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THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO
VOLUME ONE
A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO
THE FACULTY OF THE DIVISION OF THE HUMANITIES
IN CANDIDACY FOR THE DEGREE OF
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
DEPARTMENT OF MUSIC
BY
CHICAGO, ILLINOIS
AUGUST 1995
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UMI Number: 9542703
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Copyright 1995 by Jay Michael Rosenblatt
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
VOLUME ONE
LIST OF TABLES............................................................................................................. vi
LIST OF MUSICAL EXAMPLES..........................................................................vii
LIST OF FIGURES........................................................................................................ viii
LIST OF LIBRARY SIGLA.............................................................................................. ix
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS.............................................................................................. x
Chapter I. Introduction.............................................................................................1
The Concerto as Crucible...............................................................................1
Summary of the Contents....................................................................................... 6
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Chapter V. Who Orchestrated Liszts Works?.................................................................127
The Initial Allegations.................................................................................128
An Early Defense..................................................................................................135
The Continuing Debate........................................................................................ 139
A Contemporary Defense.............................................................................146
VOLUME TWO
iv
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Chapter IX. Malediction.................................................................................................. 290
Historical Background.......................................................................................... 290
Description of the Manuscript Sources........................ 294
Sketchbook N 6.........................................................................................295
A Lost Sketchbook....................................................................................296
Sixteen Folios (D-WRgs, H13a).............................................................. 304
The Copyists Manuscript (D-WRgs, H2)................................................310
Analysis of the Work............................................................................................314
Analysis of the Sketches............................................................................. 317
Conclusion............................................................................................................325
BIBLIO GRAPHY.........................................................................................................483
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LIST OF TABLES
Table 2.3: From Gollerichs Verzeichnis der Werke Franz Liszts ................................ 20
Table 2.4: From Schnapps Vezeichnis verschollener oder verloren gegangener Werke
Franz Liszts...........................................................................................................28
vi
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LIST OF MUSICAL EXAMPLES
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LIST OF FIGURES
viii
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LIST OF LIBRARY SIGLA
ix
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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
Research for this project was supported in part by a grant from the International
Research and Exchanges Board (IREX), with funds provided by the National Endowment
for the Humanities and the United States Information Agency. This grant enabled me to
spend six months in the (then) German Democratic Republic during the Winter of 1987-88.
Wolfgang Goldhan in (East) Berlin, Dr. Ursula Mende in Nuremberg, and Dr. Otto Biba in
Vienna provided valuable assistance during my visits to their respective archives. Although
I could not visit their institutions, Dr. Manfred Eger and Herr Gunter Fischer of the
Richard-Wagner-Museum in Bayreuth and T. V. Furayeva of the M. E. Saltikova-
Shchedrina State Public Library responded promptly to my inquiries and requests for
materials, the latter with a return request for a novel by Phyllis Whitney (which I was
delighted to forward, once I found it). I am also grateful to J. Rigbie Turner at the Pierpont
Morgan Library and Kate Rivers of the Music Division of the Library of Congress for
providing me with access to the Liszt materials in their institutions and for answering
various inquiries when I could not examine the items in person. Interlibrary Loan at the
University of Chicago was helpful in acquiring the materials that I required.
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I am indebted to many individuals for unhesitatingly providing information and
feedback at various stages of this project Gerry Keeling freely shared her own research on
Liszts concerts and provided me with copies of some of the more obscure reviews cited in
chapter seven. For his enthusiasm alone I owe much to Ramon Satyendra, but his
comments on early versions of some of my chapters were invaluable when I came to make
my final revisions. And, of course, my great thanks to that doyenne of Liszt research in
the United States, Rena Mueller. It was Rena who suggested the topic of Liszts
concertos, fully aware of the potential latent in such a project, and who supplied me with
much information at every stage of my research. This dissertation is very much indebted to
her own work, as will be apparent in every chapter.
If anyone has undertaken a Liszt project without the assistance of Mdria Eckhardt,
then I say without hesitation that it could not have been very thorough, as she is at the
center of the nexus of Liszt scholars and scholarship. Her help did not end with my access
to Liszt archives and individuals in Budapest but also extended to finding inexpensive
lodging for myself and my wife during our three-week stay in Budapest.
I am also grateful to Professor Berthold Hoeckner at the University of Chicago,
who stepped in at the final stage of this study. His expertise in things Lisztian was quite
valuable, and his comments on earlier drafts of my work were helpful in sharpening and
My special gratitude is due to Professor Philip Gossett whose patience in the face
of my first securing a research grant and then writing up the results must surely merit some
kind of sainthood. Of course, his high standards of scholarship are apparent on every page
of this dissertation, and it is no exaggeration to say that knowing he would scrutinize the
result kept me returning to my material to wring out every last ounce of improvement
Although I referred to my wife, Elizabeth, as patient and long suffering in the
acknowledgments to my masters thesis, she will have since noted that it was nothing
xi
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compared to my writing this dissertation. More to the point, she was of enormous
assistance to me in the libraries of Weimar and Berlin, where she was able to help me with
the task of transcribing both music and letters and also to survey the letter holdings so that I
could concentrate my attention on the manuscripts. With her editorial experience I dare say
that this is the best edited dissertation to which the U n iv e r s ity of Chicago can lay claim. Of
far greater importance, her love and encouragement enabled me to get to the end of it.
Nevertheless, his example as a scholar and, more importantly, as a mentor, has stayed with
me throughout this entire process. In this sense, his imprint is on every page, and
therefore it is appropriate that this dissertation is dedicated to his memory.
Jay Rosenblatt
x ii
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CHAPTERI
INTRODUCTION
Franz Liszt did not publish an original work for piano and orchestra until 1857, a
curious fact when it is remembered that he was the greatest piano virtuoso of his day and
such virtuosos usually performed and published their own compositions. The lack of
publications does not reflect a lack of interest, however, and the missing link is a collection
of works, suppressed by their creator, dating from the 1830s. With the general
inacessibility of the manuscripts and the limited attention given them by scholars, these
concertos have been overlooked in studies of the composer. The result has been a distorted
view of Liszts creative life, as they are directly connected to his later compositional
achievements.
music, principally the development of the symphonic poem. Carl Dahlhaus saw the
creation of this genre as a solution to three interrelated problems:
First, Liszt attempted to adopt the classical ideal of the symphony without yielding to
a derivative dependence on its traditional formal scheme. Second, he wished to
elevate program music. . . from a base, picturesque genre to poetic and
philosophical sublimity. And finally, he was obsessed by the thought that it had to be
possible to unite the expressive gestures of his earlier piano pieces, inspired by
French romanticism, with the tradition of thematic and motivic manipulation.1
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These ideas were not new in Liszts output, a fact underlined by the works composed in the
late 1840s as concert overtures and later adapted into the cycle of symphonic poems: Tasso,
lamento e trionfo and Les pr&ludes.1
Nevertheless, a distinction can be made between these works and the first to be
deliberately constructed along new guidelines, Ce quon entend sur le montagne. Liszt
himself distinguished this work from his earlier overtures in a letter written in October
1849, the first known reference to the completed composition, where he called it another
symphonic work in contrast to his Tasso Overture.3 Further, in every one of his
quon entend was always placed first, even though it was not the first to be composed.4
Kaplan found that they display what may be regarded as three fundamental aspects of
sonata organization: a tonal dichotomy which eventually is resolved, a concurrent thematic
2For Tasso, lamento e trionfo (Symphonic Poem No. 2), see Rena Mueller, Liszts Tasso
Sketchbook: Studies in Sources and Revisions (Ph.D. dissertation. New York University, 1986), 278-
303. On the complicated history of Les prtludes (Symphonic Poem No. 3), see Andrew Bonner, Liszts
Les Prtludes and Les Quatre Eltmens: A Reinvestigation, 19th Century Music 10 (Fall 1986), 95-107.
3See Liszts letter to Franjois-Joseph Fdtis, published in German translation in Franz Liszt in
seinen Briefen, ed. Hans Rudolf Jung (Berlin: Henschelverlag, 1987), 113. Joachim R affs reference to this
work as an overture must surely be attributed to ignorance of Liszts intentions; see Helene Raff, Franz
Liszt und Joachim Raff im Spiegel ihrer Briefe, Die Musik 1 (1901-02), 388,389 [December 1849].
4See the discussion of Liszts thematic catalogue (D-WRgs, Z14) in Mueller, Liszts
Catalogues and Inventories of His Works, Studia Musicologica 34 (1992), 242-246 (especially n. 21);
also idem, Liszts Tasso Sketchbook, 66-75. This source represents one of the earliest orderings of the
series; see the facsimile page in Bonner, Liszts Les Prtludes and Les Quatre hitmens, 104. Here, Ce
qu'on entend is designated M6ditation-Symphonie and Les prtludes is listed in second place without a
title.
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duality, and a return or recapitulation.5 Kaplan focuses on the first movement of the Faust
Symphony and four of the symphonic poems that originated as overtures, including Tasso
and Les priludes, and he undercuts the importance of the poetic element,6 but his
observations apply equally well to Ce quon entend. Where the work differs is in its
internal organization, a seemingly improvisatory sequence of sections carefully arranged
thematically and tonally to include exposition of the material in different keys and,
It is significant that Liszt began Ce quon entend soon after completing new
versions of Concertos No. 1 and No. 2. Both works had been composed and orchestrated
no later than 1839,8 with Concerto No. 1 thoroughly reworked from an earlier version in
three movements, and they were rewritten ten years later in May 1849, with copies
prepared no later than July of the same year.9 From these manuscripts, we can see how
close the 1849 versions brought the concertos to their final form, especially with regard to
tonal layout and the use of thematic transformation. For example, in the 1839 version of
5Richard Kaplan, Sonata Form in the Orchestral Works of Liszt: The Revolutionary
Reconsidered, 19th Century Music 8 (Fall 1984), 145.
6See ibid., 152 (.. .the program is not the crucial form-determining factor it has long been
assumed to be).
7See the in-depth discussion of this work in Berthold Hoeckner, Music as a Metaphor of
Metaphysics: Tropes of Transcendence in 19th-Century Music from Schumann to Mahler (Ph.D.
dissertation, Cornell University, 1994), chapter two, Felix Draesekes Fata morgana and the Religioso in
Franz Liszts Ce quon entend sur la montagne.
8See Franz Liszt, Concerto for Piano and Orchestra in E-flat Major, op. posth., ed. Jay
Rosenblatt (Budapest: Editio Musica, 1989), x-xi. The autograph sources for the 1839 version of Concerto
No. 1 are the same as those listed on p. xxiii; for Concerto No. 2, the autograph manuscripts are in D-
WRgs, H5c (orchestral parts, Gombo, 13 Sept[J [18]39) and H5d (piano part).
9On the completion of the concertos, see Liszts letter of 30 May 1849 to Franz Kroll, in Briefe
aus ungarischen Sammlungen 1835-1886, ed. Margit PrahScs (Kassel: Barenreiter, 1966), 66. For the
copies by August Conradi, see Liszts letter of 1 August 1849 to Joachim Raff in Franz Liszt und Joachim
Raff im Spiegel ihrer Briefe, 287. These manuscripts are all in D-WRgs. For Concerto No. 1, the
autograph is H3a, and for Concerto No. 2, the orchestral score without the piano part is H5a (5 Mai
1849), and the separate piano part is H5b. The copies are bound together as H4.
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4
Concerto No. 1, Liszt parades the various themes in transformation and in the tonic during
the final section of the piece (Allegro marziale animato), but in the 1849 revision, he
added the chromatic scale prefaced by the dotted eighth-sixteenth motive, so prominent in
the first measures of the piece. This theme (perhaps too bold a designation but motive
is not appropriate either) is heard twice in the earlier sections of the work, first on F-sharp
(actually dominant of B major, mm. 61-70), then on C-sharp (mm. 280-289), but it is
only in the closing measures that it is heard in E-flat major (mm. 482-489).10 Further,
Liszt has carefully led up to this closing statement as part of a strategy of unifying the
adding a poetic element. As an example of its application, we can again refer to a theme
reserved for restatement in the tonic at the conclusion of the piece. First heard in G major
and marked Andante religioso (mm. 479ff.), it is repeated in E-flat major at the same
quiet dynamic level prior to a meditative coda (mm. 948ff.). It is but a short step to the
masterful deployment of the same approach in the Sonata in B Minor, where the slow
movement theme (mm. 335ff.) is heard softly before the final coda (mm. 711-728). With
regard to the Sonata, Sharon Winklhofer observed:
It is then profitable to look elsewhere in Liszts output for those structural features
often described as innovative in the Sonata. In fact Liszt had experimented
repeatedly with similar problems in the instrumental works written in the five years
preceding its completion.11
1&These measure numbers are from the score edited by Ferenc Rados (Budapest: Editio Musica,
1992), which treats the concerto as a single-movement work as follows: quasi adagio = m. 99; allegretto
vivace = m. 175; allegro marziale animato = m. 340; for a total of 501mm. Although the version under
discussion is that of 1849, the passages in question differ only in details of orchestration from the final
version.
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Without diminishing the importance of the concert overtures, the place to search for the
origins of Liszts techniques must be in the works for piano and orchestra.
Although Liszt did not publish his two piano concertos until 1857 and 1861
respectively, they were preceded by a considerable body of work, including at least three
works for piano and orchestra written before 1835 and three more in 1839. As may be
inferred from the 1839 version of Concerto No. 1, Liszt was grappling with problems of
form and content earlier in his career than previously thought The concerto compositions
from the early 1830s include the first version of Concerto No. 1, a paraphrase on themes
instrumental psalm, De profundis. There is also a work for piano and strings, incorrectly
labeled Malediction, which this dissertation will argue is better thought of as a piece of
chamber music. A study of the genesis and form of these four works will show that they
exhibit the compositional principles and the poetic component that would ultimately
characterize the symphonic poems and other works of the Weimar Years (1848-1861). In
fact, Kaplans three fundamental aspects can be found fully developed in the last concerto
of the series, De profundis: present is the resolution of a tonal dichotomy, the use of
thematic duality, and a recapitulation.
The concertos of the 1830s are hardly known, however, and it has been unclear
to the present time how these compositions relate to Liszts musical development A
dissertation completed in 1931 by Theophil Stengel discusses the role Malediction and De
profundis played in Liszts early years but does not take into account the other concertos
from this time, nor does it attempt to discuss the manuscripts.12 Considerable advances
have been made in the past fifteen years, both in the availability of materials and the means
12See Theophil Stengel, Die Entwicklung des Klavierkonzerts von Liszt bis zur Gegenwart
(Berlin, 1931), 11-15.
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6
to evaluate them. The work of Rena Mueller addresses the music of this decade in the
context of a more general discussion of manuscript analysis and compositional process.13
Lacking thus far has been a study that brings together analysis of all the surviving
manuscripts with the intention of applying the results to this decade of Liszts life.
In the case of the Concertos No. 1 and No. 2, study of the manuscripts reveals
that the earlier versions paved the way for the later ones, but these earlier compositions had
their own role to play and frequently shed light on the ones he chose to publish. When all
the piano and orchestra works that lead up to the 1849 versions of the concertos are
considered, it becomes clear that they were the laboratory where Liszt tested and refined the
techniques that would have such an impact on the subsequent development of nineteenth-
This dissertation is in two parts, the first an introduction to the sources for the
e' '.tire Liszt concerto corpus, the second a thorough study of four major works written
through 1835. In chapter two, the secondary sources most crucial to this type of study are
reviewed and their reliability assessed. Chapter three is concerned with the primary
sources, manuscripts, editions, and letters, with particular attention to the works for piano
and orchestra, while chapter four reviews the literature on Liszts compositional process, in
preparation for the extensive manuscript analyses of the second part. Also relevant to a
discussion of the sources is chapter five, on the vexing question of Lisztss much contested
ability to orchestrate.
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7
The second part of the study is concerned with detailed source studies and
analyses of the four works for piano and orchestra. Chapter six reviews the limited
documentation on Liszts juvenile concertos (1825-1827). The following chapters may be
taken together and chronicle the progress to what this study calls Liszts first maturity.
Chapter seven provides the historical background for these years, while chapter eight on
the Grande fantaisie symphonique and the earliest version of Concerto No. 1, chapter nine
on Malediction, and chapter ten on De profundis: psaume instrumental contain the analyses
and manuscript descriptions that are the most important contribution of this study to Liszt
research. Many of these documents are dated accurately for the first time, and with this
knowledge as a basis, the musical discussions of the sketches and final versions define
Liszts musical development.
dissertation. Four letters are the subject of appendix A, each published for the first time in
discussed throughout the study along with watermark tracings. Finally, there is a selected
bibliography.
While the scope of the dissertation only allowed for a detailed investigation of the
works from the first half of the 1830s, it is hoped that the other material collected during
the authors research visits to Budapest, Vienna, Washington, D.C., and Weimar will be
published in the near future.
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PART ONE
LISZT AND THE CONCERTO GENRE
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CHAPTER H
Whereas scholarly biographies were attempted for figures such as Beethoven and
Mozart in the nineteenth century, the vast majority of publications on Franz Liszt were
popular works and first-person accounts.1 It was not until 1931 that Peter Raabe placed
Liszt scholarship on a firm scholarly footing,2 and it is only in the past few years that a
biography has been attempted that relies almost exclusively on primary sources.3 There is
still no comprehensive thematic catalogue that lists all works, manuscript sources, and
editions, although one is finally in progress under the aegis of Mdria Eckhardt and Rena
Mueller. In this environment, it is little wonder that Liszt scholarship has lagged so far
behind other major figures.4
In this chapter, the most important references to the works for piano and orchestra
in the secondary literature will be discussed and their often conflicting data disentangled.
Previously there has been little agreement on even the number of such works. How many
lrThe following bibliographies are invaluable in summing up the vast number of publications:
Ludwig Koch, Liszt Ferenc: Bibliogrdfiai Kisirlet (Budapest: SzdkesfOvdros Hdzinyomddja, 1936); and
Michael Saffle, Franz Liszt: A Guide to Research (New York and London: Garland Publishing, 1991).
(This publication supercedes the same authors Liszt Research Since 1936: A Bibliographic Survey, Acta
Musicologica 58 [1986], 231-281; and idem, The Liszt-Year 1986 and Recent Liszt Research, Acta
Musicologica 59 [1987], 271-299.)
2Peter Raabe, Franz Liszt, 2d ed., 2 vols. (Tutzing: Hans Schneider, 1968).
3Alan Walker, Franz Liszt: Volume One, The Virtuoso Years, 1811-1847 (New York: Knopf,
1983); idem, Franz Liszt: Volume Two, The Weimar Years, 1848-1861 (New York: Knopf, 1989). The
third and final volume has not yet appeared. Prior to the appearance of the second volume, Walker
published a revised edition of the first (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1987).
4A comprehensive review of Liszt historiography from the composers death to the present is
found in Rena Mueller, Liszts Tasso Sketchbook: Studies in Sources and Revisions (Ph.D.
dissertation, New York University, 1986), 1-30.
9
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10
piano concertos did Liszt write? appears an innocent enough question when posed by
Rena Mueller within a discussion of a selection of works for piano and orchestra,5 but
although the latest to deal with this problem, even she did not realize the hornets nest of
false bibliographic entries and lost manuscripts she was disturbing. This chapter will
consider the sources of the current bibliographic muddle, Liszts own thematic catalogues
and the subsequent worklists of Lina Ramann and August Gollerich, as well as the
resulting misinformation that has persistently found its way into even the most scholarly
investigations. Accurate information on all surviving manuscripts is included in chapter
four, Compositional Process in the Concertos. (All the works for piano and orchestra
noted below are summarized in Table 2.5, found at the end of the chapter.)
Mueller to c. 1847-48, and a Catalogue des Compositions in the hand of August Conradi,
dated to c. 1848-49 (D-WRgs, Z15).7 The first of these contains under sous presse the
entry 3 Concerts symphoniques, which, given Muellers dating, may refer to the three
6These documents have been analyzed by Rena Mueller; see her Liszts Catalogues and
Inventories of His Works, Studia Musicologica 34 (1992), 239-246; also idem, Liszts Tasso
Sketchbook, 64-82.
7See Mueller, Liszts Catalogues, 239-241; also idem, Liszts Tasso Sketchbook, 64ff.
She discusses Conradis work for Liszt in Liszts Tasso Sketchbook on pp. 32-39; see also chapter
three (Manuscript Copies) of the present work.
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concertos from 1839, worked on by Liszt as recently as 1846.8 In Z15, this is reduced to
2 Concertos pour Piano et Orchestra, perhaps referring to the autographs written by May
1849 and copied by Conradi no later than July.9 Of related interest is a pocket notebook
kept by the Princess Carolyne Sayn-Wittgenstein, but as the entries cannot be dated
musical incipits and publication information (where available) for Breitkopf & Hartel. As
Mueller observes, Breitkopf & Hartel issued monumental publications for Beethoven
(1851), Chopin (1853), and Mendelssohn (1853), and Liszt wanted his thematic catalogue
in the same format and with the same house.11 This document was prepared by Joachim
Raff over the course of several years (D-WRgs, Z14), and it served as the engravers copy
for the volume published in 1855, later revised in 1877.12 Liszt himself guided these
catalogues through the press, and, based on their content, he apparently had little doubt
about his contribution to the concerto genre: the two editions are in absolute agreement
regarding the works themselves (less so for title and musical incipit), despite the fact that in
8See Briefe aus ungarischen Sammiungen 1835-1886, ed. Margit Prahdcs (Kassel: Barenreiter,
1966), 46 Getter of 24 December 1839 the illegible word is meiner); see also Correspondence de
Liszt et de la Comtesse d Agoult, ed. Daniel Ollivier, 2 vols. (Paris: Bernard Grasset, 1933-34), 2:368
(letter of 8 October 1846).
9See Liszts letter of 30 May 1849 to Franz Kroll in Briefe aus ungarischen Sammiungen, 66.
For the copies by August Conradi, see Liszts letter of 1 August 1849 to Joachim Raff in Helene Raff,
Franz Liszt und Joachim Raff im Spiegel ihrer Briefe, Die Musik 1 (1901-02), 287. These manuscripts
are all in D-WRgs. For Concerto No. 1, the autograph is H3a, and for Concerto No. 2, the orchestral score
without the piano part is H5a (5 Mai 1849), and the separate piano part is H5b. The copies are bound
together as H4.
10See Mueller, Liszts Catalogues, 246-249; also idem, Liszts Tasso Sketchbook, 75-
82.
12See Mueller, Liszts Catalogues, 242-246: also idem, Liszts Tasso Sketchbook, 66-
74.
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12
1855 only one had been published, the transcription of Webers Polonaise (see Table
2.1).13 Unfortunately, Liszt had no interest in accounting for the works from earlier in his
career that survived in manuscript nor in certifying the accuracy of piano solo publications
that advertised an orchestral accompaniment. In like manner, a summary of Liszts piano
concertos, first published in 1859 by Richard Pohl, a member of the composers inner
circle in Weimar, is sloppy with regard to dates of both composition and publication.14
With such an unstable foundation on which to build, it is little wonder that, in the
LinaRamann
The trail begins where so many points of inaccurate information on Liszts life
have their origin, Lina Ramanns authorized biography of the composer, Franz Liszt als
Kunstler und Mensch.15 As frustrating as this source is, it cannot be ignored for, as her
posthumously published Lisztiana reveals, Ramann had direct access to her subject and
13See the Thematisches Verzeichniss der Werke von F. Liszt: Von der Autor verfasst (Leipzig:
Breitkopf & Hartel, 1855), 14,18; Thematisches Verzeichniss der Werke, Bearbeitungen und
Transcriptionen von F. Liszt, neue vervollstandigte Ausgabe (Leipzig: Breitkopf & Hartel, [1877]; repr.,
London: H. Baron, 1965), 12-13. Other worklists published during Liszts life or shortly after his death
similarly listed only published woiks; see, for example, Ludwig Friwitzer, Chronologisch-systematisches
Veizeichnis shmtlicher Tonwerke Franz Liszts, Musikaiische Chronik 5/38 (5 November 1887-31
January 1888) and August GOllerichs first worklist, discussed below.
14See Richard Pohl, Liszts symphonische Dichtungen: Ihre Entstehung, Wirkung und
Gegnerschaft, in Franz Liszt: Studien und Erinnerungen, Gesammelte Schriftren ilber Musik und Musiker
2 (Leipzig: Bernhard Schlicke [Bathasar Elischer], 1883), 224. Pohl was a close acquaintance of Liszt since
the 1850s and wrote much propaganda on behalf of the Musik der ZukunfL On Pohls reliability, see
Peter Raabe, Die Entstehungsgeschichte der ersten Orchesterwerke Franz Liszts, Inaugural Dissertation for
the Doctor of Philosophy, University of Jena (Leipzig: Breitkopf & HMel, 1916), 13-15. Pohls dates for
Concerto No. 1 will be reviewed in chapter eight.
13Lina Ramann, Franz Liszt als Kunstler und Mensch, 3 vols. in 2 (Leipzig: Breitkopf &
Hhrtel, 1880-1894). The volumes were divided chronologically as follows: Erster Band. Die Jahre 1811-
1840 (1880); Zweiter Band. I.Abteilung. Virtuosen-Periode. Die Jahre 1839-40-1847 (1887); Zweiler
Band. II. Abteilung. Sammlung und Arbeit Weimar und Rom. Die Jahre 1848-1886 (1894).
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13
a) Original-Compositionen.
Erstes Concert (Es dur)
Zweites Concert (A dur)
Todten-Tanz. (Danse macabre.) Paraphrase iiber Dies irae.
b) Orchestrirungen (mit Pianoforte principale).
Fantasie iiber Motive aus Beethovens Ruinen von Athen.
Fantasie iiber ungarische Volksmelodien.
Franz Schuberts grosse Fantasie (C dur op. 15.)
C. M. v. Webers Polonaise brillante (Op. 72.)
was very conscientious in her research.16 With the resources of over a century of Liszt
research, it is possible to reconstruct her references and thereby deduce the source of many
of her errors.
According to her own account, Ramann first met Liszt in 1859,17 but it was not
until 1874 that circumstances led to the assignment to write his biography.18 From
Ramanns diary entries and the correspondence and Fragezettel between Ramann and Liszt
reprinted in Lisztiana, it is clear that there was much contact, and the questions she asked
covered all aspects of his life and work. Liszt was nearing the end of a long and eventful
life, however, and not a few of the answers he gave her were inaccurate, especially as
regards dates, although often by only a year. For example, Liszt dated the publication of
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14
the first version of Harmonies poitiques et religieuses to 1834, when in fact it appeared as
a supplement to the Gazette musicale de Paris of 7 June 1835.19 Perhaps more surprising,
he misremembered the date of his fathers death.20
Siloti probte den Todtentanz wild ihn heute im 2ten Concert spielen. Ich saB
wiederneben Liszt. Seine Bemerkungen machten mir das Werk viel deutlicher. Das
Programm (von R. Pohl) nennt Holbein als Ausgangspunkt.
Wie kamen Sie auf Holbein? In Chur? fragte ich.
Gar nicht! Pisa , antwortete er lakonisch weiB nicht, wie Pohl zu
seiner Idee kommt. In Italien sah ich mehrere solcher Bilder. Eins in Pisa fesselte
mich Dies irae lag mir immer nah.
Freiburger Dom 1836, fiel ich ein.
Da phantasirte ich iiber das Thema auf der Orgel Sehen Sie diese
Amoretten? hub er plotzlich an (Siloti spielte mit wunderbarer Grazie die I.
Variation), die finden Sie in Pisa bei Orcagna.21
Richard Pohls program note was written for the premiere of Totentanz in 1865, and he
He almost certainly received the idea from Liszt himself, who around the same time wrote
Hans von Biilow, the pianist in the premiere: Lidde de produire dabord k Bale la Danse
macabre est on ne peut plus judicieuse. Si elle y fait fiasco, nous lattribuerons k Holbein
21Ibid., 331. Alexander Siloti was a noted Russian pianist who at this time was participating
in Liszts masterclasses. Liszt invited him to live in Weimar, and he moved there in April 1854, remaining
for about a decade. Incidentally, virtually all contemporary sources, including Liszt himself, consistently
spell the work Todtentanz. Modem German usage has dictated the revised spelling, and so it is used
throughout the present dissertation.
22See Pohl, Franz Liszt, 401-402; also the review by J. von Arnold, Concertmusik: Franz
Liszt, Todtentanz, Neue Zeitschrift fur Musik 61 (6 October 1865), 352-355. See also the observation
on Gflllerichs worklist below.
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15
(and probably Pohl), except to note that, in Ramanns case, Liszt referred only to the first
variation. It was Ramann herself who simplified the matter when she wrote:
Irrthumlich nannte man Hans Holbein des Jiingeren Todtentanz als das Werk,
welches den Meister zu einer musikalischen Wiedergabe inspirirt habe und suchte von
hier die Deutung seiner Variationen. Allein nach der mir personlich von ihm
gewordenen Mittheilung gab nicht Holbeins Werk, sondem das beriihmte in den
Hallen des Campo Santo zu Pisa sich befindende Wandgemalde: Der Triumph des
Todes von dem Florentiner Andrea Orcagna dem Ahnherm der Todentanze
unserem Meister die Anregung zu seiner Paraphrase.24
Having settled the question of inspiration by the authority of the composer, she continued
to explore the relationship between the musical work and the painting in the paragraphs that
made in the secondary literature for Holbein.25 It is with such observations in mind that
Liszts compositions, a list as revealing for the items omitted as those included. (Table 2.2
contains the entries of the works for piano and orchestra.) She apparently did not have
access to Liszts unpublished manuscripts, as none of these works are listed with the
23Briefwechsel zwischen Franz Liszt und Hans von Biilow, ed. La Mara (Leipzig: Breitkopf &
Hartel, 1898), 327 (9 December 1864). The work was ultimately premiered in the Hague on 15 April
1865. In his letters, Liszt freely alternated between Todtentanz, Danse des morts, and Danse macabre.
^Ramann, Franz Liszt als Kunstler und Mensch, 3:343. The fresco has since been attributed to
Francesco Traini.
^ S e e Sharon Winklhofer, Liszt, Marie dAgoult, and the Dante Sonata, 19th Century Music
1 (July 1977), 28. The above discussion is indebted to Winklhofers article. One exception among early
writers was Theodor Miiller-Reuter, who reprinted Pohls program note while also citing Ramann; see his
Lexikon der deutschen Konzertliteratur (Leipzig: C. F. Kahnt, 1909;, 350-351.
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16
to the other compositions, the Concerto in A minor is based on a reference in the diaries of
Ignaz Moscheles to a concert he had heard in London on 9 June 1827.27 Her information
on the piano concertos is derived from the article by Richard Pohl, although neither the
dates in the catalogue nor in the text fully agree with his.28 She is less forthcoming about
the other works. The reference to the Fantasy on God Save the Queen and Rule
Brittannia was apparently found in the Blatterfur Musik und Literatur, the house organ of
J. Schuberth & Co., publisher of the work for piano solo.29 The Capriccio alia turca was
especially troublesome to her. In the second volume she referred to it in passing when
commenting on the work for piano solo upon which it is based, and in the catalogue at the
end, she gave a composition date of 1860 and a publication date of 1863.30 These dates
were revised for the third volume published seven years later (as shown in Table 2.2),
although her text differs in the date of composition by one year 1852.31 Her sources for
this work and the others are unknown, although the publication dates are accurate and
27See ibid., 1:94-95; also quoted in chapter six (First Forays into the Concerto Genre).
28See ibid., 3:335-339. Ramann cited Pohl for only the concertos, although he also discussed
Totentanz.
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17
Two additional works are mentioned only in the text. The first is an orchestration
for Hexameron, the existence of which Ramann surmised from annotations in Haslingers
edition.33 The second is a reference to a manuscript of a Concerto in E minor. In a
footnote, Ramann speculated that it was the concerto Sophie Menter, one of Liszts favorite
students in his last years, requested in 1885.34 Because it is unlikely that Ramann
examined Liszts Nachlafi herself, the manuscript in question could also have been
Malediction, a work that begins in E minor and closes in E major.35 The reference to this
35Theophil Stengel assumes this identification; see his Die Entwicklung des Klavierkonzerts
von Liszt bis zur Gegenwart (Berlin, 1931), 10.
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18
document must have come from August Gollerich, as entries in the worklist of the last
volume are footnoted: MS. im Liszt-Museum. (Nach Notizen des Heim Gollerich).36
Evaluating these entries, it becomes evident that Ramann relied first on Liszts
information and, when that was not available, turned to secondary sources. She did not
examine the manuscripts herself, and any information relating to these probably came from
Gollerich, himself not always reliable (see below). For this reason, Ramanns worklist
must be approached with extreme caution.37
August Gollerich
Although both were present at the 1882 premiere of Parsifal, August Gollerich
did not actually meet Liszt until two years later in Vienna. At that time Liszt invited him to
attend his masterclasses in Weimar, and Gollerich played for the first time on 1 June
1884.38 He served Liszt as personal secretary beginning in the summer of 1885, following
him to Rome and then Pest, and he was with him when he died in Bayreuth the following
36Ramann, Franz Liszt als Kunstler und Mensch, 3:527. Footnotes throughout this volume
suggest that she turned to Gollerich for information on several occasions.
37See also Raabe, Die Entstehungsgeschichte der ersten Orchesterwerke Franz Liszts, 12-13.
38August Gollerich, Franz Liszt Klavierunterricht von 1884-1886, ed. Wilhelm Jerger
(Regensburg: Gustav Bosse Verlag, 1975), 30. This event is also mentioned by Ramann in Lisztiana, 258.
These first meetings are documented in GOllerich, Franz Liszt (Berlin: Marquardt & Co., 1908), 1-4.
39For complete citation, see n. 38. Gollerich had previously published a brief biography in
1888 as volume eight of the series Musiker-Biographien published by the firm of Philipp Reclarn jun.
This was, in fact, the second part of a Liszt biography, the first part having been written by Ludwig Nohl
and published in 1877 as volume four.
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19
Gollerich published his first worklist shortly after Liszts death.40 He revised it
for the Neue Zeitschriftfu r Musik, limiting himself almost exclusively to published
compositions (as announced in his title), and this new catalogue was published in
seventeen installments in 188789.41 In the concerto genre, he listed the seven items Liszt
included in his thematic catalogues and added only the transcription of the Concerto
patMtique published in 1885 to which he knew that Liszt had contributed, although such
credit does not appear anywhere on the edition.42 Comparing his worklist from the 1880s
with the one compiled twenty years later, we can observe that Gollerich thoroughly
reorganized and expanded the content by including any composition of which he had
knowledge. As a member of Liszts inner circle, he had access to his manuscripts, not
only while he was alive, but also after his death. This is evident from Gollerichs Nachlqfi,
today partially preserved in the Nationalbibliothek in Vienna (A-Wn) and the Bibliothek des
worklist contains unpublished compositions, including some for which no trace has been
42Neue Zeitschrift fiir Musik 83 (1887), 375 (Erste Abteilung. Original-Compositionen. VI.
Weike fiir Pianoforte und Orchester.); Vol. 84 (1888), 90 (Zweite Abteilung. Transcriptionen eigener
Werke. VII. Fiir Pianoforte und Orchester.); Vol. 84 (1888), 445 (Dritter Abteilung. Transcriptionen
fremder Werke. IV. Transcriptionen fur Pianoforte und Orchester.) On the Concerto pathitique
transcription, see also GOllerich, Franz Liszt, 114.
43See Wilhelm Jerger, Die Handschriften Franz Liszts aus dem NachlaB von August Gollerich
in Linz, Die Musikforschung 29 (1976): 288-294.
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20
b) Bearbeitungen.
Phantasie iiber El Contrabandista.
Phantasie iiber Fischerlied und Rauberlied aus Ldlio v. Berlioz.
Phantasie iiber Motive aus Beethovens Ruinen von Athen.
Phantasie iiber ungarische Volksmelodien.
Ungarische Rhapsodie. (No. XIII d. Ausgabe f. Klav.-Solo.)
Fr. Schuberts groBe Phantasie C dur op. 15, symphonisch bearbeitet.
C. M. v. Webers Polonaise brillante, op. 72.
Concert pathdtique (Nach einer Bearbeitung d. Concert pathdtique f. 2 Klav. 4
hdg. von E. Reuss).
As with Ramanns catalogue, Gollerichs has at its heart the seven works that
Liszt published during his lifetime, but whereas Ramann was able to add three
compositions based on her research, Gollerich found nine. To begin with those works not
taken over from Ramann, Gollerich rightly omitted the Fantasy on God Save the Queen,
but neglected to include the transcription of Hexameron, noted only in Ramanns text. The
two unpublished compositions the worklists share are the Grande fantasie symphonique on
themes from Berliozs lAlio and the unknown Concerto in A Minor mentioned by
Moscheles, the latter given the title Grande fantaisie symphonique, perhaps by way of
^ S e e GOllerich, Franz Liszt, 275-331. The works for piano and orchestra are found on pp.
281-282.
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confusion in Gollerichs notes with the work that rightfully bears that name. These two
references suggest that Gollerich knew and incorporated Ramanns work into his own,
despite the lack of Hexameron and God Save the Queen. Further evidence of Ramanns
influence is found in the listing for Totentanz as nach Orcagnas Triumph des Todes, a
revision from Variationen nach Holbeinschen Skizzen in the Neue Zeitschriftfu r Musik,
which had appeared before the publication of Ramanns third volume. Of published
compositions, the Concerto patMtique has already been mentioned. The Fantasy on El
access or information. The Concerto in the Italian Style is completely obscure, and no
identification with any known work has yet been made. It is possible that Gollerich may
have seen the Concerto in E-flat Major (op. posth.) with the rubric recitativo del
pianoforte written over the first cadenza and dubbed the work in the Italian style, but
this seems unlikely given that there is nothing otherwise italienisch about it The
manuscript of De profundis was in the Liszt Museum (it remains in D-WRgs). Friedrich
Schnapp identified the Concerto in the Hungarian Style with the work Liszt wrote for
Sophie Menter 46 This conclusion was based on Tagesbuch-Notizen of Liszts close
friend, Alexander Wilhelm Gottschalg, that he had begun a work for Menter in 1885, and
Gollerichs later communication to Raabe that the manuscript of this Hungarian work
45See Schnapp, Verschollene Kompositionen, 128 (item 23, Ce morceau a dtd dcrit d abord
pour Piano et Orchestre).
47See A. W. Gottschalg, Franz Liszt in Weimar und seine letzten Lebensjahre, ed. Carl Alfred
Rend (Berlin: Arthur Glaue, 1910), 155. [18 September 1885] Liszt hat ein neues Klavier-Konzert fiir
Sophie Menter angefangen. Es ist schwerlich vollendet woiden. Also Raabe, Franz Liszt, 2:363.
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22
Gollerichs information does not prove that the work mentioned by Gottschalg and the one
possessed by Menter are the same. Note also that this is the only item to be followed by
(?), suggesting that he himself had never seen the manuscript, especially odd considering
that he was with Liszt constantly from this time until his death. As with De profundis, a
manuscript containing the work known as Malediction survives in the Weimar archive.
Of Hungarian Rhapsody No. 13, no other reference is known, and Gollerichs worklist is
the only attestation to its existence.48
Gollerichs work has been called into question by later scholars, primarily
because of his lack of documentation. Felix Raabe first focused attention on his haphazard
method in the Vorbemerkung he wrote to preface his fathers worklist, quoting from the
Frage: Was wissen Sie iiber die von Ihnen Seite 279 genannten Jahrzeiten?
Antwort: Hiervon erzahlte Obrist. Kenne es nicht.
Frage: Was wissen Sie iiber das Seite 280 erwahnte Allegro moderato E-dur fur
Violine und Klavier?
Antwort: Kenne es nicht. Busoni sprach davon. Usw.49
Nevertheless, he admitted that Gollerichs close association with the composer in the last
years of his life, and his apparent access to manuscripts that have since been lost, make his
Das Verzeichnis ist nur mit Vorsicht zu benutzen, da Gollerich zwar Vollstandigkeit
anstrebte, aber keinerlei wissenschaftliche oder gar kritische Arbeit geleistet hat
Immerhin hatte sich Gollerich als Famulus Liszts in dessen letzter Lebenszeit und als
begeisterter Verehrer seines Meisters eine Kenntnis erworben, die nicht unterschatzt
werden darf.50
^Schnapp suggests that if it ever was accomplished, it might have been done around the same
time as the transcription of Hungarian Rhapsody No. 14, retitled Fantasie iiber ungarischen Volksmelodien,
which he mistakenly dates to around 1852; see Verschollene Kompositionen, 142 (item 55).
49Raabe, Franz Liszt, 2:241. This correspondence is preserved in D-WRgs. Raabe succeeded
Dr. Aloys Obrist as custodian of the Liszt Museum.
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23
In practice, however, both Raabe and Schnapp felt at liberty to doubt the existence of any
of Gollerichs entries for which they did not have concrete evidence at hand. It must be
countered that where manuscripts can be correlated with entries, the essential accuracy of
Gollerichs catalogue is borne out. For example, the designation Concert symphonique
for the second concerto can be observed in Liszts hand on two copies of the work
preserved in D-WRgs (H5a and H5e). Thus, it is always possible that Gollerich had
examined a manuscript now lost or communicated with someone who had a copy in their
possession.
