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    transivity

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    03 - MATIN Et Al 1997 - Working With FG - ch4

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    Transitivity clause as representation 1 Orientation - 14 Reading guide 10 IFG. TFG Chapter 5 (main discussion of teanstrrvty) Sections 7.45-6 (embedded expansions and acts) Section 75 (projections relevance to mental and verbal clauses) Section 7A.4-6 {hypotactie verbal group complexes) Section 1033 (qetsphors of transitivity) 12 Chatncterization of ppansiryery ‘The system of TRANSITIVITY belongs to the ‘metafunction and is the overall grammatical resouree for cons I construes this ux of experience as quania of change. These are represented as a configuration of a peceess, involved in it, and attendant There are, of ‘GButse, ithumerable kinds of goings on and ways in which they may unfold, but the sgammar consizues out a small number of distinct types, each with its own partic. ilar characteristics, These constitute the process types. TIimagine you are looking up at the sky, with @ number of things heppening all the time (See Fig, 4.1), Out of this ongoing change (represented pictorially by repected celemenis), you can construe a qusattm of change as one process configuration, realized in the grainmar as one clause; for example: A ki i flying across the sky ‘With this, you have turned experience into meaning, and into wording, Here iis constructed as a configuration of a kite’ + ‘is fying’ + ‘across the sky’, or more abstractly in terms of the transitivity system, as Actor + Process + Location. This is a representation, one which imposes three constituent elements, viz. a participant (Actor: @ kite) a process (Process: is lying), and a cizcumstance (Location: across she sky); and these are of a distinct kind (eg. Actor, rather than Sayer; Location, "Tye hich metanction he Wao ons ot bs om he expen and the ga ‘tect ead the expel Seamaster es Sis Tele ee pre ree regs hcg Song pp came and sooo GC Caper oe ge ‘al mode's te aiiaten 9! proms aomind pbs vib Deope ee FG Chapin teawsivery 101 Fle. 41 Consining experience rather than Cause), It may seero that this isthe oaly way it could be; but it is not, of course: English might bave given us the option of construing this as is winging across the sky (cL. i raining), it's winging a kite across he sky (cE it's Blowing a (gl), i's kiting across the sky, or even sky is winging a kite de sky's crossing a kite. Even without going outsids conventional English, we can ste there is always a choice in how to construe experience. For instance, we might separate out kite- hood, leaving it to be inferred from the manner of fying: someching is flying across the sky like @ kite or wo might separate out the motion and the mode of motion: a kites traversing the sky by fig |; Tei possible to get a sense of the ehcice involved by ‘coking across languages and noting the alternative ways of construing some semantic domain auch as directed motion. For example, see Table 41. When we look at the different ways déferent lenguages construe the same semantic domain, we find variation along the various dimensions of transitivity, eg in whether some phenomenon is construed 15 process or a partiipant. However, such choices are also available within a given language. For example, we ave alternatives such as in May people bought more aid more TVs, VCRs, etc. and May saw a sharp rise in conswner electronic A ey to fl into tbe tap of thinking thas there i sme mode of abet phenomenal would that ‘an be etleied Jn ifferent aye lngonge (especialy ven oer somewnal stopise diagram, ‘Where we sell wove Frovo one smote Fepeneataton to aecthcr, the fest ore standing fo the ‘atsde wot exptioese) bt there nauk We sons wor experience actively hy imposing ong talon, Am imponant aspect of thi i eating thing, eve, ee that are unlike on€ nether a afk itis pehaps sae wo realize tii we ceasoar more airact domalas of experience" sola value ‘ye, elpous systems, sense model Material clauses Table 4.1 Somantic domains across citerent languages table 4.3 Process types and nuclear panicipants Dowain | Enguen | Asan opanaae | Ghinese | opoae pe Taclenrporipents | Brame paricbara i bold Dirested | so over | ete evan’ | she consed | sho am gu ae corte = mo v3 a 7 Gost Sha made the coffee won| agcartho | Saeco | tw mrsy [score aer® | Ma Sencar Pheomenon | she saw the car ae nn ier ernie (Strat atone | Se, Ate iiugate as