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In every economic systems, banks have a major role in the planning and implementation of the
financial policies. The difference lies with prioritizing goals and their way of achievement.
Based on the neo-liberal model, achieving greater profits by using all means is an end in itself,
while in the socialistic systems bank operations also aim at improving economy in general and
The financial crisis of 2008, and the way the governments chose to save the banks by laying the
burden on taxpayer shoulders while exercising austerity policies, triggered a cycle of discussion
over many crucial issues. One of the essential inquiries was bank possession, particularly since
banks were recapitalized utilizing state money. In the accompanying lines I will attempt to
demonstrate that there is in reality requirement for no less than one state bank, particularly in
the current requesting condition, and I will address the production of a legitimate institutional
structure to maintain a strategic distance from marvels like those of the recent past.
Therefore of the start of the crisis in 2008 due of the banks' introduction to especially unsafe
items that were effectively portrayed as "toxic", the administrations were confronted with an
was that nobody could determine in all detail the amount of the cash that would be required to
return the economy in balance. The solution that was picked at the time was to bolster the
banks with a lot of capital, which would burden the yearly shortfalls of the financial plans and
at last the national debt and the tax payers. The private debt was exchanged to the state, and
turned into an open debt which brought about the unstable increment of the last mentioned, for
With regards to the important unification of the managing a banking division in European level,
and keeping in mind that the execution of the separate financial unification is in advance, the
thought for a Banking Union is obstructed by the intense nations, for the most part Germany,
which demonstrates their expectations. In the meantime, positive thoughts, for example, the
container European guarantee plan of deposits, the expansion of ESM's part, the formation of
an European debt office or even the halfway debt pooling, if not by any stretch of the
Toward the start of the crisis, the ECB's reaction must be portrayed as insufficient and Mr.
Trichet's administration, the ECB chosen in 2008 to expand euro's key loan costs to keep up the
stable value.
The onset of the crus constrained the ECB to change its position within a couple of months and
to lessen the loan costs, yet not as radically as the conditions called for. The adjustment in
ECB's initiative, with Mr. Draghi being the new president, is considered to have added to the
adjustment in ECB's position and to its better and swifter reaction to the issues of the European
economy. Draghi's administration primary choices were the OMT and the LTRO. So it is for
all intents and purposes demonstrated that by concurring with the political pioneers to keep up
the strategy of austerity as the sole answer for monetary consolidation for deflicts and debt
decrease and for the recuperation of the economy, the ECB accepted a political part. In the
meantime, the gigantic measures of liquidity that have been infused worldwide by the national
banks positively affected state security financing costs and brought about a critical increment of
stock valuations. Under the current circumstances the ECB continues to operate under the wait
and see rule despite the serious problems of credit crunch and high loan interest rates in the
regional countries and deflations appearance in the European economy (making some analysts
talk of japanization).
As it is specified some time recently, as per the official explanations, the sole purpose behind
marking the Greek reminder was the nation's awful financial circumstance. Be that as it may, a
careful examination of the certainties and the historical backdrop of specific occasions uncover
an alternate reality.
In the first place, the primary choice to fortify the banks was made in 2008 when the then
Greek government was asserting that the crisis had not influenced Greece. The director of the
Bank of Greece announced his confidence in the nation's bank framework, portraying it as
especially solid, that it would address the future difficulties. The initial support package as a
money, the issuance of securities interchangeable to premium shares and warranties, was 28
billion euro. In current costs, Greece's GDP in 2008 was 233 billion euro. In this manner, in
GDP terms, the help they gave came to the 12% of GDP. From that point and up to the debt
rebuilding in March of 2012, the Greek state ensured the issuance of bonds from the banks for
an aggregate of 155 billion euro. With the debts haircut in 2012 came the new support of
48.2 billion euro, despite the fact that the banks losses from the Greek bond portfolio reached
25 billion euro.
If we sum all funds, the total bailout, with all the possible ways, to the Greek bank system
exceeded the 200 billion euro, or in GDP terms, was over 100% (53.5 billion euro in cash and
155 euro with guarantees through issuance of bonds). At that point the Bank of Greece and
Troika partitioned the banks in systemic and non systemic ones, of which three were absolutely
private (Alpha, Piraeus, Eurobank), and in one of them the Greek state kept a minority rate on
all shares (National Bank of Greece). In the mean time they chose to close two public banks
(The Hellenic Post Bank and the Agrotiki Bank) since they disallowed the Greek state to
recapitalize them by its own particular means. Subsequently the two state bank foundations
At that point began the increments on the bank capital stocks, under the term that a future
privatization of the banks would be conceivable (inside 4.5 years), gave that the private
division would partake in the recapitalization procedure by no less than 10%. Keeping in mind
the end goal to pull in more members from the private segment they issued warrants, i.e.
repurchase rights, with the activity of which the banks will be step by step privatized; the
specific warrants were openly offered to the individuals who taken part in the Capital Increases.
The free offer of warrants is an overall oddity; it was comprehensively described as shocking.
And if you wonder what the reaction is, let me say that the reactions are limited to the
parliamentary control, to press releases and to the public statements issued by the opposition,
since no organized protest exists by the citizens against such a sell-out of the public property.