Hofkapellmeister. That same year, the publisher Breitkopf & Hartel began to publish a
collected edition of Liszts music with Raabe as general editor.51 In 1910, he was
entrusted with a second appointment, the administration of the Liszt Museum, also located
in Weimar.52 Although the museum had opened in 1887 and its vast collection of
leadership that the project of cataloging these materials was completed. His experience as a
practical musician held him in good stead, and the handwritten catalogue he compiled is
testimony to the accuracy and thoroughness of his judgments. This catalogue remains
available in the reading room of the Goethe and Schiller Archive, where it is the sole
5lGrossherzog Carl Alexander Ausgabe der musikalischen Werke Franz Liszts, 5 series, 34 vols.
(Leipzig: Breitkopf & Hartel, 1907-1936). The original proposal had planned for 60 volumes, and it is
unknown why publication ceased.
52In the 1950s, the Liszt Museum was brought under the umbrella of the Nationale Forschungs-
und Gedenkstatten der klassichen deutschen Literatur. The manuscripts, letters, and other Lisztiana were
deposited in the Goethe- und Schiller-Archiv (D-WRgs), while printed music, some with Liszts corrections
and manuscript pages bound in, were deposited in the TTiiiringische Landesbibliothek, Musiksammlung (D-
WRtl).
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24
added information on the manuscripts that neither of them possessed. With this breadth of
knowledge, he was able to build effectively on the work of his predecessors, first in his
comprehensive than any previously published, and the Verzeichnis aller Werke Liszts
nach Gruppen geordnet that takes up nearly a third of the second volume represents the
first catalogue for which primary source material served as the principal guide.55 Rena
Mueller sums up his contribution:
The second volume [of Franz Liszt], however, with separate chapters devoted to all
the major genres in which Liszt wrote, followed by a highly sophisticated catalogue
of Liszts musical output, was a path-breaking achievement. Raabe consolidated
information on the genesis, printing history, and sources for Liszts entire oeuvre....
Liszts Schaffen, and especially the catalogue it contains, has not been superceded.56
Raabes catalogue was most likely an outgrowth of the system that he devised for
organizing the holdings of the museum, as is evident from his handwritten volume. He
assigned a letter to each genre in which Liszt worked (A = Orchestral Music; B = Sacred
and Secular Vocal Music with Orchestra; etc.) and an additional number to each manuscript
as he catalogued it. For example, the works for piano and orchestra were assigned H,
53Inaugural Dissertation for the Doctor of Philosophy, University of Jena, 1916; for complete
citation, see n. 14. He had matriculated in 1913. Much of the biographical information on Raabe cited
above is from this source, p. [55]. Raabe reviewed the work of his predecessors on pp. 12-16.
^P eter Raabe, Grofiherzog Carl Alexander und Liszt (Leipzig: Breitkopf & Hartel, 1918).
55Raabe, Franz Liszt, vol. 1, Liszts Leben, vol. 2, Liszts Schaffen (Stuttgart & Berlin: J. C.
Cottasche, 1931). The work was reprinted in 1968 with an appendix by his son, Felix, who worked with
him during his latter years; for complete citation, see n. 3. The worklist is found on pp. 241-364.
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25
and the autograph of De profundis was assigned HI, a manuscript of Malediction H2,
etc. To this, he added any relevant information in the way of other copies, editions, and
references in Ramann, Gollerich, or the published letters. There also survive in his
Nachlafi handwritten notes for works in the various genres, where he recorded
observations on the manuscripts in greater detail, evidently for his use in Liszts Schaffen
(Notizen zum Katalog der Werke, D-WRgs, Nr. 587).
For the published version, Raabe reorganized the entries and placed the music for
piano at the beginning, followed by orchestral and choral works. He grouped the various
compositions as much as possible by types (etudes, cyclic works, etc.), although finding a
particular work is difficult without the index that follows the catalogue. The entries for
each work are models of scholarly precision, offering complete title, orchestration, genesis
dedication. The annotations under Entstanden and Handschriften were concise yet
illuminating, listing all surviving documentation. In addition, he did not limit himself to the
Europe. Raabe may appear at first sight too conservative regarding his entries of works or
versions for which the evidence is limited, especially upon comparison with Ramann and
Gollerich, but further examination reveals virtually all of their entries listed in ways that are
logical and that do not mislead the reader.
The items under Werke fiir Klavier und Orchester include the seven published
compositions along with the two for which completed manuscripts exist, Malediction and
the Grande fantaisie symphonique (items 452-460). Unlike Liszts Thematic Catalogues
and Gollerich, Raabe made no distinction between original works and arrangements, listing
unfinished (item 668), and annotations under the piano solo versions of Rondeau
fantastique sur un theme espagnol (El Contrabandista), God Save the Queen, and
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26
Hexameron offer conclusions based on available evidence as to the existence of piano and
orchestra versions (items 88,98, and 131 respectively). For the Concerto patMtique
arrangement, Raabe noted only that ReuB executed it The listing is under the work for
piano solo, Grofies Konzertsolo, upon which the two-piano Concerto patMtique is based
(item 18), and the two-piano version is item 356. He listed the Concerto in the Hungarian
Style under doubtful (Raabe did not give numbers to lost or doubtful works), and the
Concerto in the Italian Style is not listed at all. He also did not list the Concerto in A
was the first, however, to note two early concertos under lost, based on a letter Liszts
father wrote to Carl Czerny in 1825.58 Finally, he observed that the first edition of the
Grande fantaisie de bravoure sur la Clochette de Paganini for piano solo included the
designation tutti, suggestive of an orchestral accompaniment (item 231) and that a sketch
for the first version of Harmonies poitiques et religieuses had specific references to
orchestration (item 13). Although he used Ramanns biography with caution, he accepted
her dating and her conclusion on Liszts inspiration for Totentanz. He also added an error,
that the Beethoven Fantasy had nothing but the themes in common with the earlier work for
piano solo.59 In 1968, Raabes son Felix, who had worked with him on the catalogue,
prepared Zusatze for the reprint, incorporating various emendations and corrections,
especially to the worklist. These were not substantial and were largely indebted to Searles
57In addition to the worklist entry, see Raabe, Franz Liszt, 2:53-54. Raabe labeled this
manuscript fragment a Bruchstiick. See also Schnapps identification, below.
58See Raabe, Franz Liszt, 1:7, quoted from La Mara [Marie Lipsius], Classisches und
Romantisches aus der Tonwelt (Leipzig: Breitkopf & Hartel, 1892), 249-50. ib is letter was also quoted by
Julius Kapp in his Franz Liszt (Berlin and Leipzig: Schuster & Loeffler, 1909), 31-32.
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27
worklist undo: the category Verloren oder nicht aufzufinden.60 Schnapp was able to use
a number of documents that were not available to Raabe, including the extensive
correspondence of Liszt and Marie dAgoult.61 The result was a Verzeichnis verschollener
oder verloren gegangener Werke Franz Liszts in which Schnapp listed ninety-five works
and detailed all attestations to their existence. Thirteen of these are for piano and orchestra,
of which three had not appeared in any previous list (see Table 2.4).
Of those not mentioned by Raabe, items 17 and 18 derive from a letter Liszt wrote
to his mother, requesting certain works.62 The first was identified by Schnapp with the
surviving manuscript for Malediction, the second with the autograph of De profundis, or
perhaps a manuscript of an earlier version of Concerto No. 1, also in the Liszt Museum.
The Divertissement (item 22) appears to have been an oversight by Raabe for, as with the
first edition of El Contrabandista (item 23), the evidence for a concerto version is found in
a remark on the title page. For the Reminiscences des Puritains (item 28), Schnapp utilized
arrangement.63 A review pointed to the one-time existence of item 31, found in the Gazette
62See Franz Liszts Briefe an seine Mutter, trans. & ed. La Mara [Marie Lipsius] (Leipzig:
Breitkopf & Hartel, 1918), 20-21. The content of this letter is also discussed in chapter seven (The
Compositional Matrix). See also appendix A, where it is transcribed complete.
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28
Table 2.4: From Schnapps Verzeichnis verschollener oder verloren gegangener Werke
Franz Liszts____________________________________________
^ . I I I!
musicale in a report of Liszts concerts in London;64 Schnapp identified the work as the
Heroischer Marsch in ungarischem Styl, although he also suggested it could have been an
^ Liszt h Londres, Gazette Musicale de Paris (14 June 1840): La marche hongroise est
accompagnde par tout lorchestre, et, le jour de concert, lartiste dirigea et domina cet ensemble [offenbar
vom Fliigel aus] avec une vdhdmence et une vigeur telles, quil dlectrisa tous les executants, sans pourtant
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29
arrangement of the Rk6czi March. Finally, Schnapp rejected the possibility that the
Concerto in A Minor heard by Moscheles (item 14) is identical with Malidiction (pace
Raabe) or with one of the 1825 concertos (items 8 and 9);65 rather, he suggested
identification with a fragment of sixteen folios preserved in the Liszt Museum, the music of
The next comprehensive worklist, and the first compiled for an English-speaking
readership, was by Humphrey Searle for the fifth edition of Groves Dictionary o f Music
and Musicians (1954, hereafter Grove 5). Searle also published a separate volume that
contained the worklist (without many of the annotations), an expanded version of his
discussion of the music, and a Biographical Survey.66 Although he examined some of
the documents himself, at least before the Second World War,67 evidently Searle was
heavily dependent on Raabes publication for his information: many of the category
designations and even the ordering of the compositions within categories match Raabes,
and much of the dating corresponds as well. Unfortunately, Searle included little
documentation, and therefore the sources that he used outside of Raabe are not always
clear. Nevertheless, his work was an improvement over previous editions of Groves,
which had simply reprinted the contents of Liszts Thematic Catalogue of 1877. Further,
Searle never claimed to produce an independent scholarly work; he was simply fulfilling
rien perdre de son autorit6 de chef dorchestre. Quoted from Schnapp, Verschollene Kompositionen,
130-131. Also quoted in Liszt et son temps, eds. Pierre-Antoine Hur6 and Claude Knepper (Paris:
Hachette, 1987), 278.
65See Raabe, Franz Liszt, 2:53-54,311 (item 452). The association of the 1825 works was
made by Stengel in Die Entwicklung, 10. He postulated that the Concerto in the Italian Style was the
other.
66Humphrey Searle, The Music o f Liszt (London: Williams & Norgate Ltd., 1954). A revised
republication was issued twelve years later (New York: Dover Publications, 1966).
67The present writer observed Searles signature, dated 1937, on library documents in the
Deutsche Staatsbibliothek.
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30
his assignment using the best sources available, and he was careful to make revisions on
the basis of recent scholarship.
locations of manuscripts, dedicatee, an edition where the work could be found, and a cross
reference to Raabes worklist. For the concertos, Searle listed seven works (of Raabes
nine) under Pianoforte and Orchestra (items 120-126), and he relegated the transcriptions
(items 366-367). The arrangements of the Beethoven Fantasy and Hungarian Rhapsody
are not listed with the transcriptions, which could mislead one into thinking that they are
original works. Further, the listing for the Beethoven Fantasy repeats Raabes error that
the work has little to do with the version for piano solo. In addition, the Grandefantaisie
symphonique is listed with the original works, although it is clearly a paraphrase. As with
Raabe, Searle listed De profundis under Unfinished Works (item 691), and under
Doubtful or Lost, he listed the two 1825 concertos, the Concertos in the Hungarian and
Italian Styles, and the Grande Fantaisie Symphonique in A Minor (items 713-716). He
was alert to note the confusion of the title of the last work with the Ldlio Fantasy, although
his annotation querying whether the two are the same work is certainly incorrect. Note also
that in the monograph he listed the last three of these items with questions marks.68 The
only addition to Raabe is an entry for an arrangement by Liszt of the Grofies Konzertsolo,
here Grand solo de concert (item 365), and different from the Concerto patheiique
transcription by ReuB (which Searle did not list). Despite the brevity of the citations,
Searle noted under the piano solo versions works that may exist in concerto arrangements:
Hexameron, Reminiscences des Puritains, El Contrabandista, the Paganini Fantasy, and
the first version of Harmonies poitiques et religieuses. He negelected the reference to God
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31
Save the Queen, and, like Raabe, those of the Pacini Divertissement and Hungarian
Rhapsody No. 13. He also forgot to include the Hungarian March listed in Schnapp.
Searle updated his catalogue for the sixth edition of 1980, retaining the basic
format and numbering but eliminating some of the information not directly related to dating,
for example, the references to concerto arrangements. The modifications to the entries
were slight and did not take advantage of recent scholarship. A lengthy list of emendations
was published in a review by Sharon Winklhofer,69 and she was invited to incorporate her
corrections into the paperback issue, Searle having died in the interim.70 As Winklhofer
points out in her review, Searle was woefully out of touch with current research, for
example listing manuscript collections that had been dispersed for many years.71 It is only
with her revisions to The New Grove that it becomes a useful bibliographic tool, including
much refinement in the dating of works and the listing of manuscripts with much that is
relevant to the concertos. One significant alteration in the works for piano and orchestra
was the recataloging of the Concerto in the Hungarian Style, moving it from Lost to
item 126a (i.e with the other original works for piano and orchestra). Although there was
not any new manuscript evidence, apparently Winklhofer had become convinced that a
work published in 1909 as Hungarian Gypsy Songs under Menters name was in fact the
lost concerto.72
69See Sharon Winklhofer, review of Liszt, Franz [Ferenc] in The New Grove Dictionary of
Music and Musicians, 19th Century Music 5 (Spring 1982): 257-262. Note also the article by Allan Ho,
Tentative Revisions to Searles New Grove Catalogue of Liszts Works for Two Pianos and Piano Four-
Hands, Journal o f the American Liszt Society 14 (December 1983): 24-29. It is unclear whether
Winklhofer incorporated these additional emendations into her own New Grove revision (cited below).
7077jc New Grove Early Romantic Masters 1: Chopin, Schumann, Liszt (New York: Norton,
1985).
72See Margit Prahdcs, Liszts letztes Klavierkonzert, Studia Musicologica 4 (1963), 195-200;
also Maurice Hinson, The Long Lost Liszt Concerto, Journal of the American Liszt Society 13 (June
1983), 53-58.
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32
Three other worklists should be mentioned for the sake of completeness. For his
two-volume life and works of Liszt, Jacob Milstein compiled a worklist that is found at the
end of his second volume.73 According to Saffle, however, it is drawn almost entirely
from Raabe and Searle.74 Alan Walker compiled a catalogue for the volume he edited,
Franz Liszt: The Man and His Music,75 and Serge Gut included one in his Franz Liszt? 6
These last are no more than a reshuffling of information in Raabes and Searles
catalogues, with perhaps a few gains in organization; fortunately, the older numbers are
easily accessible in Walkers and Guts formats. Furthermore, the new systems have not
been used in any other text, not even Walkers three-volume life of the composer. Thus,
because they add little that is not included in the other catalogues, these lists will not be
referred to again in the present study.
access to primary sources. In his dissertation, Die Entwicklung des Klavierkonzerts von
Liszt bis zu Gegenwart, Stengel discusses Liszts concertos, including the unpublished
works in the Liszt Museum. He collated the information found in the works of Ramann,
Gollerich, and Julius Kapp (cited above) and compiled a useful table that counted eighteen
concertos, although his dating was based almost exclusively on that of Ramanns
73Jacob Milstein, F. List, rev. ed., 2 vols. (Moscow: Muzuka, 1971), 327-425 (in Russian).
This work was first published in 1959 and appeared in Hungarian translation in 1964. The authors name is
also transliterated Yakov Milshtein.
75Alan Walker, ed., Franz Liszt: The Man and His Music (London: Barrie & Jenkins, 1970),
390-462.
76Serge Gut, Franz Liszt (Paris: Editions de Fallois/LAge d Homme, 1989), 544-583.
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33
biography, with the exception of those works listed only in Gollerichs worklist.77 His
commentary indulges in some speculation, for example, he associates the Concerto in the
Italian style and Grandefantaisie symphonique listed in Gollerich with the two lost
concertos of 1825. Nevertheless, his work is valuable, as he describes in detail the musical
content of Malediction and De profundis with observations that reveal his knowledge of the
manuscripts. Raabe valued this monograph highly enough to refer to it in his own study,
especially significant as both were published the same year and both authors must have
worked side by side in the archive. Miiller-Reuters Lexikon der deutschen
Konzertliteratur (1909) merits special attention because of his thorough research of the
primary sources.78 He included information on the dating of the works that could have
come only from the manuscripts in the Liszt Museum, although it is uncertain whether he
examined them himself or whether the curator, Obrist, communicated the data to him.
There is little that is original or speculative, but the care and accuracy of this work are
notable, and many succeeding writers on Liszt could have eliminated the misinformation
received from inferior secondary sources if they had referred to Miiller-Reuter. The entries
are limited to the seven works that Liszt published, listed in the order of the Liszts
and a list of the first performances and the circumstances surrounding them.
77See Stengel, Die Entwicklung, 10; for complete citation, see n. 35.
78See Miiller-Reuter, Lexikon der deutschen Konzertliteratur, 346-357; for complete citation,
see n. 26.
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N.B.: This table is designed to aid the reader in following the discussions of the worklists in this chapter and is not meant to provide a comprehensive
summary of any of the sources. The Searle and Raabe numbers sometimes refer to the listing for solo piano when a separate listing was not provided.
Th.V. simply indicates whether the item was listed in Liszts Thematisches Verzeichnis. References to Searle are from the New Grove Early Romantic
Masters 1. The dates are those when the work was composed or completely drafted. Accurate information on all surviving manuscripts is found in chapter
four, Compositional Process in the Concertos. w
4^
CHAPTERm
THE PRIMARY SOURCES
Liszts manuscripts survive in great quantity for all the genres in which he
composed, but those for piano and orchestra, by virtue of the number of versions and
number of years that elapsed between first sketch and published score, reveal the most
about his working methods and compositional priorities at different points in his career.
For Concerto No. 1 alone, there are six full scores, one two-piano score, and one
sketchbook entry, all written over the course of twenty-five years. Analysis of this vast
amount of documentation is imperative, not only for answering basic questions, such as the
date and even the number of his works, but for an understanding of Liszts compositional
process.
This research has been neglected in Liszt studies, for, as late as 1980, Sharon
Winklhofer was able to write: No means exist at present for identifying Liszt autographs
accurately, whether for verifying long-accepted dates and provenances of extant sources, or
herself provided the first systematic analysis of Liszts manuscripts, cataloging details of
handwriting, writing implements, and paper use that are invaluable for dating these
materials. Several years later, Rena Mueller cast her net even further:
The identification of the copyists and the materials used by Liszt and his aides
helps to shed light on the complicated history of the composers oeuvre. When the
intricacies of the transmission of the musical text are examined in conjunction with the
Aharon Winklhofer, Liszts Sonata in B Minor (Ann Arbor: UMI Research Press, 1980), 55.
35
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36
evidence of the primary tools and secondary sources available, we arrive at a more
precise picture of just when a piece of music was written.2
In this chapter, the work of Winklhofer and Mueller, in addition to other scholars, will be
summarized with respect to the primary sources in general and the works in the concerto
genre in particular.
Documents relevant to the life and work of Franz Liszt have been disbursed
widely. Earlier in his career, he habitually gave away the manuscripts of published works,
as to him these autographs apparently held little value, and it is rare to find a fair copy in his
own hand before 1848.3 Letters, by their very nature, are also not concentrated in one
repository. In addition, upon Liszts death, his housekeeper in Weimar allowed his
documented in the files of the Library of Congress. In 1954, the library acquired a bound
volume of three works for piano and orchestra, principally in the hand of August Conradi
but with copious annotations and emendations by Liszt (shelflist ML96.L58).4 It was
purchased from a manuscript dealer in Europe by Walter Schatzki, a New York dealer in
antiquarian materials, and he reported the history of the manuscript in a letter of 11 June
2Rena Mueller, Liszts Tasso Sketchbook: Studies in Sources and Revisions (Ph.D.
dissertation, New York University, 1986), 96-97.
3Among the very few Liszt autographs known to survive, there is the copy of the
Reminiscences des Huguenots (D-WRgs, U56) from around 1836 and the copy of the Reminiscences de
Don Juan (US-NYp, JOF 81-6) dated 15 Feb. 1843. The Huguenots fantasy served as the engravers
copy, and the Don Juan fantasy is preserved with the manuscript copy that served the engraver (JOF 81-7).
4See the brief description in The Music Manuscripts, First Editions, and Correspondence of
Franz Liszt (1811-1886) in the Collections of the Music Division, Library of Congress, comp. Elizabeth
H. Auman and Raymond A. White (Washington, D.C.: Library of Congress, 1991), 5 (items 9,10), 14
(item 36).
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37
1954. Schatzki stated that the original owner was Frederic W. Riesberg, a pupil of Liszt
After the composers death he [Riesberg] went to his house [Liszts last residence in
Weimar, the Hofgartnerai] to express his sympathies and Liszts house keeper
suggested that he select something that had belonged to the composer, as a token of
memory.
Other documents have a similar history, and as a result Liszt autographs can be found all
over the world. Fortunately, many of these manuscripts are in public collections.
The largest repository of autographs and letters is the Goethe and Schiller Archive
in Weimar (D-WRgs), part of the Nationale Forschungs- und Gedenkstatten der
klassischen deutschen Literatur.5 The core of the collection is Liszts Nachlafi, which in
1887 was incorporated into the Liszt Museum and housed in the Hofgartnerai. Shortly
thereafter, the Allgemeine deutsche Musikverein issued a public appeal for manuscripts,6
thus beginning the continual development of the collection through additional documents,
either purchased or given as gifts, and including many letters that the composer himself
considered lost.7 The materials were deposited in their present location after World War n,
with the manuscripts and letters going to D-WRgs, while the printed editions, some with
5There is no published catalogue of these holdings, although many of the documents are noted
in the worklists of Peter Raabe, Franz Liszt, 2d ed., 2 vols. (Tutzing: Hans Schneider, 1968), 241-364, and
Humphrey Searle and Sharon Winklhofer, The New Grove Early Romantic Masters 1: Chopin, Schumann,
Liszt (New York: Norton, 1985), 322-368. See also Mueller, Liszts Tasso Sketchbook, 365-393
(appendix B).
6See Mdria Eckhardt, Liszts Weimar Library: The Hungarica, New Hungarian Quarterly 32
(Summer 1991): 157.
7See Liszts letter of 15 May 1882 to Edmond Hippeau, who had written requesting information
for his biography of Berlioz: Vous me demandez communication des lettres que Berlioz mecrivit:
malheureusement je nen possbde plus aucune, les ayant toutes donndes it divers amateurs dautographes.
(Franz Liszts Briefe, ed. La Mara [Marie Lipsius], 8 vols. [Leipzig: Breitkopf & HSrtel, 1893-1905],
8:396). La Mara had published many of these letters several years earlier, having discovered them in the
rooms of the Princess Sayn-Wittgenstein (ibid., n. 3); see her Briefe hervorragender Zeitgenossen an Franz
Liszt, ed. La Mara, 3 vols., (Leipzig: Breitkopf & HSrtel, 1895-1904). On Schumanns letters, see Franz
Liszts Briefe, 1:254 (9 January 1857, to J. W. von Wasielewski). Ten letters of Schumann to Liszt are in
D-WRgs (Ms. 29/2).
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38
After Weimar, Budapest has the most substantial collection, partially the result of
Liszts residence in the city during the last two decades of his life, but also from efforts to
honor a native son by private individuals and public institutions. The material is divided
between three archives: the National Sz&henyi Library (H-Bn),8 the Liszt Ferenc Academy
of Music (H-Bl),9 and the Hungarian Academy of Sciences (H-Ba).10 In addition, the
Library of Congress (US-Wc) contains a great number of manuscripts, letters, and first
editions, due to the indefatigable sleuthing of the late Edward Waters, who headed the
music division for many years.11 Several other cities have libraries that contain modest
collections of Lisztiana, the most important of which are (alphabetically by city): Berlin,
8See Mdria Eckhardt, Franz Liszt's Music Manuscripts in the National Szichenyi Library,
Budapest, Studies in Central and East European Music 2, Zoltdn Falvy ed. (Budapest: Akaddmiai Kiadd,
1986).
9See Mdria Eckhardt, Liszt Ferenc Zenemiikdziratai FOiskola Liszt Ferenc emldkmuzeumdban,
Zenetudomdnyi dolgozatok (1986): 235-260; idem, Franz Liszts Estate, Acta Academiae Artis Musicae de
Francisco Liszt Nominatae (Budapest: Liszt Ferenc Zenemiivdszeti FOiskola, 1986). The first item is
devoted to manuscripts and includes eighteen facsimiles, while the second covers printed material.
11See his Sur la piste de Liszt, Notes: The Quarterly Journal o f the Music Library
Association 27 (June 1971): 665-670; also his checklist Liszt Holographs in the Library o f Congress
(Washington, D.C.: Library of Congress, 1979), superceded by the publication cited above in n. 4.
12The Leningrad holdings were overlooked by Humphrey Searle and Sharon Winklhofer in their
New Grove worklisL Some of the Liszt manuscripts are mentioned in Jacob Milstein, F. List, rev. ed., 2
vols. (Moscow: Muzuka, 1971).
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39
As curator for the Liszt Museum, Peter Raabe worked extensively with Liszt
materials, and in his 1916 dissertation he ranked them in order of importance: autographs,
copies made under Liszts supervision, copied orchestral parts, corrected proofs, and
letters.17 Such an ordering may seem obvious enough, but as the window into Liszts
compositional procedure becomes clear, it will be seen that the distinction between the first
and second items is more one of label, with little relevance for understanding his working
method. Nevertheless, Raabes listing offers a guide for reviewing these sources and
summarizing their content.18
16Other small collections of Liszt materials not visited by the present author include Bayreuth,
Nationalarchiv der Richard-Wagner-Stiftung; Darmstadt, Hessische Landes- und Hochschulbibliothek; the
Hague, Gemeente Museum; London, British Museum.
17Peter Raabe, Die Entstehungsgeschichte der ersten Orchesterwerke Franz Liszts, Inaugural
Dissertation for the Doctor of Philosophy, University of Jena (Leipzig: Breitkopf & HSrtel, 1916), 10-11.
18The source situation with regard to the letters will not be dealt with here, as there is an
excellent summary in Charles Suttoni, Liszt Correspondence in Print: An Expanded, Annotated
Bibliography, Journal o f the American Liszt Society 25 (January-June 1989), 5-25. This publication
supercedes his earlier bibliography in Fontis Artis Musicae 26 (1979), 191-234. In the present
dissertation, bibliographic problems in the letters will be discussed in the context of individual citations.
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40
The Autographs19
Although the majority of Liszts surviving autographs are completed
compositions, there are at least nine extant sketchbooks (D-WRgs, N1 to N9),20 as well as
a few scattered folios with sketches, for example an early symphony (D-WRgs, A21/5).21
Aside from the insights these books offer into Liszts compositional process, many entries
are dated, which can add crucial information for establishing the genesis of a work.
with entries from the 1840s and later (N4, N3, and N2), and large books with fine quality
paper that were used by Liszt in Russia after he had retired from the concert stage in
September 1847 but before he had settled in Weimar in January 1848 (N7 and N9). To
some extent, sketchbooks N2-N4 continued to be used by Liszt, at least through his first
years in Weimar (c. 1851), and there are entries in N2 and N4 from the 1860s.
Sketchbook N5 stands apart from this group. It is also a large book, although of lesser
quality in terms of paper and binding than N7 and N9, and Liszt used it from 1845 to 1848
19A11 examples in the text are to various iconographies and facsimile editions that are widely
available in many research libraries.
20There is a sketchbook from the 1830s, formerly in the collection of Lord Londonderry, now in
US-Wc, although this appears to be a forgery (personal communication to the author from Rena Mueller).
In addition, evidence for a sketchbook from c. 1834 will be discussed in chapter nine of the present work.
21See Raabe, Die Entstehungsgeschichte, Notenbeilag 1,1-2. The sketch is also discussed in
Dieter Torkewitz, Harmonisches Denken imFriihwerk Franz Liszts, Freiburger Schriften zur
Musikwissenschaft 10, ed. Hans Heinrich Eggebrecht (Munich, Salzburg: Musikverlag Emil Katzbichler,
1978), 18-20.
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41
to draft several large-scale compositions.23 The earliest sketchbook is N6, a large book of
high-quality paper and binding used from 1829-1833. This book is especially interesting
both for its content and because all of its leaves are intact Particularly noteworthy for the
they survive from throughout Liszts career. Unlike his sketches, the appearance of these
manuscripts was affected by a variety of factors. For example, Liszt often returned to them
after many years to carry out comprehensive revisions, thus leaving an autograph with
visible layers. Much data has been accumulated on these documents, and it is now possible
characteristics may be divided into early (until c. 1834), middle (1835-1870s), and late
(1880s). As with most hands, the change is gradual, but the distinctions are worth noting.
The earliest examples, both literary and musical, show a certain amount of immaturity,
perhaps reflective of Liszts lack of regular education. The use of the quill and the flow of
ink is often uneven, as are the formation of letters and notes. This can be clearly seen in
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42
one of the earliest surviving documents, a letter to Pierre Erard from 12 August 1824,25 as
well as in a manuscript page of a piano piece dated 27 May 1827,26 the facsimile edition
of a diary from the same year,27 the Revolutionary Symphony sketch,28 and various
reproduced leaves from sketchbook N6 (see n. 24). In addition, these characteristics
confirm the speculative date of 1832 for a manuscript auctioned several years ago by
Sothebys.29
By the mid-1830s, Liszts hand appears to have settled, becoming more readable
and disciplined. The change was not dramatic, although it is perhaps no coincidence that it
occurred after his departure from Paris in May 1835, the beginning of his years of
pilgrimage. The result is apparent in the autograph of the Reminiscences des Huguenots,
published by Schlesinger in 1837 and probably written the previous year.30 Among the
characteristics, there is a sense of great speed coupled with economy of motion and clarity,
^Reproduced in Robert Bory, La vie de Franz Liszt par Vimage (Geneva: Editions du Journal de
Genfeve, 1936), 53; also Burger, Franz Liszt: Eine Lebenschronik in Bildern und Dokumenten, 41 (item
59).
^Reproduced in Burger, Franz Liszt: Eine Lebenschronik in Bildern und Dokumenten, 50 (item
73). A facsimile of this work had been previously published by Otto LeBmann in 1896 and by Ferruccio
Busoni in the journal Faust, eine Rundschau (Berlin, 1922). IJie folio was auctioned by J. A. Stargardt on
2-3 December 1975 (catalogue 747, lot 606), and its whereabouts is unknown.
27Franz Liszt, Tagebuch 1827, eds. Detlef Altenburg and Rainer Kleinertz, 2 vols. (Wien: Paul
Neff Verlag, 1986).
28See the facsimiles in Raabe, Franz Liszt, 1concluding plates. The first page is reproduced in
Burger, Franz Liszt: Eine Lebenschronik in Bildern und Dokumenten, 63; Franz Liszt in seinen Briefen, ed.
Hans Rudolf Jung (Berlin: Henschel Verlag, 1987), 29; Zsigmond Ldszl6 and B61a MdtSka, Franz Liszt: A
Biography in Pictures, trans. Bama Balogh, trans. rev. Cynthia Jolly (London: Barrie and Rockliff, 1968),
33; Hedwig Weilguny and Willy Handrick, Franz Liszt, 6th ed (Leipzig: VEB Deutscher Verlag fiir Musik,
1980), item 31.
29See the description and facsimiles in their catalogue, Music, Continental Manuscripts and
Printed Books, Science and Medicine (London, 26-27 November 1987), 141-142 (lot 292); also Michael
Kimmelman, Lost Score By Liszt To Be Sold, New York Times, 24 November 1987. The manuscript
was purchased by a private party, and its whereabouts is unknown.
30See the facsimile of the title page and first page of music in Burger, Franz Liszt: Eine
Lebenschronik in Bildern und Dokumenten, 85 (item 144).
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43
as if Liszt had consciously worked out a way to get his thoughts down on paper as
observed that . . . Liszts hand shows spatial sensitivity to groups of notes, which are
often enclosed by an aura of space, even though the individual notes within a unit are
The script for all its easy flow reveals great energy; all horizontals, that is the cross
strokes and ledger lines, are started with broad quill and evident pressure. Some
symbols are simplified in the extreme: the 8va signs which consist of one unbroken
loop and line. . . and the trill signs which consist of simple t s followed by straight
lines.33
Liszts way of drawing his characters yields a musical hand that is very easy to identify,34
Another aspect of Liszts mature hand is its expressive quality, reflected in the
great pains he took to communicate in music typography the slightest inflection, often
going beyond traditional musical symbols. Early editions reveal his first attempts at greater
specificity in notation, for example the excess of Italian expression markings found in the
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44
had devised symbols to express a slight accelerando and ritardando and a notation for an
effect midway between tenuto and a fermata, found throughout the first volume of the
Album dun voyageur (1840).36 The autographs of Liszts Weimar compositions show an
even greater refinement, especially revealed in his Hungarian Rhapsodies, where Liszt tried
to evoke the sounds of the Gypsy bands he had heard on his travels. On the first page of
No. 4 (c. 1852), the aura of space is very much apparent, but the unconventional
direction of stems to indicate parts, the frequent use of grace note figures, and the sweep of
passage work, written slightly smaller than the notes of longer duration, but not quite so
small as the grace notes, all attest to Liszts desire to convey the Gypsy style.37 The
engraved edition by its nature cannot recreate this level of detail, and it is only by reference
to the autograph that various nuances stand fully revealed.
Liszts desire to communicate his musical intentions is found at all stages of the
copy. However messy a Liszt autograph appears, or whatever signs are missing, the
essential information necessary for an accurate reading is always present. Winklhofer has
noted:
[A]fter the initial indication of clef signs, Liszt rarely repeats these on subsequent
staves of the first page of score, or, for that matter, throughout the remainder. Key
36See the facsimile of the first page of Lyon in Weilguny & Handrick, Franz Liszt, item 56.
These symbols were also reproduced in the Grossherzog Carl Alexander Ausgabe der musikalischen Werke
Franz Liszts, 5 series, 34 vols. (Leipzig: Breitkopf & Hartel, 1907-1936). It is generally agreed that these
woiks were composed in 1835/36 (see Raabe, Franz Liszt, 2:244), although Alexander Main has argued for
a later date for Lyon; see his Liszt New Dates for the Travelers Album, Journal o f Musicological
Research 3 (1981): 411-422; and idem, Liszts Lyon: Music and the Social Conscience, 19th Century
Music 4 (Spring 1981): 228-243. When Liszt revised the Album dun voyageur, turning it into the
Annies de pilerinage in the early 1850s, he did not retain his experimental symbols from the 1830s. He
did, however, employ a revised version of his modified ritardando and accelerando in the symphonic poems.
37See the facsimile in Weilguny & Handrick, Franz Liszt, item 80.
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45
changes are indicated by new signs at the proper point of modulation; often these are
written initially for only the upper staff in keyboard music, and without clefs.38
We can further observe that Liszt frequently omits accidentals, once he has indicated them
in a measure, and, to the other extreme, occasionally includes redundant ones in a foreign
key. In rare instances, he forgets the key signature entirely and tags all notes with flats or
sharps. This carelessness is only on the surface, as there is often litde doubt as to the
correct notes, and the overall impression when working with a Liszt autograph is that he
heard clearly in his head the music he notated. Liszt did not make copies, he took dictation.
The final stage of Liszts handwriting is found during the last years of his life.
August Stradal, a student who was with him constantly in 1885 and 1886, noted: Liszts
eyes now began to give him trouble, so that his letters often became quite illegible, and
only with the greatest difficulty could he write music.39 By mid-March 1886, he was
diagnosed as having a cataract and was forced to rely on amanuenses to take dictation for
his correspondence. Now the hand is larger and shakier, the natural effects of old age
compounded by impaired eyesight Winklhofer has observed that Liszt allowed more
space both in blank staves and between characters, and used paper with wide staff ruling,
thus giving a skeletal, austere character to the notation.40 She also records changes in the
notation of clefs, braces, and individual signs. These details are well illustrated in the
autograph of Hungarian Rhapsody No. 19, composed in 1885 41
39Quoted in Adrian Williams, Portrait o f Liszt: By Himself and His Contemporaries (Oxford:
Clarendon Press, 1990), 659; see August Stradal, Erinnerungen an Franz Liszt (Bern: P. Haupt, 1929),
136-137.
41See the facsimile, Franz Liszt, XIX Hungarian Rhapsody for Piano Solo (1885), commentary
by Mdria P. Eckhardt (Budapest: Editio Musica Budapest, 1985).
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46
The writing implements that Liszt used were quite varied, and he consistently
employed them in his autographs for specific tasks. For sketches and the first layer in a
manuscript, he prefered a feather quill and brown or black ink. The sketches rarely show
any sign of correction, but for subsequent layers in his autographs he used a razor to scrape
away an error and for more extensive revisions affixed collettes with wax or inserted entire
folios. After settling in Weimar in 1848, he usually added the dynamic indications and
articulation markings in red or purplish ink and wrote pagination and cross-hatch with
crayon or rotel, often red or blue.42 Finally, he occasionally used pencil to add signs or
markings that he had neglected during other parts of the process, probably during a final
cursory check 43
availability of machine-made papers in the 1860s) and which he had to rule himself. That
this task was a fact of musical life for Liszt may be seen in a letter of 4 July 1851:
papier de musique, que j ai demand^ k mon domestique Hermann de rdgler pour moi.44
The evidence is also found on the paper itself. For example, in revisions to three
autographs from mid-1849 (D-WRgs, H5a; H8; Tl), one of the oblong papers is lined with
eighteen staves that do not run consistently parallel to the upper and lower edges of the
42This is especially clear in the color facsimile of the B Minor Sonata; see Franz Liszt,
Klaviersonate H-moll: Faksimile nach dem im Eigentum von Mr. Robert Owen Lehman befindlichen
Autograph (Munich: G. Henle, 1973). The differing texture of these writing implements can be discerned
even in black and white facsimiles; see, for example, the two pages in Musiker Handschriften, ed. Martin
Hiirlimann, 2 vols. (Ziirich: Atlantis Verlag, 1961); also in English translation as Composers' Autographs,
trans. Ernst Roth (London: Cassell, 1968), 2:34, 35.
43See also the detailed discussion of writing implements in Winklhofer, Liszts Sonata in B
Minor, 75-77 and 171-173; also chapter four of the present work, Liszts Working Method.
44Briefwechsel zwischen Franz Liszt und Hans von Billow, ed. La Mara [Marie Lipsius]
(Leipzig: Breitkopf & Hartel, 1898), 5.
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47
paper, nor are they even consistently parallel to each another.45 There is no other example
of ruling this sloppy, and one wonders if Liszts servant was away and he had to do it
himself! Further evidence of the staves added after purchase is found in the autograph of
the Mephisto Waltz dated 1 September 1859 (US-NYpm, Morgan), where there are
grooves on either side of the page, probably made by the guide that set the rastral. Aside
from clues in the manuscripts, there is no other information available on Liszts use of this
mysterious instrument.
great value for documenting his compositional method, is useful for only the most
generalized dating, and a more reliable indicator has been found in the paper itself. Mueller
has demonstrated that by using data compiled from this aspect of the autographs, Liszts
manuscripts can be dated with far greater accuracy than by any other means, including
stylistic analysis.46 Generally Liszt used his paper in an orderly manner (assuming he had
a sufficient quantity available), one bifolio after another, and single folios and different
types of paper generally indicate some sort of revision 47 Thus, while there is always the
possibility of a dating error caused, for example, by the composer using a folio that had
lain in his study for a decade, wherever correlation is possible with another primary source,
the accuracy of this technique is borne out
45This paper is described as B.66 in Mueller, Liszts Tasso Sketchbook, 377. See also
appendix C, paper type 11.6.
47Liszt did not have any of his autographs bound, and the bindings found on these manuscripts
today were without exception added by later owners or libraries. Winklhofer states that the opposite is true,
but the reference that she cites (Helene Raff, Franz Liszt und Joachim Raff im Spiegel ihrer Briefe, Die
Musik 1 [1901-02], 1163 [5 June 1851]), refers only to a copy, not the original; see Liszts Sonata in B
Minor, 95,261, n. 32. One of the few positive results of the poor estate of the former German Democratic
Republic is that the Goethe and Schiller Archive could not afford to bind its materials. Nevertheless, the
documents are well preserved, and the obvious benefit for the reseacher is that the foliation of the
manuscripts can be easily observed.
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48
The paper Liszt used ranged in quality from watermarked with a high rag content
during the first half of his career to machine-made later in life. Winklhofer notes:
Generally he chose music papers well-suited to the genre he intended to employ for a new
work. No songs are known to have been written on 32-stave paper, nor orchestral works
on 12-staff paper.48 Further, her observation that Liszt preferred paper in upright format
for his piano works appears to be true, at least after he settled in Weimar 49 Aside from
size preferences, other types of patterns emerge from an examination of Liszt's use of
paper. Prior to his departure from Paris in 1835, the quality of the paper was quite high,
all watermarked and often of Dutch origin.50 During his touring years, the array of paper
types was considerably more varied, as Mueller discovered:
Liszts constant travelling probably forced him to acquire more expensive papers
because his selection was limited. His touring curtailed the amount of time spent on
the acquisition of supplies and therefore probably compelled him to spend higher
amounts of money, rather than lower ones, and to buy in bulk whenever he could....
The variety of oblong and upright format papers that can be placed in the early 1840s
demonstrates clearly just how difficult it was for Liszt to keep a steady supply of
paper on hand.51
The advantage for the researcher is obvious: once a date can be determined, it may be
applied cautiously to all compositions written on a particular paper. In Weimar, however,
not only was Liszts supply regular for certain papers, but having a workroom increased
the possibility that loose folios could be used years after the original purchase:
49See ibid; also Mueller, Liszts Tasso Sketchbook, 84. Of course, there are piano works
on oblong paper as well; see, for example, the page from the Variations on Weinen, Klagen, Sorgen,
Zagen in Musiker Handschriften, item 35.