strong ossession | she has acar | with herisa | sthe (localfon) | ahe has @ car { ientiying | Toxen, Velue eet crs | atone” | ene a vena Bat sone ‘eader Precipitation | Ws rang | water fatng | rain ie fling | tho skye ocpany | ‘eManua: ent there was a beeutitt princess ae _[ eset ime was a eeu princess purchases, These are complementary, they are both part of the overall system, the second example depende onthe sytem being eypanded theough peasant, metaphor (IEG Chaptor 10), where (among other things) processes are construct asf they were participants Rares: 2 Survey ef options. A: We have described jpeg a8.n resource for constr rience tern of conguratons Fa Pte, parnpens ond Cieumstenss. Such cogs rations are determined by two major systems, those of PROCESS TYPE and CIRCUM. STAYTIATION. SWE, is the resource for sorting out our experience of all kinds of 1 OSS a he ere goto grins a ne ‘& itself and the number and kind of participants involved. The system diserminates ju Six different types of process in English. The three major ones are material, nd ina cach ease st of subtypes In ston here eee RAS process types, the behavi al and existential. Th ‘ eae «Ree cabiption on tte i fc Table 4.2 Process types in English Process fype | subestegory Example clause (processes in bold) ‘matefal, | overt ha happening) | tho sugar aaoolved scion (e.cong) | ato ethred fo cee 0 | pereopion he saw the car mental.” ”*| Gegnton She forget NS narrate name escaped ner aiiecton ‘she liked his musicmhis musie pleaaed her relational atiutie Maggio was si ‘een » agai was our laden behaviourat \ ‘she laughed verbal ‘he replied existential there was once a beauiul princess ech of the six types of process has its own small set of participant roles. For erareple, a material clause involves an Actor and possibly a Goal: She stined the coffee ‘Actoc — ProsessMaterial Goal Table 4.3 shows the central, or ‘nuclcar' participants associated with each process pe. "Two further participants, generalized across process types, are intzoduced in TFG section 5.6, These are Beneficiary and Range. These arc still participants but closer to qroumstancss than the other participants —~ , ‘are discusied in Section 57 of IFG. They are general across ” proves types Cpecely because they are less centrally involved inthe process than participants), Examples are given in Table 44. The various process types difier according tothe criteria summarized in. FG on p.173, (See Troubleshooting section below for further discussion.) A brief outline Of characteristics of each type is given below. 21 clauses Material clauses construe doings and hay (GEG Section 5.2). Prototypically, th ce apc age te aes tat an Ye pte, ach 2 ta ae I TR ESTEE ve Loy ur ge cu) and 3c in, physical make-up (the foke froze; he melted the buster). However, such ie ® have also come to serve as a model for construing, out experience of change in abstract phenomena. For example Prices fell throughout ‘he period construes movement in an abstract space of measurement. Similarly, ilongside the wind destroyed the gazebo we have their arguments destroyed her theory, “Material thus covers both concrete and abstract processes. ‘he ons inherent parcpan the Agi — the one doing the mats ded. tn addition, there may also be a Goal ~¥fericipant impacted by a doing (the one done tofvith), and sometimes "Beneficiary ~ 9 participant benefiting from the doing (the one given to or done fi (a clauses without a Goal) a Rang se tdpantSpecliving ne sope ofa happening Examples are shown i2°RS™ 45. gl is either actually brought into existence by the doing (build a house, bofea take, compose a song), or it exists prior to the doing, but is affected in some 4. rbd vse att 308 Transiiviy Table 4.4 Types of crcumstancs in English able 4.5 Pastcipent roles In material causes Grcum- ] plea’ ] Buwmple waleaten wea wear [Preowat | oot , stance, probe probe ‘gery Pe ie Sa [eee the Tone Sea | eee terion nh She [reves : tone | Se - aah | wae : Rey se ee ew a he meu in Seplember, belore tea; when? — Location | athat | core iis fo ath fant in tha yard from Pars; miles | Spatial | where? ~—-—~ away“ ~ with a haminer, by wiokery | rears | by what rane? ‘The Benelidary can be probed by looking at that version of a clause where it follows the Goal. In this cse, iti realized with a preposition ~ ether co, marking itay 2 recpient type of Benetciary, or for, markitg it a a client type of Beneficiary: vm aaa aT ee She give hic unt # apo She gve a tepot i hisauat