. All parents in Myanmar are eager to send their children to schools,
technical and vocational education and training institutions, and places of higher education. The
cooperation and involvement of civil societies and development partners is very important to improving
education quality. The Ministry of Education encourages all civil societies and development partners to
hold regular consultation meetings among themselves and with the ministry so that our efforts do not
overlap and cooperation is maximised.

MYO THEIN GYI: The child-centred approach (CCA) was introduced in 2012 to basic education
regimes in 258 townships in collaboration with the Japan International Cooperation Agency. The new
curricula for Grade 1 are based on the CCA and contain lessons that encourage the development of
problem-solving skills and creativity. To ensure teachers encourage creative thoughts in their learners,
teacher assessment will be conducted in a collaborative manner between students parents and school
principals.

New focus on TVET helps fill gaps in Myanmar's labour market

New focus on TVET helps fill gaps in Myanmar's labour market

While at an early stage, development of technical and vocational education and training (TVET) is a key
part of Myanmars education reforms. In a country where 59% of 25-year-olds have not completed
middle school, the TVET segment is crucial in ensuring more citizens have the skills and competencies
needed to work in the rapidly changing global economy.

Myanmar ranked 109th out of 130 countries in the World Economic Forums Human Capital Report
2016, performing especially poorly in terms of the quality of its education system (116th) and the
vocational enrolment rate for those aged 15-24 (117th). In the category of workplace learning for 25-to
54-year-olds the country ranked 123rd.

These rankings have focused attention on the need to better prepare different segments of the population
for working life. U Tin Latt, executive director at Chindwin College, told OBG, The changing job
market is dramatically affecting the way companies employ and recruit. The schooling system needs to
adapt so that Myanmar youth can take advantage of job prospects in the country and outside.
Current State

TVET provision, where it exists, is currently spread across multiple government agencies. Some 21
different ministries undertake TVET programmes of some form or another, including the Ministry of
Science and Technology (MoST), which chairs the TVET Task Force. However, the Ministry of Labour,
Employment and Social Security also plays a significant role in the reform drive due to the Employment
and Skills Development (ESD) Law, which was passed in 2013 and lead to the creation of the National
Skills Development Authority.

The current arrangements remain largely focused on advanced, multi-year diploma programmes targeted
at high school graduates, according to a December 2015 Asian Development Bank (ADB) report titled
Myanmar Human Capital Development, Employment and Labour Markets. The ADB has set aside
$100m for TVET in Myanmar under a technical assistance programme that began in September 2015. In
the same report the ADB also noted that TVET was not providing an effective alternative to higher
education or offering the necessary opportunities to poor and rural populations.

ccording to UNESCO, which is providing support and policy assistance to the government on TVET
development, the ESD Law is focused on non-formal TVET training in workplaces and for the
unemployed, while the MoST is in charge of more formal training, including institutes and the
governments technical high schools and colleges. There are also a large number of essentially
unregulated private services providers, as well as NGOs working on community development projects
and other initiatives.

Complete Overhaul

Launched in 2012 and completed in 2014, the Comprehensive Education Sector Review identified a
number of priorities, including increasing enrolment and widening access; improving the quality of
teaching and the numbers of teachers; assuring better coordination of TVET among different agencies;
and improved quality control, which are likely to form the basis of a new TVET law that will eventually
govern the sector.

Under the National Education Strategic Plan for 2016-21, the Ministry of Education has mapped out a
number of routes for vocational training to cater to both those in school and those at work looking to
improve their skills. There will also be opportunities for transfer across different streams through short
courses and examinations, and for students to move from the academic mainstream to the technical track
after lower-secondary and higher-secondary school.

As education reforms progress, foreign involvement is bringing additional expertise to play in the TVET
segment. Singapore, which has a long business relationship with Myanmar, opened the Singapore-
Myanmar Vocational Training Institute on the site of a former polytechnic in 2016. The centre has a
capacity of 800 students each year, offering six-month courses in areas such as hospitality, tourism,
electronics and engineering services. The institute also helps graduates find suitable jobs, with about 40%
of those who completed their courses in May 2016 securing jobs or internships within a month.

The Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation is supporting the expansion of the Centre for
Vocational Training (CVT), which provides Swiss-style apprenticeships in skills from electrical
engineering to carpentry and hospitality over three years. CVT, which partners with local companies,
currently has about 500 students, but expects to double that number by 2018 as it builds a new school in
Yangon.
Building Standards

Germany, meanwhile, has taken a key role in advising on the establishment and maintenance of TVET
standards. Since 2012 it has been working with the Ministry of Industrys Industrial Training Centre
(ITC) on the introduction of needs-based vocational training. The ITC at Sinde is being developed into a
central training agency for teachers and instructors under the ministrys vocational training programmes
and will also develop new courses for use across the countrys ITCs. The work is seen as central to
guiding the sectors development over the coming years. Shahriyor Turgunov, CEO of Horizon
International School, told OBG, The education sector is 10 years away from developing into a
streamlined and, ultimately transparent, system based on international norms and standardisation.

This programme, which ended in 2016, produced significant results, according to a June 2016 appraisal
mission by the German Office for International Cooperation in Vocational Education and Training.
Teachers were better qualified to train, TVET graduates successfully found employment at companies,
occupational standards were developed, and policies included concepts for more demand-oriented
TVET, the report said. Discussions are under way on the structure of the next phase of the programme,
which is likely to include further elements of capacity development. Although organisations such as the
National Skills Standards Authority have already developed skills standards for at least 175 occupations
by the end of 2014, the International Labour Organization (ILO) has questioned whether these had been
sufficiently adapted to the situation in Myanmar, given that they were based mostly on an Australian
framework. The ILO has been working with the government to ensure its skills development is better
matched with its economic needs, focusing its attention on two key sectors tourism and agriculture. The
ILO believes Myanmars vocational skills training must be more demand-driven with business
associations, chambers of commerce, industry and entrepreneurs playing a more central role in training
development to ensure businesses can find workers with the right skills, and workers themselves learn the
skills they need to find more productive employment.

Regional Focus

Myanmar citizens have also opened industry-specific institutes to meet the needs of growing industries. In
2014, the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation set up the non-profit Hospitality and Catering Training Academy
offering eight-month training courses in hotel management and culinary arts for those aged 18-25 aligned
to the framework of the ASEAN Common Competency Standards for Tourism Professionals. Entrance to
the academy has become highly competitive with about 100 places available on each certificate-level
course. About 300 people apply for each place, deputy principal U Thaw Zin Maung Maung told the
media, with the academy assessing school performance, English ability and service aptitude in deciding
which students to accept. The fourth intake completed their training, including a two-month internship at
a leading hotel or restaurant, in November 2016.

Myanmars first comprehensive labour market survey in three decades published in August 2016
showed just 0.7% of the working age population had received any training in the year preceding it, rising
to just 2% over a persons lifetime. It also found that women were considerably less likely to be working
(51.6%) than men (80.2%), because they are looking after the family and home. Nearly half of all workers
are employed in agriculture. The ILO expects the survey, coupled with the 2014 census, will help
policymakers to devise policies that are more effective in addressing gaps in the labour market and skills
training, thereby ensuring a smoother transition from school to workplace for the people of Myanmar
The Current Situation in Burma
A USIP Fact Sheet
Monday, May 1, 2017
After five decades of autocratic military rule, Burma (also known as Myanmar) has initiated a critical
transformation to representative democracy. But regional and national tensions threaten the already
tenuous transition: Disagreements between the military and elected civilian government, intercommunal
and religious cleavages, and precarious security structures strain the capacity of leadership and risk the
nations stability.
USIPS Work