50See Mueller, Liszts Tasso Sketchbook, appendix B; also the discussion of individual
manuscripts in chapter four of the present work.
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49
The variety of music papers used simultaneously is still wide; trying to straighten out
the sequence of composition in a piece by means of the types of papers used is quite
difficult, since it appears that neither Liszt nor his copyists were entirely consistent
about using up one batch before going on to the next.52
Despite this situation, she is able to conclude:
However, upon examination of the extant MSS of Liszt and his copyists, several very
distinct batches of paper can be isolated that do show patterns of use, and these
patterns both coincide with and amplify the external evidence of letters and other
documents.53
The matter is quite different later in Liszts life, as, beginning in the 1860s, he used
machine-made paper with printed staves which maintained an identical appearance year
after year. This paper is virtually useless for dating, although the use of it can confirm the
The autograph manuscripts for Liszts concertos cover much of his career, from
the 1830s to the 1860s. The earliest is for De profundis (D-WRgs, HI), which can be
dated to the winter of 1834-35 based on a letter.54 The paper is the same as that found in a
draft of a passage for Malediction (D-WRgs, HI3a) that may be dated to the same time.
The handwriting is more legible than that found in other manuscripts from this period, but
the small staves (it is twenty- and twenty-four-stave oblong paper) probably required Liszt
to refine his script The next manuscripts also share a paper type, and a date at the end of
one score very likely applies to them all: Concerto No. 1 (D-Ngm, 107023/11; D-WRgs,
Z31/1; USSR-Lsc, f 298 N5); Concerto No. 2 (D-WRgs, H5c, H5d 13 Sept 39);
Concerto, op. posth. (as Concerto No. 1, with D-WRgs J78b). Here the hand shows
considerably more confidence, and the paper type is found in other manuscripts that can be
52Ibid., 90.
53Ibid., 90-91.
^ S e e Franz Liszts Briefe, 1:12 (14 January 1835). The evidence for the sources to 1835 will
be discussed in later chapters.
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50
dated to this time, for example, the transcription of Beethovens Adelaide (US-Wc,
ML96.L58).55
The last group, a complex of six works for piano and orchestra from 1849, is
more complicated, although there is a group of shared paper types that run through all the
surviving manuscripts, and the existence of a set of copies by August Conradi dated 21
October 1849 (discussed below) offers a precise terminus. For Concerto No. 1, Liszt
used folios from a copy of his 1839 autograph and wrote out additional pages as necessary
(D-WRgs, H3a). His revision of Concerto No. 2 was newly written out from beginning to
end, and, as with the 1839 version, Liszt dated his manuscript (D-WRgs, H5a 6 Mai
1849, H5b). For the Hungarian Fantasy (D-WRgs, Tl) and the Beethoven Fantasy (D-
WRgs, H8), there are only the autograph orchestrations. These arc transcriptions of piano
solo works, however, and comparison with Conradis manuscript copies reveals that the
piano part was simply taken from the solo version. For Totentanz, there is a complete
orchestration (D-WRgs, H6) and a single folio from what must have been a complete piano
part (D-WRgs, Z31/2).56 In addition to the dates on the autograph of Concerto No. 2 and
Conradis copies, the use of the same paper in other autographs further confirms the dating
of these documents. Although Liszt continued to revise these works, he never again wrote
out a score himself but rather worked on a series of copies. This observation leads
55See Oskar von Hase, Breitkopf & Hartel: Gedenkschrift und Arbeitsbericht, 4th ed., 2 vols.
(Leipzig: Breitkopf & Hartel, 1919); rpt., 5th ed. (Wiesbaden: Breitkopf & Hartel, 1968), 2:152.
56The autographs for the Weber Polonaise and Schubert Wanderer Fantasy transcriptions of the
following year are lost.
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51
Manuscript Copies
There are many surviving manuscript copies of Liszts works that were created
for his own use during the pre publication stages of a given composition. These copies
often contain numerous autograph markings, usually revisions for the next fair copy,
which therefore makes them important primary sources. The identification of the hands of
the copyists becomes useful not only for dating but also for documenting the precise
relationship of the copies to the exemplars in the context of Liszts compositional process.
Thus, it is necessary to catalogue the characteristics of these copyists and the dates that they
were employed by Liszt. In this area, Mueller has laid once again an important
foundation,57 and for the purposes of the present study, only the copyists found in the
concerto sources will be reviewed and information added that supplements her research.
Gaetano Belloni
In the 1830s and 1840s, Liszt relied heavily on Gaetano Belloni as copyist. The
earliest of his manuscripts can be dated to 1834 and are, in fact, the only evidence that
Belloni was a Parisian acquaintance from this time.58 His name first surfaces in the
correspondence in August 1840, at which time the Countess dAgoult recruited him to
accompany Liszt as secretary on the concert tours,59 and he joined him beginning in
57See Liszts Tasso Sketchbook, 31-63, and also her listing of manuscripts by copyist,
356-364 (appendix A).
58See Franz Liszts Briefe an seine Mutter, trans. & ed. La Mara [Marie Lipsius] (Leipzig:
Breitkopf & Hartel, 1918), 20-21 (28 July 1835); also below. The content of this letter is also discussed
in chapter seven (The Compositional Matrix). See also appendix A, where it is transcribed complete.
59See Correspondance de Liszt et de la Comtesse dAgoult, ed. Daniel Ollivier, 2 vols. (Paris:
Bernard Grasset, 1933-34), 2:13 (22 August 1840). These tours began in November 1839 with a trip to
Vienna. Liszts student, Hermann Cohen (referred to as Puzzi), accompanied him part of the time before
Belloni came on board.
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52
February 1841.60 During these years, Heinrich Heine likened him a French poodle to
Liszts Faust and further accused him of hiring claques for Liszts recitals.61 On Liszts
high opinion of his personal impresario, Stephen Heller reported: Liszt disait de lui que le
nom de Belloni deviendrait d6sormais un terme de la langue. On dirait: un Belloni; cet
homme-lH est un Belloni, par exemple.62 In later years, Liszt was fond of repeating a
favorite phrase of Bellonis during these tours: Voilit pour le moment63 Belloni
remained with Liszt until his retirement from the concert stage in September 1847,64 at
which time Liszt traveled to Woronince for the remainder of the year, while Belloni set out
for Paris at the beginning of October, stopping at Weimar en route to arrange for Liszts
quarters.65
60Lina Ramann, Franz Liszt als Kunstler und Mensch, 3 vols. in 2 (Leipzig: Breitkopf &
HMel, 1880-1894), 2/1:88; see also idem, Lisztiana: Erinnerungen an Franz Liszt in Tagebuchblattern,
Briefen und Dokumenten aus den Jahren 1873-1886/87, ed. Arthur Seidl, rev. Friedrich Schnapp (Mainz: B.
Schotts SOhne, 1983), 395.
61See the article Musikalische Saison in Paris 18441, Augsburger Allgemeine Zeitung (25
April 1844); also Musikalische Saison von 1844: Erster Bericht, Lutetia (Anhang); reprinted in Heinrich
Heine und die Musik: Publizistische Arbeiten undpoetischen Reflexionen, ed. Gerhard Muller (Leipzig:
Philipp Reclam jun., 1987), 154,157.
62Liszt et son temps, eds. Pierre-Antoine Hur6 and Claude Knepper (Paris: Hachette, 1987),
301-302 (2 September 1842).
63The letters offer an indication of how often Liszt must have repeated it; see Franz Liszts
Briefe, 4:125 (20 January 1852); 4:134 (29 June 1853); 4:173 (22 September 1853); 4:226 (16 July 1855);
4:273 (15 October 1855); 4:333 (5 September 1856); 5:68 (20 September 1860); 5:180 (5 June 1861).
mA brief exception was Bellonis return to Paris in March 1845, where he remained until Liszt
called for him. See Jacques Vier, Franz Liszt: Vartiste le clerc (Paris: Les Editions du Cfedre, 1951), 69
(6 March 1845); Franz Liszt's Briefe, 1:55 (28 April 1845) and 1:59-60 (23 July 1845). He may have also
made a brief trip in July 1846 to scout a site for the construction of a school Liszt desired to build for piano
instruction; see Revue et Gazette musicale de Paris (12 July 1846), 122.
65See Franz Liszts Briefe an der Fiirstin Felix Lichnowsky, Bayreuther Blatter 30 (1907), 41
(4 October 1847); Briefwechsel zwischen Franz Liszt und Carl Alexander Grossherzog von Sachsen, ed. La
Mara [Marie Lipsius] (Leipzig: Breitkopf & Hartel, 1909), 19 (15/27 October 1847); Franz Liszts Briefe an
seine Mutter, 82 (12/24 November 1847). Alan Walker states that Belloni was in Woronince, using as a
reference two letters (Franz Liszts Briefe, 5:62 [14 September I860]; 7:377 [18 March 1883]); see Franz
Liszt: Volume Two, The Weimar Years, 1848-1861 (New York: Knopf, 1989), 2:44. These letters refer to
Liszts earlier visit in February, however (see Walkers own comments, Franz Liszt, 2:33).
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53
Belloni was settled in Paris by January 1848.66 Liszt paid him a modest salary
for the next few years,67 and in return he acted on Liszts behalf in dealings with his family
and publishers.68 When Liszt sent Wagner to Paris in 1849, he relied on Belloni to make
the arrangements,69 and Belloni was involved in the publication of Liszts book on
Chopin, although his work may have been less than satisfactory in this matter.70 Belloni
ultimately used these contacts to become a publishers representative, one assumes with
Liszts blessing 71 In addition, Belloni visited Liszt several times in Weimar, at least once
accompanying Liszts mother,72 and Liszt visited with Belloni during his time in Paris in
1861 and 1864 and corresponded with him as late as 1886.73 Liszt referred to Belloni
affectionately in his Last Will and Testament of 1860: D a dtd mon secretaire durant la
periode de mes concerts en Europe de 1841 k 1847, et constamment mon fiddle et ddvouti
66See Franz Liszts Briefe, 4:12 (22 January 1848). See also an unpublished letter of 14
February 1848 in F-Pc.
67See Franz Liszt-Richard Wagner Briefwechsel, ed. Banjo Resting (Frankfurt am Main: Insel
Verlag, 1988), 92 (28 October 1849).
68On his family, see, for example, Franz Liszt's Briefe, 1:91-92 (1 January 1851, to Carl
Reinecke); for publishers, 1:85-86 (24 February 1850, to Breitkopf & Hartel), and Franz Liszt und
Joachim Raff im Spiegel ihrer Briefe, 396-397 (February 1850).
70See Franz Liszts Briefe, 4:45-119 (January-May 1851); also 1:92-94 (4 February 1851, to
the publisher Escudier).
72See Franz Liszts Briefe an seine Mutter, 86 (22 October [1849]), 89 (21 October 1850); also
Franz Liszt und Joachim Raff im Spiegel ihrer Briefe, 291 (20 November 1849), 501 (26 October 1850),
861 (30 December 1850), 869 (6 January 1851). Belloni was also in Weimar for the performance of
Tannhauser in February 1849; see Franz Liszt und Joachim Raff im Spiegel ihrer Briefe, 868.
73See Franz Liszts Briefe, 5:165-166 (12 May [1861]), 5:176 (22 [May 1861]), 6:62 (8
October 1864), 6:95 (5 March 1886), 6:97 (10 March 1866), 6:105 (29 March 1866), 7:433 (23 March
1886), 7:439 (29 April 1886), 7:440 (9 May 1886).
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54
serviteur et ami.74 Twenty-three years later, he left further instructions for a watch to be
given upon his death to his ancien secretaire et ddsintdressd ami.75 All of these facts
suggest a close and sincere friendship between two men who were very likely close in
age.76 One may also add that Bellonis discretion was exemplary: he never published his
memoirs and even may have destroyed their correspondence, as only a few letters are
known to survive. Outside of his association with Liszt, virtually nothing else is known
about Belloni, not his birth and death dates nor the certainty of his profession. Ralph
musique (1820).77 If this is Gaetanos father, it would at least explain his training in music
and the circle of acquaintance that led him to Liszt.
The earliest known copies by Belloni are those for the Grande fantaisie
symphonique (D-WRgs, H7) and Concerto No. 1 (D-WRgs, H3b, H3c), all dating from
late 1834 to early 1835. The identification of the hand as Bellonis is found in a letter of
La Fantaisie symphonique sur des themes de Berlioz (execute k mon concert) copide
par Belloni et relid les parties daccompagnement sont inutiles 78
76When Joachim Raff referred to Belloni as Liszts alter Sekretar, he must have meant the age
of their friendship, not Bellonis chronological age; see Franz Liszt und Joachim Raff im Spiegel ihrer
Briefe, 396.
78See Franz Liszts Briefe an seine Mutter, 20-21; also transcribed in appendix A.
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55
The precise date derives from the assumption that the score for the Grandefantaisie
symphonique was prepared in time for the announced performance of 9 November 1834
(see Gazette musicale de Paris, 19 October 1834), and the observation that the handwriting,
writing implement, and paper type are nearly identical between this manuscript and those
for the concerto, thus suggesting that all three were produced within a few months.79 The
same hand can also be found in the copies of the 1839 versions of Concerto Nos. 1 and 2,
the Concerto, op. posth. (D-WRgs, H3a, H3d), and five other manuscripts that have been
identified by Mueller.80
Based on the internal evidence of his copies, it is clear that Belloni was a musician
of some ability and experience. He knew how to lay out a score and, as the staff ruling
suits the instrumental layout perfectly, he could wield a rastral effectively. Especially
impressive in this regard are the 1839 copies of the concertos, where he has ruled four
staves for the piano part that are more widely spaced than the instrumental staves, in order
to allow Liszt greater ease in his emendations. His musicianship was deficient, however:
he may not have been able to hear what he was writing, as mistakes abound in phrases
written a third too high or too low, accidentals placed before notes to which they could not
possibly belong harmonically, and instruments written on the wrong staff or omitted
entirely. Out of all the surviving manuscripts, only the Grande fantaisie symphonique was
used for performance, and Liszts corrections are found in a few places in this copy.
However, the fact that none of Bellonis other copies were used in this way suggests that
Liszt was well aware of his friends limitations. Throughout the period where we find
Bellonis hand, Liszt used other copyists where accuracy was crucial, for example in the
79These manuscripts are discussed in detail in chapter eight of the present work.
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56
manuscript for the Riminiscences de Don Juan in 1843 (US-NYp, JOF 81-7). Bellonis
copies were not the work of a professional, and it is possible his manuscripts, at least in the
1830s, were done gratis or in exchange for lessons. His main asset was a large legible
hand, which at least had the advantage of allowing the errors to be clearly visible. While
Belloni was with him, Liszt took advantage of his modest talent, but once in Weimar he
arranged to have professional musicians available for copying tasks and during the first
years turned to August Conradi and Joachim Raff.81
August Conradi
Conradi was bom in Berlin on 27 June 1821 and trained in music at the
Konigliche Akademie der Kiinste.82 He first met Liszt in Weimar during the latters visit in
January and February 1844, at which time Conradi showed him his Symphony No. 2 in D
minor. Shortly thereafter, Liszt must have given him his first copying tasks, as Liszt wrote
to the publisher Heinrich Schlesinger in a letter received 18 June 1844 that Conradi had
copied the piano transcription of the Buck der Lieder.83 He also extended an invitation
through a mutual friend, Franz Kroll, to rendezvous in Weimar the following winter.84
Conradi and Liszt met again in Vienna in September 1846, and at that time Liszt wrote the
81The only known exception is the parts for a brief extract from Raffs opera that Liszt had
Belloni copy out to surprise Raff; see Franz Liszt und Joachim Raff im Spiegel ihrer Briefe, 398
(February 1850).
83Unpublished letter, US-Wc (no. 30); see also Mueller, Liszts Tasso Sketchbook, 32.
^ S e e Franz Liszts Briefe, 1:49 (11 June 1844). Liszt never made it to Weimar, and one
presumes Kroll and Conradi did not either. Kroll (1820-1877) taught piano in Berlin and later edited one of
the first editions of Bachs Wohltemperierte Clavier. Liszt conducted one of his compositions on 12
November 1848.
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DaB ich Herm August Conradi nicht nur als einen talentvollen und begabten
Komponisten und tiichtigen Musiker, sondem auch als einen achtungswerten
Charakter kennen zu lemen das Vergnugen gehabt, ja daB ich ihn sogar in Weimar im
Jahre 1841 [sic] wahrend Janner und Februar als bestandigen Gesellschafter um mich
hatte und also jedenfalls fur sein Wort einstehen will, bestatige ich hiermit85
After modest success as a composer back in Berlin, Conradi visited Weimar soon after
Liszts return in 1848. He was there in February,86 but he was soon back in Berlin, as on
11 April Liszt wrote Schlesinger that Conradi had had his scores for two months.87 He
surely visited on other occasions, but these are not documented. Prahdcs places him and
Kroll at the first Weimar performance of Tannhauser on 16 February 1849 without offering
a reference,88 and letters to Kroll on 26 March and 30 May 1849 invited the two of them to
return.89 He must have visited at least once before 1 August, as Liszt referred to Conradis
copies of his two piano concertos in a letter to his successor, Joachim Raff,90 and a letter
of Hans von Biilow of 26 August placed Conradi again in Weimar.91 Conradis work for
Liszt was evidently a sideline, however, as 1849 found him premiering a Vaudeville-
Burlesque on 27 February and a political comedy on 3 June. In the autumn, Conradi left
86See Franz Liszts Briefe, 4:20 (4 February 1848), 4:24 (28 February 1848).
87Unpublished letter, US-Wc (no. 46); see also Mueller, Liszts Tasso Sketchbook, 32.
88Briefe aus ungarischen Sammlungen 1835-1886, ed. Margit Prahdcs (Kassel: Barenreiter,
1966), 306, n. 9. She may have extrapolated his presence from Liszts comment to Wagner: Er kennt den
Tannhduser seit dem Jahre 49, da er damals in Weimar sich aufhielL (Liszt-Wagner, 327 [19/20 September
1853].) Conradis knowledge could have come from examining the score, however.
89See Franz Liszts Briefe, 1:54, and Briefe aus ungarischen Sammlungen, 66. The earlier letter
has the year 1845, an error corrected by Raabe in Die Entstehungsgeschichte, 25, n. 2.
91Hans von Biilow, Briefe und Schriften, ed. Marie von Biilow, 2d ed., 7 vols. (Leipzig:
Breitkopf & Hartel, 1899-1908), 1:190.
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Berlin to assume the post of Kapellmeister at the new Stadttheater in Stettin. There is no
evidence that Conradi was resident in Weimar during the period described above, despite
repeated assertions to the contrary in the secondary literature.92
Once he left Berlin, Conradi seems not to have done any work for Liszt for
several years. They evidently parted on excellent terms: in 1853 Liszt referred him to
Wagner as a possible contact in Berlin,93 and he sent greetings through Biilow, who in
turn informed Liszt of Conradis response.94 During the following years, Conradi did not
stay in one place for very long, returning to Berlin in 1850, assuming a position in
Diisseldorf in autumn 1851, going back to Berlin in 1852, then to Cologne, finally
returning to Berlin for good in 1853. Throughout this period, his stage works were
successful, but the closure by the police of the Friedrich-Wilhelmstadt Theater on 1 April
1855 left him without work for a time, and Biilows letter to Liszt of 27 August told of
Conradis interest in a position in Weimar:
Conradi serait trop heureux si vous pouviez lemployer k Weimar. II na que faire
k Berlin et partirait aussitot sur un mot de votre part Comme jusquHce moment il
na trouvd aucune perspective de placement, lhiver est perdu pour lui et il lui faudra
attendre au moins jusquHla fin de Fannie.95
92See, for example, Walker, Franz Liszt, 2:199. Note also Biilows letter of 26 August 1849:
[Conradi] lebt gewChnlich in Berlin, wo ich also vielleicht an ihm einen kleinen Anhaltepunkt werde
haben kdnnen. (Briefe und Schriften, 1:190.) Kruse places Conradi in Weimar only through 1848,
without, however, offering any documentation; see his August Conradi, 7.
^ S e e Liszt-Biilow, 51 (1 December 1853), 55 (12 December 1853). One wonders why Liszt
did not write directly to Conradi; whatever the reason, only the letter quoted below is known to survive.
95Ibid., 142.
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59
moment oil des charges passablement lourdes pfcsent sur mes pauvres finances.96
Biilows next letter suggested giving Conradi copying commissions,97 and succeeding
letters document several assignments over the following months.98 Liszt was in Berlin
from 25 November through 14 December and again from 7 through 14 January 1856, and
he saw Conradi during both visits.99 In the meantime, Conradi found his mdtier with his
first Posse on New Years Day.100 Success did not come at once: Liszt requested
additional copies from Conradi in March and attempted to obtain for him a Kapellmeister
position in Schwerin.101 By the end of the year, Conradi was finding his own work, to
the point where he appears to have taken on a commission from Liszt that he was almost
unable to fulfill.102 Letters between Biilow and Liszt in October 1859 show Conradi to be
quite occupied in Berlin,103 and he continued to have a successful career upon his death
on 26 May 1873, he left his widow the sum of 90,000 Mk.
96Ibid., 144.
98See Franz Liszt's Briefe, 4:267 (18 September 1855), 4:269 (20 September 1855), 4:272 (24
September 1855); Liszt-Biilow, 147,150 (23 September 1855), 151 (30 September 1855), 154155 (10
October 1855), 161 (12 October 1855), 162 (13 October 1855), 165 (24 October 1855).
" S e e Franz Liszts Briefe, 4:278 (27 November 1855), 4:296 (8 January 1856). He later
forwarded 500 cigars to Conradi through Biilow; see Liszt-Bulovj, 167 (15 December 1855).
100In his time Conradi was best known as a composer of Posse, a term usually translated as
burlesque or farce, but with original music.
101See Liszt-Biilow, 172-173 (14 March 1856); ibid., 176 (20 April 1856).
102See ibid., 179-180 (15 December 1856), 188 (3 January 1857), 191 (23 January 1857), 195
(1 February 1857).
103Ibid., 275 (16 October 1859), 276 (19 October 1859), 279 (23 October 1859).
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The working relationship between Conradi and Liszt appears to have been
exemplary. There is only one known surviving letter, a light-hearted note probably written
during 1848:
Lieber Conradi,
Tausend Entschudigungen fur meine Verspaterung. Nach Ihren Tisch, so gegen
3/4 3 Uhr, gehe ich Ihnen wieder Rendez-vous mit den Arbeiter Marsch und die
Ungarischen, auf der Altenburg.
Machen Sie mir es nicht nach, und verspaten Sie sich nicht.
DerDuige
F Liszt104
It is unclear whether Conradi was in Weimar at the time, or if this letter accompanied a
score sent to Berlin. Liszts letter of 30 May 1849 to Kroll offers us another glimpse:
also suggests a happy situation: Je barbouille et gribouille, Conradi copie.. .106 Liszt
certainly would have liked to hire him in 1855, as he wrote to Biilow: Conradi est une des
meilleures et plus estimables natures que j ai rencontrdes, et je serai charmd de lavoir
104Unpublished letter, US-NYp (JOB 72-9, folder 4). The Arbeiter Marsch must be the piano
arrangement Liszt made of his Arbeiterchor, a work that Conradi later orchestrated. Raabe dated the choral
version to 1848 but offered no date for the arrangement.
106pranz Liszts Briefe, 4:35. The letter is undated, although Rudolf Dempe, an archivist in D-
WRgs, assigned it to March 1849.
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aupifes de moi Weymar.107 And on another occasion: Conradi est une perle.. .108
Liszt also transcribed for piano Conradis Zigeuner-Polka, published in 1849, which may
be taken as a tribute to Conradis gifts as a composer as well as a desire to assist his career.
Mueller has identified many of Conradis copies that were made for Liszt between
1848 and autumn 1849, including numerous songs, piano works, a handwritten Catalogue
des Compositions et Publications de F. Liszt, the music for the Goethe Centenary on 28
August 1849, and six works for piano and orchestra.109 The manuscripts of these last two
items form a group of four volumes bound identically: the Festkompositionen zu Goethes
100. Geburtstag (D-Ngm, 107016), Concerto Nos. 1 and 2 (D-WRgs, H4), Totentanz
(US-NYpm, Lehman), Beethoven Fantasy, Weber Polonaise, and Hungarian Fantasy
(US-Wc, ML96.L58). As Liszt did not usually bind his manuscripts, the design was
probably executed by the Princess Wittgenstein, and it consists of green leather covers with
a coat of arms designed by the Princess, embossing in gold on the front, and a black leather
spine and edges. The paper and materials used by Conradi are the same throughout, and all
three volumes of the concertos are inscribed on the front flyleaf by Liszt or the Princess
terminde le 21 octobre 1849. Obviously Liszt did not complete all six works on that day,
and the date suggests that the bound volumes were a birthday gift from the Princess. The
letter to Raff cited above and the date of the Goethe Centenary suggest that work on the
copies took place in July and August, and one of the autograph exemplars (discussed
above) is dated 6 May 1849. As for the copies that Conradi executed in 1855 and 1856,
109See Mueller, Liszts Tasso Sketchbook, 35-37,64-71. The catalogue is also discussed
in her Liszts Catalogues and Inventories of His Works, Studia Musicologica 34 (1992), 240-241.
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most of these do not survive.110 One extant score is that mentioned in Liszts letter of 14
March 1856, where he wanted Conradi to copy a two-piano score of Concerto No. 1 and
also modify an existing copy of the full score:111 the full score with Conradis emendations
is in D-WRgs (H12), and engravers markings indicate that it also served as the
Stichvorlage for the first edition.
Raabe may have been the first to identify Conradis hand, and, in addition to a
short list of manuscript copies in both his dissertation and later worklist, he also appended
a facsimile page from Conradis copy of Tasso.112 He was also the first to state that
Conradi was more than an amanuensis and that he was responsible for the orchestration of
several of Liszts compositions from 1848 and 1849.113 Humphrey Searle has suggested
that this ability in particular was the reason Liszt relied so heavily on him during these
crucial years.114 Certainly Conradi was desirable because of his conservatory training,
supplemented by his experience as a composer. His manuscripts give the impression that,
despite their overall neatness, they were executed very quickly. One suspects his
orchestrations were accomplished with great speed as well. This accords with his profile
as a composer: within his preferred medium of operetta and Posse, he is known to have
110See Mueller, Liszts Tasso Sketchbook, 38-39. The Rhapsodie and Caprice
mentioned in a letter of 24 October 1855 are likely the Hungarian Fantasy and the Beethoven Fantasy; see
Liszt-Biilow, 165.
11 ^ e e Liszt-Biilow, 172.
112See the list of manuscripts in Die Entstehungsgeschichte, 24; and idem, Franz Liszt, 2:70
and concluding plates. Winklhofer includes a facsimile of some of Conradis typical formations, extracted
from Raabe; see Liszts Sonata in B Minor, 63. There are two facsimile reproductions from Conradis copy
of Liszts piano transcription of Webers Schlummerlied in Eckhardt, Franz Liszt's Music Manuscripts in
the National Szichenyi Library, Budapest, 163-164.
113See Die Entstehungsgeschichte, 20-32; and idem, Franz Liszt, 2:69-79. The extent of
Conradis (and later R aff s) contributions will be considered in chapter five.
114See Humphrey Searle, The Music of Liszt, rev. ed. (New York: Dover, 1966), 68-70.
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written fifteen stage works in 1859 and twelve in 1860. In addition to neatness, his work
was accurate, and he was alert to correct obvious errors and to effect refinements, for
example clarifying wind parts when Liszt forgot to specify solo or a due.
Joachim Raff
recommended them to Breitkopf & Hartel. Encouraged, Raff resigned his position in
August 1844 and eventually found work in Zurich giving lessons and copying music.
It was a concert by Liszt in Basel on 18 June 1845 that was decisive in Raffs
career. For lack of money, Raff had to walk from Zurich, the last part of the trip in
pouring rain. He arrived at the box office, only to find the concert sold out:
Zufallig vemahm dies Belloni, Liszts Sekretar, der sich eben in der Nahe befand; er
fiihrte den sonderbaren Gast in einen Nebensaal, mit dem Bedeuten, hier zu warten.
Als Liszt eben die Fantasie aus Robert dem Teufel vorzutragen sich anschickte, trat
Belloni zu ihm und meldete: drauBen stehe ein regentriefender Mensch, der des
Konzertes wegen zu FuB hergepilgert sei und nun nicht Platz finde. Bringen Sie ihn
her! der soli neben mir auf dem Podium sitzen gebot Liszt.116
As Raff later recounted, ein ganzer Kreis von Regenwasser bildete sich um mich auf dem
Boden: wie ein Springbrunnen saB ich da.117 After the concert, they spoke at length and
Liszt invited Raff to accompany him on the next leg of his tour to Germany. Raff traveled
115The details of R affs early career are summarized from Helene Raff, Joachim Raff: Ein
Lebensbild, Deutsche Musikbucherai 42 (Regensburg: Gustav Bosse, 1925), 16-44; and idem, Franz Liszt
und Joachim Raff im Spiegel ihrer Briefe, 36-38. The author was R affs daughter, who, unfortunately,
inherited her fathers prejudice against Liszt.
117Ibid., 39.
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with Liszt through August, which included the festivities surrounding the unveiling of the
Beethoven monument in Bonn, and where, among other tasks, Raff made the fair copy and
parts for Liszts Beethoven Cantata, performed at the Festival.118 At this point, Raff
decided not to accompany him further, and Liszt found Raff employment with Eck &
Lefebvre, music publishers and piano manufacturers in Cologne. Although Raff was not
completely happy in his new employment he claimed he was overworked he looked
Der Damon, der mich mein ganzes Leben dutch verfolgt, hatte damals alle Schleussen
des Himmels geoffhet, um die Wege vor mir schlammig, die Luft schwer und feucht
und das Tageslicht triibe und kiirzer zu machen. Allein es war des Geschickes
Wille, dass ich jene Tagreise vollenden und zu Ihnen gelangen sollte. Hatte ich in
Frankfurt gewusst, was ich jetzt weiss, ich ware Ihnen noch in der Nacht barfuss
nachgeeilt.119
Thus, he continued to do copying for Liszt on the side. In return, Liszt contacted two
Viennese publishers on Raffs behalf, Haslinger and Mechetti, resulting in Raffs arranging
(bearbeiten) the fourth act of Les Huguenots (in dem Genre der Paraphrase iiber den
4ten Akt des Don Sebastian von Kullak), and thus giving him professional contacts with
both Meyerbeer and the French publisher Schlesinger, who owned the rights to the opera
(. . . Sie wiirden auf solche Weise zwei Fliegen mit einer Klappe schlagen).120
the meantime, Raff managed to get himself dismissed from Eck & Lefebvre, as he
119Franz Liszt und Joachim Raff im Spiegel ihrer Briefe, 42 (21 March 1846).
120Ibid., 114 (6 August 1846). The arrangement turned out badly and was never published
(Raff, Joachim Raff, SO, n. 6). Liszt, in fact, criticized Raff on the work, but this portion of the letter is
deleted in the published version (i.e the ellipsis on p. 117); the originals are in D-Mbs (Raffiana VIII).
121See Franz Liszt und Joachim Raff im Spiegel ihrer Briefe, 116-117.
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work for Liszt, and Liszts letter of 3 May 1847 reveals a reciprocal desire to hire him:
Sehr angenehm wiirde es mir sein, wenn es Ihrem festgesteckten Ziel nicht im
geringsten hinderlich scheinen konnte, Sie an meine persdnliche Thatigkeit femerhin
zu binden, und Ihnen eine anstandige, ehrenvolle Position an meiner Seite
einzuraumen.123
Liszt proposed the end of January in Weimar, at which time Raff could be in residence for
two months as a sort of trial run.124 Raff did not join him there, however, for reasons
which are unknown. Perhaps the attitude expressed in Liszts letter of 8 February 1848 put
him off, for as the possibility for reunion increased, Liszt took care that Raff would not
misunderstand his position: Ohne weiter zu untersuchen, in welchem Grade Sie, mein
lieber Raff, die requirirten Eigenschaften eines Mentors besitzen, gestehe ich Ihnen offen,
dass ich keineswegs aufgelegt bin, Ihren Telemach zu spielen. Dies gesagt einmal fur
allemal.125
Thus, Raff spent 1848 in Stuttgart and did much composing, branching out into
vocal and instrumental music with sacred works and an opera, Konig Alfred. He wrote
Liszt about the possibility of publishing and performing this work, and Liszt responded
briefly on 6 June 1849.126 One month later, after receiving the score, Liszt communicated
his evaluation of it: despite many fine attributes, the opera could have been better:
Ware mir das Vergniigen zu Teil geworden, Sie im Winter 48, so wie ich es von
Ihnen verlangte, in Weymar zu sehen, so hatte ich gewiss nicht ermangelt, Sie mit
123Ibid., 121.
124See ibid.
125Ibid., 122. Note also Liszts letter of 20 March 1848, omitted from the published letters,
where he harshly criticizes Raff over an issue which he does not mention (D-Mbs, Raffiana VIII, no. 9).
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Again, Liszt invited Raff to Weimar, now with the added attraction of hearing the overture
performed. His letter of 1 August shows that Raff finally accepted the invitation:
No date had been set, for Raff was now employed by the Hamburg publisher Schuberth,
but Liszt added a further incentive with a proposed performance of Konig Alfred on 20
February 1850 in celebration of the birthdays of the Grand Duke and Duchess.129 He
visited Hamburg and Bremen for a few weeks beginning at the end of September, and the
details must have been worked out at this time:130 a letter of 15 October suggested the
beginning of December as the start of a visit that would encompass the winter months,131
and Raffs letter of 16 October to a friend noted 1 December as the starting date.132 In an
exchange of letters towards the end of November, Liszt informed Raff that he would begin
his employment at Eilsen, where he currently was located, and gave him a list of items to
128Ibid., 287-288.
1290ther operas so honored include Tannhauser (16 February 1849), Benvenuto Cellini (20
March 1852; planned for 16 February), Derfliegende Hollander (16 February 1853).
130See Franz Liszt und Joachim Raff im Spiegel ihrer Briefe, 288-289 (23,29 September
1849, Raff to Kunigunde Heinrich).
13^ e e ibid., 122. This letter is misdated 25 October 47, corrected here after comparison with
the original in D-Mbs (Raffiana VIII, no. 7).
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bring, including various scores and all the materials he would need as a copyist.133 Raff
viewed this appointment as the most important step toward an independent career and left
Hamburg on 21 November.
the final measure at the bottom of the last page: Copid par Joachim Raff. Eilsen 8. Dec:
49 (US-Wc, ML31.H43a no. 59). Liszt also assigned him the orchestration of Ce quon
entend sur la montagne (later known as Symphonic Poem No. 1) and the translation into
German of an article he had written on John Field.134 For his part, Raff wasted no time in
becoming dissatisfied with his new position, a characteristic that had also been evident in
his previous employment. In Eilsen, he was not happy with the accommodations, with the
household, with his work, with Liszt himself, and all within days of arriving.135 One
would have thought that Raff would not have lasted the winter, but he stayed on for six
years, even declining the opportunity to return to work for Schuberth.136 Raffs letters
provide the explanation, for despite the steady stream of complaints, he was able to hear his
music performed, both chamber and orchestral, and he undoubtedly gained valuable
experience in instrumentation from his contact with the Weimar orchestra. As early as
134See ibid., 388 ([c. mid-December]). John Field et ses Nocturnes (Uber John Fields
Nocturnes) was not published until 1859.
135See ibid., 387-391. R affs letters reveal that this was a chronic aspect of his personality,
and his complaints against Liszt may not have had much basis. For later examples, written from Liszts
point of view, see ibid., 504 (22 November 1850; also Franz Liszts Briefe, 4:50 (26 January [1851]), 52
(27 January 1851). See also the comments in Emile Haraszti, Les origines de lorchestration de Franz
Liszt, Revue de Musicologie 34 (1952), 86ff. Incidentally, R affs salary was 600 thalers freie Station,
compared to 500 thalers to Joseph Joachim, at that time concertmaster of the Weimar orchestra; see Franz
Liszt und Joachim Raff im Spiegel ihrer Briefe, 387, and Walker, Franz Liszt, 2:100.
136See Franz Liszt und Joachim Raff im Spiegel ihrer Briefe, 395.
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February 1850, he heard his orchestration of Liszts Goethemarsch, apparently the first
time Raff had ever heard a work of his performed by an orchestra, and a Quartet.137 Other
performances included a work for violin and piano, Egloguefantastique, played by Liszt
and Joseph Joachim in April,138 a Trio and the Quartet,139 and a Te Deum.140 Although
Konig Alfred was not performed until 9 March 1851, Raff had the invaluable experience of
not only hearing it through all stages of preparation but of conducting the first
performances.141 Finally, Liszt transcribed for piano an Andante and March Finale from
the opera, published in 1853 but prepared around the time of the premiere.142
Raff had hopes for a more prestigious position in Weimar,143 but either Liszt
would not or, more likely, could not provide one. By May 1853, he was determined to
leave for reasons both financial and personal:
Aber das Schlimme ist, dass ich durch meine Lage verdammt bin, stets fort eine
secundare, untergeordnete Rolle zu spielen, dass jedermann glaubt, von meinem rein
personlichen Verdienste so und so viel beliebig wegnehmen und auf Rechnung
Lisztscher Protektion setzen zu konnen, oder gar zu miissen.144
141Liszt had planned to conduct the opera himself, but, due to the illness of the Princess
Wittgenstein, he had to remain in Eilsen, thus giving Raff the opportunity to present his own work. See
ibid., 977-986 Getters of February and March 1851).
142See ibid., 978 (25 February 1851); 981 (12 March 1851); 1280 (2 August 1853); 1281 (5
August 1853); 1284-1285 (27 September 1853). Operatic paraphrases were also written by Joseph
Joachim and Bernhard Cossmann, the latter principal cellist of the Weimar orchestra.
144Ibid., 1278 (February 1853). See also Franz Liszts Briefe, 2:403-404, a letter of
recommendation which Helene Raff dated April 1853; see Franz Liszt und Joachim Raff im Spiegel ihrer
Briefe, 1279.
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Raff remained in Weimar, but, because of the lack of correspondence between them, it is
unclear to what extent his employment was provided by Liszt after 1853. He continued to
copy, but he may have worked on commission as Conradi did, the difference being that
Raff lived in the same town.145 For example, Liszt asked Raff to accompany him to
Hungary to assist with the preparation of a Mass, something that perhaps would not have
been necessary had Raff still been in his employ.146 By mid-1856, Raff left Weimar for
Wiesbaden, departing on friendly terms and visiting in April and September 1857. Liszt
was interested in staging Raffs next opera, Samson,U1 but he resigned his position as
director before this plan could be carried out. Raff turned out a steady stream of
compositions in the years that followed (his lifes work consisted of over 200 opus
letter of condolence.148
Liszt first learned the value of Raffs abilities when the two traveled in Germany
in mid-1845. A letter reflecting back on that time referred to Raff putting his manuscripts
145See Franz Liszt und Joachim Raff im Spiegel ihrer Briefe, 1426 (15 January 1855).
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70
gifts: Eines kann ich Sie aber versichem, dass meine Manuskripte ungeordnet bleiben, bis
Sie sich nicht derer gefalligst und tiichtigst annehmen.151 Once in Weimar, Liszt took
advantage of the full range of Raffs abilities: Jeden Morgen nach zehn Uhr kommt Liszt
auf mein Zimmer, wo wir uns iiber die Arbeit des Tages unterhalten.152 The same letter
enumerates the projects Liszt intended him to execute, primarily as a copyist and personal
secretary but also as orchestrator. In fact, within the first year of his employment, Raff
orchestrated five Symphonic Poems (Ce quon entend sur le montagne, Tasso, Les
preludes, Prometheus, and Hiroide fundbre) as well as the aforementioned
Goethemarsch.l5i As late as 1853, he was asked to orchestrate a brief choral work, An die
Raffs copies survive in greater number than those of any of the other copyists
who worked for Liszt Liszt relied on him heavily during the first years of Raffs
residence, and his tasks covered all genres, sometimes in more than one version, as in the
case of the symphonic poems.155 As far as the concertos were concerned, Raffs
contribution was strictly as an amanuensis. The copy of Concerto No. 1 noted above was
derived from Conradis score with Liszts emendations, as was a copy of Concerto No. 2,
written in 1850 (D-WRgs, H5e),156 and that of the Beethoven Fantasy (D-WRgs, H9),
154See ibid., 1279-1280 (2 August 1853); also 1285-1286 (27 September 1853). The
Symphonie revolutionnaire was originally planned to be in five movements; only one was completed and
became Symphonic Poem No. 8, Hiroidefunibre.
156See Franz Liszt und Joachim Raff im Spiegel ihrer Briefe, 397 (February 1850).
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probably written for Biilows first concert tour of mid-1853. Biilow also performed the
Hungarian Fantasy on this tour, and it is possible that a contemporary copy of this score,
now lost, was also by Raff.
Even after Liszt had other copyists at his disposal, he continued to rely on Raff,
and the reason is not hard to see: his work was superb by any standards, beautifully laid
out on the page, elegantly written, and very accurate. Unlike the utilitarian style of
Conradi, Raff took great care over his manuscripts, as if the copy was a creation in itself,
on a par with the musical composition. In addition, Raff did not consider his task
completed with the application of pen and ink on sturdy paper stock; he often gathered
together his signatures with string and surrounded the whole in a stiff cardboard binding
with a title plate. One can only imagine his feelings when Liszt returned these works of the
copyists art to him with various emendations, large and small, and requested a new copy.