DP ecnpienh Peers Ss ne | comparon| wha Fer She built his aunt a gazebo: She built a gazebo for his amt —P Rol icion AP» pear Seegregeen [mel ae ee eee ee bo cause | hy? [er ene utr Rae paps [aa IBS Glens invelved when there is peowion of service ncuag he ereaion of ofa ond ea fuoaa | aew goods). rin hee onc saat ar — sc ERS we occas enna wit” in the event ora at smnaion andor ora 22 Meng! cla 2 ; seney | Sieur | ors nape cnc - | eae stances? (in spite of the rain Censession | despite what? Mentaf clauses construe a person involved in_epnssious Jing, including in he abwance of pred ~~ [dafaut | ating wat? oceses 3. eagautign and atlection, THE fen pariant i the : soe jaar ioe - Seer eatin! Sate ior itehe te consaons prosesing Th partes iment | wager [eho ie emtatve [whofenat watt | ET vowed with conscousrese; nominal roupe seving as Sensct which denoce : es et an hee active ‘and wholWwhal lea? ‘non-conscious entities have to be construed metaphorically as ‘personified’. In the Ror of them following aples the Senser is underlined: asa concaned paint | Wuea [what a? ramos the ‘eitrod) iis pieces product — [what mio? Paecatest hoard bet eatenag hem, wa about this; with raference to ‘ie liked her jobs te = sta upc i thers Angie] save | gpeorcing to te Shor Moai coos tie hile In addition othe Senser, mental classes may involve one further type of parts ipa: the Bleuomenge blog sensed. This can bo aay Lind of ent) emestined ot ata by PORES Ios aonmfous beg. an objec, asublance, an insttaton, > TRIAD IR Inter cate, th Gal an, pce with do tft am wha did ke | oan aati bul nl ony suc things but ns at (eg Uke wang exh 49 withthe chair? ot what he wR he Ra Wa Ove Ao, can etcn ter» | wine morming) and facts {I fke the fat that he dpelogse, Oramaticaly ) accompanied by a representation of the result of the impact, such as a new loca! (she moved the chair into the comer) or quality (she serubbed the chair clean). In this, it differs from wut tk; thus we do not get: what she did with [Range] wie mountain was climb i, she climbed [Range] ‘he mountain inzo fame. Tas s because the Range & 701 impacted on by the perfor ‘mance of the Process. means that a wide range of units can serve as Phenomenon, In the following examples, the Phenomena is underlines: ‘The man knew 199_mch, ‘The watness heard her thceatening them, ‘She liked er job, ‘Hex tasks interested ber ‘My ear doesn't Tike il ‘The Phenomenon may represent the ‘content’ of sensing. However, this is not always represented as a participant within the clause. It may also sete by a separate clause, For example: David thought ~ the moon was 2 balloon. a ‘he sae cat te na poeced de which rors ane boop Distence by the mental poeedoy Gee thG Sea Othe eee She greed he wu be ow i Se cis eae 2 pe eonvsble ‘He preferred ~+ them to stay conten be repre 23 ll Wy vate 8 Halliday’ eategory of relational clauses is a generalization of the traditional notion of ‘copa constructioas. Relational clauses construc being and do this ii two differ get modes © siGiagion ond Yenteaion. There ae thus two principal elton clause types, Wwithgdiffereat sets of'partcipant roles: (i) atributive clauses wilt Gamer + Algtbule ans (i) dentiyhng causes with ai + Yalue® For example Maxine “" enereetic facie acl caceraee Maze & anc ype fautbate Obie reciente Caner er ane Maxine is the Foake (ideneising] Token sos ep Van The goalie Maxine <= — fidemitying) i vie Tithe ee eeey o- ‘The fundamentalgitterence between yitriutivesind ide is the difference between class ip acute) od atakensoe obi cet Atibuts Fe SIE TIRE order of abstraction TArTMe in generalby aa memes fo class, subtype to type (elephants are mantmals; elephants are huge animals). ‘Token and Value ae of different orders of abstraction; they are related symbol cally (elephants are my favourite animals; Mary is the leader; Olivier is (plays} Lear). ‘Typical kinds of meaning relations holding between Token and Value in an ident fying clause are given in Table 46. ‘Table 4.7 shows some contrasting examples of attributive and identifying clauses 2.3: Subeategories of retatio ‘All the examples given above are of intensive relational clauses. It is also possible for relational clauses to involve an additional meaning feature, making them eithet ‘See Troshieshoting Section 3.5) below fr guidance in desiinatng a projected lane andes mbedded chase Turctionng & Phosameno sntin the rental proces aus, “ination tate roles of Token ang Valve pamisiants in eying ates congtra the ole of