Since 2012, the United States Institute of Peace (USIP) has supported security reform; increased the
conflict resolution skills of local and national leaders, professionals, and citizens; and bolstered the peace
process through training, education, and community engagement programs. USIPs recent work includes:
Training the Police Force. The nations Chief of Police asked USIP to train hundreds of Myanmar
Police Force officers from 13 states and regions on the best ways to prevent, mitigate, and resolve local
conflict. USIP responded with the Policing for Peace programa series of workshops, seminars,
dialogues, and trainings for trainers. Launched in 2014, the Policing for Peace program is part of USIPs
long-term strategy to institutionalize effective security by embedding conflict management approaches
within the police force.
USIP also plans to enhance conflict management skills and knowledge through a Justice and Security
Dialogue program that promises to preempt violence before it has a chance to erupt and destabilize
regions. The dialogues aim to foster relationships, fortify trust, and promote collaborative problem-
 solving among the police, government officials, judicial authorities, political parties, civil society
organizations, and community leaders
Empowering Religious Leaders. In 2013, a rumor spread within Buddhist and Muslim communities that
threatened to lead to violence in Burmas fourth largest city, Mawlamyine. USIP trainees sprang into
action, using shuttle diplomacy among religious and community leaders to invalidate the rumor within
their areas and deescalate tensions among the groups.
This exemplifies USIPs work helping Christian, Buddhist, Muslim, and Hindu leaders prevent violence
through interfaith understanding and collaboration. By empowering and connecting such leaders, USIP
has earned their trust. USIP has collaborated with the Women of Faith NetworkBurmas first woman-
led interfaith peacebuilding organizationproviding the group with operational funds and helping plan
and implement its programming, including seven workshops that trained 242 women in four cities.
USIP also facilitated the development of the Buddhist Peace Education Curriculum, which features 41
clergy members, scholars, and specialists. The curriculum helps educate Buddhists about peacebuilding
and transform exclusionary religious narratives that have historically instigated violence.
Mitigating Hate Speech. Technology is two-faced: Online hate speech can spur offline violenceand
we can use it to effectively promote peace. USIP is supporting local initiatives that leverage technology to
monitor hate speech, educate citizens about its effects, and alter divisive behavior. Examples include:
A mobile app that monitors speech in both Burmese and English, used by 70 organizations and student
associations

Regular coordination meetings of organizations working to combat dangerous speech

An online resource database for journalists and activists about religious news, which encourages
responsible reporting and tracks religious conflicts

A PeaceTech Exchange, where more than 90 civil society participants learned how to better leverage
technology for peacebuilding

Ensuring Safe Elections. Building on the powerful Policing for Peace program, the Myanmar Police
Force requested USIPs assistance in preventing violence during the 2015 election. The resulting electoral
security strategy minimized election day incidents. USIP helped:
Overcome bureaucratic roadblocks

Train 240 members of Electoral Security Management Committees, in coordination with the national
Union Election Commission and the United Nations Development Programme
 Create an Elections Code of Conduct, printed on 100,000 laminated cards for the police to carry on
election day

Spur an unprecedented dialogue between police and political partiesincluding Aung San Suu Kyis
National League for Democracythat resulted in police sharing their election security plans to allay
concerns about special police presence at the polls

Strengthening the National Peace Process. USIP is developing an initiative to augment the national
peace process. Its the result of extensive research into the needs and knowledge gaps among signatory
and non-signatory Ethnic Armed Groups, the government, and other stakeholders. Through a series of
dialogues, as well as workshops on facilitation and negotiation skills, the political players are envisioning
comprehensive peace for Burmaand the steps needed to achieve it.
https://www.usip.org/publications/2017/05/current-situation-burma

Burmas new government led by the National League for Democracy (NLD) took office in March 2016
after sweeping the November 2015 elections. Headed by State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi and
President Htin Kyaw, the NLD controls a majority of both upper and lower house parliamentary seats in
the countrys first democratically elected, civilian-led government since 1962. However, the new
government inherited deep-rooted challenges, including constitutional empowerment of the military,
repressive legislation, weak rule of law, and a corrupt judiciary.

The political transition began promisingly, with the April release of over 200 political prisoners and
detainees. Nonetheless, the NLD-led government has thus far not capitalized on its initial momentum in
guiding the country toward substantive reform or the creation of democratic institutions.