Raffs careful notation, in contradistinction to most of Liszts other copyists, generally
allows his manuscripts to be easily identified.157 One problem is that Raffs hand evolved
somewhat during his time in Weimar, not surprising given the amount of copying he
carried out and his desire for perfection, and the details of this change have been chronicled
by Andrew Bonner in his description of the surviving Raff copies of Les preludes.15*
Other Copyists
In addition to Belloni, Conradi, and Raff, Mueller has cataloged thirty-one other
hands.159 Many of these have been identified as members of the Weimar orchestra and
157See the facsimiles in Raabe, Franz Liszt, 2:concluding plates; and Eckhardt, Franz Liszt's
Music Manuscripts in the National Szichenyi Library, Budapest, 130-131. Winklhofer includes a facsimile
of some of R affs typical formations, extracted from Raabe; see Liszts Sonata in B Minor, 63.
158See Andrew Bonner, Liszts Les Preludes and Les Quatre ilim en s: A Reinvestigation,
19th Century Music 10 (Fall 1986), 101-103.
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Liszts piano students. Regarding the latter group, Liszt attracted young pianists who
wished to study with him, beginning with Hans von Biilow in 1851. After his retirement
from the concert stage, Liszt decided that he would never take another fee as a pianist, and
to his mind this evidently included piano lessons. Nevertheless, he did not hesitate to ask
his students to undertake various chores, as in the copying of manuscripts. Few
composers have had the luxury of an army of copyists, working, in effect, without cost.
The result was often multiple copies of complete orchestral scores, each documenting a
the compositions before the public. Mueller has identified Biilow as the copyist for a
manuscript of the Weber Polonaise (D-WRgs, T3a) which served as the Stichvorlage for
the publication and therefore probably dates from c. 1852. Dionys Pruckner studied with
Liszt in Weimar between November 1851 and November 1855.160 His hand has been
identified in manuscripts of Concerto No. 1 and Totentanz from 1853 (US-NYpm,
Lehman; D-WRgs, H10), and two others of the Concerto No. 1 from c. 1855, one an
orchestral score (D-WRgs, H12), the other a two-piano score with the piano reduction in
Liszts hand (USSR-Lsc).161 Mueller has suggested Hans von Bronsart as the copyist of a
manuscript of Concerto No. 2 (D-WRgs, HI 1), but this is not possible, as the copy must
date from 1853, and Bronsart did not arrive in Weimar until the following year.162
Finally, there are two manuscripts of the Wanderer Fantasy from c. 1851, a full score and a
161The assignation of the hand as Pruckners is made from a letter of 28 May 1855 {Franz
Liszt's Briefe, 4:216). The date for the earlier manuscripts derives from Liszt-Biilow, 21 (12 May 1853).
162See Liszt-Biilow, 21 (12 May 1853). Note also that Raabe misidentified the copyist as Raff;
see his Franz Liszt, 2:312.
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separate incomplete piano part (D-WRgs, T2), that were probably copied by August
Reissman, resident in Weimar 1850-52.163
Editions
Raabes next two categories, copied orchestral parts and edited proofs, are not
relevant to a discussion of Liszts concertos. There are no known surviving parts with any
autograph markings on them. The engraved parts of Concerto No. 1, Hungarian Fantasy,
Weber Polonaise, and Schubert Wanderer Fantasy from the Biilow Nachlaji in D-Bds
(Mus. 10475-78) have no additional markings, and it is doubtful that they were ever used
for performance. There is also a set of manuscript parts for Concerto No. 2 in D-B (Mus.
13056/54), also from Biilows Nachlaji, which shows signs of correction but not of use.
The only surviving set of proofs with autograph markings is that for the Weber Polonaise
(D-WRgs, T3b), but this contains only corrections and shows no sign of a continuing
compositional process.
The lack of proof sheets is not necessarily a hindrance to a line of inquiry that
considers editions as sources, provided it can be established that Liszt corrected his
publications with care. Unfortunately, there has been virtually no research carried out in
this area and no systematic study that documents Liszts relationships with any of his
publishers. The only exceptions are Oskar von Hases substantial Gedenkschrift und
Arbeitsbericht of Breitkopf & Hartel, which contains a section on Liszt,164 and the
summary article by Albi Rosenthal.165 A comprehensive picture cannot be created until all
163See Raabe, Franz Liszt, 1:256, n. 174. On the manuscripts, see Franz Liszt's Briefe, 4:113
(10 May 1851); also Franz Liszt und Joachim Raff im Spiegel ihrer Briefe, 1163 (5 June 1851), 1167
([mid-June]), 1171 (26 June 1851).
164Hase, Breitkopf & Hartel, 2:145-183; for complete citation, see n. 55.
165Albi Rosenthal, Franz Liszt and His Publishers, Liszt Saeculum 38 (1986): 3-40. This
article also includes facsimiles of many of the letters quoted in the text.
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74
correspondence has been reviewed and all editions cataloged, but work on such a project is
presently hampered since many of Liszts letters have never been published, and those to
his publishers remain with the present heirs of the company, such as Ricordi in Milan.166
In addition, there are the ravages of war, where, for example, a bombing raid of 4
December 1943 destroyed 60% of the publishers quarter in Leipzig. Often it is only by
the current discussion will be limited to an overview of publishing practices in general and
Liszts in particular, including documentation of his direct involvement in his publications.
The evidence will be drawn predominantly from the correspondence, published and
The copyright protection that exists throughout much of the world today was not
composition, it was often necessary to find publishers in the major markets of Western
Europe in order to register a work through simultaneous publication. This required the
composer or his agent to coordinate publication dates in Paris, Berlin, Leipzig, and Vienna,
and, in the case of a work for which he sought a broader market, Milan and London.
Further, according to the business practice of the time, the composition was sold outright,
with all subsequent profits being retained by the publisher. While this may seem unfair to
the composer, a popular composition would often result in a better selling price for future
166Ricordi willingly supplied Mdria Eckhardt with photocopies of ten letters, dated 1863-1879.
One must therefore presume that much of Liszts earlier correspondence is lost.
167See James Deaville, The C. F. Kahnt Archive in Leipzig: A Preliminary Report, Notes:
The Quarterly Journal of the Music Library Association 42 (1986): 502-517.
168This summary of early nineteenth-century copyright practice is in large part derived from
Jeffrey Kallberg, Chopin in the Marketplace: Aspects of the International Music Publishing Industry in the
First Half of the Nineteenth Century, Notes: The Quarterly Journal o f the Music Library Association 39
(1983), 536-541.
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75
works. In addition, each negotiation was discrete, thus the composer could demand higher
payment from a German publisher, for example, if his compositions were more popular in
that market.169
Although there are no surviving letters to document the fact, Liszts publications
from the early part of his career demonstrate that he knew this system and used it While
the major markets are not represented in every case, it is unclear whether Liszt (or his
father) was unable to interest a publisher, or pirated editions of his music were not a threat
These publishing activities prior to his departure from Paris in May 1835 were rather
limited: he issued five publications while still a touring child prodigy, c. 1825-1826
(numbered opp. 1 through 4 and 6),170 a single item in 1829,171 and five publications in
late 1834-early 1835.172 The Apparitions and Harmonies poitiques et religieuses from
1835 were the best organized, with simultaneous publication in Paris, Leipzig, and
London, to judge from the plate numbers. The accuracy of the Parisian editions suggests
169The letters of an agent for Breitkopf & Hartel shed much light on this practice. The entire
collection was first published by Wilhelm Hitzig, Pariser Briefe. Ein Beitrag zur Albeit des deutschen
Musikverlags aus den Jahren 1833-1840, Der Bar: Jahrbuch von Breitkopf & Hartel 1929/30:27-73.
They are translated and annotated in Hans Lenneberg, Breitkopf & Hartel in Paris: The Letters o f their
Agent Heinrich Probst between 1833 and 1840, Musical Life in 19th-Century France 5 (Stuyvesant, New
York: Pendragon Press, 1990). Many of these letters are also quoted in Kallberg, Chopin in the
Marketplace, 799-815.
110Huit variations, op. 1 (S 148, R 27), Paris: Iirard; Sept variations brillantes sur un thime de
Rossini, op. 2 (S 149, R 28), London: Boosey, Paris: Erard; Impromptu brillant sur des thimes de Rossini
et Spontini, op. 3 (S 150, R 29), London: Boosey, Paris: Erard, Vienna: Mechetti, Bonn: Simrock; Deux
Allegri di bravura, op. 4 (S 151-152, R 30-31), Leipzig: Probst, Paris: Erard, Vienna: Diabelli; Etudes en
douze exercices, op. 6 (S 136, R 1), Marseille: Boisselot. There is no known op. 5. Liszt was also
invited to contribute a variation to Diabellis waltz collection, published 1823 (S 147, R 26).
171Grande fantaisie sur la tyrolienne de Iopira Lafiancde, op. 1 (S 385, R 116), London:
Wessel, Paris: Troupenas, Vienna: Mechetti (Raabe also lists Cranz in Hamburg).
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76
that they were corrected by Liszt himself, and thus the other editions were likely based on
Liszts corrected proofs for Schlesingers edition.173 A slightly different scenario is found
on this publication,173 and this may have been a factor in Schlesinger taking over the rights
the following year, adding his own plate number and the phrase propri6t6 de lEditeur,
while Liszt (or Berlioz) arranged for simultaneous publication in Vienna.176 Again, the
Parisian edition is very accurate, and in this case the accuracy can be attributed to Liszt:
Jai la tete cass& de la quatrifcme dpreuve de la Symphonie Berlioz. D6cid6ment cest une
chose monstrueuse.177 Indeed, if we are to take this quote at its face value, Liszts
devotion to producing a correct edition must have been great. The Viennese publication, on
the other hand, was likely engraved from the first edition without assistance from Liszt.
Although very accurate, it is not quite complete as it lacks instrumental indications. Two
174See Hector Berlioz, Correspondence Ginirale, 5 vols. to date, ed. Pierre Citron (Paris:
Flammarion, 1972-1989), 2:208 (10 November 1834): La Symphonie Fantastique a paru; mais, comme
ce pauvre Liszt a ddpensd horriblement dargent pour cette publication, nous sommes convenus avec
Schlesinger de ne pas consentir h ce quil donne un seul exemplaire... See also Liszts comment with
reference to his Reminiscences de la Juive in Briefe an seine Mutter, 26.
176Schlesingers plate number can be dated to 1836, although it was not issued until early the
following year. The Viennese publisher was Trentsensky & Viewig. See also Cecil Hopkinson, A
Bibliography o f the Musical and Literary Works o f Hector Berlioz, 1803-1869, with Histories o f the
French Music Publishers Concerned, 2d ed., ed. Richard MacNutt (Tunbridge Wells: Richard MacNutt LTD,
1980), 77.
^L iszt-d'A goult, 1:105 (ca. 1 July 1834). Berlioz must have assisted in this task; see
Correspondance Ginirale, 2:184 (15 [or 16] May 1834): La Symphonie est gravde nous corrigeons les
dpreuves...
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77
years later, Liszt would underline the importance of this aspect of his transcriptions in a
letter to Breitkopf & Hartel, and he probably would have seen to their inclusion had he
been involved with this edition.178
During his years of pilgrimage (1835-1839), Liszt was even more diligent in
coordinating his publishers. Finances may have been one reason, as he lacked the steady
income of lessons and concerts and was determined not to live off the fortune of his
companion, the Countess Marie dAgoult. He also may have wanted his name to be well
represented by new publications. One curious aspect of Liszts use of this system was his
decision to rotate the houses that published his music, even in the same city. This is
apparent simply from a survey of the works issued to this point, and Liszt himself stated it
explicitly in a letter of 23 August 1837: Mes dditeurs de Paris sont tour k tour Schlesinger,
Bernard Latte, Troupenas et RichaulL179 Rosenthal has estimated that Liszt used at least
120 publishers in his career.180 Perhaps this was his way of playing the system against
itself, in the hope of ultimately gaining higher fees. The same approach can be seen in his
correspondence from late 1837 and 1838, letters which offer insights into the vagaries of
the system.
In October, he wrote Ignatz Moscheles in the hope that Moscheles could be his
liaison with the London publishers. Prior to this time, Liszts English publisher was
Wessel, with whom Chopin was often dissatisfied, and Liszt may have had a similar
178See Franz Liszts Briefe, 1:18 (5 April 1838): Je compte en surplus les doigter
soigneusement, ce qui joint aux indications des divers instruments (indication importante dans ce genre de
choses), rendra k coup sur cette Edition beaucoup plus complete. See also his letter of 28 August 1863,
Franz Liszt's Briefe, 2:47-48.
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grievance.181 Liszts letter is lost, but Moscheless response of 11 December 1837 relays a
message from the publisher Nicolas Mori of the firm Mori & Lavenu:
Should you really write to night [sic] to Liszt, tell him J [sic] accept his proposition to
print his works on the terms he states, but I cannot bind myself to take them all, as it
will depend a great deal on his coming to London, and the stay he makes, whether his
works sell or not, as in the event of his not coming they would be of comparative
little value.182
After apologizing for Moris commercial crassness, Moscheles comments on the priorities
of the London publishers: Je regrette de plus que les autres 6diteurs DAlmaine, Chappell,
Cramer ou plutot Addison et Beale lui ressemblent de pr&s, et quand il sagit de quelque
ouvrage dimportance, ils pr6fferent regraver les Editions 6trangfcres.183 From Liszts
Je lui proposai dediter environ 220 pages (au plus 260) par an, k raison d'une
Guinie (minimum) les 4 pages. Dans son int&et et dans le mien je le priai de donner
k mes ouvrages le plus grande publicity possible. [List of compositions he is
offering.] (Tout ces outrages seront edit6s en meme temps en Allemagne, en France,
et en Italie.)184
183Ibid.
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Liszts letter of 11 December 1837 to his friend and Parisian publisher, Maurice
Schlesinger, is even more revealing, as it displays the negotiation process and details his
publishing network:
Liszt evidently set great store by Schlesinger as a publisher, and to the extent that he
wanted his etudes issued under his imprint, he was willing to make a further concession:
Je me serai volontiers engage k nefournir que de 250 k 300 pages lan, et vous aurais
meme concede un droit de veto sur un certain nombre de ces pages, choses que je nai
fait jusquici avec aucun de ces Editeurs et que j espfcre navoir jamais k leur
proposer. II me semblait quau moment ou vous exploiter Strauss depuis A jusquk Z
cdtait une compensation honorable que ddditer les Symphonies de Beethoven, qui,
quoi que vous en disez et quoiquen puissent dire dofficieux amis, ne sont rien
moins quinexdcutables et que je nhesiterai pas k editer moi meme si je me trouvais k
Paris.186
These letters show Liszt laying the groundwork for a series of publications, testing the
extent to which these publishers would meet his demands. A letter to Breitkopf & Hartel
over the publication of his transcriptions of two Beethoven symphonies reveals another
facet of these negotiations:
186Ibid. Schlesingers edition of the Vingt-quatre grandes itudes appeared in 1839; see also
Franz Liszts Briefe, 8:20 (16 November 1838). The Viennese edition was published by Haslinger and the
Italian by Ricordi.
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assez bon (afrn de m6viter 1ennui detre refusd peut-etre) de proposer de ma part k
ces Messieurs de publier conjointement avec vous et Ricordi, et probablement
Schlesinger ou Richault de Paris (&moins que je nen garde la propridt frangaise
pour moi, ce qui est probable) la Symphonie pastorale et celle en ut mineur pour
commencer, au prix de 12 guineas chacune. Je vous saurais bien bon grd de
mobtenir ce petit tour de faveur de leurs Excellences Beale et Adisson [sic], et, en
cas de non acceptation, j dviterai lennui dun refus direct, chose toujours
parfaitement ddsagrdable.187
Although it is unclear whether this request was out of the ordinary, this letter suggests that
Breitkopf & Hartel would be the principal publisher. The other editions would derive from
this source, a deduction confirmed by a letter of June 1839, quoted below, where Liszt
requested three proof copies, additional ones for the French and London publishers.
quickly settled, and a letter received by the publisher on 15 July 1838 found Liszt
requesting that the edition proceed quickly, so that he might have the proofs by August.188
Seulement il est essentiel que jen corrige la demi&re dpreuve pour que lddition en
soit absolument correcte. Je ddsire dailleurs ajouter le doigter k plusieurs passages
afin d en faciliter ldtude aux amateurs. Soyez done assez bon pour me faire parvenir
par IAmbassade (ou par toute autre occasion qui ne soit pas par trop couteuse) 2
ipreuves k Rome, ou je serai dans une douzaine de jours et ou je compte rester
jusquk la mi-mars.189
In the context of this letter, Liszts request for two proofs probably reflected his intention to
make his final corrections on both simultaneously, returning one to Breitkopf and the other
187Franz Liszt's Briefe, 8:18 ([15 July 1838]). Addison & Beale had been recommended by
Moscheles in his letter quoted above. Although Liszt published several of his most important works of the
1850s with Breitkopf & Hartel, including the Sonata in B Minor and the symphonic poems, his first
contact with the firm was in early 1838 over the possibility of publishing his transcriptions of Beethoven
symphonies; see Hase, Breitkopf & Hartel, 2:145-148; also Franz Liszt's Briefe, 1:17-18.
188See Franz Liszts Briefe, 8:18; also Hase, Breitkopf & Hartel, 2:148.
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81
to Ricordi for that publishers engraving and thereby keeping greater control over the
process. His desire for correct editions is also apparent in a letter to the Parisian publisher
Pacini: Dfaudra au moins 2 ipreuves corrigies. Prego! Prego!! ne laissez de fautes que
ce quil en faut absolument pour quune Edition soit censde correcte.190 This likely refers
to two consecutive proofs, in order to be certain that his corrections were properly entered
on the plates. Liszt did not demand two proofs in every case, as is evident in the letter to
Breitkopf and also in a letter to Schlesinger from early 1836,191 thus he must have had less
confidence in Pacini. He soon realized, however, that his confidence in Breitkopf was
misplaced and, upon receiving the proofs in February, demanded still another set:
Liszt forwarded the last corrections to Breitkopf in September,193 and a letter of 4 October
finds him requesting copies for Paris and London, probably for publishing purposes.194
191See Julien Tiersot, Leltres de musiciens denies enfranqais du XVe au XXe siicle, 2 vols.
(Turin: Bocca Fiires, 1924), 2:369. Dans quelques jours vous recevrez les Reminiscences de la Juive
imprimdes je viens den corriger les dem ises dpreuves. (The letter is undated, but the date can be
estimated based on a cross reference with a letter in Briefe an seine Mutter, 26.) The primary publisher for
this woik appears to have been A. M. Schlesinger in Berlin, therefore it is possible that, in the case of an
edition derived from proof pages, one final correction might be enough. This letter does not necessarily
exclude additional proof correction, however.
192Franz Liszts Briefe, 1:29 ([June 1839]). Liszts letter to Ricordi received 18 May 1839
draws attention to une feuille de corrections dcrites in the Pastoral Symphony (Franz Liszts Briefe, 8:20).
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82
These letters reveal Liszts concern for accurate editions, and, as with the Symphonie
fantastique transcription, he likely corrected the proof himself.
available, a letter to the Viennese publisher Mechetti can serve as an example for what must
have been many such missives: Je vous ai fait envoyer par Bernard Latte, les dpreuves
conrigdes de ma fantaisie sur Lucrezia Borgia.. .195 The various plans for simultaneous
publication could easily go awry, however, as shown in a letter of 7 May 1841 to Breitkopf
& Hartel, written from London:
Shortly after Liszt settled in Weimar, however, the nature of music publishing changed.
Although works such as the Trois Etudes de concert and the first Ballade, both published in
1849, and the Consolations published in 1850 are found in simultaneous French and
German editions, the following year the Etudes dexecution transcendante were published
only by Breitkopf & Hartel. The transition to the new copyright situation can be seen in the
196Franz Liszts Briefe, 1:41. Chopin also experienced this problem, which was undoubtedly a
common occurrence; see Kallberg, Chopin in the Marketplace, 537ff.
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issues of this edition which are otherwise identical except for French and German title
pages.
There is no reason to think that Liszt was any less diligent in his proof correction
while he was in Weimar. A letter of 19 December 1847 to Haslinger states: Puisque vous
avez fait tirer des 6preuves de mes nouvelles Rhapsodies, faites de tout cela un paquet qui
me sera une agitable surprise k mon arrivde.197 To Breitkopf & Hartel on 14 January
1850, he wrote: Par le poste de demain j aurai done lhonneur de vous retoumer les
dpreuves du Lieder-Cyclus qui fait suite aux Lieder de Beethoven que vous avez d6jk
dits, et que vous publierez quand bon vous semblera.198 When Biilow was in Vienna
in 1853, Liszt asked him to convey a message: Veuillez aussi dire k Haslinger que j ai
corrigd les dpreuves des Rhapsodies hongroises. . . ,199 and in March 1856 he asked
Pruckner, who was concertizing in the same city, to stop by the publisher Spina:
Erkundigen Sie sich gelegentlich bei Herm von Spina, wie weit der Stich der
Schubertschen Fantasie (von mir instrumentirt) vorgeschritten, und ob er mir bald davon
die Correctur senden kann.200 A letter to Haslinger in 1857 reveals that Concerto No. 1
went through at least two stages of proof: Mit der heutigen Post erhalten Sie die letzte
Correktur meines Conzertes.. ,201 And to Schuberth in 1860: Mit derselben Post
197Franz Liszts Briefe, 1:67. Haslinger was the publisher of the first series of the Hungarian
Rhapsodies, seventeen items grouped in ten books. The first four books were issued around 1840 (plate
numbers 8041-8044), the remaining six in 1848 on the basis of this letter, although the plate numbers are
dated to 1846 (10,205-10,210).
198Ibid., 1:83. Liszts transcription of An die fem e Geliebte was issued in 1850. The letter
also refers to his transcription of six Goethe-Lieder. Breitkopf s edition of the latter is a beautiful example
of the engravers art, with each page firamed by an ornate border in green ink. See the facsimile reprint,
Franz Liszt, Sechs Goethe-Lieder von L. v. Beethoven fUr Klavier, ed. Joachim Draheim (Wiesbaden:
Breitkopf & Hartel, 1986).
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erhalten Sie die durchgesehenen Correcturen dieser Stiicke.. .202 The concertos
published during these years were the Weber Polonaise (1853), Concerto No. 1 (1857),
As Liszts Weimar years came to a close and his students were no longer available
to produce fair copies, it often was necessary for the publisher to have a copyist make a
copy from Liszts autograph for the engraver.203 This was a step in the process that Liszt
could not oversee, brought on by necessity, but it may also represent a change in his
attitude toward his editions. In the case of Concerto No. 2, he made his final revisions for
the engraver in February 1861, but the edition did not appear until two years later,
apparently without his further involvement. And beginning in 1861, he asked his
publishers to send the proofs to Biilow: Die letzte Correctur der Loreley bitte ich Sie Herm
von Biilow zuzuschicken und auch die 2te Auflage der Mignon im 6/4 T akt.. .204
Liszt had settled in Rome for an indefinite period of time and, with his future uncertain,
relinquished his proof correction to a musician he trusted. He also instructed Biilow to
arrange the details of publication as well, a task he had already decided to entrust to him in
Jindique sur une feuille k part, jointe k ce Testament mes dispositions relativement
k ltidition de quelque-uns de mes ouvrages rest6s manuscrits, que je prie Carolyne de
201Ibid., 8:129. La Maras range of dates can be narrowed to c. 30 January based on a letter to
Biilow; see Liszt-Biilow, 193.
203See Franz Liszts Briefe, 1:396 (27 August 1861, to Kahnt). See also 2:62 (16 November
1863, to Breitkopf & Hartel), where Liszt recommended a copyist who is familiar with his handwriting.
204Franz Liszts Briefe, 1:396 (27 August 1861, to Kahnt). Although this responsibility is not
mentioned in the Liszt-Biilow correspondence, Biilow had been in Weimar for a meeting of the Allgemeine
deutsche Musikverein at the beginning of August, and Liszt may have discussed it with him at that time.
Liszt left Weimar on 17 August. On Biilows later proof correction, see Franz Liszt's Briefe, 8:164 (5
September 1863, to Schuberth).
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85
charger mon gendre H. de Biilow de faire publier en revoyant tits soigneusement les
dpreuvres.205
Biilow had previously assisted him with various errands to his publishers, but a letter of 18
December 1860 is the first time we find him negotiating on Liszts behalf: J esptre navoir
pas abusd de la carte blanche que vous avez voulu me donner concemant laffaire
Schott.206 By 1863, it was Biilow who was taking the initiative. First, he proposed
editions of the Hungarian Fantasy and the Beethoven Fantasy, to be published by the
Leipzig publisher Heinze. Liszt agreed, with the provision that Biilow would undertake the
orchestral reduction for the two-piano score.207 The following year, Biilow took an even
Apr&s avoir 6t6 le premier k faire entendre et connaitre mes pauvres ouvrages, k les
propager, k les enseigner, k les recommander et les imposer, vous voici aussi le
premier k leur trouver des 6diteurs et des honoraires! Encore une fois, je souscris
d avance, en y applaudissant, k tout ce que vous fixerez, et vous remercie de coeur de
la peine que vous prenez &placer convenablement mes manuscrits.208
Biilow contacted the publisher C. F. W. Siegel and saw to the publication of the Beethoven
Fantasy and Totentanz. In fact, Liszt had had no intention of publishing the latter work,
and he undertook the final revision only at Biilows urging 209 It is unclear whether Liszt
corrected proof at all, although he did provide the solo versions of the two works for
206Liszt-Biilow, 300.
^ B iilo w s letter is lost (in fact, there is a two-year gap in the correspondence, from August
. 1861 to August 1863), but Liszts response is dated by La Mara to autumn 1863; see Liszt-Biilow, 318.
Only the Hungarian Fantasy was published by Heinze.
20SLiszt-Bulow, 318-319.
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86
Siegel.210 These works appeared in print soon after, the Hungarian Fantasy in 1864, the
other two in 1865. After 1869, when Liszt emerged from his self-imposed seclusion and
embarked on his vie trifurqde (Rome-Weimar-Budapest), he took control of his
publications, perhaps again of necessity as by 1872 he was estranged from Biilow because
of the situation between his daughter Cosima (Biilows first wife) and Wagner. The
number of publications, however, was considerably less than during his Weimar years.
During the more than sixty years that Liszt placed his music before the public in
published form, the accuracy of the editions is remarkably consistent His involvement
was limited not only to correcting proof, as he also took an interest in the format and
presentation of his publications. By the late 1830s, he was specifying details related to the
appearance of his music, covering aspects such as the size of the paper, the use of smaller
note-heads, and such unusual features as the placement of the text above the staff in the
song transcriptions. In addition, he transcribed the many two-piano scores of his own
orchestral works, as well as the piano reductions for Concerto Nos. 1 and 2 and Totentanz.
While even the most perfectly engraved score cannot take the place of the autograph
manuscript, in Liszts case it is also true that, with the evidence of the letters and the proof
provided by the editions, the publications that appeared during Liszts life can be used with
great confidence.
Two Examples
Mueller has observed with regard to Liszts autographs:
When the different categories of these various papers are identified and this
information is brought to bear on the history of a particular work in question, often a
210See ibid., 325 (26 November 1864); also Rosenthal, Franz Liszt and His Publishers, 21,
26 (30 May 1865). The autograph for the solo version of Totentanz is in US-Wc (ML96.L58).
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87
chronology for the genesis of a piece evolves that is quite different from what is
presently accepted.211
Two examples will suffice to demonstrate the application of this growing body of
knowledge relevant to the primary sources, using not only paper types but various aspects
of Liszts working methods, including copyists manuscripts.
The first example is found in Muellers discussion of the song Ich mochte
hingehn.212 This work had been singled out by Raabe because of a quotation of the
Tristan chord in m. 125, especially striking in a work composed ten years earlier than
work. Certainly a text on the subject of death would be an appropriate place for Liszt to
render a hommage to his friends creation, the chord occuring between the lines of text:
Du wirst nicht stille wie die Stem versinken [chord] Du stirbst nicht einer Blume
leichten Tod. Thus, while Mueller admits that unraveling the chronology is difficult, in
her opinion the evidence suggests that Liszt borrowed from Wagner rather than the other
way around. Clarifying the chronology of the two compositions contributes to our
understanding of the cross-influence that took place between the two composers.214
Another example can be found in the autograph of a work for violin and piano
that Liszt had based on a mazurka by Chopin (op. 6, no. 2). This work was published for
211Mueller, Reevaluating the Liszt Chronology: The Case of Anfangs wollt ich fast verzagen,"
19th Century Music 12 (Fall 1988), 134.
2140 n this question, see also Ben Arnold, Wagner and Liszt: Borrowings, Theft, and
Assimilation Before 1860, Journal o f the American Liszt Society 30 (July-December 1991), 3-20.
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the first time in 1964 in an edition by Tibor Serly based on the unpublished autograph
manuscript in D-WRgs (LI).215 In his Introduction, Serly dated the work to 1832-35,
alluding to Liszts friendship with Chopin and the influence of Paganinis virtuosity.
Although Serly does not give a reference, he is surely referring to the oft-quoted letter of 2
and 8 May 1832 where Liszt rhapsodizes at great length on the impression a recent concert
of Paganinis had made upon him 216 This date was challenged by Alan Walker in an
article published in 1975, at which time he summarized Serlys reasoning and concluded:
Superficially these arguments make sense; yet few Liszt scholars would accept them and
they can be shown to be irrelevant217 Walkers presupposition is stated in his fourth
that to attribute it to about 1832 is to hand the 21-year-old Liszt a tool of composition that
he was at that time incapable of using, still less inventing.218 Walker believes that the
work must date from at least 14 years later and offers the following arguments. First, Liszt
incorporated a Polish folksong (see m. 498ff.) which is also found in his Glanes de
Woronince for piano solo, known to have been composed in late 1847. The assumption is
that this was Liszts first encounter with Polish folk music, and therefore the Duo Sonata
must postdate the piano work. Second, Walker cites a passage in the piano part (mm. 299-
301) which is a fleeting allusion to Chopins litude, op. 10, no. 3. Here, he observes
215Franz Liszt, Duo Sonata fo r Violin and Piano, ed. Tibor Serly (New York: Southern Music
Publishing, 1964).
216See Franz Liszts Briefe, 1:6-8; partially quoted in chapter seven of the present woik.
Serlys date may also derive from the fifth edition of Grove's Dictionary o f Music and Musicians (1954)
which itself accords with Raabes der Handschrift nach in den 30er Jahren. (Raabe, Franz Liszt, 2:313).
August Gflllerich refers to a Sonate in drei Satzen (1830?) which is probably this work; see his Franz
Liszt (Berlin: Marquardt & Co., 1908), 280. The author of the Groves article, Humphrey Searle, retained
his original date for the sixth edition (1980).
217Alan Walker, Liszts Duo Sonata, Musical Times 116 (July 1975), 620.
218Ibid.
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that, from 1849 to 1854, Liszt composed several piano pieces in forms closely associated
with Chopin (i.e., ballade, polonaise), forms which he had never used while Chopin was
alive, and Walker refers to the psychological mechanism of creative mourning. Finally,
he notes that, from evidence in the manuscript, Liszt consulted an expert violinist, and,
knowing that Joseph Joachim was in Weimar as his concertmaster from 1851 through
1853, he concludes that the work was written in 1851-2: Whatever else may come to light
about the sonata, it seems certain that it cannot be a work of Liszts youth.219
Although there is no new information about the Duo Sonata, applying the
conclusions derived from the analysis of Liszt autographs provides a very different dating
from Walkers. The paper found throughout the entire manuscript is of either French or
Dutch origin and evidently tom from a bound volume. Other compositions from the same
volume can be matched up by both stitch marks and protruding flaps where the tear of a
bifolio was not clean: a Concertpiece on Mendelssohns Songs Without Words (D-WRgs
K l) and pages from Malediction (D-WRgs H2). The Mendelssohn pages consist of the
last six folios of the autograph and are dated August 1834, a date which conforms with
Muellers dating of the other paper in this manuscript.220 In addition, examination of the
handwriting places it unequivocally in the earliest catagory, as it is unusually messy, even
in comparison with other manuscripts from the same time.221 Finally, in a letter written on
28 July 1835 from Geneva, Liszt requests that his mother send him his Duo pour Violon
219Ibid., 621. Serge Gut was convinced by Walkers argument; see his Franz Liszt (Paris:
Editions de Fallois/LAge dHomme, 1989), 565. Walker repeated his conclusion fourteen years later in the
context of a discussion of the Glanes de Woronince\ see his Franz Liszt, 2:47-48.
22 ^ i s aspect of the autograph, along with unfamiliarity with Liszts manuscripts in general,
confused Serly when he made his edition. Comparison with the source reveals that the printed score is
extremely unreliable.
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et Piano sur une Mazourk [sic] de Chopin.222 The first page of the Duo has the date 25
Juillet, and as the folios from the Mendelssohn Concertpiece can be shown to have been
originally after the Duo in the bound volume from which they were both tom, it can be
confidently stated that the Duo was begun no later than July 1834 and completely drafted
by the time Liszt left Paris in May 1835.223
And what of Walkers arguments? There is no reason why Liszt could not have
become acquainted with a Polish folksong through his friendship with Chopin. In
addition, both the mazurka on which the composition is based and the dtude cited by
Walker were published in Paris in 1833.224 To date the Duo to 1834-35 does not dispute
the fact that in the 1850s Liszt turned to Chopins forms, for, in formal terms, the Duo has
nothing to do with Chopin, it only borrows one of his themes. If Walker had been familiar
with the unpublished De profundis, which can be dated to the same period, he would have
observed some of the same compositional devices that he claims Liszt was incapable of
using (see chapter ten of the present work). Finally, as Liszt was associated with the
newly formed Geneva Conservatory, he might have found a violinist to try out his work (a
complete violin part is preserved with the manuscript on paper dated around the same time),
perhaps Pierre Baillot, who was well known and lived in the city.225 Remaining is
Walkers assertion that Liszt did not come across the theme until 1847: After all, he
222See Franz Liszts Briefe an seine Mutter, 21; also transcribed in appendix A.
^ M a u ric e J. E. Brown, Chopin: An Index of His Works in Chronological Order, 2d ed. (New
York: Da Capo Press, 1972), 45,65. See also the letter of 20 June 1833 cowritten by Liszt, Chopin, and
Auguste Franchomme, where Chopin states: Je vous 6cris sans savoir ce que ma plume barbouille parce
que Liszt dans ce moment joue mes dtudes et me transporte hors de mes iddes honnetes. (Franz Liszts
Briefe, 1:9.)
225On Liszts relationship with the Conservatory, see Claude Viala, Franz Liszt au
Conservatoire (1835-1836), Revue Musicale de Suisse Romande 38 (September 1985), 122-129.
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himself tells us that he gleaned the folk-theme at Woronince.226 But this is slender
analysis against the use of primary sources where reliable information for dating is
available nor better confirmation of the potential of these techniques for offering a new
chronology of Liszts output Walker is unwittingly prescient in this last regard: Indeed,
if [Serlys dates] were true, we should have to radically revise our ideas about Liszts
development as a composer.227 In fact, Walker has stated the primary thesis of this
dissertation.
226See Franz Liszt, 2:47, n. 27. Note also that the Glanes de Woronince quotes a song of
Chopins, Zyczenie, first published in 1829; see F. L. M. Pattison, A Folk Tune Associated with Liszt
and Chopin, Journal o f the American Liszt Society 20 (December 1986), 38-41.
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CHAPTER IV
That Liszt was an inveterate reviser would be clear from his publications alone.
Virtually all of his original compositions from the years of pilgrimage were reworked
during his tenure in Weimar, including the Vingt-quatre grandes itudes (published 1839) as
the Etudes dexecution transcendante (1852) and the Album dun voyageur (1842) into the
Annies de pilerinage, premiere annie, Suisse (1855). This impulse can also be found in
the various paraphrases on other composers works, where he refashioned the material for
new contexts. Even within works, alternatives in figuration and transitions are indicated,
as if he revised a passage but then decided that both first and second versions were equally
valid.
Such alterations were part of the search for something better, and Liszt
acknowledged this aspect of his personality in a letter of 2 September 1863: Le fait est que
found in the form of an axiom (presumably his own) that he quoted to a friend a few days
later: Die kiinstlerische Natur, wenn sie acht ist, corrigirt sich selbst in Folge des
Wechsels der Gegensatze.2 Certainly an unending search for the best possible
expression of a musical idea was part of his own artistic nature and can be seen both
lFranz Liszt's Briefe, ed. La Mara [Marie Lipsius], 8 vols. (Leipzig: Breitkopf & Hartel, 1893
1905), 8:161.
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within editions and between published versions of the same composition throughout his
career.
A survey of Liszts manuscripts reveals the same tendencies, whether for fine-
tuning a passage after a few days or reworking an entire composition after several years,
and it is remarkable to observe the amount of self-criticism that is evident throughout all
stages of the compositional process. In compositions with the longest gestation period,
such as the concertos, this process allows us a glimpse of how Liszts style emerged, since
the manuscripts contain revisions on a short- and long-term scale. These documents hold
the clues which enable us to retrace Liszts working method, and they are the starting point
for information on the compositional process, at least that part of it that he chose to commit
to paper.
surprising given the enormous quantity of surviving manuscript material, but Saffles
3Michael Benton Saffle, Franz Liszts Compositional Process Development: A Study of His
Principal Published and Unpublished Instrumental Sketches and Revisions, Ph.D. dissertation, Stanford
University, 1977. In his Franz Liszt: A Guide to Research (New York and London: Garland Publishing,
1991), Saffle announced a work in progress, a monograph that will expand on the content of his
dissertation; see p. 212.
4Ibid., 2.
5Ibid., iv.
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94
difficulty was compounded by limitations placed upon him in the Goethe and Schiller
Archive in Weimar (D-WRgs), especially the restrictions with regard to access of materials
and refusal to allow photographic copies.6
transcriptions from earlier manuscripts, Saffle was able to draw valid conclusions on
Liszts compositional goals. He sums up the general evolution of his style as follows:
[T]he entire course of the development of Liszts individual musical style centered
around two all-important transformations: 1) an ever-increasing use of motivic
processes as the primary means of compositional organization, and 2) an ever-
increasing use of chromatic harmony as an integral aspect of the shift toward
motivically generated and organized music. The central thesis this dissertation
presents that study o f Liszts sketches and revisions proves he consciously and
consistently developed and refined his compositional style along lines dictated by the
logical application o f these two interrelated processes is demonstrated in the
analyses that follow.7
Regarding overall form, Saffle notes Liszts desire for conciseness, both in increased use
of thematic transformation and (in the piano works) in the reduction of technical
The more thoroughgoing and imaginative use of motivic and harmonic materials
(especially in the generation of transitional passages), the tighter formal organization,
and the greater technical and textual simplicity in the revised version. . . not only
contribute to its subtler emotional effectiveness in performance, but characterize
nearly every aspect of Liszts full-blown mature compositional style.8
7Ibid., 31-32.
8roid., 101.
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As will be shown in the present study, the development that Saffle documents among
works revised and published later in Liszts career is also reflected in earlier unpublished
manuscripts.
Shortly after Saffles pioneering work, Sharon Winklhofer made her contribution
to Liszt manuscript studies with her dissertation for the University of California, Los
Angeles, The Genesis and Evolution of Liszts Sonata in B minor: Studies in Autograph
Sources and Documents (1978), published two years later as a monograph.9 As the title
suggests, Winklhofer concentrated on a single work, but the inherent limitation of this
approach was offset by the broad background and detailed analysis she was able to bring to
the topic. Her work remains a useful starting point for any discussion concerning Liszts
Weimar years.
detailed analysis of Liszts working habits, including writing implements and paper
preferences. In the course of these chapters, Winklhofer lists typical aspects of Liszts
graphology and his techniques of revision (complete with facsimiles). The discussion is
not limited to the autograph manuscript (Lehman collection, currently in the Pierpont
Morgan Library, US-NYpm), but ranges over the course of Liszts output. Especially
relevant for the present study, she concludes with regard to paper: Whenever the date and
provenance of a document is doubtful, a proper identification of its physical properties
9Sharon Winklhofer, Liszt's Sonata in B Minor: A Study o f Autograph Sources and Documents
(Ann Arbor: UMI Research Press, 1980).
10Ibid., 83-84.
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The final two parts of the monograph are devoted to a discussion of the autograph
of the sonata, consisting of the provenance, a detailed description, and paper analysis, all to
the end of understanding the process by which Liszt composed the work. Her
earlier versions, many of which appear for the first time as, at her request, the staff of the
library removed the collettes that Liszt had used to cover over his initial attempt at a
passage. Thus, the evidence of writing implements, ink color, and paper type are
considered along with the content of the musical revisions to determine the chronology of
Liszts emendations and, from this chronology, the significance of the revisions.
fascinating account of its genesis.11 For example, with regard to the sequence of folios in
meticulous scrutiny, probably re-evaluating his progress in eveiy working session.13 She
divides his process into three stages, Original Draft, Notational Improvement, and
Final Corrections, complete with a list of how each folio in the manuscript fits into this
11Ibid., 93.
12Ibid., 111.
13Ibid., 171.
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97
scheme.14 With her analysis, Winklhofer demonstrates just how much information one of
Liszts autographs can yield, and her dissertation provides a model for others. The
importance of her contribution will be readily apparent in the discussion of Liszts working
method below.