destied and Idcatifer (ee IPG: 123 and Glow Relational clauses 107 Value] pies! verb (aor ban bay | Exampo cause ‘Token realizing process _ Treen iy | Rat brows “Fasion oe, a esa Sony Bee Sty ial Ta iT ea | ed to for dea eam Tepe moans weg : Fame ‘name, chisten, cal jeausative) | hey) named the baby ein” ese von ian Tuncton as, sare am a0 whe Vee, et enna vied hin pen Me eet cnasahel Baki en ne oy zr Tiay, act as lenny pled Cphala si. - 1.6 ive or circumstantial, In such a case two participant roles may be ‘conflated’ {f the one clause clement (indicated by 2 /). Examples: Max bas lots of energy Carteotonewor Pree abe and Atcheaonett ponte Max ows the property YC ToeowPawae Proce ening ad pene Valuomesan The trees ‘around Mary ‘The trees surround Mary ace Pro etiam vane ‘eons Tebie 4.7 Attibutive and identtying clauses ‘tilbutive (not reversBs) identifying (reversible) : Siudy eisoemsfeounds (ike) a star He's a friend 2edy fs tha slar of Gukor's movie; The star of Cukors mavie i Judy Hols the Fiend you met yest The fiend you mot yesterday is him ts Wednesday, Teday’s ay, Wy A whee Fees “iy sb: Verbal clauses represent processes of ‘saying’; but this category includes aot 2 Mab! aus — “the different modes of saying (asking, commanding, offering stating tect lot et Cag nr, Prag, te oe artpatt isthe Saygy- the partiipant saying, ting stating informing ats Gage creandttanesing srry Rey aptote mice a8 be @ human or humandike speaker, of course; but it can also be any otis” symbolic source. For example: She told me a strange story 4 ‘He asked too many questions i wat” Ae sods ‘They asked me — whether J could leave at once told me 10 leave at onve Gack OE uhere’ll he ano! na SESE Theor asks what other funding sources you have", Im addition,» verbal clause ma alo represent the addressee of as ) 26 ofa speech ot atone he cgay The seater he a veal Beets, tnd cane (but not always) be marked by to: . San ofen ‘They told me ~ to leave at once ‘They sd Lone + 0 leave at once ‘The ‘content’ of saying raay be represented as a separate clause (8 Toc aunt ag hk SU mee one, Se (oa they told me —» to leave at once; she asked —» whether i was t00 late). This quested oF reported clause is called a projected clsuse and is diseuséed in T&G Chapter 3 {in patticulacSoction 75) tis hota constituent part ofthe verbal clause (et below, but is a separate clause in a projecting clause complex® : However, in addition 10 being constituted in a projected clause, the content ét saying may also be construed a8 paripant ~ the Verblage of a verbal cate: They told me asians -p o's) f £5 ~ She asked him aguzstin © °° ‘They said a few words ‘This is a kindof verbal Range indicating the soope of saying in toms of a genet . generic category (ez story, fable), a speech functional category (ele, qusstion lexice-grammatical one (wor mS weary (68, He question), os : ibu Lbeberwet ’ Moccke 25 Rabaul cles betwen ate and gm gal 7g {1p addition to material clauses on the one hand and mentalverbal clauses on the other, each with their own greminatical characteristics (See Section 3 below), the grammar accommodates an intermediate type with mixed characterises - the ‘This lee fom the aes pasve end tame pede variants sch as 0 lee tone Was {8d 10 me by thr i stove tone ces they odo ie, “ ‘No. Wot TPG ales ncaes exemple whe the ue ot an exchange of infront sontet of syig sa noncngie samme. Se toque = cate’ 109 ‘These construe (human) behaviour, nstding mental and verbal aviour, #8 an ative version of verbal and mental processes. That is, ae. Ma any, for example chat gap, ponder, Wake aes, | ale efer: Behaviour ics are like mental ons in that one participant is endowed with human consciousness. This is the Souser in the case of meatal sees. We can call it the in the case of behavioural processes. However, wioural processes are valike mental and verbal ones but lice material ones ia shat {@) the unmarked representation of present time is present-in-prescnt (the present continuous/progressive), and ‘) they cannot report (Le. occur with a reported clause in a projecting clause pbc 48 ilusrates the ctferosss between related pais of behavioural processes and mental processes of perception. ‘Behaviourals include categories reflecting the mental aud verbal ones: percep ton, cognition, afection, and verbal. See Table 49. ‘Behaviourals also include more materiablike subtypes. The barder area (see Section 31) between maicrial processes and behavioural ones is covered by two iain types, physiological