Fighting between the Burmese armed forces and ethnic armed groups intensified or flared up in several
regions during the year, resulting in abuses against civilians and massive displacement. Violent attacks by
unknown insurgents against border guard posts on October 9 in Maungdaw, northern Rakhine State,
resulted in the deaths of nine officials and sparked the most serious humanitarian and human rights crisis
in Rakhine State since the October 2012 ethnic cleansing campaign against the Rohingya.

Under the deeply flawed 2008 constitution, the military retains autonomy from civilian oversight and
extensive power over the government and national security, with control of the Defense, Home Affairs,
and Border Affairs Ministries. It is guaranteed 25 percent of parliamentary seats, which constitutes an
effective veto over any constitutional amendments, and is authorized to assume power in a national state
of emergency.

Ethnic Conflict and Armed Forces Abuses

Fighting between the Tatmadaw (Burmese armed forces) and ethnic armed groups worsened over the year
in Kachin, Rakhine, Karen, and Northern Shan States, displacing thousands of civilians. Government
forces have been responsible for serious abuses, including extrajudicial killings, torture, sexual violence,
and destruction of property. Government shelling and airstrikes have been conducted against ethnic areas,
in violation of the laws of war. Both government and non-state groups have been implicated in the use of
anti-personnel landmines and forced recruitment, including of children.

The legacy of the Burmese militarys divide and rule approach persists, as the conflicts spillover and
ensuing abuses compound tensions among ethnic groups.

The Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) orchestrated under the previous Thein Sein government was
signed in October 2015 by eight non-state armed groups, fewer than half of the countrys total. Since its
adoption, military operations and clashes between signatory and non-signatory armed groups have
continued.

From August 31 to September 3, Aung San Suu Kyi presided over the 21st Century Panglong
Conference, billed as a forum for re-engaging armed groups and other national stakeholders in the
countrys peace process. Intensified fighting on the ground has continued unabated since the conference.

In Northern Shan State, fighting between the Taang National Liberation Army and the Restoration
Council of Shan State/Shan State Army-South, at times with the support of the Tatmadaw, flared
throughout the year.

Fighting between the military and the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) in Kachin State increased
steadily since mid-August. In September, fighting between ethnic armed groups and government forces in
Karen State displaced about 5,900 civilians.

Violence over the past five years has left 220,000 people displaced nationwide120,000 in Rakhine State
and 100,000 in Shan and Kachin States.

Security threats, weak infrastructure, and restrictions imposed by government and non-state authorities
regularly impeded access by humanitarian agencies to civilians displaced in conflict-affected areas.
Restrictions on access to Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) in Kachin and Shan States increased in late
2016.

Abuses against Rohingya

Muslim minorities in Burma, in particular the 1.2 million ethnic Rohingya, continue to face rampant and
systemic human rights violations.

Outbreaks of violence in Maungdaw district in northern Rakhine State escalated following an October 9
attack on three border outposts that left nine police officers dead. Asserting that both the initial and
subsequent attacks were carried out by armed Rohingya militants, the government initiated clearance
operations to locate the alleged attackers while locking down the area, denying access to humanitarian
aid groups, independent media, and rights monitors.

The security operations led to numerous reports of serious abuses by government security forces against
Rohingya villagers, including summary killings, rape and other sexual violence, torture and ill-treatment,
arbitrary arrests, and arson. The military employed helicopter gunships during a series of clashes
beginning on November 11. At time of writing, the government said it had arrested over 300 alleged
suspects. Local groups reported the use of torture and a number of deaths in custody.
Satellite imagery in November revealed widespread fire-related destruction in Rohingya villages, with a
total of 430 destroyed buildings in three villages of Maungdaw district.

Government travel restrictions placed on humanitarian agencies have led to critical food insecurity and
malnutrition, and an estimated 30,000 Muslim villagers remain displaced.

The government has continually failed to adequately or effectively investigate abuses against the
Rohingya, and did not act on recommendations to seek UN assistance for an investigation into the
violence.

The ongoing crisis in Maungdaw represents the most serious and widespread violence against the
Rohingya since the ethnic cleansing campaign carried out in June and October 2012. Four years after the
2012 violence, about 120,000 Rohingya remain displaced in camps in Rakhine State. Humanitarian
conditions for both remaining IDPs and newly resettled persons remain dire due to restrictions on
movement and lack of access to livelihoods and basic services.