In chapter six of her monograph, Winklhofer noted four reasons for Liszt
manuscript studies:
1) the topic has suffered from neglect in the past; 2) the location of sources is all too
often unknown; 3) no means exist for classifying and identifying Liszt autographs;
and 4) without basic information on a composers working habits, the reconstruction
of the genesis of his works is impossible.15
As with Saffle, Winklhofer was limited in her access to materials in Weimar, although she
was able to supplement her observations with material in the Library of Congress (US-Wc)
and, of course, the Pierpont Morgan Library. The first important step toward an all-
inclusive examination of this neglected field was taken by Rena Mueller in her New York
University dissertation, Liszts Tasso Sketchbook: Studies in Sources and Revisions.16
Muellers dissertation benefited from the length of time she was able to devote to
research (nearly ten years), and her wide ranging travel in which she examined manuscripts
throughout Europe and the United States. With virtually unlimited access to material in D-
WRgs the result of her continually developing contact with the archive through letters
and visits combined with the gradual relaxation of tensions between East and West she
was able to survey a representative sampling of all surviving manuscripts, particularly the
collections in the three largest repositories (Weimar, Budapest, and the Library of
15Ibid., 53.
16Rena Chamin Mueller, Liszts Tasso Sketchbook: Studies in Sources and Revisions,
Ph.D. dissertation, New York University, 1986.
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98
is reflected in the appendices which list the many documents she examined according to
copyist (Appendix A) and paper type (Appendix B).17 The assembling of this data has
proved invaluable as a tool for dating.
With this broad base of manuscript information correlated with references in
letters, dates on the manuscripts themselves, and other manuscript evidence, Mueller is able
to unravel the histories of a number of works in a variety of genres. A good example is the
discussion of the piano cycle Harmonies poitiques et religieuses, a work that, like the
Piano Concerto No. 1, had a genesis of nearly twenty years. She defines her approach as
follows:
In order to understand how Liszt approached the composition of this music and the
collection of the individual pieces in the set, it is necessary first to examine the
background against which the Harmonies was compiled. Any study of all the
evidence for Liszts conception and planning of the set, coupled with such sketch and
other evidence that exists, will necessarily take us far from the music found in the
present sketchbook Similarly, an examination of the lengthy process of thought
and arrangement of the component elements of the set helps to highlight the
importance of these religious ideas for Liszt during this period, and prompts a
revision of the accepted view of the chronology of the works.18
She is able to date with some accuracy all the various autograph manuscripts that are related
to the work, beginning in the mid-1830s through the surviving autograph fair copies
prepared for the publication in 1853. As with Winklhofers study, Muellers dissertation
provides additional tools that are valuable in correctly understanding Liszt autographs.19
17See ibid., 356-388. Mueller identifies 34 hands and 104 types of paper. Appendix D (pp.
394-418) includes watermark tracings.
18Ibid 252. The complete discussion may be found on pp. 251-277. See also her Le cahier
desquisses du Tasso et la composition des Harmonies poltiques et religieuses, in Actes du colloque
international Franz Liszt, Revue Musicale 405-406-407 (1987): 11-28.
19As another example of these techniques, see Muellers Reevaluating the Liszt Chronology:
The Case oiAnfangs wolU ich fast verzagen," 19th Century Music 12 (Fall 1988): 132-147 (discussed in
chapter three, Two Examples).
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She covers virtually the whole of Liszts active career as a composer, and her work is
invaluable as a foundation to further studies.
the essential melody and harmony, and was evidently written out quickly as Liszt was
inspired by the events of the July Revolution in Paris.21 Turning to the sketchbooks, a far
different modus operandi is found, and it becomes apparent that the Revolutionary
Symphony represents an anomaly.
Liszts sketches generally fall into two categories. First, there are striking
thematic ideas, often completely worked out in melody and harmony, that could serve as
the basis for a larger work. A good example is a sketch for the opening of the Sonata in B
Minor, dated January 1851 (D-WRgs, N2)22 Representative of such sketches, the music
breaks off after ten measures, but the fragment contains many of the details of the final
version. The second category consists of highly developed drafts for orchestral works,
usually in short score. Sketchbook N2 contains such a draft for Mazeppa (Symphonic
Poem No. 6). Sketches for Tasso, lamento e trionfo (Symphonic Poem No. 2) exist for
both categories, with N1 containing the opening theme as Liszt would transform it in the
20These sketches are transcribed in Peter Raabe, Die Entstehungsgeschichte der ersten
Orchesterwerke Franz Liszts, Inaugural Dissertation for the Doctor of Philosophy, University of Jena
(Leipzig: Breitkopf & Hartel, 1916), Notenbeilag 2,3-5 (example 2). The various facsimiles are cited in
chapter three, n. 28.
21See Raabe, Die Entstehungsgeschichte, 17-20; idem, Franz Liszt, 2d ed., 2 vols. (Tutzing:
Hans Schneider, 1968), 1:14-16; also Paul Merrick, Revolution and Religion in the Music o f Liszt
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), 3-5.
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concluding Allegro con molto brio (mm. 397ff., see folio lr), and N5 a short score of the
earliest version of the work (ff. 31r-37v, 55r-v).23 There are few examples of sketches
for the steps in between and no intermediate drafts or continuity drafts such as that for the
Revolutionary Symphony.24
This lack of sketch material has led Rena Mueller to conclude: On the evidence of
intricate composition went on inside Liszts head, and that pieces were fully formed, in a
manner of speaking, before he ever put pen to paper.25 Liszt himself suggested as much
in a letter of 12 April 1855: Ces trois demiers jours je mdtais entetd &travailler darrache-
pied it ma Messe et suis presquau bout du Credo, ce qui est plus de deux tiers de
louvrage, les 4 autres morceaux se trouvant presque faits dans ma tete.26 The fact is
apparent from the high degree to which his compositions are worked out in the earliest
layer of any given autograph, and such a document therefore represents the end of the first
stage of his compositional process, at which time he recorded a finished product. That he
would proceed to revise these scores is irrelevant, because in one sense Liszt was never
finished with his material (as will be shown). The act of notating the music was significant
usually within the same manuscript. Of the Sonata in B Minor, Winklhofer observes that
^ S e e also Andrew Bonner, Liszts Les Prdudes and Les Quaire tlim ens: A Reinvestigation,
19th Century Music 10 (Fall 1986), 100.
^M ueller, Liszts Tasso Sketchbook, 106. See also Winklhofers assessment of the Sonata
in B Minor, below.
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101
.. because of both the quantity and quality of revisions in the composing draft (the
Lehman MS), we must assume that the majority of his work was carried out in this
manuscripts consistently display the process of revision and refinement that are typical of
his working method, and Winklhofers assessment for the Sonata in B Minor, that .. so
much of the evolution of the piece is recorded in the autograph itself,29 is true for many of
these documents.
For his revisions, Liszt used the same methods and materials throughout his
career. He habitually left free staves above and below when writing out a composition,
fully cognizant of his own temperament and desire to emend, and thus simple revisions are
found on the same page as the original conception. Furthermore, Liszts cross-hatch was
usually a few strokes of the pen, as if he did not wish to obliterate his first thought
completely, and this often allows us to read the earlier layer without difficulty. It may be
that Liszt wanted to be sure he could have access to his first idea should he later feel the
need to return to it, but it is just as possible that his sparse method of deletion is no more
than a reflection of the speed at which he worked.30 For more substantial revisions, he
would apply collettes, often with sealing wax, but with the passage of time, the wax has
dried out, allowing removal and, again, easy reading. In the case of extreme
28See, for example, the autographs of the transcriptions from Wagners Tannhauser and
Lohengrin in D-Bds (F. Liszt 14).
30Contrast this with Chopin, whose cross-hatch was thorough to the point of obsessive. See
the comments in Jeffrey Kallberg, The Chopin Sources: Variants and Versions in Later Manuscripts and
Printed Editions, Ph.D. dissertation, University of Chicago, 1982, xi-xii. Also compare almost any
Chopin autograph, seven.' L 'f V i l i t v i i iiu V 'v (A iO ii published in facsimile.
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102
recomposition, however, Liszt would remove entire folios and replace them with new
ones. The original layer was then discarded, and few of these pages have survived.
Liszt generally worked in brown or black ink for the earliest layers in his
manuscripts, both for the original conception and the revisions that superceded it, but about
the time he arrived in Weimar, he began to use other writing implements for subsequent
layers. For dynamic, articulation, and expression markings, he regularly used red ink.
Winklhofer has found only a single manuscript before 1848 that uses red ink, and she
further observes: Liszts use of red ink is a sure sign that he was preparing an autograph
for publication.31 Liszt also stated his preference for this method in instructions for one
of his student copyists: Die Signaturen konnte er zuletzt vielleicht mit roter Tinte etwas
besser systematisch angeben.32 For additional markings or revisions, such as page
numbers, signs to indicate a continuation on another folio, or even titles, he would use
crayon or rotel, usually in red, blue, or orange. Winklhofer notes a systematic use of these
colors, with blue often reserved for the final layer,33 although Liszt could be inconsistent,
even within the same composition, as in the autograph for the Mephisto Waltz (US-NYpm,
Morgan). Her conclusion holds true for the most part, however, and it is always the case
that Liszt used his crayons toward the end of his work on a given manuscript. Liszt also
encouraged his students in this technique, as when he asked Hans von Biilow to look over
32Helene Raff, Franz Liszt und Joachim Raff im Spiegel ihrer Briefe, Die Musik 1 (1901-02),
1163 (5 June 1851). The R in the text is found to be August Reissmann upon comparison with the
original in D-Mbs (Raffiana VIII, no. 24).
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introduire, je vous saurai tr&s bon gr6 des coups de crayon que vous y ajouterez.34
Apparently it was important for Liszt to be able to see various layers at a glance, thus the
use of different colors and textures, although it is not always clear why he would need to
distinguish some details, dynamic markings for example, from others.35
By the time Liszt gave his autograph to be copied, he evidently felt that the
composition was in some sense finished, except perhaps for minor details. This much is
clear from the surviving sources, as Liszt never had his manuscripts copied in order to give
himself a clean canvas on which to continue working. These autographs reveal many
examples of measures crossed out and folios inserted, once the original layer became too
cluttered to revise, but there appears to be no point at which he felt his manuscript was
unusable, at least to himself. The 1849 version of Concerto No. 1 is a veritable cornucopia
of paper types and revision techniques (D-WRgs, H3a), all leading up to Conradis copy
(D-WRgs, H4), and the transcription of Harold en Italie reveals nine different papers used
over a period of fifty years (D-B, F. Liszt 2). The apparent exception to this observation
can be found within the experimental works during his first years in Weimar, especially the
earliest symphonic poems, where Liszt gave his autograph over to be copied, only to return
after a relatively brief period, sometimes months, to revise a work and require yet another
copy.36 But here as well there is no reason to doubt that Liszt expected each stage to be his
final one, and the experience of rehearsals or performances must have revealed aspects of
34Briefwechsel zwischen Franz Liszt undHans von Biilow, ed. La Mara [Marie Lipsius]
(Leipzig: Breitkopf & Hartel, 1898), 295-296 [October or November I860]. The manuscript in question
was of Liszts transcription of Bachs Fantasia and Fugue in G Minor, a work that, in distinction to Liszts
other Bach transcriptions (the six Preludes and Fugues), he copiously marked with performance indications.
He was evidently inviting Billow to add further annotations.
350 n this topic, see also Winklhofer, Liszts Sonata in B Minor, 171-173.
36Raabes worklist records multiple copies by Joachim Raff for Ce quon entend sur la
montagne and Tasso. See also Bonner, Liszts Les Preludes, 98, and John Williamson, T he Revision of
Liszts Prometheus, Music & Letters 67 (1986), 390. These are Symphonic Poems nos. 1-3,5;
Orpheus, No. 4, was composed several years later.
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the new forms and new techniques of orchestration that in turn required additional stages of
revision. Thus, the primary importance of any copy is that it signified that Liszt was
finished with a composition for the moment
This is not to say that there could not be other practical reasons for a copy to be
made. Often this was necessary, simply because the density of the corrections could be
daunting to even the most experienced engraver, although there are examples of such
manuscripts (discussed below), and the copy was necessary to collate the music into one
score. Another example is found in several copies of orchestral works by Conradi, where
Conradi copied his own orchestrations on the left, leaving the right-hand page blank.38
But if Conradis work was an expedient for the otherwise overworked composer, then
Liszt may have assumed alterations would be needed to satisfy himself completely.
Liszt treated these copies exactly as he treated his autographs, once he determined
that further revisions were necessary, and the same techniques of collettes, replacement
folios, and varied writing implements are again found. One notable exception is in the
precise use Liszt made of replacement folios. He often allowed the integrity of many of his
manuscript copies to stand, perhaps out of respect for the care and industry his copyists
had devoted to their work or maybe for the same reason that he used different writing
implements, that is, to be able to view his progress clearly. As a result, when he could not
make his revisions directly on the page, he began a series of bifolios with the necessary
37See the autograph for No. 2 of the Illustrations du Prophite, Les patineurs, in D-Bds (F.
Liszt 13).
38See the listing in Raabe, Die Entstehungsgeschichte, 24, and idem, Franz Liszt, 2:70. These
manuscripts have been used to argue that Liszt needed Conradi to tutor him in the art of orchestration, but
see chapter five, Who Orchestrated Liszts Works?
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insertions, cued to the manuscript by letter. Many of these have been preserved with the
manuscripts (Concerto No. 1, US-Wc, ML31.H43a no. 59 and ML31.H43a no. 63;
Concerto No. 2, D-WRgs, H5e and H5f), in some cases bound in with the score (Concerto
No. 1, US-NYpm, Lehman Deposit), while others are now separated (Totentanz, US-
NYpm, Lehman, the correction folios in a private collection in Milan). However, where
the revisions were more extensive, as in the final version of Totentanz, Liszt did not
hesitate to dismember the copy (D-WRgs, H10).
As is evident from the examples cited, the stage represented by the copy could be
repeated again and again. The succession of numerous copies is found only among the
Weimar manuscripts, however, where it was made possible by the many copyists Liszt had
at his disposal (see the discussion in chapter three), and not among the earlier works where
a copy would have been an additional expense. Perhaps the availability of his students for
such unpaid tasks encouraged Liszt to request more copies of his scores (see Table 4.1).
One drawback to this method is the greater possibility for errors to make their way from
copy to copy, as there is no evidence that Liszt subjected his copies to the same thorough
proof reading as his editions, although he corrected mistakes in the process of reviewing
the text Thus, certain types of errors can be found only by following the trail backwards
to the autograph. These are often very small details in phrasing or voicing, not necessarily
audible as a mistake and perhaps not important to Liszt Nevertheless, for an accurate
critical edition, the entire chain of sources must be taken into account39 These copies are
also a boon to the student of compositional process, as with each new copy Liszt very
39See, for example, the Introduction to Franz Liszt, Klavierkonzert Nr. 1, Es-Dur, ed. Ferenc
Rados (Budapest: Editio Musica Budapest, 1992).
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Table^Jl^joncertt^^^
Although there might be any number of intermediate stages in this process, the
final stage was publication. It has been demonstrated that Liszt was very much involved
with the publication of his compositions, at least through 1860 (see chapter three,
Editions), and therefore any differences between the Stichvorlage and the engraved score
can be attributed directly to him. The striking result of comparison between these sources,
however, is how little was changed. Liszts approach is evident in one of the few
surviving proof sets, that for the Weber Polonaise (D-WRgs, T3b), where the corrections
are mostly limited to engravers errors. Comparison between the Stichvorlage for Concerto
No. 1 (D-WRgs, H I2) and the first edition (published by Haslinger) yields a similiar
correlation. An interesting example can be found by comparing the autograph of the Sonata
in B Minor with the engraved copy. For some reason Liszts readable autograph did not
serve as the Stichvorlage, and Winklhofer was puzzled over the lack of any other surviving
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explanation is that the publisher, Breitkopf & Hartel, had a copy made in-house for the
engraver that was never seen by Liszt; given his predilection for variantes, it is likely that
he would have emended a few passages. But most important of all, in this 700-measure
work, the differences between the autograph and Breitkopf s edition are limited to a few
wrong notes, missing dynamic signs, and the like.41 At first consideration, it should seem
odd that Liszt would suppress his natural tendency to revise. Perhaps this can be explained
by his awareness of both the high cost of quality engraving and the risk his publishers were
taking on behalf of his music. He may have made a conscious decision to limit his
interventions to proof correction and not composition. Such consideration is also reflected
in his dealings with publishers whose editions he superceded with revised editions, where
his usual practice was to purchase the rights to the earlier publication 42 Liszt did not want
anyone to lose money over him, and the economic factor may best explain why the printed
page brought with it such finality in his mind.
As final as the publication stage may have been for Liszt when he was correcting
proof, it ultimately became like all the other stages; final only for the moment Published or
not, he continued to see the potential for his material, whether for his juvenile Etudes pour
le piano of 1826 (reworked as the Vingt-quartre grandes itudes in 1837-38) or the mature
compositions revised during his Weimar period cited in the opening paragraph. The first of
these new editions was a revision of a Schubert song transcription, Die Rose, first
41Note the list of corrections in the edition by G. Henle (1975), which is based primarily on the
autograph (US-NYpm, Lehman Deposit). Compare also Franz Liszt, New Edition o f the Complete Works
(Budapest: Editio Musica, 1970-), series 1, vol. 5, which is based primarily on the first edition.
42See, for example, his letters to Haslinger regarding the transcendental dtudes and Schubert
song transcriptions from the 1830s and 1840s in Briefe aus ungarischen Sammlungen 1835-1886, ed.
Margit Prahdcs (Kassel: BSrenreiter, 1966), 69 (25 January 1850), 83 (30 June 1855).
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108
published in 1835 by Hofmeister. Liszt prepared the engravers copy by writing his
emendations directly on the published score (D-Bds, F. Liszt 9), while cueing additional
handwritten folios (lost). The new edition by Haslinger appeared in 1838,43 and this was
followed closely by the next such republication, the Grandes itudes in 1839. Although he
appears not to have done any such revisions during his Glanzperiode (perhaps for lack of
time), he returned to his own compositions during the Weimar years, systematically
revising the most important of his earlier works.44 These revisions were often extensive
enough to require him to write out a new autograph, although in the case of the Paganini
etudes he was able to use insertion folios (see D-WRtl, L. 2023). In the 1870s, there was
another spate of revised publications, mostly transcriptions, but here Liszt was concerned
with smoothing out some of his pianistic figurations, not reworking entire compositions.45
Correction folios were often sufficient, as in the page for Webers Momento capricioso, not
his own composition but typical of his method (D-Bds, F. Liszt 1).
In addition, there are emendations that survive only in autograph, most notably
the folios written for insertion in the Mephisto Waltz No. 1, which significantly lengthen
the middle section of the piece,46 and additional measures for Totentanz, written seventeen
years after the work was published in 1865.47 There is no indication that Liszt ever
43A copy that may have served for proof correction is also preserved in D-Bds (F. Liszt 10).
^L iszt referred to these revisions in a letter to Czerny: [J]ai soumis h un travail de revision
assez sdvfere et refondu compl&tement plusieurs de mes anciens ouvrages... (Franz Liszts Briefe, 1:107 [19
April 1852]).
45See, for example, the recent Russian edition of the Liebestod from Tristan und Isolde, where
the emendations are printed above the original reading. This has been reprinted in Franz Liszt, Complete
Piano Transcriptions from Wagners Operas, intro. Charles Suttoni (New York: Dover, 1981), 128-133.
^ T h e pages are preserved in D-WRgs (U67). See also the comments in the Preface to the New
Liszt Edition, series 1, vol. 15, xiii-xiv.
47See Franz Liszt's Briefe, 2:320 (20 February 1882, to Martha Remmert). The music was not
printed by La Mara but can be found in D-WRgs (Ms. 72/8/4). An additional copy is catalogued as Z31,
no. 17. These emendations were later published by Alexander Siloti as part of his edition of the work
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109
intended to publish new editions of these works, nor was he anxious about the
dissemination of his final thoughts, as if toward the end of his life the ongoing process of
revision was meaningful in itself. For Liszt, the search for the best possible never ceased,
and at no point was a work closed to his passion des variantes.
Concerto No. 1 (D-WRgs, H3b, H3c) and the Grande fantaisie symphonique on themes
from Berliozs Lilio (D-WRgs, H7), exist only in copies by Gaetano Belloni.
Nevertheless, there is evidence of Liszts working method that can be culled from these
manuscripts and other primary sources. For Concerto No. 1, a clue is found in his letter
of 12 December 1832 to a student: [J]ai prepare et longuement 61abor plusieurs
compositions instrumentales entre autres. . . un Concerto dapr&s un plan qui je pense sera
worked-out piano draft without orchestra. Several years later, when Liszt requested that
his mother send various items to him in Geneva, he referred to the work as follows: Le
Concerto copi par Belloni avec la partie de piano et la Partition daprbs laquelle il la
copi6e.50 Thus, it may be inferred that Liszt wrote the orchestration in a separate
manuscript, and the two were combined only in the copy. This expedient allowed Liszt to
work out all the formal details of his composition prior to the task of orchestration.
(Leipzig: Ernst Eulenburg, 1911). They have never been incoiporated into any other edition and
consequently are not heard in performance.
48All the manuscripts discussed in this section are listed in Table 4.2. Omitted are the insert
folios (included in Table 4.1, however) and the two-piano scores.
50See Franz Liszts Briefe an seine Mutter, trans. & ed. La Mara [Marie Lipsius] (Leipzig:
Breitkopf & Hdrtel, 1918), 20 (28 July 1835). This letter is transcribed in appendix A.
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110
composed the Grandefantaisie symphonique during the autumn of 1834.51 Unlike the
Concerto, this work was played, and Bellonis copy was used for the performances of 9
April 1835 and 18 December 1836, as demonstrated by a few corrections in pencil,
collettes, replacement pages, and the stubs of several folios that had been cleanly cut out
with a razor. Of the collettes, some correct copying errors, while others effect a bridge
between the missing pages and the ones that remain. All of these emendations are in
Bellonis hand and on the same paper found throughout the manuscript, therefore it is
likely they were written out soon after the copy was completed. Perhaps within weeks of
his copyists work, Liszt was refining his musical argument by tightening up the works
structure.
Far more useful for insight into Liszts working method are two autograph drafts
for Malediction (D-WRgs, HI 3a and loose pages in H2) and the autograph of De profundis
(D-WRgs, HI). These manuscripts can be dated with some confidence to 1834-35,52
which makes them the earliest surviving autographs to include music for instruments other
than piano and among the earliest with evidence of Liszts working methods. They are also
similar to the autograph of the Sonata in B Minor in that they appear to be Liszts working
copies.53 The drafts to Malediction are fully scored, and some passages match those that
52On De profundis, see Franz Liszts Briefe, 1:12(14 January 1835); see also the discussions in
chapters nine and ten of the present work.
53The only known sketch outside of these autographs is in N6 (page 21), the opening measures
of Malediction. This is a typical jotting of a brief musical idea, written down with all aspects of its rhythm
and harmony; see Rudolf Kdkai, Franz Liszt in seinen fruhen Klavierwerken (Leipzig: Franz Wagner,
1933); rpL Musicologica Hungarica (Neue Folge) Veroffentlichungen des Musikwissenschaftlichen Instituts
in Budapest 3 (Kassel: Bdrenreiter, 1968), 124 (Notenbeispiel 9). In fact, the music appears with no
significant alteration in the copyists manuscript of the final version (D-WRgs, H2).
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I ll
are found in the copyists manuscript of the complete work (D-WRgs, H2). Further, these
drafts were originally part of bound volumes, suggesting that Liszt found himself in a
situation where the only way he could present a continuous manuscript to his copyist was
to dismantle them. One can imagine Liszt tearing apart his sketchbooks to sort out the
rejected passages from the revised versions, and these two examples are all that survived
the process. At the time he wrote them, however, Liszt probably did not think of them as
drafts, given that they are scored and continuous to the end of a section. Therefore, these
manuscript fragments represent an earlier conception of the work, and the musical content
drafts are completely devoid of performance indications and detailed dynamic and
expression markings, in stark contrast to the copyists manuscript, which is well marked.
Thus, we may also conclude that such indications were added at the end of the
compositional process, perhaps as the final step before releasing the autograph to be
copied.
The autograph of De profundis is more revealing of the method that produced it,
as it contains the entire work, at least to the extent that Liszt left it Here the signs of
compositional struggle are on display, with many folios tom out of the bound volume
(evidenced by the stubs), inserted bifolios, and pages that are crossed out or pinned
together so that several folios would turn as one (the pins have long since been removed).
Many of these deleted passages are completely orchestrated, indicating that the piece was
well advanced before the cut was made. Despite such cancellations, Liszt was in control of
his compositional goals to the extent that, unlike Malediction, the volume remained intact
If it is true that the score of De profundis was not preceded by any sketches (see the
^Winklhofer deduced a similar procedure in the sonata; see Liszts Sonata in B Minor, 110,
171-175.
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112
discussion in chapter ten), then we have a striking example of the young composers
confidence, displayed by writing directly into his full score. These observations reinforce
the idea that much composing went on inside Liszts head or at the piano, and once he
would revise it later. In the relatively brief time between the composition of Concerto No.
1 and De profundis, Liszt felt secure enough in his mastery of the orchestra to compose
both the piano and orchestral parts together, suggesting a gain in ability that would have
continued had work on De profundis not been interrupted by his departure for Basel in May
1835.
Liszt did not return to the concerto genre until 1839, probably in a concentrated
period of intense activity, as suggested by the paper type that runs through all the surviving
the first movement was lost), in some cases retaining only the thematic material and little
else, and wrote out Concerto No. 2 (D-WRgs, H5c 13 Sept [18]39, H5d) and the
Concerto, op. posth. (as Concerto No. 1, including D-WRgs, J78b). There is also a
copyists manuscript of an orchestration for the piano solo work Hexameron (A-Wgm,
11215), which is identical in instrumentation and general style to that of the Concerto, op.
posth., and very likely dates from this time.56 As can be seen in the autographs of the
55See appendix C for a listing of manuscripts according to paper type. Liszt also inscribed
Gombo on D-WRgs, H5c, and it is possible that he wrote out these autographs during a month of
isolation at the tenuta del Gombo in Tuscany; see Alan Walker, Franz Liszt: Volume One, The Virtuoso
Years, 1811-1847, rev. ed. (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1987), 269. The grouping of these works
together is also suggested by a letter to Haslinger; see Briefe aus ungarischen Sammlungen, 46 (24
December 1839 the illegible word is meiner).
56The first known performance of the piano and orchestra version is 30 March 1840 in Leipzig;
see the review in the Allgemeine musikalische Zeitung (1 April 1840), column 299. Raabe was of the
opinion that the orchestration was not by Liszt; see his Franz Liszt, 2:271. See also chapter five of the
present work.
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113
three concertos, Liszt returned to the expedient of writing out a piano score and afterwards
notating the orchestral parts in a separate manuscript. The piano concertante was not part
of this orchestration, and the original piano score was modified to serve as the solo part,
thereby saving Liszt the trouble of recopying it Thus, the piano part served first as a
working score, and, toward this end, one can observe blank staves between the systems of
the earliest layer of notation as well as the remainder of pages left blank at the end of a
section, all in anticipation of the possible need for revisions. Once the work was complete,
the manuscripts were given to Belloni to collate as part of the process of writing a fair copy
(D-WRgs, H3d, with additional folios for Concerto No. 1 in H3a).57 Although all three
works could be considered finished, Liszt did not add performance indications as he did in
the earlier works, and he also instructed Belloni to leave certain measures blank in the piano
part of the Concerto, op. posth., with the intention of filling them in with appropriate
figuration. Perhaps he thought it would be most expedient to write this material directly
into the integrated scores, but for some reason he never did.
The composition of Concerto No. 2 appears to have proceeded with the least
difficulty, as the autograph piano and orchestral scores are completely self-contained. That
is, once the work was completely drafted, Liszt was able to orchestrate it from beginning to
end without any major alteration to his piano score. By contrast, within the autographs for
Concerto No. 1 and the Concerto, op. posth., some sections consist of piano pages
followed by their orchestration, while others contain piano and orchestra together. The
implication of these convolutes is clear: in the process of orchestrating his draft, Liszt had
decided on revisions so extensive that it was necessary to scrap a portion of his original
conception, and he wrote the new version directly onto additional pages with all parts
57The manuscripts that make up D-WRgs, H3d, include the entire Concerto, op. posth., all but
the first gathering of Concerto No. 2 (it is lost), and isolated folios from Concerto No. 1. On the missing
pages of Concerto No. 1 and D-WRgs, H3a, see below.
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114
present As with Malediction, these revised passages often encompass entire sections. The
struggle with Concerto No. 1 appears to have been greater, perhaps because Liszt was
recasting an earlier work that was originally quite different in conception. A result of this
process can be seen in the copyists manuscript of the 1832-5 version, where the folios for
the beginning and end of the opening movement were removed, perhaps in the hope of
adapting them for the revised work, and the remaining pages also contain evidence of
revision. Note that the Concerto, op. posth., was also based on earlier compositions, in
this case three works for piano solo,58 and the integration of shorter pieces into an
elaborate single-movement form must have posed similar problems. Concerto No. 2 may
have undergone the least internal revision precisely because the content was original.
Although Liszt may have returned to these works in 1846,59 his next efforts in
the concerto genre came after he settled in Weimar. The revisions of Concertos No. 1 and
No. 2 can be dated to May 1S49,60 and it is possible that he produced a total of six works
for piano and orchestra in another concentrated burst of activity. This is suggested by
paper types that are shared by all six and the existence of copies by August Conradi dated
21 October 1849 (see chapter three, Manuscript Copies, and below). None of these
works is entirely new, for, as with the concertos of ten years earlier, Liszt reworked or
adapted other compositions. He revised his 1839 conceptions of Concerto No. 1 (D-
WRgs, H3a) and No. 2 (D-WRgs, H5a 6 Mai 1849, H5b), and provided orchestrations
58//if variations, op. 1, and Deux Allegri di bravura, op. 4, all published in 1825.
59See Correspondance de Liszt et de la Comtesse dAgoult, ed. Daniel Ollivier, 2 vols. (Paris:
Bernard Grasset, 1933-34), 2:368 (8 October 1846): ...je ne moccuperai plus que de mes trois
concertos... Liszt had been estranged from dAgoult since 1844, and, earlier in 1846, she had published her
novel Nilida under the nom de plume of Daniel Stem, where she damned Liszt by casting him as the
ineffectual painter Guermann. Liszts comments, in context, may have been intended to convey that he was
at work on important original compositions, in contrast to his literary counterpart, whom he never
mentioned.
^ S e e Briefe aus ungarischen Sammlungen, 66 (30 May 1849, to Franz Kroll), quoted in chapter
three, August Conradi.
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115
to his Capriccio alia turca sur des motifs de Beethoven (D-Bds, F. Liszt 7; D-WRgs, H8),
although the earliest manuscript fragment suggests that he drafted the work in piano score
in late 1847, based on the paper type (D-WRgs, Z31, no. 2).
Liszt considerably reworked his two piano concertos, and in both cases he
returned to Bellonis copies, which, despite their errors, represented the collation of his
autographs. For Concerto No. 1, he retained as much material as he could from the copy,
but in places where his alterations were more radical, he wrote out the music afresh with all
parts. The resulting manuscript is a curious compilation: some folios are predominantly in
Bellonis hand, heavily marked with Liszts autograph emendations, while others are
completely autograph. He may have attempted the same process with Bellonis copy of
Concerto No. 2, as the first signature of nested bifolios is missing, but ultimately Liszt
wrote out his new conception in piano score from start to finish, followed by the
orchestration in a separate manuscript (as in the 1839 version). In addition, titles for the
two concertos appear for the first time: I[re] Concerto / Symphonique / Es Dur, 2d
Concerto Symphonique / Piano e t/ Orchestre, along with a date on the latter of 6 May
1849.61 Totentanz appears to have been written out in the manner of Concerto No. 2, as
Liszts autograph contains only the orchestral parts. Unfortunately, only a single folio of
the piano part survives, so that it cannot be stated with certainty how the two fitted
together.
61R aff s copies of Concertos No. 1 (1849) and No. 2 (1850) are also titled Concerto
symphonique (there is no title on the copy by Conradi that came between them; see discussion below). It
is unclear to what extent Liszts use of this term represents common practice. For example, Henry Litolff
titled his works for piano and orchestra concerto symphonique, but these are multiple movement woiks.
Further, it is possible that Liszt reverted to the traditional label of concerto upon learning of Litolff s
publication. In this regard, note that Liszts Concerto No. 1 is dedicated to Litolff. See also the
discussions with regard to De profundis in chapter seven, The Compositional Matrix, and chapter ten,
Historical Background.
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116
In the three piano solo works for which he provided orchestral accompaniments,
Liszt left much of the original musical argument intact. For the Hungarian Rhapsody, he
wrote out an orchestration on separate folios to go with a copy by Joachim Raff of the solo
version (D-WRgs, J1013). The transcription of Webers Polonaise is quite faithful to the
original work, but to give his arrangement more substance, Liszt added an introduction
borrowed from another Polonaise, op. 21, and a cadenza at the mid-point. From the
Capriccio, he preserved the body of the work but composed an opening section for the
orchestra based on another movement from Beethovens score and rewrote the conclusion
to include the new theme. The autograph for the orchestration reflects these emendations to
the solo work: the Introduction is completely lacking, and the music begins at the point
where the piano solo version and Liszts new conception coincide, along with instructions
to take the piano part from the solo version (wie gedruckt). The closing section has only
shorthand indications, directions for Conradi to do the necessary orchestration as he
prepared the copy. The new Introduction survives only in piano reduction (D-Bds, F.
Liszt 7), and Liszt may have given Conradi instructions to orchestrate this music as well.62
Note that this is the only instance throughout all of Liszts concertos where he engaged
they were executed about the same time (Concertos No. 1 and 2: D-WRgs, H4; Totentanz:
US-NYpm, Lehman; Beethoven Fantasy, Weber Polonaise, and Hungarian Fantasy: US-
Wc, ML96.L58). Although the three volumes contain the same inscription on the flyleaf in
62The autograph in D-Bds has heretofore been identified as an unpublished piano transcription of
a march from Beethovens incidental music to Die Ruinen von Athen. This study represents the first
identification with the piano and orchestra version. Although differing from the final version, the content
matches precisely the earlier version in Conradis copy in US-Wc (discussed below). Note also the words
on the last page, Ende des Stii[c]ks, over a sketch that is similar to Liszts newly written conclusion.
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117
the hand of Liszt or the Princess Wittgenstein, terminde le 21 octobre 1849, it is known
that the two concertos were copied by the end of July,63 and the other works may date
from the summer as well. Given the luxurious binding, it might be concluded that Liszt
thought his six concertos were in some sort of final state. Closer inspection of the
transcription volume reveals otherwise, as autograph correction folios for the Weber
Polonaise and the Hungarian Fantasy are bound with Conradis work, and the pagination
for each of the three compositions is independent of the other (i.e., each begins with page
1). The binding was therefore an afterthought.64
These volumes were in one sense a liability, as Liszt would be loathe to send
dismantle them for further revisions. That he felt publication was imminent in the case of
the two piano concertos is proved by a handwritten list of compositions in Conradis hand
(D-WRgs, Z15) listing these works and not any of the others (see chapter two, Liszts
Thematic Catalogues). Another copy was therefore necessary, and, not surprisingly,
before giving the scores to be copied, Liszt felt inclined to make some changes. In
Concerto No. 1, only a single alteration required the use of one of the blank pages that
separated the two works in the volume. The rest of Liszts emendations were entered
directly into the copy, with many expression, dynamic, and articulation markings appearing
for the first time in red ink (the hue actually borders on pink). He also filled in several
passages in the piano part that he had instructed Conradi to leave blank. All of these
changes were carefully recorded by Joachim Raff in his copy (US-Wc, ML31.H43a, no.
59, dated 8 December 1849), who also tidied up the score by extending markings to other
instruments (vertically) and clarifying such details as solo or a due in the wind and
63See Franz Liszt und Joachim Raff im Spiegel ihrer Briefe, 287 (1 August 1849).
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118
brass instruments. The situation is similar for Concerto No. 2 but with even fewer
alterations (no extra folios were needed), and Raffs copy of a few months later is laid out
identically to that of the first concerto (D-WRgs, H5e).65
Around this time, Liszt also prepared a piano and orchestra version of his Grand
solo de concert, also referred to as Concerto ohne Orchester.66 The Grand solo appeared
in its piano solo guise in 1851, and, rather than the two concertos, the Weber Polonaise
was published the following year.67 A copy by Biilow of the latter work was likely made
from Conradis copy as emended by Liszt (D-WRgs, T3a), but there are no autograph
markings on this manuscript, which also served as the Stichvorlage. The remaining five
works for piano and orchestra, now joined by a transcription of Schuberts Wanderer
Fantasy,68 resided in Liszts portfolio for several years. Biilows first concert tour in
1853, taking him through Vienna and Budapest, may have prompted Liszt to rummage
through his desk drawer in order to provide him with suitable concerto vehicles, resulting
in the revision of the Beethoven and Hungarian Fantasies. For the Beethoven,
emendations to Conradis copy are reflected in a copy by Raff (D-WRgs, H9), and signs of
65R aff s copy can be dated to February 1850; see Franz Liszt und Joachim Raff im Spiegel
ihrer Briefe, 397.
66See, for example, ibid., 389 (21 December 1849). Liszt wrote out his orchestration for this
work (private collection, London), probably in 1850, but there is no known copy collating the orchestra and
piano parts. In his correspondence, Raff stated sein Solo habe ich instrumental und 2 mal kopiert..., but
there are no known copies to verify whether this is the same work. Liszt never attempted to publish his
concerto version, although he revised an orchestration of his Concerto pathStique, his two-piano version of
the Grand solo (see below).
67Unpublished letter, D-Bds (Mus. ep. Fr. Liszt 18), transcribed in appendix A.
68This work was first performed on 13 April 1851 by Saloman Jadassohn with Liszt
conducting. The earliest references are to this performance, but with the autograph inaccessible (USSR-Lsc,
Zilotyi 6 an attempt to obtain a microfilm was unsuccessful), no conjecture can be offered as to the date
Liszt wrote the transcription. An orchestral score and piano part in D-WRgs (T2) have no autograph
markings and at any rate appear to date from 1852. The published score is dated c. 1857: Franz Schubert /
Grosse Fantasie / Op. 15. / Symphonisch bearbeitet / fiir / Piano und Orchester / v. / Franz Liszt. / . . . /
Wien, Spina, plate number C.S. 15,974. Although the edition is engraved, the title page is printed..
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119
rehearsal and concert use suggest that it was taken on tour by Biilow. A copy of the
Hungarian Fantasy, presumably contemporary, is lost Although neither copy can be dated
precisely, a letter of Biilow reveals that they were in existence by 27 January 1853.69
Biilow left for Vienna in May, and a letter from Liszt reveals that the composers
thoughts regarding concerto revisions did not end with his pupils departure: Jachfcve de
remanier pour les faire copier definitivement, mes deux Concertos et la Danse des
Morts.70 These new versions share similar revision techniques as well as a paper type
that can be dated to this time. For the concertos, Liszt took Raffs copies of 1849 and 1850
and wrote his alterations directly on the scores, but, unlike the earlier revisions, he
emended far more extensively, and many of the changes required entry in a separate series
of bifolios, which included orchestral parts where necessary (Concerto No. 1: US-Wc,
ML31.H43a, no. 63; Concerto No. 2: D-WRgs, H5f). The same method was also used to
revise Conradis copy of Totentanz (private collection, Milan). These bifolios were
collated with the scores and copied by Dionys Pruckner, one of Liszts students (Concerto
No. 1: US-NYpm, Lehman; Totentanz, D-WRgs, H10), and an unknown copyist
(Concerto No. 2: D-WRgs, HI l).71 The same paper runs through the correction folios
and the copies, suggesting that the process was carried out within a brief span of dme,
perhaps weeks.
The final revisions for all of these works follow much the same procedure, with
Liszt making his corrections directly onto the copies. Only Concerto No. 1 required
See Hans von Biilow, Briefe und Schriften, ed. Marie von Biilow, 2d ed., 7 vols. (Leipzig:
Breitkopf & HMel, 1899-1908), 1:501.
71Raabe had misidentified the copyist as Raff; see Franz Liszt, 2:312. Muellers speculation
that the hand is another of Liszts students, Hans von Bronsart, is also incorrect, as he had not yet arrived in
Weimar; see Liszts Tasso Sketchbook, 357.
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another score, perhaps for the premiere on 17 February 1855, and this copy was again
executed by Pruckner (D-WRgs, H12). Liszt had made extensive revisions to the earlier
version, including the preparation of additional folios (now bound into the back of US-
NYpm), and these are reflected in the new score, which also served as the Stichvorlage. In
addition, Liszt had Pruckner prepare a copy from US-NYpm, with the solo part alternating
with blank staves, so that he could enter an orchestral reduction for a second piano (USSR-
Lsc, f 298 N5), also used as the Stichvorlage. Apparently, Liszt made further adjustments
to this two-piano version while the full score was out of his hands, and he instructed
Biilow to have Conradi amend the full score in order to bring the two copies into
the two manuscripts and are found in the published editions that appeared in 1857.73
For the final versions of Concerto No. 2 and the Beethoven Fantasy, Liszt
required insert folios, but, in the case of the Concerto, he was able to prepare them so they
could be added to the existing score. Dates appear on the title page of Concerto No. 2 as
part of the dedication to his student, Hans von Bronsart, the pianist who premiered the
work on 7 January 1857. The first, Januar [18]57, was evidently written around the
time of the first performance, the second, 19 Februar [18]61, at the time Liszt sent the
manuscript to be engraved. The autograph revisions found throughout the copy cannot be
dated precisely, and all that can be said with certainty is that Liszt was putting the finishing
73The title page of the first edition has an elegant lithograph by Kratzschmer: l tes /
CONCERT / fur / Pianoforte / und / Orchester, / HENRY LITOLFF / zugeeignet / von / F. LISZT. I . . . I
WIEN / bei CARL HASLINGER quondam TOBIAS / . . . , plate number C.H. 11,933. The work
appeared simultaneously in both editions, full score and two-piano. The two-piano score was apparently a
novel idea for its time; see Liszt-Biilow, 322 (12 November 1864).