The entire Greek system) wish for the aforementioned development, their goal being to
perpetuate the existing situation, because, it quite simply benefits their interests.
At the same time, the suggestions to create a bad bank under state control to resolve the bad
loans, which in Greece almost amount to 80 billion (approximately 35% of the total loans) has
been rejected, because banks want to manage these loans themselves and sell them to funds
(distress, vulture and hedge funds), to ensure that there will be greater profits. But the social
problem is growing and will keep doing so as the forced sales of real estates are certain to
intensify from the following year. Any similarity with the promotion of respective actions and
Before addressing the matter of banks under state control, we must see some of the institutional
interventions that were made to ensure the bank sectors normal operation.
Ensuring the proper operation of banks must be a first priority for all governments. The
banks role is to raise and safely keep the deposits of the households, of the businesses
The banking system must be governed by a clear and austere legal and regulatory
framework.
Moreover, special minimum limits of capital adequacy must be set for both types of
banks.
THE NECESSITY OF A PUBLIC BANK
There could only be one answer to the question of what should happen to the banks that have
been recapitalized with tax payers money: they should be placed under state control. Banks
were under state ownership and control in Sweden during the 1990's, while bank shares came
to the hands of the state also in the USA, England, Spain, France, Belgium, Germany, and other
countries.
A state must have a say on regardless of whether banks ought to be under its possession; it
ought not be constrained into offering its banks by outside elements. Government should base
their decisions on the interests of their economy and society, rather than obeying the neo-liberal
directions of the Commission officials or the leaders of the powerful countries. In todays
uncertain situation, banks choose to deleverage balance sheets and manage bad loans over
offering new loans, which results in less liquidity for the real economy, which, in its turn has
serious economic and social effects: businesses keep closing, private citizens fall bankrupt,
unemployment increases and social problems intensify. Instead of wishing for and prompting
the domestic banks or supra-national organizations such as the ECB and the European
Investment Bank etc. to offer more grants, the solution bears only one name: Public bank.
To begin with, public banks must not operate outside the total goals of a government's
The bank must have a leading role in the planned and applied economic policy, both in
the total planning, as in the financing of the real economy. In other words, the bank is a
useful tool for exercising policy, not a means to replace it, as has been happening in the
The importance of a public bank increases in periods of recession and deflation, where
Public banks should have the tools to limit the adverse effects of the above phenomena,
by providing low interest rate credits, in order to set economys mechanism back in
motion.
The banks goal is to present profits in order to increase its available funds and return
them to the government to reinforce the expenses of the social state. Profitability is the
means that amplifies the capacity of intervention, not the exclusive goal to satisfy its
shareholders.
PUBLIC BANK
The role of public banks must be explicit, already from their statute. Their restrictive point
must be to reserve domestic economy, in clearer and that's just the beginning "financial" terms
than those offered by private managing an account organizations. In the meantime, any
financing they offer must be a result of broad review, to abstain from making "bubble"
conditions, for example in the land advertise, and their interior systems ought to be clear and
strict, to keep their organizations from giving advances under political pressure. It is likewise
vital for them to have vote based and absolutely straightforward operation rules, for the citizens
to have the capacity to be always educated on their organizations exercises. That would
extraordinarily confine going for broke and settling on of shameful choices that could imperil
As a matter of first importance, each one of the individuals who assert that public banks can't
rival the private ones, don't really need any opposition in any case. Greeces example is
characteristic; two public banks closed during the crisis: the Hellenic Post Bank and Agrotiki
Bank, whose financial figures were much higher than those of corresponding private banks that
acquired them. Public banks can operate in a complementary way with the private sector to
fund the projects that the private banks refuse to fund. A characteristic example is the
businesses that fall in the hands of the workers, the companies that have a cooperative form,
We must not forget that refusing to fund the aforementioned types of companies also reveals in
part ideological differentiation and disagreement. In the meantime, public banks may finance
states at substantially less cost than today. Thusly, they may assume a main part in dealing with
the debt and breaking the endless loop of partner public debt and banks.
Intervention from political leaders does occur. In many cases and in many countries politicians
pressed either for employing particular employees or for getting loans on friendly business
interests. However, to reduce the existing risk of political interventions, there must be an
institutional and legal establishment that will specify the transparent modus operandi and
method of decision making on the one hand and on the other hand that will allow for social
control.
CONCLUSIONS
Our suggestion to the governments, especially the progressive ones, would be to promote the
The first goal would be to change ECBs statute. ECBs goals should also comprise the
dimension of development and the unemployment rate. The second goal would be to make it
the last resort for all the member states of the eurozone without conditionality.
ECBs change of role and the wrapping up of the banking union may help overcome the
fragmentation in the European banking sector, converge interest rate differences and restore
liquidity. Other prerequisites for trust restitution are to create a deposit guarantee fund, to
abandon any plans for future bail-ins, to increase ESMs funds, to separate retail from
investment banking, and to specify each banks allowed size as to the GDP of the country it is
In a national level, governments ought to underwrite having no less than one public retail bank
(an public saving money pillar) to make sound rivalry, and an improvement bank that will be
exempted from the organized guidelines of capital ampleness, keeping in mind the end goal to
be utilized as the essential tool to reserve economy and to accomplish positive development.
References
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