The effective denial of citizenship for the Rohingyawho are not recognized on the official list of 135
ethnic groups eligible for full citizenship under the 1982 Citizenship Lawhas facilitated enduring rights
abuses, including restrictions on movement; limitations on access to health care, livelihood, shelter, and
education; arbitrary arrests and detention; and forced labor. Travel is severely constrained by
authorization requirements, security checkpoints, curfews, and strict control of IDP camp access. Such
barriers compound the health crisis caused by poor living conditions, severe overcrowding, and limited
health facilities.

The government refuses to use the term Rohingya, which the group self-identifies as but is rejected by
nationalist Buddhists in favor of the term Bengali, which implies illegal migrant status in Burma. Aung
San Suu Kyi refers to the group as the Muslim Community in Rakhine State, and has requested that
international stakeholders, including the United States, European Union, and United Nations, follow suit.

The new Burmese government established two bodies to address sectarian tensions in Rakhine Statea
government committee and a nine-member national/international advisory commission led by former UN
Secretary-General Kofi Annan, which initiated its year-long research mandate in September.

Freedom of Expression and Assembly

Restrictions on the rights to freedom of expression and assembly persist, amid the governments failure to
contend with the range of rights-abusing laws that have been long used to criminalize free speech and
prosecute dissidents.

In its final months of rule, Thein Seins government continued arresting activists using politically
motivated charges, failing to fulfill the former presidents 2013 pledge to release all political prisoners by
the end of his term. In April, the new NLD-led government released 235 political prisoners and detainees
in a series of amnesties.

However, the nod toward a new era of openness was contradicted by the governments continued use of
problematic legislation to restrict free speech. In April, two Muslim interfaith activists were convicted on
charges under section 17(1) of the Unlawful Association Act and sentenced to an additional two years in
prison with hard labor. Numerous activists were arrested under section 66(d) of the Telecommunications
Act for defaming Aung San Suu Kyi, President Htin Kyaw, or the military in social media posts. These
include Maung Saungkha, who was sentenced to six months in prison in May for a poem he posted on
Facebook, and Aung Win Hlaing, sentenced to nine months in prison in September for calling the
president an idiot and crazy on Facebook.

Parliament put forward a new Peaceful Assembly and Peaceful Procession Law in May, yet despite slight
improvements the proposed revisions maintain regulations that allow for at-will crackdowns on peaceful
protests, blanket prohibitions on certain protest speech, and criminal penalties for any violation of its
restrictions.

Arrests and prosecutions for participation in peaceful assemblies have continued under the new
administration. Police arrested 90 political activists in May, including student leaders of an interfaith
peace walk in Rangoon; demonstrators against the Letpadaung mine in Sagaing Division; and 76 labor
rights activists marching to the capital, Naypyidaw, to protest treatment by local factory owners. Fifty-one
of the labor activists were charged with unlawful assembly, rioting, and disturbing public tranquility
under the Burmese penal code; 15 were convicted in October and sentenced to between four and six
months in prison.

Throughout the year, as many as 60 Arakanese men were arrested under section 17(1) of the Unlawful
Association Act for alleged ties to the Arakan Army. From March to July, 28 were found guilty and
sentenced to two to five years in prison with hard labor.

The criminalization of expression perceived as a threat to the armed forces also continued. In late June,
the Taang Womens Organization was forced to cancel a press conference in Rangoon to launch a report
documenting military abuses against ethnic Palaung in Northern Shan State. In August, Khine Myo Htun,
an environmental activist and member of the Arakan Liberation Party, was charged with violating
sections 505(b) and 505(c) of the penal code for accusing the armed forces of committing crimes against
humanity. In October, veteran activist Htin Kyaw was arrested and charged with violating section 505(a)
for accusing the military of committing human rights abuses.

While the relaxation of press censorship has been a key hallmark of the democratic transition, various
forms of government control remain inscribed in the legal framework and employed to restrict media
freedom. In June, the Ministry of Information banned the film Twilight Over Burma from a human
rights film festival for its depiction of a relationship it claimed would threaten ethnic and military
relations.