processes ~ nwitch, shiver, tremble, sweat, ete. ~ and sccial processes ~ Aiss, hug, embrace, dance, play etc, Both of these shade into the verbal ‘ype, from different angles; physiologically: cough, gasp, snuter etc, and socially: that, tlk, gossip oe. 2.6 Bxistentiat clauses Existential clauses resemble relational clauses in that they construe a participant involved in a process of being, but differ from retational ones in that there is only ‘oe pasticipaut, the Exisent, which is thereby introduced into the text “There will be ‘areal buntight at the next meeting Procenexatntal Feber: Coeston empor| Pras 10 Transitivty ‘Table 4.9 Types of Behavioural process ive interpretation Betevicra crenata ana | See sception | took at st sh sSeO a T this PP Nenekore aoe | i wie [te | mee, es i p ree Process: .. | Actor matedal | Goat _ rt ~ | ter responsiiios Scheer | "row | Provemonon Tin fe) the best dpe Token _| (.. Mentiying) | Vatie - — — iim | a) roe bein explaining fay sivation sa—ihey seem 9 (0 bane enough money they practised ~» whistling ey were forced -> te lesve they were allowed ~> to leave nn PHO In all the above cases, there is a single clause, with a single Process element, bit this element is realized by a compiex of verbal groups. For example the Process will start fo enjoy is realized by a complex of the two verbal groups will start and 10 ‘esc cass wih to lel vert eve. Batt pote for inoduing atonal expansions sts. cg heared Bee ory >t uy Dard Wha Wey Ms ahaa ae sis atin sch series exept he on he seca verb ovr son correspon oie at Material clauses 347 tsar tay bog asking questions i ayes cesve and they seem to have enough snonzy is relational possessive one. (See IFG Sections 7A.2-6,) In contrast he {ist verbal group elaborates the unfolding ofthe Process, for exaraple in terms of phise (begin/continuelstop —» doing), Note that these simple elauses with complex Processes ate diferent from cases where there ate two clauses ~ and hence ‘wo distinc! Processes ~ such as the following (see further Chapter 5): he gotup Mand() turned on the ight he gotup 0 yavming he getup foletin the eat ne fet having tld them his news Process I Proce Where there are two distinct proceses like this (Le. two clauses), each can be associ= sted with its own circumstances, asin he left hurriedly at 3 pm having told them his news quietly before the meeting. ‘Less clear-cut is the analysis of examples similar to those ip the rst group above but where the first lexical verb has a mental or verbal meaning: they want -> to change thei library books") ‘d like = to bring their friends po fe damien theMimer IEG recommends that these be analysed as a single transitivity configuration, in the same Way as the earlier examples. Thos: they want to change ther fibrary books ‘Actor Procesr materi Goal ‘This does not, however, foreground the fact that the choice of participant is restricted by the lexical verb in the first verbal group (ie. only a conscious or semiotic entity can be construed as the major participant). Au alternative analysis which gives equal status to both verbal groups by taking them to be processes of separate clauses may therefore be preferred: . they want > tochange their library books Seoner Proves: mental Process toterial Goa! ‘Tue interpretation here is that there are two clauses forming a clanse complex. just as in cases where each process bas its own set of participants and circumstances, as ip the following examples: they want 3 you to change their books tomorrow they told us they would change ther books tomorrow Sce IFG Section 7A for discussion of altemate analyses of such examples (Cause complexes ¥s simple clauses with verbal group complexes). 34 ai causes se? An important test for distinguishing among the Mali proces pes & je unmarked tense selection used to represent 418 Transitviey present time, Is it the simple present or the present-in-present (present contian, fous)? Of the three main types only material clauses favour present-in-pres Right now Janey is digging the garden Matetil clause Atthe moment Janey ikes arty fms Mentat clause Right now Janey bas no eRerRy Rotational clause Ja this respect, material clauses are like behavioural and many verbal ones, ‘A second crucial probe is whether the clause can project (Le. repor: ot quote) another clause or not. If it can, it is aot material (but rather verbal or mi Finally, iis important to realize that in cectain types of text a material process may in fact be quite abstract in