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121
touches on the concerto in January 1861.74 For some reason, the manuscript did not serve
as the engravers copy, although it reflects the published version in all respects. Perhaps
the publisher had a copy prepared, which Liszt never saw.75 Raffs copy of the Beethoven
Fantasy did serve as the Stichvorlage, and Liszt wrote out his last emendations in
November 1864, at which time he also gave the work its definitive tide: Fantasie uber
Motive aus Beethovens Ruinen von Athen.16 The Hungarian Fantasy was also published
at this time, but, with the whereabouts of the manuscript unknown, the revisions cannot be
documented, nor can the origin of the title, Fantasie uber ungarische Volksmelodieen
[sic].77 The manuscript copy of Totentanz shows considerably more signs of revision as
Liszt struggled to give it final form, with at least two distinct passes through the
manuscript, the second of which likely precipitated the dismantling of the copy. Liszt
referred to his final work on the manuscript in a letter of 26 November 1864,78 and Lina
74See Franz Liszt's Briefe, 5:122 (10 January 1861). Liszt also prepared a piano reduction of
the orchestral part for a two-piano score, which may also date from this time (D-WRgs, W23).
75According to the plate number, the edition appeared in 1863: 2tes / CONCERT / Pianoforte
und Orchester / HANS VON BRONSART / gewidmet / VON / F. LISZT. / . . . / MAINZ / bei B. Schotts
Sdhnen / . . . , plate number 16617.
76See Liszt-Bulow, 323 (12 November 1864). FANTASIE / iiber / Motive / aus / Beethovens
RUINEN VON ATHEN / fur Piano / mit Orchesterbegleitung / von / FR. LISZT. / . . . / LEIPZIG, C. F.
W. SIEGEL / . . . , plate number 2930. The work was dedicated to the Russian pianist, Nicolas
Rubinstein.
78See Liszt-Biilow, 324-325. Autographs of a piano reduction of the orchestral part (D-WRgs,
W20) and inserts to create a piano solo version (US-Wc, ML96.L58) appear to date from this time.
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122
Ramanns date of a revision from 1859 may apply to the earlier set of alterations.79 Again,
the publisher had a copy made for the engraver.80
Liszts interest in the concerto genre continued to the end of his life. In August
and September 1885, he composed a work in two-piano score for his student, Sophie
Menter, which has been identified with the so-called Concerto in the Hungarian Style.81
Two months later, he applied himself to revising a transcription by Edward Reuss of his
two-piano Concerto patMtique (US-Wc, ML96.L58). Liszt found he could not resist his
old compulsion for variantes and, applying the techniques he had used throughout the
years, added passages and revised portions of the score by cueing twelve pages of
additional folios (lost).82 He seems not to have had anything to do with these works after
handing over the manuscripts, perhaps by necessity given his failing health. In a typical
gesture, he did not ask for, nor did he receive, credit on the title page for his emendations.
For a composer whose work was in a perpetual state of revision, the concept of a
definitive reading is difficult to define. The editors of the New Liszt Edition certainly felt
ambiguous about the composers additions to the Mephisto Waltz, as they did not
79See Lina Ramann, Franz Liszt als Kunstler und Mensch, 3 vols. in 2 (Leipzig: Breitkopf &
Hartel, 1880-1894), 3:345.
80This copy is preserved in the Sieg collection and was unavailable to the editor of the
miniature score published by Editio Musica Budapest (Z. 40 048,1983); see p. vii. Title page of the first
edition: TODTENTANZ. / (Danse macabre). / PARAPHRASE / uber / DIES IRAE / fiir Piano und
Orchester / von / FR. LISZT I . . . / LEIPZIG, C. F. W. SIEGEL. / . . . , plate number 2814.
81See Ramann, Franz Liszt als KUnstler und Mensch, 3:342, fn. 5; A. W. Gottschalg, Franz
Liszt in Weimar und seine letzten Lebensjahre, ed. Carl Alfred Ren6 (Berlin: Arthur Glaue, 1910), 155;
Margit PraMcs, Liszts letztes Klavierkonzert, Studia Musicologica 4 (1963): 195-200; idem, Briefe aus
ungarischen Sanunlungen 1835-1886,447. It has been argued that the work published in 1909 under
Menters name as Hungarian Gypsy Songs is this work; see Maurice Hinson, T he Long Lost Liszt
Concerto, Journal o f the American Liszt Society 13 (June 1983), 53-58.
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123
Tabte4j^Manusa^^
Title Copyist Shelflist Date
Concerto No. 1 in E-flat Major Belloni D-WRgs, H3b, H3c c. 1834-35
USSR-Lsc, f 298 N5; 1839
D-Ngm 107023/11; D-
WRgs, Z31/1
D-WRgs, H3a 1849
Conradi D-WRgs, H4 1849
Raff US-Wc, ML96.L58 1849
Pruckner US-NYpm, Lehmann 1853
Pruckner D-WRgs, H12 1856
Concerto No. 2 in A major D-WRgs, H5c, H5d 1839
Belloni D-WRgs, H3d c. 1840
D-WRgs, H5a, H5b 1849
Conradi D-WRgs, H4 1849
Raff D-WRgs, H5e 1850
(?) D-WRgs, H ll 1853,rev.
1857,1861
Concerto in E-flat Major, op. posth. USSR-Lsc, f 298 N5; 1839
D-Ngm 107023/13;
D-WRgs, J78b, Z31/1
Belloni D-WRgs, H3d c. 1840
Concerto path&ique (?) US-Wc, ML96.L58 1885
De profundis, psaume instrumental D-WRgs, HI 1835
Fantasie iiber ungarische Volksmelodien D-WRgs, T1 c. 1849
Conradi US-Wc, ML96.L58 1849
Fantasie iiber Motive aus Beethovens D-Bds, F. Liszt 7; c. 1849
Ruinen von Athen D-WRgs, H8
Conradi US-Wc, ML96.L58 1849
Raff D-WRgs, H9 c. 1852
Grand solo de concert private c. 1850
Grande fantaisie symphonique Belloni D-WRgs, H7 1834
Hexameron (?) A-Wgm, 11215 c. 1839
Malediction D-WRgs, H2, H13a 1834-35
(?) D-WRgs, H2 1835
Schubert Wanderer Fantasy USSR-Lsc, Zilotyi 6 c. 1851
(?) D-WRgs, T2 c. 1852
Totentanz D-WRgs, H6, Z31/2 c. 1849
Conradi US-Wc, ML96.L58 1849
Pruckner D-WRgs, H10 1853,rev.
1859,1864
Weber Polonaise Conradi US-Wc, ML96.L58 1849
BUlow D-WRgs, T3a c. 1851
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124
incorporate these measures into the body of the work but rather printed them in smaller type
in the proximity of the measures they replace and augment Did these pages represent
Liszts final intention, or did the fact that he never issued a revised edition suggest that the
composer himself was unsure of their worth?
discussed the problem in the context of the life and work of Beethoven, Schumann, and
Bach.83 He concluded that the point at which a text became final was different for each
career, there were no deadlines, nor pre-set formats to which his music had to conform.
typically were recast over a period of years. Mueller assesses the problem as follows:
It seems necessary to create a typology both of the sources and of Liszts music
itself. We must establish when any work, through compositional alterations,
becomes a different work. Because Liszt adjusted his own and his copyists
manuscripts at almost every stage of work, there is widespread uncertainty as to what
degree of completeness or finality is represented. The concept of die Fassung letzter
Hand is, as was shown by Dadelsen, a state of a work that varies from composer to
composer. In all but a very few cases, once a musical idea engaged Liszt sufficiently
for him to work it out into a full-fledged composition, it rarely lost its viability or
continuing interest.84
A good example can be found among the concertos in the Hungarian Fantasy, a work
whose material is identical with Hungarian Rhapsody No. 14 for piano solo and Hungarian
Rhapsody No. 2 for orchestra, and all three can trace their heritage back to a piano solo
83Georg von Dadelsen, Die Fassung letzter Hand in der Musik, Acta Musicologica 33
(1961): 1-14.
^M ueller, Reevaluating the Liszt Chronology, 134; also idem, Liszts Tasso Sketchbook,
108ff.
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125
work from the 1840s. In this case, there can be no question that these works stand
independent of each other. But what of a situation such as the song Anfangs wollt ichfast
Thus the modem investigator is faced with several manuscripts reflecting different
states of a piece, each of which appears to have a claim to its own integrity. The
appearance in print of one state of a work, however, is not absolute proof that Liszt
regarded the other states as unsatisfactory or even that the published text was not
subject to revision.85
If Mueller is correct, where does this leave the editor who wishes to publish a critical
Cv' ion or the performer who wishes to realize best the composers intentions?
The problem of a Fassung letzter Hand is a significant issue with regard to the
concertos. Liszt would never have published the works from the 1830s without further
revision, especially in a case such as the Concerto, op. posth., where he canceled solo
passages in the piano part without providing an alternative. Are we even justified in
publishing such compositions? And given Liszts propensity for revisions, what about the
passages that he deleted from the works he issued, for example the De profundis melody
in Totentanz or passages that he added years after publication, again in Totentanz? If we
argue that it is acceptable to ignore the latter, does that give us the license to restore the
former? Is it valid to take the additions to the orchestrated version of the Concerto
path&tique and write them into the two-piano version, as August Gollerich did? Further,
Liszt issued a new edition of the Wanderer Fantasy in 1874, and he intended to revise the
Weber Polonaise in 1876.86 Are the earlier editions therefore superceded? Are all versions
acceptable? In a sense, we are left with a paradox: if we take Liszts statement at its face
value, cest la recherche persistante du mieux possible qui caract&ise le veritable artiste,
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126
then we must assume that the last version is the best. And yet he always allowed himself to
be satisfied at some point. Is there no such thing as a Fassung letzter Hand for a
While it may not be possible to definitively answer these questions for many
works, the most light can be shed through an understanding of Liszts working method
which has far greater ramifications than simply the ordering, dating, and transcription of
his manuscripts: it bears upon the very essence of his compositional process and
compositional intent, and it is only from his working methods that we can understand the
practical meaning that a Fassung letzter Hand may have had for him. This knowledge
can also help us produce critical editions, both of the works Liszt published as well as
those he did not. In those cases where Liszt published a work and left it untouched, the
Fassung letzter Hand is self-evident; where the situation is less clear, the musicologist is
forced into the composers chair, not necessarily to make the decisions that the composer
never made, although this must occasionally be done, but at the very least to clarify the
options.
to answer. It can be justified only to the extent that, by studying these manuscript
materials, we can document Liszts development as a composer and therefore his
footsteps of a creator, the chapters that follow will attempt to give the reader the tools to
trek behind and, where we have no road to follow, to arrive at plausible destinations.87
87It goes without saying that attempts to cobble together versions that the composer would
never recognize must be condemned outright. For examples of recent compilations and the arguments
against them, see Winton Dean, The True Carmen?, Musical Times 106 (1965): 846-855; idem, The
Corruption of Carmen: The Perils of Pseudo-Musicology, Musical Newsletter 3 (1973): 7-12,20; revised
as idem, Essays on Opera (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1990), 281-300. See also Philip Gossett, Reviews
of Records: Rossini, The Siege o f Corinth," Musical Quarterly 62 (1976): 626-638.
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CHAPTER V
It has become a commonplace in the secondary literature to state that Liszt did not
know how to orchestrate before his arrival in Weimar and that he hired August Conradi and
Joachim Raff to teach him the basics. Humphrey Searles comments in the The New
Grove summarize well the prevailing opinion: As late as the mid-1840s, when at work on
the first of his Beethoven cantatas, Liszt was worried about his lack of skill as an
orchestrator, and when he began to write for orchestra alone he enlisted the help of
collaborators for his scores.1 Searle is quick to state that the final versions of all his
orchestral works were revised by Liszt himself and represent his own intentions,2 and
Alan Walker is even more emphatic when he concludes: If Conradi and Raff had never
come to Weimar, Liszt would still have emerged as an orchestrator of the front rank.3
Nevertheless, the impression left is of a virtuoso pianist, poorly trained as a musician and
That Liszt instructed Conradi and Raff to orchestrate several of his compositions
is beyond question, as shown by the primary sources. The precise nature of this
collaboration is crucial and remains misunderstood, however, as has the question of Liszts
ability in this area before 1848. Incidental to this discussion is its bearing on the works for
Humphrey Searle and Sharon Winklhofer, The New Grove Early Romantic Masters 1: Chopin,
Schumann, Liszt (New York: Norton, 1985), 288. See also Searle, The Orchestral Works, in Franz
Liszt: The Man and His Music, ed. Alan Walker (London: Barrie & Jenkins, 1970), 279-280.
3Alan Walker, Franz Liszt: Volume Two, The Weimar Years, 1848-1861 (New York: Knopf,
1989), 205.
127
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128
piano and orchestra: Concerto No. 1 was an early casualty (as outlined below), but this
misattribution has long been corrected in the scholarly literature, if not always
acknowledged. The ensconced view of Liszt as unqualified for the task of orchestral
composition requires revision, and a fresh inquiry into the evidence produces a
significantly different picture. Not surprisingly, the way that the issue was introduced has
affected its discussion ever since, and it is best to begin with a review of the secondary
sources.
another composer with regard to the task of orchestration. It was therefore a considerable
revelation when Andreas Moser reported the following in his biography of Joseph
Joachim, first published in 1898:
Raff, der Liszt nach Weimar gefolgt war, urn ihm bei der Instrumentierung seiner
neuen Orchesterwerke behilflich zu sein. Da Liszt bis dahin nur fur Klavier
geschrieben hatte, war er mit der Orchestertechnik so wenig vertraut, da8
beispielweise die Begleitung seines Es-dur-Konzertes von Anfang bis zu Ende von
Raff orchestriert wurde. Erst im Lauf der Zeit eignete sich Liszt jene virtuose
Behandlung des komplizierten Orchesterapparates an, die man spater in so hohem
Masse an ihm bewundem sollte.5
Mosers source was Joachim himself, who was still alive at the time and whose authority
was unimpeachable, based on his reputation as one of the finest violinists of the century
and his presence in Weimar as Liszts concertmaster during the years in question (1850-
1852).
4See Searle, The Music o f Liszt, rev. ed. (New York: Dover Publications, 1966), 45.
5Andreas Moser, Joseph Joachim: Ein Lebensbild, 2 vols., rev. ed. (Berlin: Deutschen Brahms-
Gesellschaft, 1908), 1:96. See also the earlier 1898 edition, p. 75. The quote is verbatim in both sources.
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129
It is worth asking why such a statement should appear at all in a biography of the
violinist Raff and Joachim were good friends while both lived in Weimar, but Raffs
responsibilities for Liszt whatever they might have been, could have had little influence on
Joachims development as a musician. The explanation can be found through an
So I shall remain silent no longer on a subject which I confess to you, your manly
spirit had the right to demand to know long before. Your music is entirely
antagonistic to me; it contradicts everything with which the spirits of our great ones
have nourished my mind from my earliest youth. If it were thinkable that I could ever
be deprived of, that I shall ever have to renounce, all that I learnt to love and honour
in their creations, all that I feel music to be, your strains would not fill one comer of
that vast waste of nothingness.6
Joachim later joined forces with Johannes Brahms, becoming a co-signer of the notorious
Manifesto that appeared in the Berliner Musik-Zeitung Echo of 6 May 1860 against the
so-called Musik der Zukunft, which was directed against Liszt and his supporters. For
the rest of his career, Joachim kept clear of the music of Liszt and his disciples, and the
well-known engraving of the two shaking hands during Liszts last visit to London in April
1886 should not be mistaken for reconciliation.7 Such lingering resentment spilled over
into the pages of Mosers biography.8
6Letters to andfrom Joseph Joachim, selected and trans. Nora Bickley, with a preface by J. A.
Fuller-Maitland [London: Macmillan, 1914], 147; also Briefe von und an Joseph Joachim, ed. Joseph
Joachim & Andreas Moser, 3 vols. (Berlin: Julius Bard, 1911-1913), 1:442; Briefe hervorragender
Zeitgenossen an Franz Liszt, ed. La Mara [Marie Lipsius], 3 vols. (Leipzig: Breitkopf & HSrtel, 1895-
1904), 2:137.
Reproduced in Ernst Burger, Franz Liszt: Eine Lebenschronik in Bildern und Dokumenten
(Munich: List Verlag, 1986), 316-317 (item 621).
8There is another, quite different question, posed by Eleanor Pertinyi in her discussion of
Joachims relationship with Liszt: It would also be interesting to know why he wanted Raff to get the
credit for compositions so despicable. She concludes: Hatred has its own logic. Liszt: The Artist as
Romantic Hero (Boston, Toronto: Little, Brown and Company, 1974), 324.
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130
Joachims memory of his Weimar years may have been jogged by Raffs widow.
The final volume of Lina Ramanns three-volume biography had been issued in 1894, and
Doris Raff must have considered it an insult to her husbands memory to see him
repeatedly referred to as merely a secretary or amanuensis.9 She evidently wrote Joachim
shortly thereafter, and his letter to her of 29 October 1895 elaborated the allegation further:
Sehr begreiflich finde ich es, dass es Sie verletzt und beunruhigt, wenn das
Andenken Hires verehrten lieben Gatten durch die Notiz er ware Kopist von Liszt
gewesen getriibt wild. Es ist dies eine entschiedene Entstellung des Sachverhalts.
Ich habe Raff wie Liszt wahrend meines Aufenthaltes in Weimar sehr nahe gestanden
und oft Gelegenheit gehabt, die Art der Raffschen Arbeit fur Liszt genau kennen zu
lemen. Sie bestand darin, dass er im Klavierauszug-Skizziertes vollstandig
instrumenderte also eine ganz selbstandige Arbeit. Ehre konnte man Raff einen
Berater und Sekretar Liszts nennen, wenn man den sehr freundschaftlichen
Beziehungen eine andere Benennung geben will. Die Bezeichnung Kopist beruht auf
einem vollstandigen Verkennen von Raffs Bedeutung an sich und fur Liszt Fast
erscheint es mir unnotig, mit einer so selbtverstandlichen Sache vor die Offentlichkeit
zu treten, doch stelle ich Ihnen frei, falls Sie von meinen Bemerkungen Gebrauch
machen wollen, dies im weitesten Sinne zu tun, Dir Vertrauen kann mich nur ehren.10
Corroborating evidence was provided in another letter to Doris Raff by Liszts principal
Ihnen sichere Auskunft uber Raffs Mittatigkeit bei Liszts Werken zu geben, bin ich zu
meinem Bedauem nicht imstande. Nur Raffs Instrumentierung der Prometheusmusik
kann ich verbiirgen. Bei der Probe desselben im Theater sass ich neben Raff, der zu
mir sagte: Hore Dir mal die Instmmentation an, sie ist von mir.11
Cossmanns testimony not only confirmed that Raff orchestrated at least one work of
Liszts, but it could be interpreted to say that Liszt intentionally kept the identity of his
orchestrator hidden. Also significant for the present discussion, however, it implies that it
9See Lina Ramann, Franz Liszt als Kiinstler und Mensch, 3 vols. in 2 (Leipzig: Breitkopf &
Hartel, 1880-1894), 2/1:248; 2/2:45.
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131
was Doris Raff who had solicited the information (as she must have done from Joachim),
and her letter may have stated her own conclusions on the nature of her late husbands
work for Liszt She was seeking evidence for a verdict already rendered. Not that she did
not have enough evidence of her own, as she possessed a trove of Joachim Raffs letters
that supported this view, but it was his own testimony about himself. It was left to their
daughter, Helene, to publish these documents, and, bolstered by Mosers biography and
the confirmation of two eyewitnesses, the letters appeared in eleven installments in Die
Musik as Franz Liszt und Joachim Raff im Spiegel ihrer Briefe, beginning in 1901.12
These letters reveal many details of Joachim Raffs seven years in Weimar, from
the tasks he carried out to dissatisfaction with his position (see chapter three, Manuscript
Copies). To his friend, Frau Kunigunde Heinrich, Raff told of the responsibility Liszt
had given him to orchestrate at least five of the symphonic poems, including the one
ennumerated by Cossmann, and there is no reason to doubt him.13 There are other
references to his work as copyist, including the slightly ambiguous comment, Ich habe die
letzte Woche Liszts erstes Concerto Symphonique bereinigt.. .14 Other remarks by Raff
have more wide ranging implications, casting him more in the role of compositional
assistant:
Ich bestehe entschieden darauf, einen geringen Einfluss, aber diesen sicher auf
Liszts nachste Leistungen zu haben, und Dank sei es seinem Verstande: er hat bereits
12See Helene Raff, Franz Liszt und Joachim Raff im Spiegel ihrer Briefe, Die Musik 1/1
(1901): 36-44,113-123,285-293, 387-404,499-505; 1/2 (1902): 688-695, 861-871,977-986; 1/3
(1902): 1161-1172,1272-1286,1423-1441.
13See Franz Liszt und Joachim Raff im Spiegel ihrer Briefe, 389 (December 1849); 393,397
(February 1850). The works were Ce quon entend sur le montagne, Tasso, Les preludes (called at this time
Les quatre ilimens), Prometheus, and Hiro'idefunibre.
14Ibid., 388 (December 1849). To guarantee that this remark was understood beyond its
intended meaning of creating a fair copy, Helene Raff appended a footnote that repeated the assertion from
Mosers biography; see ibid., 1275.
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132
gemerkt, dass das am Platze ist, weil 4 Augen besser sehen als zwei, und nimmt
manche Bemerkung willig an, gegen die er sich sonst immer straubte.15
Nachdem von mehreren Seiten, vergeblich Versuche gemacht waren, mir irgend ein
ungeschicktes Wort zu entlocken, fasste mein Freund eines Tages ein Herz und ging
mich um Instrumentation an, er ging, nachdem ich darin sehr Befriedigendes
geleistet, noch etwas weiter, und wir sind jetzt dahin gediehen, dass ganze Stellen in
den neuen Sachen Liszts ebensowenig mit der Feder ihres genannten Verfassers
vertraut sind, als gewisse Passagen in meinem 15. Werk von Joachim Raff
herriihren.16
Ich bin nun mit der Umarbeitung der Tasso-Ouvertiire beschaftigt, aus der ich ihm
eine Sinfonie in 2 Satzen zu machen gedenke.17
His remarks in matters of instrumentation reveal the extent to which he could be pleased
Ich instrumentirte eben die Hdroide funfcbre von Liszt, und die breiten triiben
Motive, denen ich noch jene dunklen instrumentalen Tinten verleihen sollte, welche in
uns die Gedanken an die letzten Dinge von uns Allen erwecken, durchdrangen meine
Empfindung.18
Mag das gemacht haben, wer will, es taugt nichts. Er drauf: Wenn man etwas tadelt, so
muss mans auch besser machen konnen.19 The new arrangement was quickly prepared,
based solely on the published version for solo piano, and performed soon thereafter. Raff
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133
Der Marsch brauste bestimmt, breit und majestatisch einher und trotzdem manches
hinzugekommen war, wovon Liszt nichts getraumt hatte, und was im Original und
der alten Instrumentation auch nicht stand, so wurde er doch zu unserer Freude fast
im ersten Male leicht und fehlerlos heruntergespielL20
Finally, he had no hesitation in offering his opinion of Liszts ability in composition:
Ich dagegen sage; es ist Zeit, dass Liszt aufhore, auf dem Clavier das Orchester und
im Orchester Clavier zu spielen, (...) einen der niitzlichsten Theile der Kunst, den
Contrapunct ganz und gar aus seiner Arbeit verbannt zu halten, und einen wahren
Steinhaufen aus dem Gebaude schoner Formen, die auf uns vererbt worden sind, zu
machen, indem er ein Lied zu 19 Seiten ausdehnt und hinwieder bey anderen Sachen
nicht weiss, woher er Stoff genug bekommen soil.21
One could not blame an unprejudiced reader for taking away the impression that Raff took
an active part in the formation of Liszts mature musical style.
The influence of Mosers and Raffs publications can be seen in the decade that
followed. On the heels of the letters published in Die Musik, Hans Pohl issued his remarks
that commemorated the unveiling of a Raff monument in Frankfurt22 He did not hesitate
to accept the allegations at face value: Vor alien Dingen wahrt Raff, der hier absolut nicht
die Rolle des dienenden Helfershelfers zu spielen geneigt war, seine eigene kiinsderische
Personlichkeit.23 Alexandre de Bertha, one of Liszts students, did not deny the
accusation but rather claimed that Raffs work was common knowledge.24 This approach
was no more than an effort at face-saving on behalf of the deceased composer and did not
alter the portrait painted by the letters. An objective judgment was attempted by Theodor
20Ibid.
22See Hans Pohl, Joachim Raff: Ein Gedenkblatt zur Enthiillung seines Denkmals in Frankfurt
am Main, Zeitschrift der Internationalen Musikgesellschaft 4 (1902-03): 542-549.
23Ibid., 546.
^Alexandre de Bertha, Franz Liszt, Mercure Musical (1907). This source was unavailable,
and the information was taken from 6mile Haraszti, Les origines de lorchestration de Franz Liszt, Revue
de Musicologie 34 (1952), 82.
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134
Muller-Reuter in the Vorwort to the discussion of Liszts published orchestral works in his
Lexikon der deutschen Konzertliteratur (1909). He could not ignore the unequivocal
statements in Raffs letters, and he must have pursued the matter further with Doris Raff,
as it was she who furnished him with the letters from Joachim and Cossmann quoted
above. Based on this information, he concluded with regard to the works in which Raff
took part:
Dieser Anted kann sich allerdings nur auf die erste instrumentale Form dieser Werke
beziehen, da L[iszt] an alien vor ihrem spateren Erscheinen sehr erhebliche
Anderungen, Umarbeitungen und Neuinstrumentierungen vorgenommen hat.
Immerhin wird diese erste instrumentale Form der spateren revidierten zur Grundlage
gedient haben und es mag sich manches in den genannten Werken befinden, was aus
Raffs Kopf und Feder stammt.25
Muller-Reuters conclusion only serves to underline the extent to which he was dependent
on his other sources, a point well Ulustrated by the omission of any reference to Conradi:
Ramann does not mention his work for Liszt, and Aloys Obrist, the custodian of the
Weimar Archive whom Muller-Reuter credits for assistance with regard to the manuscripts,
had not reached the point of identifying the hands of the copyists. In addition, Georg
Richard Kruses article, which remains an important source for information on Conradi,
was not published until 1913.26 Kruses article is significant for another reason, however,
Liszt, der sich, als Hofkapellmeister dauemd an Weimar gefesselt, nun auf das ihm
ungewohnte Feld der Orchesterkomposition begab, fiihrte vielfach gemeinsam mit
Conradi, dem auf diesem Gebiet Erfahrenen, die Instrumentation seiner Werke aus,
so z. B. die des Goethe-Festmarsches (1849), den spater auch Raff instrumentierte.27
26August Conradi (gestorben 26. Mai 1873): Ein Gedenkblatt, Die Musik 12/4 (1912-13): 3-
13.
27Ibid., 7.
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135
An Early Defense
The first scholarly attempt to clarify this question was by Peter Raabe in his
dissertation for the University of Jena (1916). Unlike Joachim and the ladies Raff, Raabe
did not have a prejudiced agenda, and, more importantly, he had access to the scores and
other primary documents that could confirm or deny the validity of the accusations. He
saw himself as building on the best work of his predecessors, in this case Muller-Reuter,28
but he soon discovered that the manuscripts at his disposal told a different story in some
possible, thus he began his discussion with Liszts juvenile opera, Don Sanche, premiered
in 1825 when the composer was fourteen. Citing testimony from contemporary sources,
including Liszt himself, Raabe concluded that he was assisted in orchestrating the work by
his teacher, Fernando Paer.29 Bridging the gap to Liszts Weimar years, Raabe described
the sketches for a Symphonie rivolutionnaire, suggesting that the reason for its
incompletion lay in the composers inability to carry out such a project Concluding his
Zwar berichtet schon friiher gelegentlich eine Zeitung, daB ein Orchesterwerk
Liszts aufgefuhrt sei, doch sind diese Nachrichten entweder iiberhaupt falsch, oder es
handelt sich dabei um Werke, die der Meister nicht selbst instrumentiert hat und die
also hier nicht zu besprechen sind.30
Therefore, the fulfillment of his duties as Kapellmeister beginning in 1848 was principally
to remedy his compositional deficiencies: Er, der kein iibler Selbstbeobachter war,
28See Peter Raabe, Die Entstehungsgeschichte der ersten Orchesterwerke Franz Liszts, Inaugural
Dissertation for the Doctor of Philosophy, University of Jena (Leipzig: Breitkopf & HSrtel, 1916), 15-16.
He refers to the Lexikon as eine sehr schatzenswerte Albeit
29Ibid., 16-17.
30Ibid., 20.
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erkannte wohl, daB ihm die Erfahrungen fehlten, die er als Orchesterkomponist brauchte,
und die nur dutch ein bestandiges Wirken mit einem Orchester zu erlangen sind.31 He
had received the appointment in 1842, but, according to Raabe, it was only under the
influence of the Princess Wittgenstein that he settled in Weimar .. um nun in
gewinnen und handhaben zu lemen.32 From Raabes point of view, the most important
part of Liszts learning process, at least as regards orchestration, was the assistance of
other musicians.
While not denying their involvement, Raabe attempted to lay out precisely the role
of Conradi and Raff in the creation of Liszts works. From Kruses article, he had learned
that Conradi preceded Raff as assistant during the 1840s, and, perhaps by using references
in letters, he was able to identify Conradis hand in many manuscripts. These manuscripts
Liszts Urschrift, nach der Conradi arbeitete, war, je nachdem es die Deutlichkeit
erforderte, gewohnlich auf zwei bis sechs Systeme geschrieben; zahlreiche
Instrumentalangaben zeigten dem Heifer den Willen des Meisters in einer Art an, die
nicht miBzuverstehen war.
Im groBen ganzen war die Arbeit, die Conradi zu leisten hatte, also eine ziemlich
untergeordnete, die keine besonderen Schopferfahigkeiten erforderte 33
31Ibid., 20-21.
32Ibid., 21.
33Ibid., 25.
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He concluded that, because many of Conradis scores had remained unpublished, the fault
lay in the quality of his work, and when he was no longer available, Liszt gladly turned to
Raff:
Wenn er [Liszt] auch (iibrigens mit Recht) den Menschen und Arbeiter Conradi
hochschStzte, so wird Liszt es also doch freudig begriiBt haben, als er in Joachim
Raff im Winter 1849 einen neuen Mitarbeiter erhielt, dessen kiinstlerische Gaben die
seines Vorgangers sicher weit iiberragten.34
Nevertheless, Raabe was quick to point out Raffs lack of experience in instrumentation
and thereby to nullify the argument that Liszt took advantage of his skills without giving
him any credit:
Statt dessen laBt er [Liszt] sich erst lange Zeit helfen von einem Manne [Conradi], der
bei tiichtigster Handwerkerschaft und ausgezeichneten Charaktereigenschaften doch
nicht den Anspruch machen konnte, zu den Kiinstlem zu gehoren, die Liszt dem
Range nach auch nur einigermafien nahekamen, und wahlt nach dessen Weggange zu
seinem Instrumentationsgehilfen einen unbekannten jungen Musiker, der in seinem
ganzen Leben noch nie ein Stuck in eigener Instrumentation gehort hat35
Liszt had good reasons for bringing Raff to Weimar, but his expertise in orchestration was
not among them.
Raabe reviewed Liszts relationship with Raff and the misunderstandings with
which Raff came to Weimar. Raff was frustrated with his tasks, having arrived with the
Letter after letter in the Raff correspondence reveals his role as primarily one of copyist,
without any manuscript evidence to argue otherwise:
[Liszt] wollte nicht viel mehr als sehr sorgfaltige Abschriften (die Raff mit seiner
prachtvollen Handschrift uniibertrefflich herzustellen verstand) und allenfalls eine,
34Ibid.
35Ibid., 26.
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wie wir schon sahen, mehr handwerksmaBige als schopferische Hilfeleistung beim
Herstellen von Ocheslerpartituren nach sehr genau bezeichneten Vorlagen.36
Of course, there was also the impression of Raffs creative role given by these same letters.
Although Raabe was willing to grant Raff the benefit of the doubt with regard to his work
in 1850 (when the letters were written), he also noted:
Sehr bald muBte Raff merken, daB Liszt an den vorgeschlagenen Instrumentierungen
bestandig weiter arbeitete und so viel verbesserte und umformte, daB ein vollstandig
verandertes Bild der Paritur herauskam; er muBte merken, daB der Meister dabei ganz
und gar seine eigenen Gedanken durchsetzte, und daB alles, oder doch fast alles, was
Raff fur sein Eigentum hatte erklaren konnen, ersetzt wurde dutch Einfalle und
Ausfiihmngen, die durchaus Liszts Geiste entsprossen waren.37
Having dealt with the principal evidence, Raabe turned his attention to the
supporting letters of Joachim and Cossmann. He denied Joachims allegation and further
pointed out that he evidently had never compared Liszts manuscripts with those of Raff.
For Cossmann, he observed that Raffs manuscript of Prometheus survived in the Liszt
Museum, and comparison with the final version revealed how little of Raffs instrumental
manuscripts and the need for new copies. In this context, he addressed the explicit
statement by Raff regarding Concerto No. 1:
Wenn z.B. Raff (an Frau Heinrich) schreibt (Dezember 1849): Ich habe die letzte
Woche Liszts erstes Concerto symphonique bereinigt, so macht das zuerst den
Eindruck, als ob es heiBen sollte, er habe selbstandig Ungeschicklichkeiten
ausgemerzt, iiberladene Stellen der Instrumentation gelichtet oder ahnliches getan.
Das war aber ganz und gar nicht der Fall. Diese bereinigte Partitur des Es dur-
Konzertes (mit Liszts Verbesserungsvorlagen) ist erhalten. Sie zeigt ganz deudich,
daB es sich bei dieser Tatigkeit Raffs um das oben geschilderte Verfahren handelte.38
36Ibid., 28.
37Ibid., 29.
38Ibid., 31. This manuscript, now in US-Wc (ML31.H43a, no. 59), was at that time in the
possession of the Marchese della Valle di Casanova. Raabe had already discussed the inaccuracy of Mosers
statement in a footnote (p. 29, n. 2).
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Raabe concluded his discussion by frankly acknowledging the influence of Liszts virtuoso
career on his musical thought, while at the same time noting his first competent attempts at
orchestration prior to his work in Weimar. But of his assistants and their relationship to
him, Raabe observed:
Vor allem hatte er eben eine ausgesprochene schopferische Begabung fur die
Instrumentation, und so machen denn seine Anderungen an dem, was ihm Conradi
und Raff vorlegten, fast immer den Eindruck, als ob hier der Lehrer den Schuler
verbessere. Der Lehre, den Liszt im Fache der Instrumentation hatte, war weder
Paer, noch Conradi, noch Raff, sondem die Arbeit, die er mit der Weimarer
Hofkapelle leistete.39
One would have thought the matter settled by Raabes informed assessment, but
Helene Raff reprinted extracts from her fathers letters, along with her own elaboration, in
a biography published in 1925.40 She did not dwell on this aspect of his career, however,
which suggests that she might have been influenced by Raabes dissertation, although it is
not found in the list of benuzte Literatur at the end of the volume.41
Raabe himself reprinted the whole of his argument in Liszts Schaffen, first
work, for the pre-Weimar period, Raabe was all too ready to deny Liszt any ability. In the
dissertation, he had hinted at his position with regard to the orchestration of Concerto No.
39Ibid., 32.
^ S e e Helene Raff, Joachim Raff: Ein Lebensbild (Regensburg: Gustav Bosse, 1825), 92-93,
105-106.
42See Raabe, Franz Liszt, 2d ed., 2 vols. (Tutzing: Hans Schneider, 1968), 2:68-75.
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2, a manuscript he could not ignore by virtue of the autograph date of 13 September 1839:
Ein sehr friihe Handschrift des A dur-Konzertes zeigt, daB er nicht angstlich war, selbst
zu instrumentieren, wenn er an der Klavier-Partie einen Kern hatte, den er gleichsam nur
mit instrumentaler Schale umgeben muBte.43 Similarly, he had stated that Liszts
orchestration of the Beethoven Cantata in 1845 was possible for the composer because the
choral parts had served the same purpose. Raabe elaborated on this theme in his
monograph with regard to the concertos:
Es ist bezeichnend, daB er seine Klavierkonzerte geschrieben hat, als er nicht mehr
offentlich spielte. Die Entwurfe zu ihnen stammen zwar aus der Reisezeit, aber
ausgearbeitet hat er sie erst in Weimar. DaB er auch sie so umstandlich auf ihren
Klang hin in Orchesterproben gepriift hat, wie er das mit den Symphonien und
symphonischen Dichtungen zu tun gewohnt war, ist nicht anzunehmen. Es fehlen
dafiir alle Zeugnisse. Er wird sich hinsichtlich der Begleitung bei ihnen sicherer
gefuhlt haben, weil ihm da der Klaviersatz als Kem einen festen Anhalt gab.
SchlieBlich hatte er ja so viel in seinem Leben mit Orchester gespielt, daB ihm nicht
nur im Gedachtnis haftete, wie alle bisher dagewesenen Klangverbindungen
beschaffen waren, sondem daB ihm auch vorschwebte, welche Fiille von Reizen bei
diesem Wechselspiel von Klavier, von Streich-, Bias-, und Schlaginstrumenten bis
dahin noch unausgenutzt geblieben war.44
The same line of reasoning provided one of the grounds for assigning Malediction an early
date:
Auch daB nur das Streichorchester beschaftigt, darin also die urspriingliche Form aus
den Knabenjahren beibehalten worden ist, laBt darauf schlieBen, daB die Handschrift
noch der vorweimarischen Zeit entstammt, denn schon seit 1848 versah er seine
Klavierkonzerte mit der Begleitung des vollen Orchesters.45
Raabe carried this assumption into his worklist, where he commented with regard to the
Grande fantaisie symphonique, daB die Instrumentation ganz von L. stammt, ist
45Ibid., 2:54.
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141
without offering any evidence. Whatever his accomplishments during the Weimar years,
Raabe remained convinced that Liszt arrived at his post deficient in the skills needed to
effectively compose for an orchestra.
The influence of Raabes reasoning can be seen immediately in the work of Emile
Haraszti. Unlike many of the other writers on Liszt, with the obvious exception of Ernest
Newman,4* Haraszti felt absolutely no loyalty toward protecting his dead subject from
whatever unpleasant truths the light of modem research might reveal. Thus his article, Le
problfcme Liszt, took the fiftieth anniversary of the composers death to examine anew
various aspects of the man and his music, setting out some of themes that Haraszti would
later pursue in more detail, for example, his thesis that the prose published under Liszts
name was in fact the work of others.49 He also addressed the subject of Liszt and the
orchestra.
If Raabe set and elaborated the theme of the incapable Liszt, then it was Haraszti
who developed it:
46lbid., 2:311.
47Ibid., 2:271.
48See Ernest Newman, The Man Liszt: A Study o f the Tragi-Comedy o f a Soul Divided Against
Itself (London: Cassell & Co., 1934; New Yoik: Charles Scribners Sons, 1935; rpt. New York: Taplinger
Publishing Co., 1970); also idem, The Life o f Richard Wagner, 4 vols. (New York: Alfred A. Knopf,
1933-1946). Ironically, Newman accepted Raabes conclusions on the music and limited himself to
character assassination.
49See Emile Haraszti, Le piobl&me Liszt, Acta Musicologica 9 (1937): 123-136; 10 (1938):
32-46, especially pp. 130-135. See also idem, Franz Liszt, dcrivain et penseur, histoire d une
mystification, Revue de Musicologie 22 (1943): 19-28; 23 (1944): 12-24; translated as Franz Liszt
Author Despite Himself, Musical Quarterly 33 (1947): 490-516.
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chez Paer, nont pas ouvert toutes grandes k son gdnie les portes du sanctuaire de
lart. Dans ses premieres oeuvres dorchestre il savdre encore compositeur de
piano.50
Haraszti found support for his point of view in the autograph of Liszts first attempt at
orchestrating his Faust Symphony, then as now preserved in Budapest (H-Bn, Ms. mus.
260), finding it considerably different in detail from the published version. If it was true
that Liszt needed assistance from Raff as late as 1853, how could he have executed the
magnificent orchestration found in the symphony: Avait-il un collaborateur pour cette
Haraszti expounded further on this subject fifteen years later in his article, Les
origines de lorchestration de Franz Liszt":
50Haraszti, Le problbme Liszt, 37-38. Liszts studies with Salieri, Reicha, and Paer will be
considered below.
51Ibid., 38.
52Ibid.