As part of the militarys clearance operations in northern Rakhine State, the authorities denied
independent journalists access to the region since early October. The Myanmar Times fired a journalist
who had reported on allegations of rape by security forces in Maungdaw, reportedly under pressure from
the Ministry of Information.

Burmas national penal code criminalizes consensual same-sex behavior between adult men. In recent
years police have arrested gay men and transgender women assembling in public places, and politicians
have called for the education of gay people.

Womens and Girls Rights

Justice for women and girls in Burma remains elusive, particularly with regard to violence related to
armed conflict. Sexual violence by the military, and to some extent ethnic armed groups, has been
frequent, and the renewed violent clashes in Kachin and Northern Shan States has exacerbated the
problem. Such crimes are facilitated by a near total lack of accountability, and no institutionalized
complaint mechanism. Few prosecutions have been publicly reported, despite allegations of more than
115 cases of sexual violence perpetrated by the Burmese army since fighting renewed.

In October and November, media and local groups reported numerous incidents of rape and other sexual
assault of Rohingya women and girls committed by security forces during the clearing operations in
Maungdaw district. The government denied all reports of sexual violence, and the military lockdown has
prevented independent investigations into the abuses. This suppression is emblematic of the militarys
long-standing refusal to seriously investigate cases of sexual violence.

In May, the Tatmadaw announced that an investigation into the January 2015 rape and murder of two
Kachin schoolteachers by suspected army soldiers had taken place, but no public information about
charges or a trial was released. Women in conflict zones and displaced or stateless women are especially
vulnerable to abductions, enforced disappearances, sexual violence, and exploitation.

Despite their central role in human rights and democracy activism in Burma, women have been
marginalized in the governments various peace process initiatives, and their concerns have been
noticeably absent from the negotiations. Women made up less than 10 percent of participants in the peace
process, and womens rights groups were sidelined at the 21st Century Panglong Conference.

Women hold only 13 percent of seats in the new parliament; only one woman sits on the 18-person
cabinet, and only 0.25 percent of village-level administrators are women.

Key International Actors

Burmas political transition has triggered an enthusiastic response from international stakeholders. Since
the new administration took office, there have been only limited attempts by foreign governments to press
for genuine legal and policy reforms.

In May, the United States government relaxed a range of sanctions to ease US business investments and
financial transactions in Burma. Following a visit by Aung San Suu Kyi in September, the US announced
plans to lift most remaining sanctions, which was carried out by executive order on October 7.

The US also resumed the General System of Preferences (GSP) trade status with Burma, despite serious
concerns that Burmas labor practices do not meet GSP conditions on labor rights. In a contradictory
move, the US State Department downgraded Burma in its annual Trafficking in Persons report to Tier 3,
the lowest tier, in recognition of ongoing abuses related to human trafficking, child soldier recruitment,
and forced labor.

The UN Human Rights Council in March once again adopted its resolution on Burma and extended the
special rapporteurs mandate, requesting that she identify benchmarks for reform. However, the EU
decided not to introduce a resolution at the UN General Assembly in November, underscoring the
international communitys softening approach.

As Burmas immediate neighbor with significant business and military ties within the country, China
continued efforts to strengthen its geopolitical engagement with the Burmese government and advance the
large-scale development projects that offer access to the countrys natural resources and strategic regional
borders, often to the detriment of local populations.

https://www.hrw.org/world-report/2017/country-chapters/burma
Myanmar country profile

Myanmar, also known as Burma, was long considered a pariah state while under the rule of an
oppressive military junta from 1962 to 2011.

The generals who ran the country suppressed almost all dissent - symbolised by the house arrest of
opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi - and stood accused of gross human rights abuses, prompting
international condemnation and sanctions.

A gradual liberalisation process has been under way since 2010. The country is expected to see a major
shift after the government changed hands early in 2016.

The dominance of the largest ethnic group, the Burman or Bamar people, over the country's many
minorities has been fuelling a series of long-running rebellions, although a gradual peace process yielded
a draft ceasefire deal in 2015.