character (see Section 2.1 above). (@ ves os setts See Section 3.4() below. (Wes rues ten sib eticn wh pra ees das Wh Survey seuton (Accor Clon) Benefiiany, Range, niiator, we may also nd an Auribute in a material clause which has a Goal. For example: ‘They deft the bedroom happy L Actor Process material Rango Atrute (eplaive) ‘They pated the bedroom pale green | 0. ‘Acior Prooer material Goal ‘Note the potential here for an interpretation according to the relational model of Attributor + Process + Carrier + Attribute, However in a material clause the ‘Attribute can always be left out, which is not the case in an atiributive relational Clause, Thus material we folded che paper flat we folded the paper but not relational wwe kept the paper flat: we Kept the paper. (See further TFG! 157.) ‘sib (eeslaive) Wprg 9 Gaep Te stereace ween a Range aa Goa. a mail cae mr ‘fie prototypical case: the Goal is (as the name suggests) the partic- {pant that i impacted by the performance of the Process by the Actor, For example: the squasted the slug: they felled the tee; they threw the ball into a comer; he mashed | the potaloes; she repaired the car: he broke the class. “The nature of the relationship between Actor-Provess and Goa is thus very much | material ane, a) sas des Epon ie gage abort os cant he Pass cognate SEE, ‘he sang anak melancholy. folk sn she laghed the © by specication (oF the “lexical content, asin +he did an exotic dancs; they made g fatal mistake: she took albrisk shower, or Qby exemplfcation (ie. by giving a subtype ofthe process), asin: they played a game of senais: they fistened to stories: they watched TV, cess @ by restatement (the traditional category of ap heiteal or poner ested fa eonning cemetary secompanying» ementaticn™ “|. Tair, give [Recipient] the kid a car ete; do tolwith (what did he do fa the wall? — me painted it pink) Alternatively, the Range may enhance the Process, typically, by a cizcum- arial Teatuce of space (location or extent): they climbed the nearest ask: the horse jumped the fence; they roared the streets ‘The Goal and the Range thus differ in the degree and type of their involvement jn the Process: the Geal i a real participant, actually affected by the performance Le Brine process, whereas the Range is a restatement or further specification of the process ilselt. From these differences follow differences in probes. It is impacted (atfected), 90 can often be followed by an Attribute, MP cccipicnt, or 2 Location of destination that represents the result of the rect? = drive dhe car (Attbete) hot [the car is hot): paint the wall [Attaibute) jink, cut the onions [Role:product!] into cubes; kick the cut [Location] down the its impute, ag ican be probed by Acrepresents the scope of the performance of the Process so it can often be ‘by 2 preposition that indicates the nature of this scope (om, at, in etc.) ~ {the climbed ssp the ladder. When iti a restatement of the Process, there is typically an alternative wording with Process alone ~ make a mistake ~ err; ake a shower, shower, Since the Range is not impacted, it can neither be construed with a zesult” {Atiatbute ete?) nor be probed with do to/with. Ranges are contrasted with Goals in Table 4.15. [+ table 4.15 Contrasting examples ot Range and Goal Process + Range Process + Goal lay fon) the piano _palsh the piano (bright) ele the well (wach the post ‘ib (up) the stops ‘um on the recto Tow the boat (across the lake) this cxuttive Atunbute may be “corported ic the proce ital ~ kil = ease tobe dea’ bev caus ta be broke aren care 0 be fa et. win which case Ke cao be confignrd ms ‘agarate cheers. ca ow "Bis prote wih “do toi’ docs oot apply t Goals in ccaive material causes, 2, Goats tbat ace ‘tus brought ito exatence by th performance ofthe proces butte nazre ofthe impact on thom clear enovgn = they actly eal om the perforeance of che proces. hel bake w cake ‘tmorvow, Wen manta bud another gatebo, Dans datign open hoe 120_ Transitviyy ‘As can be expected, there ate a number of cases that ae lus clear than thoge represented by the examples given in ‘Table 435. From one point of view, Gog - ‘and Range are really points on a cline between highly affected material patiivant (Ge. Goal) and non-eifected materiel particiyest Ge. Range). Various factors determine to wat extent a particular paftcipant approximates 2 prototypical Goa) or # prototypical Range. For instance, afeciedness is related to (textbal) speci. feity:specide referents are raore icely to be