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He developed his thesis, citing Liszts unprecedented piano virtuosity as a liability when it
came to instrumentation: Maitre du piano, il craignait que cette maitrise ne pesat trop sa
fantaisie orchestrale, il craignait lorchestre latent de son piano.54 From this point of
view, he guided the reader through the tenure of the competent but unimaginative Conradi
to the appointment of Raff, all based on the sources cited above. Haraszti accepted Raabes
conclusions regarding the manuscripts, but where any evidence was lacking he assumed
that the task of orchestration was not undertaken by Liszt. He cited Mosers statement
about Concerto No. 1, but, after repeating Raabes refutation, suggested that the
orchestration was by Conradi.55 As to the question of why Liszt hired the talented but
inexperienced Raff, Haraszti conjectured that, precisely because he was not a pianist, he
could be of value to Liszt
repeated Raabes answer, that it was because no trace of their work remained in the
finished product, but he was not satisfied with Raabes attempts to explain the relationship
between Liszt and Raff. He considered at some length Raffs letters, concluding that the
statements had more to do with the writers personality than the reality of his situation
(gonfld dun amour-propre touchant k la megalomanie; cest lit pure fantaisie).56 The
54Ibid., 82.
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only exception was Raffs observation, .. aux manilres de Liszt traitant le piano comme
Raff devait bientot sapercevoir que Liszt considlrait son orchestration comme un
simple canevas sur lequel il continuait k travailler, tant et si bien que la partition
definitive eut un aspect tout different de la partition de Raff. Au moyen dune
confrontation minutieuse, la these de doctorat de Peter Raabe qui met en regard les
difflrentes versions du Tasso et de Ce que Ion entend sur la montagne, d6montre que
toutes les idles et les inventions de Raff ont t remplacles par celles de Liszt Done
Raff na rien k voir aux partitions exlcutles dans les salles de concerts sous le nom de
Liszt Le glnie de Liszt sort intact de cette Itrange collaboration.58
quoted a sentence from a letter to Raff where Liszt asked him to keep silent on his work for
orchestrations of Don Sanche and the Grandefantaisie symphonique and the alleged (from
Harasztis point of view) prose writings.59 But unlike the articles, which Haraszti felt
Liszt could not have composed himself, he affirmed Raabes conclusion, that Liszts
instruction in instrumentation came not from Conradi or Raff but from the Weimar
orchestra.
Yet there remained the collaboration itself, which suggested Liszts lack of
confidence, also reflected in the many versions of some of the orchestral works. To
demonstrate this aspect, Haraszti reprinted Raabes examples from Tasso, showing Liszts
short score and Conradis faithful transcription (ce fut Liszt en tant que pianiste qui les a
57Ibid., 88.
58Ibid., 88-89.
59See ibid., 89; also Franz Liszt und Joachim Raff im Spiegel ihrer Briefe, 501 (26 October
1850).
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145
ticrites ainsi), through Raffs reworking (infiniment mieux) to Liszts final version.60
By 1853, Liszt no longer had need of Raff in this capacity, although Haraszti repeated his
query regarding the Faust Symphony. In the final analysis, Raff needed Liszt as much
as Liszt needed Raff, as the position in Weimar was regular, and the income was steady.
Although Haraszti contributed few original insights, he was able to provide a psychological
Humphrey Searles summary of Liszts early Weimar years in The Music o f Liszt
(1954) was also heavily dependent on Raabe: Conradi was a competent routine composer
with little imagination; but from 1849 onwards Liszt enjoyed the help of a far more useful
collaborator Joachim Raff, who came to Weimar expressly for this purpose.61 Similar
statements are found in his New Grove article, quoted at the beginning of this section.
More recently, Alan Walker has repeated these conclusions, although he tried to place the
situation in the best possible light, stating . . . that every note in the final versions of
Liszts orchestral compositions emanated from Liszts own pen.62 This is not the same as
saying that he was responsible for the initial instrumental conception, however. He also
confused the issue by stating in his text that Raffs orchestrating of Concerto No. 1 was a
totally bogus assertion, but noting in a table that the work was scored by Raff.63 Once
again, Liszts accomplishments are defended, and his success is viewed as a triumph over
an inadequate education.
62Walker, Franz Liszt, 2:203. It is also untrue, as in the case of the Beethoven Fantasy; see
chapter four, Compositional Process in the Concertos; also below.
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146
A Contemporary Defense
been conceded even by his advocates, and the strategy of the defense has been based on
proving that, whatever deficiencies Liszt might have had in 1848, within several years he
was a master of orchestration with no trace of the support once provided by his assistants.
circumstances. The evidence reveals more than has hitherto been suspected, however, and
our approach will be to review first the documents of the Weimar years and then to examine
the case for Liszt as orchestrator prior to 1848. Our aim is to clear the defendent of all
charges.
alterations by Liszt, it was assumed that the copyist took part in the compositional process,
at least as orchestrator. What is generally overlooked is that Liszt had numerous copyists at
his disposal throughout his career, especially in Weimar, where he often pressed his
students into service, and this granted him a luxury that few composers have ever enjoyed:
he could order fair copies of his orchestral works, revise them, and then order a fresh
copy. This, combined with unlimited access to the Weimar orchestra, offered him a
where Liszt required at least four copies in seven years, and the profusion of manuscripts
had led to this work being particularly misrepresented in the secondary literature. There are
surviving copies in the hands of August Conradi (D-WRgs, H4), Joachim Raff (US-Wc,
ML31.H43a, no. 59), and Dionys Pruckner (two copies, US-NYpm, Lehman; D-WRgs,
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147
H I2), some of them in archives distant from one another so that comparison is difficult.
Thus, when Moser wrote that Raff was responsible for the orchestration of this work, an
allegation seemingly corroborated in the correspondence between Raff and Liszt, there was
no effective way to contradict it, although Raabe could at least state that Raffs copy, at that
time in a private collection in Italy, was based on Conradis manuscript. With the
examination of the autograph exemplar that is found in USSR-Lsc and a manuscript
partially autograph and partially in the hand of Gaetano Belloni (D-WRgs, H3a), it can be
ascertained that the orchestration and composition is by Liszt from first note to last, and by
comparing the scores in various archives, it is clear that the copyists based their work
the works Moser and company could have chosen, they picked the one with the most
extensive paper trail.
If it is true that Liszt could capably orchestrate his concertos in 1849, then he
must have arrived in Weimar with this skill. Where did Raabe err in his analysis? He had
had access to nearly all the documentation we have today, enough to vigorously refute
R affs role in the orchestration of Concerto No. 1, and he was the first to stress Conradis
adherence to Liszts short scores and Raffs inexperience. The problem lay in his
dependence on R affs letters and his faith in him as ein unantastbar rechtschaffener
Mann.64 As a result, his account of Conradis departure only served to support Raffs
Recht zuffieden war Liszt mit den Ergebnissen dieser Zusammenarbeit nie. Der
grofite Teil der so zustande gekommenen Partituren blieb fur immer unveroffentlicht
Wenn er auch mit Recht den Menschen und Musiker Conradi hochschatzte, so wird
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er es also doch freudig begriiBt haben, als er im Winter 1849 in Raff einen neuen
Gehilfen bekam, dessen kiinstlerische Gaben die seines Vorgangers weit
iiberragten.65
contention that Liszt was not satisfied with Conradi, and one must approach with caution
Raffs own assessment of Conradis work. Raffs letter of February 1850, where he
compares his orchestration of the Goethemarsch with Conradis, was written to a friend to
whom he had exaggerated on other occasions. That Liszt was pleased with R affs version
is very likely so; that he felt Conradis version was superceded is by no means certain.66
Conradis orchestrations remained unpublished because, like Raffs, they were one stage in
the compositional process, and, as evidence to the contrary, the portions of the Beethoven
Fantasy that Conradi orchestrated were never substantially altered by Liszt. Remembering
that Conradis primary career was as a composer and director, it was more likely his
unavailability that was the reason Liszt did not use him after autumn 1849 (see chapter
three, Manuscript Copies). Finally, it is a mistake to equate the role Raff fulfilled with
that of Conradi, despite the similarity that both were copyists and executed some
orchestrations. Raff was hired to be in residence and, though almost the same age as
Conradi, was not yet established on his career path and was therefore anxious to apprentice
himself to Liszt. Conradi always maintained his independence and probably never lived in
Weimar for any length of time, working on Liszts assignments along with his other
responsibilities in Berlin. When Raffs lack of practical experience is taken into account, it
seems clear that he was hired both for his proven ability as a copyist and for his own
benefit: Liszt generously wished to foster his artistic development, a gesture that was
66See Franz Liszt und Joachim Raff im Spiegel ihrer Briefe, 397 (quoted above), and compare
with Helene R affs account (Joachim Raff, 92), which subtly recasts the episode to her fathers advantage.
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How then to explain Raffs statements? Raff probably never saw the exemplars
that Conradi had worked from, for Concerto No. 1 or the other works for piano and
orchestra which constituted the instrumentations Liszt had executed up to this time, and he
would have had no reason not to assume that they were Conradis work. That and the
short scores that he was given for the symphonic poems led him to the conclusion that the
orchestral dress for these works was completely dependent on his ingenuity. We know
this to be wrong because we are aware of Liszts autographs, and Raffs lack of experience
further proves that he was not brought to Weimar as an orchestrator, whatever grandiose
visions he may have had of himself. When the total picture is viewed, we can see that
Raffs perceptions were skewed from the beginning. Raabe erred in his dependence on
these letters, and Haraszti was certainly correct when he dismissed much of Raffs
Through all the stages of the process, in all sections of the work up to and including
the heavily rescored coda, there is ample evidence of the iron control that Liszt kept
over the copying, revision and orchestration of his work; this certainly accords with
the standard interpretation given by Raabe.67
Liszts orchestral technique was acquired through experience, and the next
questions must be, where and when? Prior researchers, having taken Raff at his word,
were all too quick to dismiss evidence of Liszts ability, but the documentation is consistent
and revealing. Though it has been argued that Adam Liszt took his talented son on the road
67John Williamson, The Revision of Liszts Prometheus, Music & Letters 67 (1986), 390.
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150
too early in his development, there were nevertheless intensive periods of study when
young Franz had the opportunity to learn the tools of his trade.
The Liszt family moved to Vienna in the spring of 1822, precisely for the purpose
of offering the prodigy a level of music education that was not available at the EsterMzy
estate, and they remained in the city for approximately eighteen months.68 Carl Czemy
was Adam Liszts second choice for a piano instructor, after he found Hummels prices
exorbitant, and this former pupil of Beethoven graciously taught the younger Liszt without
charge, as did Antonio Salieri. We know from Czernys autobiography that he
concentrated on perfecting Liszts piano technique, refining his gifts for improvisation and
laying down a foundation as regards interpretation of the printed page.69 Salieri covered
general musicianship, and clues as to what this entailed can be found in two letters. On 25
August 1822 he wrote to Prince Esterhdzy and noted that Liszt was brought to him for . . .
The young man has been making extraordinary progress in singing, in figured bass,
and in deciphering full scores of different genres, three disciplines in which I drill
him during each lesson in order to introduce him gradually to composition and in
order to maintain his sense of good taste.70
Liszt remembered his teacher well, and late in life commented on these lessons: II a eu
l affable bontd de mapprendre gdn6reusement, en 1822 et 23, &Vienne, non pas lart de
composer qui ne sapprend gutire, mais bien &connaitre les diverses cl6s et procddds
68This is the figure given in Etudes biographiques: Frantz Listz [sic], Gazette musicale de
Paris 2 (14 June 1835), 198.
69Czemys unpublished Erinnerungen aus meinemLeben (A-Wgm) offers a glimpse into this
time; see the edition by Walter Kolneder, Collection ddtudes musicologiques 46 (Stassbourg: P. H. Hertz,
1968); also Franz Liszt in seinen Briefen, ed. Hans Rudolf Jung (Berlin: Henschelverlag, 1987), 7-9; also
Raabe, Franz Liszt, 1:3. English translations are found in Recollections from My Life, Musical
Quarterly 42 (1956), 314-316; Adrian Williams, Portrait of Liszt: By Himself and His Contemporaries
(Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1990), 4-6.
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usits dans les partitions de son temps.71 The titude biographique from 1835 also
mentions the study of clefs and un cour de musique religieuse with Salieri,72 and the
only known composition under Salieris tutelage is a Tantum ergo (lost).73 While
Liszt may have begun to acquire a rudimentary knowledge of the orchestra. The family
remained in Vienna until September 1823, thus Liszt had just over a year of study.
Adam attempted to have his son admitted to the Conservatoire. Although the Director,
Cherubini, refused Franz admittance to the piano department based on the fact that he was a
foreigner,75 instructors were found in the persons of Fernando Paer and Antonin Reicha.
Unfortunately, even less is known about Liszts lessons in Paris than in Vienna. Ramann
referred to Paer as his Kompositions Lehrer,76 and Liszt in old age referred to him as
71Julien Tiersot, Lettres de musiciens icrites en frangais duXVe au XXe siicle, 2 vols. (Turin:
Bocca Frbres, 1924), 2:388 (15 May 1882); also Franz Liszt's Briefe, ed. La Mara [Marie Lipsius], 8 vols.
(Leipzig: Breitkopf & Hartel, 1893-1905), 8:396 (same letter, but as Briefkonzept). To Gtillerich, Liszt
charaterized his study with Salieri under the general category Theorie. See his Franz Liszt (Berlin:
Marquardt & Co., 1908), 160.
72Gazette musicale de Paris 2 (14 June 1835), 198. Later biographies appear to be indebted to
this source; see, for example, J. W. Christem, Franz Liszt: nach seinem Leben und Wirken aus
authentischen Berichten (Hamburg & Leipzig: Schuberth, [1841]), 12.
73See Ramann, Franz Liszt als Kiinstler und Mensch, 1:39; also Friedrich Schnapp,
Verschollene Kompositionen Franz Liszts, in Von Deutscher Tonkunst: Festschrift zu Peter Raabes 70.
Geburtstag, ed. Alfred Morgenroth (Leipzig: C. F. Peters, 1942), 120-121.
74See La Mara [Marie Lipsius], Classisches und Romantisches aus der Tonwelt (Leipzig:
Breitkopf & Hartel, 1892), 240.
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that studies had commenced by this time.78 An early biography of Liszt by Ludwig
Rellstab noted that Liszt studied counterpoint with Reicha (in old age Liszt specifically
London in May to August 1824 and May to July 1825 undoubtedly interfered with regular
instruction. Nevertheless, there exists the practical result of his study with Paer in an opera
written for the Acaddmie Royale, the one-act Don Sanche, ou le chdteau de Vamour.
The earliest reference to the opera is found in a letter of 20 March 1824 of Adam
Liszt, where he mentions that a French libretto is being written for his son.81 By mid
summer, when they were in London, the work was well advanced:
Seine Hauptarbeit ist aber eine fianzosische Oper Don Sanche ou le chdteau d! amour
[sic]; diese Sujet wurde eigends fur ihn bearbeitet; auBer den Recitativen hat er alles
iibrige hier bearbeitet, und da er in mehreren Gesellschaften einiges davon sang,
wurde es auch Sr. Majestat bekannt, und aufgefordet etwas davon zu produziren und
erhielt den groBten Beifall.82
78See Revue Musicale 11 (1911), 251. Walker cites this letter as evidence that Liszt began his
lessons shortly before this date, but the past tense of the verb does not necessarily support this
interpretation; see his Franz Liszt, 1:111. See also below.
80Gazette musicale de Paris 2 (14 June 1835), 199. This statement also agrees with Ramann in
Franz Liszt als Kiinstler und Mensch, 1:56.
81See La Mara [Marie Lipsius], Aus Franz Liszts erster Jugend: Ein Schreiben seines Vaters
mit Briefen Czemys an ihn, Die Musik 5/3 (1905-06), 18.
82Classisches und Romantisches aus der Tonwelt, 250 (29 July 1824).
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A letter of 3 September states that the opera was finished and ready to be orchestrated,83
and portions of the score were apparently ready by the time of Liszts second trip to
London, at which time he had the opportunity to hear a performance on 20 June 1825 of A
New Grand Overture, composed by the celebrated Master Liszt, the overture to Don
Sanehe. I t was not until their return from London in July 1825 that the administration of
the Optra wished to hear the score, a request that took Liszt and his father by surprise.85
Up to this point, no parts had been copied (one presumes Adams letter was referring to the
vocal parts), but at a hearing several days later the work was approved for performance.
Comments in the press note that Liszt was present at the rehearsals.86 The work was
premiered on 17 October 1825 with no less than Adolphe Nourrit in the title role and
performed three times further on 19,21, and 26 October.87
Doch das Urteil eines Joumalisten: dieser Knabe sey der Mozart unseres Zeitalters,
hat, wie es scheint, jede andere Riicksicht hinangestellt, obschon man wusste, dass
dieser Mozart noch keine Pardtur zu schreiben im Stunde sey. (Kreutzer hat ihm das
Werkchen instrumentirt)88
83Ibid., 253.
^Although there has been debate over whether the overture was that of the opera, the
connection was confirmed by Liszt himself in one of Ramanns questionnaires; see Lina Ramann,
Lisztiana: Erinnerungen an Franz Liszt in Tagebuchbldttern, Briefen und Dokumenten aus den Jahren 1873-
1886187, ed. Arthur Seidl, rev. Friedrich Schnapp (Mainz; B. Schotts SOhne, 1983), 390.
85See itmile Haraszti, Liszt it Paris, La Revue Musicale 165 (April 1936), 257-258; also
Classisches und Romantisches aus der Tonwelt, 259-260.
86See Walker, Franz Liszt, 1:114, quoting from Le Corsaire, 15 October 1825.
87The critical response is summarized in Humphrey Searle, Liszts Don Sanche, Musical
Times 118 (October 1977): 815-817.
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Rudolphe Kreutzer was the conductor for the performances, and it is known that he was
responsible for the overall musical direction of the Optra during this period, but this
particular charge cannot be confirmed from other sources. Certainly it is unlikely that
someone in his position would have taken on himself the orchestration of a juvenile work,
and Ramann was of the opinion that the Parisian correspondent for the journal falsely drew
this conclusion on the basis that Kreutzer led the orchestra.89 Liszt himself clarified the
matter, first in a letter to Lina Ramann of 22 March 1880: Unter Leitung des illustrissimo
Maestro Paer schrieb ich diese einactige Oper, in meinem 13ten Lebens Jahr.90 In
addition, Liszt annotated his copy of the proofs for Ramanns first volume with the
following comment in the margin with regard to the orchestration: Paer hat nur wesentlich
geholfen. Niemand anderer.91
One would therefore like to know precisely at what point Liszt began his studies
with Paer. The letter of 5 November 1824 is the first mention, although Adam Liszts letter
to Czerny of 3 September related that, at a committee meeting at the Optra, Paer insisted to
Cherubini that the opera not be rejected simply because it was the work of a child 92 It is
therefore possible that Paer had already been working with the young composer and was
familiar with the score. Considering that Liszt was in London when he wrote the music,
however, Paers assistance was necessarily confined to a relatively late stage of the operas
development. In fact, there is no reason to doubt that the score represents Liszts
89See Ramann, Franz Liszt als Kiinstler und Mensch, 1:81, n. 1. It could also be the case that
such tasks were expected. But again, this seems the sort of work that would have been delegated to an
underling, if indeed the question came up, as composers were expected to score their own works. Without
further research, all conclusions must remain speculative.
92Classisches und Romantisches aus der Tonwelt, 253. Paer may also have been Adams source
for the anecdote.
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155
intentions, carried out with the aid of his teachers technique.93 In this regard, the use of
four bassoons is unique in Liszts work, but this may also be attributable to the standard
complement of winds at the Optra.9* Certainly Paer used this production to immerse the
young composer in composition and instrumentation, and, most important of all, Liszt was
able to hear the result, first in London with the overture and then the entire opera in Paris.95
With the sudden and unexpected death of his father on 28 August 1827, the
young Liszt for the first time had to organize his own artistic agenda. Composition was
neglected over the next few years, and there is no evidence that he continued his studies
with Paer and Reicha. His plan for a Revolutionary symphony, inspired by the events of
July 1830, never progressed past the sketch stage. Rather than attribute the incomplete
nature of the work to Liszts inability to execute an orchestral composition, as Raabe and
others have done, these folios can be seen as typical of the composers restless nature, for
example in his sketchbook from this period (D-WRgs, N6), which includes many works
begun and abandoned after a few measures. The first indication of a return to composition
on a large scale is found in his letter of 12 December 1832:
930 n this question, see Paul Merrick, Original or Doubtful?: Liszts Use of Key in Support of
His Authorship of Don Sanche, Studia Musicologica 34 (1992), 427-434.
95The score was considered lost in Liszts lifetime, the result of a fire in the theater (see
Lisztiana, 389). The manuscript copy used for rehearsals and performance was found in 1903 by Jean
Chantavoine (Bibliothbque de lOpdra de ParisCote: R(s. A 480 [1-2]), who wrote about it in Die
Operette Don Sanche: Ein verloren geglaubtes Werk Franz Liszts, Die Musik 3 (1903/1904): 286-307.
The opera remains unpublished, and assessments on the quality of the orchestration are based on two
recordings: BBC Scottish Symphony/Guy Woolfenden, Voce 87; Hungarian State Opera/Tamds Pdl,
Hungaroton SLPD 12744-45. The first appears to be a pirate issue taped from a BBC radio broadcast of 20
October 1977, perhaps in conjunction with a performance in London, the first since the premiere.
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156
was not playing and his matter-of-fact reference suggests no hesitation about embarking
on this task. It is unknown when Liszt attempted this orchestration, but in the autumn of
1834 he wrote his next work for piano and orchestra, the Grande fantaisie symphonique on
The orchestral scores of both the Concerto and the Fantasy survive in copies by
Gaetano Belloni from around the same time,97 and the attribution of the orchestration for
the latter work had been queried by Raabe and more recently by Humphrey Searle:
It seems unlikely that the scoring is by Liszt himself; at that time he had little
knowledge of orchestration, and the first work which he is known to have scored
himself is the first Beethoven Cantata of 1845. This is borne out by the fact that the
score is written in another hand, but contains additions in Liszts writing, and even
some pencilled comments, such as Bon!, which appear to express approval of
some idea of the orchestrators which Liszt had not thought of himself.98
Not one of these reasons will stand up to scrutiny: Liszts lack of knowledge in the field of
orchestral scores can be dated to 1835 (see below); and the fact that the score is a copy is
no evidence one way or the other concerning the identity of the orchestrator (unless it might
97BeIlonis relationship with Liszt is discussed in chapter three, Manuscript Copies, and the
dating for these copies is discussed in chapter eight
98Searle, The Music of Liszt, 10. Contrast this comment with that of Robert Collet, who, in
discussing the earliest version of Concerto No. 1, observes that ...the orchestral writing has the same
helplessness that we find in the Ldlio Fantasy with which it is roughly contemporary. See his Works
for Piano and Orchestra, in Franz Liszt: The Man and His Music, 259, n. 2. Is it that the orchestration is
so good that it could not be by Liszt, or is it so bad that it must be?
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157
be Belloni, unlikely given everything we know about him). The penciled comments would
appear to be the most incriminating evidence, but a survey of Liszts manuscripts reveals
that bon was the word he used consistently in place of the copy editors stet, the term
used to signify the reinstatement of something that was marked to be deleted. Examination
of this manuscript reveals that Liszt tightened up his composition by deleting pages and
having Belloni write out replacement folios to insure continuity, and correlation with the
musical content shows that in every case bon represents Liszts second thought: Do not
delete this page as I originally indicated. Perhaps of greater significance is the review that
appeared in the Gazette Musicale at the time of the first performance on 9 April 1835,
where the orchestration was singled out: Linstrumentation de cette vaste composition est
chaude, pittoresque, incisive, mais dune complication qui doit rendre la tache de
lorchestre assez difficile; cest fougueux, 6chevel6, imprvuet puissant, comme le talent
dexecution de lauteur.99 Liszt was on the editorial board of the Gazette Musicale, and it
is unlikely that the anonymous reviewer would have discussed the orchestration in this
manner had it not been Liszts own. There is no reason to doubt that Liszt himself was
wholly responsible for both the early Concerto and the Grandefantaisie symphonique.
While debate has swirled around Don Sanche and the Grandefantaisie
ability to write for the orchestra at this time, as the manuscript can be dated to the winter of
1834-35. There are no signs of inexperience, such as errors in transposition or clefs, and
99Gazette musicale de Paris 2 (12 April 1835), 131. The review is quoted at length in chapter
eight.
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resistant to piano transcription that they give lie to the idea that Liszt played the orchestra
on the piano and the piano on the orchestra. Overall, Liszts orchestration for this work is
competent and performable.100 Raabe also singled out Malediction for comment, a work
which can also be dated to this time. If it is true that the work is really a sextet for piano
and strings (as will be argued in chapter seven, The Compositional Matrix), then the use
of these instruments does not in any way reflect an inability to write for full orchestra.
Liszts proven ability in orchestration therefore places the works that follow in a
new light The modest resources of the three concertos of 1839 can best be attributed to
Liszts plans for his tours, where he would have been unable to guarantee the quality of his
accompanying orchestras. There is also no reason to doubt that the orchestration for
Hexameron is his as well: the handling of the ensemble is similar to the concertos, and the
these scores reveals that Raabes charge, that the piano part served as the kernel for the
orchestration, does not stand up to scrutiny. While it is true that Concerto No. 2 and the
Concerto, op. posth., were drafted in piano score, once these pieces were orchestrated, we
find many passages that display a keen appreciation for the interplay between piano and
orchestra, for example mm. 122-132,173-176, and 398-411 in the latter work. Finally,
there is Liszts Beethoven Cantata, written for the Bonn Festival of 1845. Should there
remain any question as to Liszts skill at this time, the testimony of one of the auditors
The expression is true, the tone fitting, the style elevated and original, the plan well
conceived and skillfully carried out, and the instrumentation remarkable for its variety
and power. We never hear in his orchestra a succession of similar sonorities such as
make certain works, in other respects estimable enough, so tiring for the hearer. He
100This was revealed at the first performance of the work on 5 May 1990, with Steven Mayer,
pianist, and the Residentie Orchestra of the Hague, Jacek Kaspszyk, conductor. The edition by the present
author was based on this autograph with little emendation. The results can also be heard on AS V CD DCA
778.
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159
knows how to make the right use of small and large means, he does not ask too much
from either instruments or voices in a word, he has shown at one stroke that he
possesses something one might have expected not to find in him so soon style in
instrumentation as in the other departments of music.101
all. Perhaps he felt his short scores were enough, and it was principally a question of time:
there was so much to do during those first years, producing operas and teaching students in
Why do you entrust Raff with the task of orchestrating the [Goethe] march? What
painter would content himself with handing over his drawing and leaving the
colouring of it to his apprentice? You will say that Raff is not an apprentice: but he is
not you! Instrumentation demands individuality, and his is heavy-going. I think that
you do not put enough emphasis on giving colour to musical thoughts. You content
yourself with re-touching. It seems to me that this is not entirely enough, and if I
compare it with a literary style: correction is never as good as original writing.103
101Hector Berlioz, Evenings with the Orchestra, trans., ed. & intro. Jacques Barzun (Chicago:
University of Chicago Press, 1973), 339-340.
103Walker, Franz Liszt, 2:207-208 (25 July 1853); translated from the German translation in
Raabe, Franz Liszt, 2:78-79.
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Her words evidently had an effect, as there are no other examples of Raff orchestrating
works after this time, and the final versions of the symphonic poems in Liszts hand date
from after this letter.
Liszt rarely wrote or spoke about his approach to orchestration. He did not write
a treatise on the subject as Berlioz did, nor did he lament over the difficulty of mastering the
orchestra as Schumann. He simply took opportunities as they came to him and learned
from the experience, first with Don Sanche, and then with the Grande fantaisie
symphonique. It was during this early period that he transcribed many orchestral works
in Weimar, when he had the opportunity to hear his symphonic poems through several
versions played by the resident orchestra: Ich verdanke ihr manche nicht unniitze
Erfahrung durch die mehrfachen Proben, denen ich meine Partituren wahrend der beiden
letzten Jahre unterzogen habe.104 But while it is true that Liszt developed his orchestral
technique in great measure through the final stage of this process, we can also say with
assurance that he arrived in Weimar with a solid foundation on which to build.
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PART TWO
TOWARD FIRST MATURITY
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CHAPTER VI
Grandes dtudes, Robert Schumann, with his lively imagination, constructed a plausible
scenario:
Friih vom Vaterlande fortgenommen, mitten in die Aufiregungen einer groBen Stadt
geworfen, als Kind und Knabe schon bewundert, zeigt er sich auch in seinen alteren
Compositionen oft sehnsuchtsvoller, wie nach seiner deutschen Heimath verlangend,
oder frivoler vom leichten franzosischen Wesen uberschaumt Zu anhaltenden
Studien in der Composition scheint er keine Ruhe, vielleicht auch keinen ihm
gewachsenen Meister gefunden zu haben; desto mehr studirte er als Virtuos, wie denn
lebhafte musikalische Naturen den schnellberedten Ton dem trocknen Arbeiten auf
dem Papier vorziehen. Brachte er es nun als Spieler auf eine erstaunliche Hohe, so
war doch der Componist zuriickgeblieben, und hier wird immer ein MiBverhaltniB
entstehen, was sich auffallend auch bis in seine letzten Werke fortgeracht hat.1
Schumann did not think too highly of Liszt as a composer and turned to supposedly
biographical grounds to justify his opinion. There is a certain irony here, as Schumanns
own musical education was hardly comprehensive. Further, he was a failed virtuoso
himself, and one is tempted to read into his review more than the objective conclusion of a
trained critic. Be that as it may, his charge has nevertheless found modem defenders,2 and
^Neue Zeitschrift filr Musik 11 (15 October 1839), 121; also Robert Schumann, Gesammelte
Schriften Uber Musik und Musiker, ed. Martin Kreisig, 5th ed., 2 vols. (Leipzig: Breitkopf & HSrtel, 1914;
repr., Westmead: Gregg International Publishers, 1969), 1:439-440.
2See, for example, Leon Plantinga, Schumann as Critic (New Haven: Yale University Press,
1967), 217: And in 1839 Schumanns opinion about the 28-year-old Liszt was eminently just.
162
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163
to refute it we need to review Liszts musical background, a process begun in chapter five
with reference to the subject of orchestration. While it may be true that the development of
Liszts exceptional pianistic talent interrupted extensive disciplined study in the rudiments
of music, he was not denied such study completely and gained considerable experience as a
composer during his teenage years.
The Liszt family left the Esterhdzy estate in May 1822 and moved to Vienna in
order to offer the young prodigy access to better instruction and cultural opportunities not
available in Hungary. He studied piano with Carl Czerny and composition with Antonio
Salieri, giving few concerts. Lessons commenced with Salieri no later than August, and
his instruction took place three times a week and included figured bass and the study of
scores.3 Lina Ramann characterized the results of this time, presumably with information
from Liszt himself: Die harmonischen Satziibungen wurden meistens in Form kleiner
Kirchenstiicke geschrieben und Salieri war sehr zufrieden mit den Arbeiten seines
Schulers.4 She specifically noted a Tantum ergo, a work that is lost, as are virtually all
the manuscript compositions from this period.5 A published work that she neglected to
3See Alan Walker, Franz Liszt: Volume One, The Virtuoso Years, 1811-1847, rev. ed. (Ithaca:
Cornell University Press, 1987), 75; also Julien Tiersot, Lettres de musiciens icrites en frangais du XVe au
XXe siicle, 2 vols. (Turin: Bocca Frferes, 1924), 2:388. These letters are quoted in chapter five, A
Contemporary Defense.
4Lina Ramann, Franz Liszt als Kiinstler und Mensch, 3 vols. in 2 (Leipzig: Breitkopf & HSrtel,
1880-1894), 1:39.
5See ibid., 39,566; also idem, Lisztiana: Erinnerungen an Franz Liszt in Tagebuchblattern,
Briefen und Dokumenten aus den Jahren 1873-1886/87, ed. Arthur Seidl, rev. Friedrich Schnapp (Mainz: B.
Schotts Stthne, 1983), 389; and Friedrich Schnapp, Verschollene Kompositionen Franz Liszts, in Von
Deutscher Tonkunst: Festschrift zu Peter Raabes 70. Geburtstag, ed. Alfred Morgenroth (Leipzig: C. F.
Peters, 1942), 120-121.
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mention was the variation that Liszt contributed to Anton Diabellis collection,6 and it is
possible that he composed other piano works while in Vienna.
Liszts father decided that Paris offered greater possibilties for developing his
sons talent, as well as augmenting the family income, and some eighteen months after their
arrival in Vienna, father and son left for France on 20 September, traveling via Munich,
Augsburg, Stuttgart, and Strasbourg, for the purpose of giving concerts. They arrived in
Paris on 11 December and used it as a base of operations for excursions to other parts of
France as well as three visits to London in 1824,1825, and 1827, again for the purpose of
concertizing. During this period, Liszt had lessons in composition with Fernando Paer and
Antonin Reicha, although the extent of their instruction is unclear (see chapter five, A
from the letters his father wrote to Czerny from Augsburg, London, and Paris, informing
him about the various concerts, receipts, and especially the musical development of his
former student The first mention of compositions is found in a letter written from London
on 29 July 1824:
Im Phantasiren hat er es bisher auf einen hohen und fur sein Alter auf einen
bewundemswiirdigen Grad gebracht. An Compositionen hat er bereits fertig 2
Rondo di bravura, die man hier kaufen will, die aber noch nicht hergebe. 1 Rondo, 1
Fantasia, Variationen tiber mehrere Thema, 1 Amusement oder besser Quodlibet iiber
verschiedene Thema von Rossini und Spontini, welches er mit groUem Beifall bei Gr.
Majestat spielte.7
fyaterlandischer Kiinstverein, Verdnderungen fiir das Pianoforte iiber ein vorgelegtes Thema.
Fifty composers were contacted, and the resulting variations were printed in alphabetical order, Liszts being
the twenty-fourth. Diabellis waltz was also sent to Beethoven, who responded to the invitation with his
Diabelli variations.
7La Mara [Marie Lipsius], Classisches und Romantisches aus der Tonwelt (Leipzig: Breitkopf &
Hhrtel, 1892), 249-50. La Maras footnote mentions that the only published works (and therefore the only
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165
He also noted the progress on the opera, Don Sanche. A letter written from Paris on 14
August 1825 mentions further works:
Franzi hat zwei artige Conzerte geschrieben, die er in Wien will horen lassen; wissen
Sie, dafi wir bis kiinstigen Marz zahlen nach Wien zu kommen?. . . Er kennt keine
andere Leidenschaft als die Compositionen, nur diese gewahrt ihm Freude und
Vergniigen. Eine Sonata auf vier Hande, ein Trio und ein Quintetto diirfte Ihnen viel
Vergniigen machen. Seine Conzerte sind zu streng, und die Schwierigkeiten fiir die
Spieler sind ungeheuer, ich hielt immer die Hummelischen Conzerte fiir schwierig,
allein diese sind im Vergleich sehr leicht8
Aside from listing a variety of compositions, these letters document that, despite the rigor
of touring, Liszt found time to compose. It must therefore have been a high priority. In
addition, after an outpouring of piano pieces (aside from the commissioned opera), he
turned his attention to works in genres that required other instruments in addition to piano,
Although many of the compositions noted in Adams letters are lost,9 a handful
were published, and the editions allow us to evaluate Liszts precosity in composition (see
Table 6.1). These works are all for piano and heavily indebted to the so-called Wiener
brillante Schule, and Herbert Dobiey has observed that, die brillante Richtung des
Klavierspiels, wie sie bei Hummel, Czemy und Kalkbrenner dasteht, ist die erste Form, in
der Liszts Technik und Schreibweise hervortritt.10 This style was absorbed through his
contact with Czemy and can be found represented in his concert repertoire with concertos
ones to survive) from this list are Impromptu brillant sur des thimes de Rossini et Spontini, op. 3, and
Allegro di bravura, op. 4. See also below regarding lost compositions.
8Ibid 260.
^ o r a list of all the lost works that can be deduced from Adam Liszts letters, see Schnapp,
Verschollene Kompositionen, 121-123.
^Herbert Dobiey, Die Klaviertechnik des jungen Franz Liszts (Berlin, 1932); quoted in Rudolf
Kdkai, Franz Liszt in seinen fruhen Klavierwerken (Leipzig: Franz Wagner, 1933); repr., Musicologica
Hungarica (Neue Folge) VerOffentlichungen des Musikwissenschaftlichen Instituts in Budapest 3 (Kassel:
Barenreiter, 1968), 28, n. 59.
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by Hummel (in A Minor, op. 85, and in B Minor, op. 89) and Czemy himself (Variations
on a Theme by Haydn in E-flat Major, op. 73). Rudolf Kdkai characterized it in the young
Klaviersatztechnik der Brillanz, sind die Eigenart dieser Stiicke. In ihnen ist die Motivik
figuralen Charakters; im harmonischen Sinne herrscht die klassische Kadenz.. .12 He
further observed with regard to motivic use the tendency to spin out themes from a single
vocal one, although there are exceptions (see the dtude in A-flat Major, op. 6, no. 9). In
addition, the music is relentlessly diatonic, and Liszts developing harmonic sense is
11All information is from the worklist in The New Grove Early Romantic Masters 1: Chopin,
Schumann, Liszt (New York: Norton, 1985). The Waltz in A major was written by 1823 and used in a
ballet by von Gallenberg, in which form it was published. It was first printed in piano form in The
Musical Gem (London, 1832). There is also a set of variations on a theme from Mehuls Joseph (S 147a),
recently published in the New Liszt Edition, but now known to be a work by Franz Xaver Mozart. Finally,
there is the publication, Preludes et Exercices de Muzio Clementi, corrigde et marquee au metronome par le
jeune Liszt, suivi de douze de ses Etudes; see Emile Haraszti, Le problfcme Liszt, Acta Musicologica 9
(1937), 127.
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167
limited to modulations, as in the theme of the Huit variations, m. 14, or in the extensive
coda to the same work, mm. 211 and 260. Formally, the compositions are in three-part
song form, occasionally rondo and variation form, and while the coda to the Huit variations
reveals a modest attempt to expand the boundaries of the form, overall much of this music
is derivative, though brilliantly laid out for the instrument13
dated 27 May 1827 and thus composed during his third visit to England.14 Dieter
Torkewitz noted, die Stabilitat der Periodenstrucktur wind zumindest in den ersten 8
Takten getragen von einer vollig instabilen Harmonik.15 The work relies heavily on
harmonic audacity in the earlier compositions was used to establish a distant key, in the
Scherzo it is a component aspect of the melodic material. The resulting musical ideas are
Die Um- und damit Abkehr von bestimmten Normen ist begleitet von einem
Verharren in anderen Normen; das Ungewohnliche in Liszts Scherzo vollzieht sich,
auf verschiedenen Ebenen, in der Divergenz zwischen formaler und harmonischer
Konzeption.16
13See ibid., 82-112; also Dieter Torkewitz, Harmonisches Denken im Fruhwerk Franz Liszts,
Freiburger Schriften zur Musikwissenschaft 10, ed. Hans Heinrich Eggebrecht (Munich, Salzburg:
Musikverlag Emil Katzbichler, 1978), 10-12.
14The title is not Liszts the short piece lacks a Trio section and the autograph has only a
tempo indication, Allegro molto quasi presto. This single page is reproduced in Ernst Burger, Franz
Liszt: Eine Lebenschronik in Bildern und Dokumenten (Munich: List Verlag, 1986), 50 (item 73); also in
English translation, A Chronicle o f His Life in Pictures, trans. Stewart Spencer (Princeton: Princeton
University Press, 1989). A facsimile had been previously published by Otto LeBmann in 1896 and by
Ferruccio Busoni in the journal Faust, eine Rundschau (Berlin, 1922). The folio was auctioned by J. A.
Stargardt on 2-3 December 1975 (catalog 747, lot 606), and its whereabouts is unknown.
16Ibid., 17.
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168
In this short piece we catch a first glimpse of Liszt embarking on the road that we recognize
as his own. It is therefore ironic that within a few months his flood of compositions would
be reduced to a trickle.
Based on Adam Liszts letter of 14 August 1825, we know that Liszt composed
two works for piano and orchestra. There is evidently a gap in the correspondence, as La
Mara printed only one letter between the two quoted above, that of 3 September 1824, but
in another publication she offered several letters of Czemy to Adam Liszt that are
December 1824.17 None of these mention Liszts works for piano and orchestra, and
Adams letter remains our only source.18 It may be reasonably assumed that these works
were composed earlier in 1825, although little else can be said about them.
Nevertheless, speculation as to the identity of the two concertos has generated
considerable debate in the secondary literature, and the question has been further
complicated by a reference from 1827 in the diary of Ignatz Moscheles, as edited for
In dieser Saison fand sich auch der junge Liszt in London ein. Er spielte wiederholt
mit seiner allbekannten Virtuositat, die schon damals sehr entwickelt war, konnte aber
dennoch den kleinen Saal, in dem er am 9. Juni Concert gab, nicht fiillen. Von
seinem dort gespielten Concert in a-moll bemerkt das Tagebuch [Moscheles], daB es
17See La Mara [Marie Lipsius], Aus Franz Liszts erster Jugend: Ein Schreiben seines Vaters
mit Briefen Czemys an ihn, Die Musik 5/13 (1905), 23-28.
18Aside from collections edited by La Mara, see also Miria Eckhardt, Liszt in his Formative
Years: Unpublished Letters 1824-1827, New Hungarian Quarterly 27, no. 103 (Autumn 1986): 93-107;
Note dArchives: Trois letters du p&re de Liszt, La Revue Musicale 11 (1911): 251-253.