affected than genoric ones. Tus the Goal in farmers shoot ducklings is arguably less affected and more renge-like than the Goal in te farmer shot the uply duckling, shooting ducklings i just one type of shooting just 2e ranting lions ts just one type of hunting. Related to this isthe fact that a Range is less likely to be a personal proaoun her/him than is 2 Goal In fact, often the Range has no real referential existence independent of the Process ~ play zennis, football. Sciam pce Merl op beara ‘Tests to distinguish these types of clauses were given in Seaton So above. (ee also IFG: 159) ice soba Mena loca sla to some vera in thes Baten fee selection ~the simple present: he dkinks that would be a good dea, he says tht would be a good Idea, They ar aso siniar in that they may project another clause: He thought > he was ambitious, he aid ~» he was ambitious. the one hand, a mental projection is an idea, whereas a verbal onc is a Idcut s0-can be quoted), ard, on the other hand, while all verbal clauses can project, only certain metal ones can (namely, cognitive ones and ceriain affective ones) ‘in addition, mental and vechal clauses differ critically in that verbal ones can heve a Receiver, whereas mental onos cannot. Thes we cap get he seid to us —» he was lambitious, but not he though to us > he was ambitious, CWith think’, a kind of interior voice can be represented ~ he thought to himself >» “that is the way 10 do i bot this borderline type is quite restricted, we do not get he believed/inewidreamed .. to himself) ‘See also discussion of judgenientel verbs ia 3.7() below. ip Certain verbs tan serve in relational attributive clauses Dace et sy Lapis a vet rm al al on “The seh fox ew): Toe ital ed ih In the Grst case, the rabbit is treated as a conscious being; in the second, an ‘Attribute is ascribed o it and itis not necessarily a conscious being ~ indeed, it may have been turned into an inanimate stew. The verb smell belongs to different sets in the two cases, compare: “The rabbit smeltsaniperceivedisense the fx (mental: ‘The rabbit smellseemalis geod (elation) Further, wile the mental clause can be passive -the fox was smelled by the rabbit, the zelationatatributive one cannot ~ good is smelled by the rabbit is aot possible, ‘A second group involves verbs which may construe either a mental process of reaction or a relation of causality, Compare: abe Violent TV programmes afecinftuence our biléea (mental) Pemperatineafeetsindvenes humiciy (izntiyanpeass) Note thatthe fist example, like many other meatal clauses, has an altemative active Novon where the Seuscr is Subject as 9 Our children respond 1 violent TV ~ programas. Sfental and relational clauses both construe emotion. Very often the same motion miay be construed either as a mode of conscious provessing ot as an ‘uibute. For exemple: ‘who fears Virginia Woolf? (mental ‘Wao’s afraid of Virginia Woolf? (relational) Her story sepressed me (mental) Ts unhappy (Gelational »: Since both clause types construe emotion, it may be hardl4o know whcther a partice ‘lar example is 2 mental or relational clause. The pairs above are clearly distinct. For instance, relationaly fear or misery ean be inteasiied by very (as in he's very afraid of Virginia Woolf. 1 felt very unhopp2), and mentally they Can be passive (as fh Virginia Woolf i feared by him; 1 was depressed by her story). However, with dlauses such as Re i$ seared, itis harder to tel: He 's scared mental | Senser | Procass;passive ‘eiatonal | Garier | Process ‘toate ‘The mental interpretation relates the example to he is scared by large dogs: large dogs ecare him, he got scared, and so on; the relational interpretation relates it to he's very scared, he seems scared, he became seared, and 50 on. to judge whether a clause Weer aprile Het ot ee Ce te oe died ors uyoais Fee a eon a wat ee aie aml Perce els SO tao so a and nor do affection clauses of the ‘reaction’ type, such as enjoy oF mie [PR enor eon ena process te, en, may te ace seen ee ne ee Fee ee eee eats gon on taser mrt ue Ore st 1 or Hee a oe (Phenomenon). Consider the following examples: The supervisor wanted them leave. 1} 1. . Pos poemey seed te vies Bi you fed cunt waseecponsiie? Se ani Se ee er tr on ee It we explore the possibilty of passive yariants we find that this i only possible {or the final two exatuples: “(For them to leave was wanted by the supervisor. That) the iden was preposterous was thought by Tem, 322 Transitivty ‘Table 4.16 Mantal process types Mental Process [Projection] Type of Idea Example Pier] ee paccsion eS ee : " EE amsion| Sand tren Gtection: ‘(Yes ‘propeset desire | teommanay sya ae seg an ot 4 corns om 8 sy Cee ee ae coe ene, ee ens papetota an tel et 3 us er Pm cn be pnd none alo Ree peta Co a a et ee A ane sete Cae eee Suee entoy a ewe ans et ye eos Ue rite Fe er as wet See ee a wen (s) Project IEG Section clause complex or verbal group complex? See Section 3.3 above and AS. 36 Relational days, mn Certain verbs can serve in both relational and mateial 1 ER ie domains of oeation, possession and change of state can be construed either relational or materially. ign A. number of locative verbs occur cither in relational clauses, simply HHS Full spac orn tte dates, dnoung movement pee (verbs of motion). The following example i relational even though the verb i5 go “the idea of relativity goes back, certainly. a principle to Newton ané Cal OA eye mays coon “Et orig ta be vanag rem oe hs es dr steph woot ee oe pate soc rn ope Soe) "The idea ofselatviy i going back, certainly, asa principle to Newton and Galileo, asin ke Note that perception verb like ser may sho fmcton a (rooting) cognition poss Sov tha no wml of tation woud ake any ier. “ee Relational clauses 123 ‘This correlates with the fact that the idea of relativity i not construed ab moving back to Newton and Galileo, As usual, we can also probe by exploring agnate verbs. Here se would have she idea of relaivity dates from Newion and Galileo, which is early selational (CL the impossibility of the idea is daaing from Newion and Galileo); bat we canzot relate the example to the idea of relauivity moves back to Galileo ard Newton, which would be material; nor can a circumstance of Manner be added to represent the rate of motion: we cannot say te idea of relativity is going back quickly to Newton and Gatieo ‘Similarly contrast: “The road runs along the vvee (celaiol} < ‘The joager is running slong the eve (materiel) “The fence surrounds the Waite House (relational) ‘The protesters are surounding che White House (material) ssion Although have, in its mesning of posses, isa relational process, the fing ot possession may be construed materially where it involves some dynam’ aspect Such as getting, taking, obtaining, giving, receiving. Thus: ‘The young man bas high qualifications (Cases + Process + Anibute) ‘The young is obtaining high qualifications (Actor + Process + Range) . (Note also the material use of have, as in the young man is having dinner.) ‘amas tle A sae of bagi pial represented in a Carr + Proms + ‘Airtbute Structure such as in the porridge was cold. In addition, a change of state canbe sed celationally,as in she porridge becamelgovtumed cold. Tis later fet of altributives is distincuve, however, in selecting presentinepresent as the unmarked choice for present time: I's geting late i's turning cold ete. In this they rellect a greater semantic proximity to the material process type. tn fact a change of state can also be consirued as a material process with no Attribute element, 3s in she paled, the sky brightened, the water botled. }) @ Relational os mewtal? See Section 3.5(i) above, © sereinra x zepat? See seoon 3768 Me ssepess o: eossrne @ Te ws iron tr sat feet Border is short : “Short is Border fattrioutive Border isthe captain; The captain is Border [identifying Attributive clauses really have only one participant that can serve as Subject ~ the Cerrier. Consequently, these clauses have no passive variants and are thus not reversible “The reversibility vest distinguishes esily beoween “quality type atributive clauses snd identifying ones, but i not so successiul if the clause is @ nominal type actribu- tive. Compare: Border i short: *Short i Borde oteioutve) Border is a good batsman "A geod batman is Border [7] ‘This last example is tricky because its reversal stil] makes sense. The clause needs Fo be considered in context; for example: 124 Transtivity ‘a: Tell me something bout Border Border is 2 good batsman In this case, B’s answer is an attributive clause (and B could not reply A good batsman is Border here). However, the following exchaage shows the clause in a different content: 4 Tell me the nae of (an exaraplé of) a good batsman 1B Border is » good batsman/A gocd batman ke Border B's ceply is an identifying clause and therefore reversible. The question is whether ‘the clause assigns class-membership or gives an example of something, i assigns

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