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169
chaotische Schonheiten enthalt; von seinem Spiel, daB es alles friiher Gehorte an
Kraft und Uberwindung von Schwierigkeiten iibertreffe.19
Lina Ramann knew of this reference and had the opportunity to question Liszt on it in the
course of the research on her biography:
Von dieser Komposition scheint nichts als diese AuBerung spateren Zeiten geblieben
zu sein. Es giebt kein gedrucktes Amoll-Konzert von Liszt und der Komponist selbst
erinnert sich dessen nicht mehr mit BestimmtheiL Wahrscheinlich, daB es als
Manuskript, vielleicht nur eine Skizze, durch das Wanderleben verloren gegangen.20
Liszts own Tagebuch from this time survives, but it is limited to citations from religious
sources.21 With no trace of any manuscripts nor additional facts from the primary sources,
scholars have put forth three possible explanations with respect to these works: Moscheles
was mistaken in identifying the work as a composition by Liszt, and there are only two lost
concertos; the work Moscheles heard was one of the 1825 concertos; there are three lost
Emile Haraszd was the first to suggest that the work Moscheles heard was not by
Liszt at all:
19Ignatz Moscheles, Aus Moscheles' Leben: Nach Briefen und Tagebiichern herausgegeben von
seiner Frau, 2 vols. (Leipzig: Duncker & Humblot, 1872-1873), 1:138; quoted in Schnapp, Verschollene
K o m p o sitio n en 124. For an English translation, see Moscheles, Recent Music and Musicians: As
Described in the Diaries and Correspondence, edited by his wife and adapted from the German by A. D.
Coleridge (New York: Henry Holt & Co., 1873), 94.
21Published in facsimile as Franz Liszt, Tagebuch 1827, eds. Detlef Altenburg and Rainer
Kleinertz, 2 vols. (Wien: Paul Neff Verlag, 1986). There are no entries at all for the month of June.
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170
bftnol mineur. Parmi ses sept concerto [sic] pour piano, il sen trouve un, en la
mineur, ce expliquerait la confusion.22
The argument is weak in many respects, not least in Harasztis overlooking Hummels
Concerto in B Minor, op. 89 (Liszt played both concertos in London), which is the likely
error in the program as found in the Harmonicon. It is also doubtful that Moscheles would
not have known Hummels Concerto in A Minor, op. 85, which was widely played, nor
that, conservative as he was, he would have described it as having chaotic beauties. But
more to the point, recent research has uncovered a review of the concert in question from
the Morning Post of 11 June 1827: He performed on Saturday a grand concerto, (his own
composition), in the most splendid style.. .23 There can be no questioning the accuracy
of Moscheless entry, and we must dismiss Harasztis theory and proceed to the next.
The idea that the Concerto in A Minor is to be identified with one of the concertos
from 1825 receives much support in the secondary literature. Theophil Stengel was the
first to identify the two 1825 concertos with works in August Gollerichs catalogue for
which manuscripts were not available, the Grandefantaisie symphonique (i.e., the concerto
mentioned by Moscheles) and the Concerto in the Italian Style.24 As noted in chapter two,
the work Moscheles heard was identified by Gollerich as Grandefantaisie symphonique in
A Minor, leaving the impression that Gollerich knew more about the composition than
Ramann (whose biography was probably his source). Note that this cannot be the work
the manuscript), as Gollerich listed that work separately as Phantasie iiber Fischerlied
22Haraszti, Le probteme Liszt, 128. See also Felix Raabes Zusatze zu Band II, p. 3, in the
second volume of Peter Raabe, Franz Liszt, 2d enlarged ed., 2 vols. (Tutzing: Hans Schneider, 1968).
^W illiam Wright, Liszts 1827 Concert Appearances in London: Reviews, Notices, Playbills,
and Programs, Journal o f the American Liszt Society 29 (1991), 65.
t h e o p h i l Stengel, Die Entwicklung des Klavierkonzerts von Liszt bis zur Gegenwart (Berlin,
1931), 10; see August GOllerich, Franz Liszt (Berlin: Marquardt & Co., 1908), 281-282.
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171
und Rauberlied aus U lio v. Berlioz. More likely, he simply confused the two
compositions, a mistake compounded by his ignorance of Adam Liszts letter. But aside
from Gollerichs error in nomenclature, and assuming there ever was a Concerto in the
Italian Style, Stengels assertion is plausible and has been seconded by Alan Walker and
relationship between these youthful concertos had Ramann been able to refer to Adam
Liszts 1825 letter La Maras publication appeared too late for that than he had been
with regard to Moscheless diary.
In his worklist for the fifth edition of Groves Dictionary o f Music and
Musicians, Humphrey Searle conservatively listed all three works under the category
doubtful or lost, giving Moscheless concerto with Gollerichs appelation (items 713,
716). Searle queried whether this Grandefantaisie symphonique was the same as the one
based on Berliozs themes (item 120) and in his monograph, published at about the same
time, followed the listing with a question mark 26 His doubt must have been lifted for The
New Grove, as all queries are gone.27 Peter Raabe also accepted the possibility that there
were three distinct compositions, but he identified the Concerto in A Minor with an earlier
version of Malediction:
Der Verfasser dieses Buches hat das Gluck gehabt, ein Bruchsttick der Jugendarbeit
im Weimarer Lisztmuseum aufzufinden: sechzehn Partiturblatter fiir Klavier und
^ S e e Alan Walker, Franz Liszt, 1:120; Derek Watson, Liszt (New York: Schirmer, 1989), 20.
26See Humphrey Searle, The Music of Liszt (London: Williams & Norgate Ltd., 1954), 190.
See also the revised republication (New York: Dover, 1966). Julius Kapp likewise thought to relate the
two; see his Franz Liszt (Berlin & Leipzig: Schuster & Loeffler, 1909), 39, n. 2.
27Note that the The New Grove worklist reference of Ramann, i (1880), 7 in item 713 is
incorrect; Searle had written only the letter R in the earlier Grove list and improperly expanded it to
Ramann. The reference must be to Raabes first volume, where Adam Liszts letter is cited. Searle also
listed the year incorrectly as 1821, although he had 1825 in the earlier edition.
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172
Streichorchester, die zwar nicht liickenlos zusammenhangen, aus denen sich aber
doch erkennen ISfit, um was es sich handelt, namlich eben um einen Vorlaufer der
Malediction.28
Raabe believed that the sixteen folios in D-WRgs dated from this time, and he also noted
the generally chaotic nature of the work: Das Ganze ist von solchen Wildheit, daB das
Wort chaotisch dafiir nicht unzutreffend ist.29 This argument was modified by Friedrich
Schnapp to state that the earlier version represented by these pages was reworked
own theory (dismissed above): the use of chaotic is vague and subjective, and there is no
verification that the pages date to 1827.32 Raabe is, of course, correct in his analysis of
these folios as an earlier version of Malediction, but it will be demonstrated in chapter nine
that they very likely date from 1834. We also note that Malediction begins in E minor and
ends in E major, and it is unlikely that the work ever could have been considered a
evident in the Scherzo in G Minor, composed two weeks before the concert in question,
could account for the adjective chaotic, but its precise identification as well as that of its
two companions must remain a mystery pending the discovery of other documents.
28Peter Raabe, Franz Liszt, 2d ed., 2 vols. (Tutzing: Hans Schneider, 1968), 2:53.
29Ibid., 2:54.
31See Adrian Williams, Portrait o f Liszt: By Himself and His Contemporaries (Oxford:
Clarendon Press, 1990), 31.
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173
Z. As a result, there are three collections of stray folios which either could not be
identified as belonging to any particular work or for which the rest of the manuscript was
not otherwise present in the archive: Z12 (Nagy Potpourri), Z18, and Z31. Although
some of these pages have comments on them by Raabe, Rena Mueller was the first to
This single folio in upright format with music on both sides contains the complete
music for the third variation of what is evidently a set of variations for piano and
orchestra in C Major. The paper has become extremely fragile with age, possibly the result
of poor storage prior to its deposit in the archive, and has separated down the middle
vertically along a fold. Although no watermark appears in the quadrant represented by this
folio, there are visible chain lines and the paper appears to have been of high quality. The
measurements are 343 x 264 mm., with 18 staves, 7-7.5 rastral, 283 mm. total span.
Other examples of this paper are found in the same miscellany, nos. 48 and 50. The music
33See Rena Mueller, Liszts Tasso Sketchbook: Studies in Sources and Revisions (Ph.D.
dissertation, New York University, 1986), 389-393 (Appendix C: Inventory of Miscellaneous Sketch
Portfolios in Weimar). Her typewritten lists now appear inside the folders as a guide to the contents.
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174
is written out on two systems per page, with two staves blank between each system.
Measures 1-10 are on the recto, 11-20 on the verso. The scoring is as follows (from top
to bottom): Piano / [Violon] I / [Violon] II / Alto / Flutes / Cors [en Ut] / Basso.
It is difficult to identify with certainty the hand as that of the young Liszt As
noted in chapter three, his mature hand does not appear until the mid-1830s, and, as this
page is obviously a fair copy, the young composer may have suppressed his natural
tendencies in favor of a cautious, neat writing style. Note, however, the monogram FL
above the second i of variation, which also appears on many pages of sketchbook N6
in D-WRgs (see the discussion of this source in chapter seven). Even if it can be
ascertained that the hand is that of Liszt, it is also possible that the folio is a copy of another
composers work.
Nevertheless, there are several reasons for speculating that this folio belongs to
one of the lost concertos from 1825. First, all aspects of the manuscript, from the paper to
the immature hand, suggest the mid-1820s. The other folios of the same paper type contain
only sketches, but in an immature hand that likely pre-dates the earliest entries from 1829 in
sketchbook N6. Second, the order of the instruments, not counting the piano, is typical of
the Italian style, with the upper strings (violins through violas) at the top of the page,
followed by the winds and brass, and a single bass line at the bottom representing the
cellos and basses. This method of scoring was undoubtedly the one taught him by Salieri
and reinforced by Paer, although the French instrumental indications suggest the work
must date from after his arrival in Paris. Note that all of Liszts scores from the 1830s and
later place the winds at the top, in a manner similar to modem practice. Third, all the
instruments are in C, not noteworthy in itself but perhaps an expedient in an orchestral
composition by a teenager with limited experience. The demands are also modest, with
simple attempts to liven the contrapuntal interest with variants of the prinicipal motive of the
theme. Finally, the piano style is virtuosic in the manner of the published compositions
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175
from 1824 to 1826, especially the Itudes, op. 6, nos. 3 and 10. The theme itself, to the
extent that it can be reconstructed, is basically diatonic, but contains an interesting harmonic
coloration in mm. 18-19 that is typical for the composer at this time. While the E major
extraordinary harmonic touch is found, for example, in the theme from the Huit variations,
mm. 13ff., where an E-flat major triad is followed by a C-flat major, the deflection
winding its way back to the tonic within four meaures.
This single folio in oblong format contains the last page of an orchestral score for
a work in C Major. The paper has chain lines, but no visible watermark. The
measurements are 266 x 355 mm., with 16 staves, 6 mm. rastral, 202 mm. total span.
There are page numbers in red ink, 15 and 16, and after the final measure the word
Fine appears, also in red. There are other symbols after the last measure which are in the
same ink as the music notation. These could not be deciphered, with the exception of
LD, probably an abbreviation for Laudate dominum. Page 15 is divided into two
systems. The upper system contains measures 1-12 with the scoring: [Violon] I / [Violon]
II / Alto / Clarinettes [en Ut] / Cors [en Ut] / Bassons / Basso. The following staff has a
few measures for the Horns, but this must refer back to a previous page, as these
instruments are represented in the above system. The lower system has mm. 13-22 with
the scoring: [Violons] I et II / Alto / Flutes / Oboi / Clarinettes [en Ut] / Cors et Trompettes
[en Ut] / Bassons / Basso. A part for Tympani is written on a hand-drawn staff beneath
Basso. There is also a clarification for the doubled Cors et Trompettes: Cors en haut
et trompettes en bas. Page 16 has a single system with mm. 23-31 and scoring:
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176
[Violon] I / [Violon] II / Alto / Flutes / Oboi / Cla: / Cors / Bassons / Tromp: / Timballes /
Basso.
Much of what was said about Z18, no. 30 can be applied to this folio. It is
obviously from the end of an orchestral work, but several factors suggest that this work is
the same one as the variation in the folio discussed above. The instrumentation contains the
core of that in Z18, no. 30, and both works are in C Major. Note also the melody in the
FI, Ob, and Fg. in 13-20, which uses the same motive as found in Example 6.1 (mm. 1-2,
5-6). In addition, there is also the echo of the distinctive harmonic progression discussed
in Example 6.1 (mm. 18-19), where the flatted mediant is alluded to in mm. 1-8, and V of
vi to vi is found in mm. 9-12. Finally, observe the many rests in the music, which could
make sense only if there is a missing piano part. Indeed, it was quite common for a set of
variations in 4/4 to conclude with a final variation and coda in 6/8. The explanation for the
different paper and lack of a piano part may be found in Liszts method of drafting a work
in piano score and writing out the orchestral parts in a separate manuscript (see chapter
three, Compositional Method in the Concertos). Note also the lack of errors or
corrections, with the sole exception of mm. 15-16 in Cb, also suggesting orchestration
from a polished draft It is reasonable to postulate that this technique was used here, and
Z31, no. 10 represents a surviving page from the orchestral score, while Z18, no. 30 may
Z31, no. 10 is transcribed in Example 6.2, without any attempt to reconstruct the
missing piano part.
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177
Troisteme Variation
iudmrnmmm
E 3P
vi. n
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178
tu
irr
1^ ff
P ian o <
'^
- - T fa frv 4 T F*--- **-F-l i - V-c----1 _ w 5 -L j l
-jJJ -ysLu T S fr tliA fr jT < L [^ :P
; ....- r _ j_______* ^ - *<
VI. I
* ----- Ip V .________
V I. IT
Piano
mm M S p H
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179
Eiliiife
s................................................................. -...........................
Piano <
jjp : r m n i>
- -
vi. n
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180
5-6 Piano: The sixteenth-note beam in both 18 Piano: Flat signs are lacking in the left hand
hands extends for the entire measure; it is before a' and d".
modified by analogy with 1-2. 18 Vc e Cb: The flat is lacking before a.
11 Piano: In the right hand the third note from 20 Cor, VI n , Vc e Cb: Staccati are lacking and
the end is low enough to be b instead of are added by analogy with the other parts.
c \ although this is unlikely given the Vie has a dot over the last note, but as this
analogy with 9. Note, however, that Liszts is not found in any other part, it is deleted.
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181
Fl.
i
Ob.
a.
p cresc.
i
ta2]
Fg. m
Cor.
' ll
Timp.
IP
VI. I
v cresc~
...^
H
vi. n
w-
cresc.
& A
Vie
KI it p
Vc.
eCb. 9 s! v T T J fa l-T f-T -
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182
Ob.
Solo
a.
[a2] 5*
Solo
Ip]
Cor.
TV.
Timp.
pizz.
VI. I
pizz.
v i. n
pizz.
Vie
t p]
pizz.
Vc.
eC b.
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183
v- \ 7 f 7 J>7_JJ
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ft) i _
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g * 7 1
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184
(19) 8
la2]________
H.
B P *3%
ffsempre m ft
JT
Ob. 3 * = t>
ffsem pre Ip
a.
p fe p I
[a2]
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ffsempre i atat
[a2U
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Vie
m ' ~w ffsempre
atat *= *=
Vc.
eCb. mI W ffsempre Hi atat
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185
&a.............................. 1
's >
H ,T-kypra4t [a 2 ]
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ta 2 ]
8H 7 .f 7
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APUI
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--------- - y - 7 7 f - 7 f - ) = . 7 f 7 P -X - j / f v
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186
2 VIII: The flat sign is missing. 16 Ob: The staccato is lacking; it is added by
analogy with FI and Fg.
6 V II, II: The slur in V II reaches back to the
21-22 V ceC b: The distinction between these
previous measure. It is revised to agree with
measures and 25 appears to be intentional.
VI n . See also Cl and Fg in 9. In addition,
(Note also that for these two measures Fg is
the crescendo sign is written over 7. It is
marked col basso.)
moved back to agree with Cl and Fg.
22 Cor,Tn The second note is written as a
8 VII: The slur is lacking; it is added by anal quarter followed by an eighth rest; it is
ogy with VI n . altered to agree with the other parts.
13-22 V II, II: Liszt misjudged the number of 23 Fg: The slur is lacking; it is added by anal
staves that he needed on the second system ogy with Cl.
of page 15, and placed V II and II, as well
as Cor and Tr, on the same staves. The lat 24 Vie: The ff is lacking; it is added by anal
ter two instruments are clear enough, but ogy with the other parts.
Liszt wrote an additional upward stem for the 25 Vc e Cb: The c is written as a quarter note.
top note of the violins. This could mean It is changed to an eighth and two eighth
two separate parts, although he was careless rests added.
in m. 15 and wrote the middle note of the
first chord with an upward as well as a 26 Timp, V ceC b: Although redundancies in
downward stem. As the triple stops are all the dynamic markings are found throughout,
practical, the notation has been interpreted to the f f in this measure is deleted as it is
mean that V II and II are unisono in these lacking in the other parts.
measures, and that Liszt merely wanted to 28 VIII, Vie: The staccati are lacking and sup
emphasize the upper note. plied by analogy with V II and Vc e Cb.
14 Ob: The staccato is lacking on the last 31 Timp: This measure is written as a quarter
eighth note; it is added by analogy with FI note followed by rests; it is altered to agree
andFg. with the other parts.
Conclusion
If both of these folios belong to the same work, and if that work represents an
original composition by Liszt, we can finally extrapolate a few facts about one of the lost
concertos from 1825. First, it was a work in C Major, perhaps in three movements
(although a theme and variations could also stand by itself). Second, the work was
modestly scored, very likely by the teenage composer, with an instrumentation that is
competent and imaginative, giving some independence to the orchestra. Third, the piano
writing was heavily dependent on such contemporary masters as Czemy and Hummel,
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187
whose works Liszt had in his repertoire. Finally, if in three movements, the last was a
theme and variations. Each variation may have had varied scoring, and the final variation
and coda was in 6/8. And aside from the harmonic progression in Example 6.1, mm. 18-
19, nothing on these pages suggests the chaotic beauties Moscheles heard in 1827, which
also supports an earlier date. One final speculation may also be advanced: if the
identification of these pages is correct, the argument advanced in chapter five regarding the
orchestration of Liszts compositions is that much strengthened.
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CHAPTER VH
Brilliant on his instrument and prolific in his compositional output: the depiction
of Liszt as child prodigy is typical of the time in which he lived. The burden for such
artists is the need to achieve a similar stature as adults, to fulfill their early promise or fail to
mature. Based on the observation of the dazzling virtuoso offering vacuous programs
calculated to please the public, Robert Schumann assumed the latter was true about Liszt.1
The facts of Liszts life were not as simple as they appeared to his contemporaries, for by
1835 he had produced an impressive, though small, group of innovative works that
embodied the compositional goals he would exploit for the rest of his career, works which
included at least three compositions for piano and orchestra. That Schumann knew nothing
of these compositions is itself part of the story, for Liszt ultimately suppressed this music.
Modem historians have also misrepresented this period, for, like Schumann, they
have not understood the historical context and remained ignorant of the musical one. Our
biographers may be forgiven their inaccurate picture, as there is no period of which we are
more ignorant than that of 1828 through 1832.2 It must be quickly added that Liszt did not
destroy evidence in an attempt to obscure these years; rather, the scant documentation
confirms that he had accomplished little worth noting. Nevertheless, the truth was
^ e e Neue Zeitschrift fu r Musik 11 (15 October 1839), 121; also Robert Schumann,
Gesammelte Schriften iiber Musik und Musiker, 5th ed., 2 vols. (Leipzig: Breitkopf & HSrtel, 1914; repr.,
Westmead: Gregg International Publishers, 1969), 1:439-440 (quoted in chapter six).
2The most thorough biography to date reflects this lack of knowledge by concentrating on the
figures who influenced the young composer; see Alan Walker, Franz Liszt: Volume One, The Virtuoso
Years, 1811-1847, rev. ed. (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1987), 129-189.
188
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189
evidently an embarrassment to him, and in the accounts of his life he took a simple
expedient to save face: by dating his artistic maturity to the July Revolution of 1830, three
barren years would read better to posterity than seven. Yet he could be frank to at least one
of his acquaintances:
Je sais que les 4 ou 5 ann6es qui se sont &oules entre ma carri&re denfance et le
commencement de ma periode virile (de 1829 k 33 ou 34) mont 6t6 facheux sous
plusieurs rapports. Les maladies presque constants qui mlprouvaient alors, et le
profond et amer d&ouragement, qui en fut la suite (sans parler ici d autres causes qui
sy joignirent) ont retard6es sans doute de beaucoup le diploiement ext&ieur de mes
faculty.3
When the primary sources are examined without any preconceived notions, they
consistently support the dating found in the above letter, placing the first signs of Liszts
In the present chapter, we offer a new reading of these years. Our argument is
concerned less with the musical influences on his style than with the historical
circumstances surrounding the compositions from this period. This is not to minimize the
contact with the music of Hector Berlioz and Fr6d6ric Chopin, among others, but simply to
underscore the fact that Liszts harmonic adventurousness, as found in a work such as the
little to his musical contemporaries. By narrowing the time frame of these early concertos
to less than a year, it is hoped to show at once the intensity of activity, the rapidity of
stylistic development, and the relationship to influences non musical in nature. The
resulting view of Liszts life, coupled with the available manuscript evidence, enables us to
understand better his musical development. Schumann sketched the only picture he could;
3The complete letter of 28 December 1837 to Ignatz Moscheles is found in appendix A, where it
has been transcribed from the original in D-WRgs (Ms. 71/11). It has previously appeared in German
translation in Franz Liszt in seinen Briefen, ed. Hans Rudolf Jung (Berlin: Henschelverlag, 1987), 64-66.
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190
days later. The death was completely unexpected: he was only fifty years old.4 Liszt
found himself alone with little in the way of funds, aside from a sum that his father had
deposited in a Viennese bank,5 and he told August Gollerich many years later that he had
had to sell his piano to cover the interment costs.6 He returned to Paris with his mother,
who had been living with relatives in Vienna, and supported the two of them by offering
piano lessons.7 A letter of two years later offers some idea of his artistic life: Je suis
tellement chargd de lemons que tous les jours, depuis huit heures et demie du matin jusquii
10 heures du soir, j ai h. peine le temps de respirer.8 Aside from these obligations, only a
bare outline of his life can be reconstructed. He can be seen searching spiritually for
meaning in life outside of music: after the dissolution of a youthful affair in 1828, he
desired to turn to the priesthood,9 and he also looked to the Saint-Simonians for guidance,
4This age is based on a birthdate of 16 December 1776 provided by Walker, who does not offer a
reference; see his Franz Liszt, 1:38. Walker also quotes a parish mortuary register, which has him at fifty-
four (p. 125). Lina Ramann has his age at death as forty-seven; see her Franz Liszt als Kiinstler und
Mensch, 3 vols. in 2 (Leipzig: Breitkopf & HSrtel, 1880-1894), 1:100. It has not been possible to
reconcile this discrepancy.
5See Liszts will from 1860 in Franz Liszts Briefe, ed. La Mara [Marie Lipsius], 8 vols.
(Leipzig: Breitkopf & HSrtel, 1893-1904), 5:54.
6See August GOllerich, Franz Liszt (Berlin: Marquardt & Co., 1908), 161.
7See the dtude biographique, Frantz Listz [sic], in the Gazette musicale de Paris 2 (14 June
1835), 200: Revenu de Boulogne h Paris, Listz [sic] se fait une existence en lemons.
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191
attending their meetings in 1830 and 1831.10 To the other extreme, he may have gone
through a series of affairs.11 Finally, he appears to have abandoned his lessons with Paer
and Reicha. Without his fathers guiding hand, all discipline went out of Liszts life.
This aimless existence is seen clearly in his concertizing, where he is found often
as a supporting player, as in the performances of Mozarts overture to Die Zauberflote
arranged for twelve hands at three pianos.12 In this manner, he cautiously re-entered the
concert scene with three appearances on 25 December 1827,27 January, and 23 February
1828, increasing to eleven for the period covering the end of March and throughout April.
These concerts included only one organized by himself, that of 7 April, and it is significant
that the featured work was Hummels Septet (op. 74) in the place where a new, original
composition might have been expected. A failed love affair in mid-1828 left him
emotionally devastated, and the resulting breakdown led to another prolonged absence from
the Parisian musical scene.13 Thus, there were no appearances throughout the rest of
1828, although an announced concert for 25 December would have included Beethovens
Emperor Concerto, canceled due to Liszts illness.14 He performed infrequently in the
10See Ralph Locke, Liszts Saint-Simonian Adventure, 19th-Century Music 4 (Spring 1981):
209-227; idem, Music, Musicians, and the Saint-Simonians (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1986),
especially pp. 101-106; Paul Merrick, Revolution and Religion in the Music o f Liszt (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1987), 5-6.
12This work was listed as the overture to La fl&te enchant6e on 27 January 1828 and 22 March
1829. and Mystires d'Isis on 30 March 1828 and 29 April 1830.
13One paper (Hinted an obituary; see Le Corsaire (23 October 1828), quoted in Ramann, Franz
Liszt als Kiinstler und Mensch, 1:129-131 (German translation), and Walker, Franz Liszt, 1:134 (English
translation).
14There is some confusion in the secondary literature over whether this concert took place, but
see his letter to Czerny in Franz Liszts Briefe, 1:3-4 (23 December 1828).
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192
years that followed, with six concerts in 1829 and five in 1830.15 Such appearances
enabled him to maintain his professional contacts as well as keep his name before the
public, but little more.
An absence of his own works at these concerts further suggests that his
haphazard professional behavior extended to composition. On 7 April 1828, he played an
for 10 April 1828 and 15 December 1829 of which no information is known, likewise for a
Auber on 13 (or 20) April 1828, but there is no known work of his that combines the
music of these two composers; it might have been an improvisation, or two separate
compositions in earlier versions (see below). Variations were also played on 20 and 30
April 1828, with no further identification as to the theme. On 7 April 1829 he played a set
of variations on a theme from Aubers La fiancie, which was likely to promote his own
recently published opus.16 A solo is listed a few days later on 11 April, possibly another
performance of the same work. Liszts repeated recourse to variation sets, along with
observation that is reinforced by the three completed works that are known from these
16See Geraldine Keeling, Concert Announcements, Programs and Reviews as Evidence for
First or Early Performances by Liszt of His Keyboard Worics to 1847, Studia Musicologica 34 (1992),
398.
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193
Lina Ramann portrayed the events of the July Revolution of 1830 as instrumental
in rousing Liszt from his creative lethargy. He was much in sympathy with the
revolutionaries, and, though he did not participate, the fighting he witnessed impressed him
deeply: Von dem Moment der Julirevolution an war Liszts Wesen ein anderes. Es zeigte
eine erhohte Spannkraft Physische Indispositionen, noch von seiner Krankheit her,
ubermannten ihn nicht mehr. Cest le canon qui la guri! 18 The importance of these
days to him as a composer were noted in the earliest biographies,19 and all offer as proof
AH information is from the worklist in The New Grove Early Romantic Masters 1: Chopin,
Schumann, Liszt (New York: Norton, 1985). For S 241, the catalogue has a date of 71831-7, but the
autograph in D-Bds (Fr. Liszt 5) has the inscription Paris le 21 Mai 1828, apparently written at the same
time as the rest of the manuscript See also Zoltdn Gardonyi, Elso Magyar Zenedarabjai (Die ersten
ungarischen Klavierstucke von Franz Liszt) (Sopron: A SzerzO Kiaddsa, 1935) [German summary on pp. 7 -
8], and Le style hongrois de Franz Liszt (Az Orsz. Szdchenyi KOnyvtdr Kiaddsa, 1936). On S 421a, see
Nancy B. Reich, Liszts Variations on the March from Rossinis Sifcge de Corinthe, Fontis Artis Musicae
23 (1976): 102-106; 26 (1979): 235-236. The Introduction survives on a single bifolio, the variations are
lost.
19See Peter Raabe, Die Entstehungsgeschichte der ersten Orchesterwerke Franz Liszts, Inaugural
Dissertation for the Doctor of Philosophy, University of Jena (Leipzig: Breitkopf & Hartel, 1916), 17, n.
6.
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194
symphony.20 Liszt himself must have been the source for these writers, and he evidently
wanted to make this barren period appear less devoid of growth: the so-called symphonie
rdvolutionnaire never progressed past the sketch stage, covering only a single bifolio.21
Oddly, Liszt never claimed that it was completed, only that he was inspired to write it
The sketches for the Revolutionary Symphony have already been mentioned in
chapter three, The Autographs, and chapter four, Liszts Compositional Method, with
regard to the composers charateristic traits, but here we will examine the content. At the
top of the first page, Liszt scrawled 27,28,29 Juillet Paris and next to the first
system of music, Symphonie. The music itself appears to be a continuity draft written
quickly under the inspiration of the actual events one can imagine Liszt observing the
confrontation and immediately putting pen to paper. This is also suggested by the words
written in haste down the right-hand margin, perhaps as aides de mimoire for a program,
with additional descriptions found within the manuscript: indignation, vengeance, terreur,
libert6, d6sordre, cris confus..., Marche de la garde royale, doute, incertitude..., 8 parties
^ S e e Gazette musicale de Paris 2 (14 June 1835), 202; J. W. Christem, Franz Liszt nach
seinem Leben und Wirken aus authentischen Berichten (Hamburg & Leipzig: Schuberth & Comp., 1841),
17-19. See also G. Schilling, Universal-Lexicon der Tonkunst, 6 vols. (Stuttgart, 1835-38), 4:417418;
quoted in Dieter Torkewitz, Der Erstfassung der Harmonies podtiques et religieuses von Liszt, Liszt-
Studien 2, ed. Serge Gut (Munich and Salzburg: Emil Katzbichler, 1981), 228.
21See Raabe, Die Entstehungsgeschichte, Notenbeilage 2, pp. 3-5; also Dieter Torkewitz,
Harmonisches Denken im Friihwerk Franz Liszts, Freiburger Schriften zur Musikwissenschaft 10, ed. Hans
Heinrich Eggebrecht (Munich, Salzburg: Musikverlag Emil Katzbichler, 1978), 18-20. Rena Mueller has
dubbed D-WRgs, N6, the Revolutionary Symphony Sketchbook; see her Liszts Tasso Sketchbook:
Studies in Sources and Revisions (Ph.D. dissertation, New York University, 1986), 166. It is uncertain
whether the first sketch (Cieux! Ecoutez!) actually belongs to the Symphony, although it certainly dates
from the time.
22See the facsimiles of the first page in Ernst Burger, Franz Liszt: Eine Lebenschronik in
Bildern und Dokumenten (Munich: List Verlag, 1986), 63; also in English translation, A Chronicle o f His
Life in Pictures (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1989); Zsigmond L2szl6 and Bdla Mdtdka, Franz
Liszt: A Biography in Pictures, trans. Bama Balogh, trans. rev. Cynthia Jolly (London: Barrie and Rockliff,
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195
out completely on the fourth page. It is a draft of the roughest kind, and it would be
difficult, if not impossible, to reconstruct a performable composition from the notation nor
are there any other surviving sketches that could be of assistance.
on him by the July Revolution and the way it inspired him toward his first attempt at
program music, especially notable as the effort was made prior to his contact with Berlioz.
de la patrie, Ramann added the following themes, no doubt received from Liszt himself: a
Hussite song from the 15th century and the chorale Ein feste Burg ist unser Gott.24 This
prefer to emphasize the actual state of the manuscript: rather than awakening Liszt from his
musical slumber, these sketches confirm that even a revolution was not sufficient to arouse
the composer.
The months that followed this cure saw little change in Liszts musical life.
Later that year, he began his close friendship with Hector Berlioz, meeting him the day
demonstrated his enthusiasm at the performance and even borrowed the scores of this work
1968), 33; Hedwig Weilguny and Willy Handrick, Franz Liszt, 6th ed (Leipzig: VEB Deutscher Verlag fur
Musik, 1980), item 31; Franz Liszt in seinen Briefen, 29. The entire sketch is reproduced in Peter Raabe,
Franz Liszt, 2d ed., 2 vols. (Tutzing: Hans Schneider, 1968), 1concluding plates.
^ S e e The Memoirs o f Hector Berlioz, trans. and ed. David Cairns (New York: Norton, 1975),
139 (chap. 31).
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196
and the Ouverture des frartcs-juges (also on the concert),26 but although the influence of his
older colleague would be evident in the years to come, the event did little to stimulate Liszt
into immediate action. Even the transcription of these compositions would not begin until
three years later (discussed below). Evidence of continued stagnation is also found in his
concert appearances, which cease with a performance on 29 April 1830 and, with two
exceptions, resume only in January 1833.27 That this hiatus is not merely a false
impression given by poor documentation is clear from an announcement for the 2 April
1832 concert:
M. Litz [sic], qui semble avoir renonc6 it se faire entendre au moins pour un temps
fort long, a bien voulu jouer une partie secondaire dans un morceau k quatre mains
dont un de ses 61&ves a ex6cut6 la partie principale.... [M]ais pourquoi diable a-t-il
renoncd k se faire entendre en public!28
well as the general disarray of his life. In addition to nearly illegible quotations from
assorted literary works and the Bible, compositions are found started and abandoned after
only a few measures, and there is a series of dates from 1829 to 1832 with no apparent
internal order. Liszt must have left blank pages between sketches in the hope of completing
26See Hector Berlioz, Correspondence G&nirale, ed. Pierre Citron, 5 vols. to date (Paris:
Hammarion, 1972-1989), 1:385 (6 December 1830, to his father); 1:393 (21 December 1830, to Liszt).
27His conceit career may have resumed as early as 28 September 1832 with an appearance in
Bourges, as noted in Burger, Franz Liszt, 68. In addition, Liszts letter of 12 December 1832 indicates he
was to perform the following day; see Robert Bory, Diverses lettres inddites de Liszt, Schweizerisches
Jahrbuch fiir Musikwissenschaft 3 (1928), 11. Keeling did not fmd a reference to this event, although Serge
Gut accepts it in his Liszt (Paris: Editions de Fallois/LAge d Homme, 1989), 480. Gut also places Liszt
on Berliozs concert of 30 December, probably based on Berliozs letter to Liszt of 19 December: P.S.
Notre concert est remis au dimanche 30 d&embre. (Correspondance Ginirale, 2:50.) Again Keeling did not
find a reference to Liszts participation. Note also that Liszt had performed outside of Paris, in Rouen, on
28 January 1832, as documented in the Journal de Rouen. I am grateful to Geraldine Keeling for this
information.
28Revue Musicale 6 (9 April 1832), 79. See also Le Constitutionnel (1 April 1832): ...M.
Listz [sic], quon na point entendu depuis long-temps, y reproduira dans sa maturity un talent, dont la
precocitd merveilleuse acquit une c616britd europdenne.
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197
these abortive beginnings and, realizing that he would never do so, went back and used the
folios for other sketches. To add to the confusion, at one point the book was turned upside
down and used from the other end. Contrary to Liszts usual practice of raiding his
sketchbooks for blank manuscript pages and occasionally entire compositions, the pages of
the volume are all intact, thus the lack of any completed composition but one can be
Whereas the surviving documentation does not bear out the assertions regarding
the July Revolution, there is evidence to designate another event as a turning point, albeit
nearly two years later. Liszt attended a concert given by Nicolb Paganini in late April
1832,30 and he preserved the impression it made on him in a letter of 2 May to his former
Et moi aussi je suis peintre, sbcria Michel-Ange la premibre fois quil vit un
chef-doeuvre,... quoique petit et pauvre, ton ami ne cesse de rbpbter ces paroles du
grand homme depuis la demibre representation de Paganini. Renb, quel homme, quel
violon, quel artiste! Dieu, que de souffrances, de misbre, de tortures dans ces quatre
29The book is described in Rudolf Kdkai, Franz Liszt in seinenfruhen Klavierwerken (Leipzig:
Franz Wagner, 1933; repr. Kassel: Barenreiter, 1968), 18-19. A discussion of the musical significance is
found on pp. 61-81, and transcriptions are provided on pp. 122-125. An overview may be found in Keith
T. Johns, Franz Liszts N6 Sketchbook held at the Goethe-Schiller Archive in Weimar, Journal o f the
American Liszt Society 20 (December 1986): 30-33. Facsimiles are found in Kdkai, [141,145] (pages 60
and 79), and Burger, Franz Liszt, 64 (page 31). See also the discussion of this source below and in chapters
eight and nine. For a discussion of all of Liszts surviving sketchbooks, see Mueller, Liszts Tasso
Sketchbook, 165-171. See also Keith T. Johns, The N series of Liszts Sketchbooks Held at the
Goethe and Schiller Archive in Weimar Part I: N1 and N2, Journal o f the American Liszt Society 19 (June
1986): 20-22.
30The concert was probably that of 30 April, Paganinis third of the season (he gave ten in all).
His first concert was 25 March, but it is unlikely Liszt was present (i.e., Liszts single concert appearance
on 2 April 1832 was before he heard Paganini play). A common mistake in many biographies is to place
Liszt at Paganinis first Parisian concert of 9 March 1831, but he was probably in Geneva at the time; see
Maria Eckhardt, Diary of a Wayfarer: The Wanderings of Franz Liszt and Marie dAgoult in Switzerland,
June-July 1835, Journal of the American Liszt Society 11 (June 1982): 17, n. 26. Certainly the letter
quoted below reads as if Liszt has heard the great violinist for the first time.
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198
He remarked that he had been driven to reading voraciously and practicing keyboard
exercises four to five hours a day: Ah! pourvu que je ne devienne pas fou tu
retrouveras un artiste en moi!32 Later that month he wrote to another student, Valdrie
Boissier:
Depuis quelques jours ma tete va mieux, et j en profite pour retravailler le plus quil
mest possible, bientdt j espfere pouvoir me livrer tout entier h cet ange-ddmon qui
mentraine et peut-etre lhiver prochain serais-je un peu moins indigne de la
bienveillance, des encouragements que vous me prodiguez.33
It is unclear to what work Liszt was referring, but it is possible that he had in mind the
Grandfantasia de bravoure sur la Clochette, op. 2, based on the well-known theme from
Paganinis Concerto No. 2 in B minor: the aforementioned sketchbook contains the first
part of the work with the date 12 June 1832 (page 57).34 By the end of the year, Liszt was
31Franz Liszts Briefe, 1:7-8 (2 May [1832]). Several identifications have been offered for the
mysterious Rend. Iimile Haraszti thought that it was an allusion to Chateaubriands character; see his
Le probl&me Liszt, Acta Musicologica 9 (1937): 130, n. 27. Haraszti is here responding to Raabes
assertion that Liszt was addressing a mutual friend in Geneva, Rend Baillot, the son of a well-known
violinist; see Raabe, Franz Liszt, 1:232, n. 27. Another possibility is that La Mara misread the name, as
comparisons with other documents demonstrate that her editions can be unreliable, both in the omission of
passages and transcriptional errors. It is therefore possible that Pierre was the intended name, a feasible
conclusion given Liszts extremely poor penmanship during this period. Liszt dedicated to Wolff his
Grande valse di bravura, op. 6. Incidentally, the quotation was uttered by Corraggio on seeing Raphaels
St. Cecilia.
33Bory, Diverses lettres, 7 (24 May [1832]). Valdrie Boissier had studied with Liszt during
the winter of 1831-32, and her mother was present at these lessons and kept a diary of them; see Auguste
Boissier, Liszt pedagogue: Lemons de piano donntes par Liszt d Mademoiselle Valerie Boissier d Paris en
1832 (Paris: Honord Champion, 1923; repr. Geneva: Slatkins Reprints, 1976). A complete English
translation is found in The Liszt Studies: Essential Selections from the Original 12-Volume Set of
Technical Studies fo r the Piano, ed. Elyse Mach (New York: Associated Music Publishers, 1973). He
dedicated to Valdrie his Fantaisie romantique sur deux milodies suisses, op. 5, no. 1.
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199
Of these three works, the Paganini fantasy is perhaps the least substantial,
consisting of an extended introduction, theme and variation k la Paganini, and a finale di
bravura. The Solo caractdristique, if it can be identified with the manuscript auctioned in
1987, is more elaborate with several sections including a chansonette with variations.36
Both remain dependent on variation form, however. The third work is undoubtedly
substantial and appears to be the earliest version of Concerto No. 1. Although the
copyists manuscript can be dated not earlier than 1834, the opening measures are found in
sketchbook N6 along with a date of 1 January 1832, and there is no other candidate among
the works from this period. This concerto will be discussed in chapter eight, but let it
suffice to recognize the grand scope of the three-movement work and the originality not
only of its themes but of its conception. Many biographers see the influence of Paganini
only in Liszts increased instrumental virtuosity,37 but given that he did not return to
performing until the following year, the real benefit appears to have been the relief of his
compositional block: in seven months, Liszt surpassed the output of the past five years.
36See Sothebys catalogue, Music, Continental Manuscripts and Printed Books, Science and
Medicine (London, 26-27 November 1987), 141-142 (lot #292); also Michael Kimmelman, Lost Score
By Liszt To Be Sold, New York Times (24 November 1987). The catalogue description suggests the
identification, partially from the use of Chansonette written over a theme in the score, and the facsimiles
show the hand to be remarkably similar to the one found in sketchbook N6. The manuscript was purchased
by a private party, and its whereabouts is unknown.
37For example, Sacheverell Sitwell, Liszt, rev. ed. (London: Cassell & Co., 1955; repr. New
York: Dover, 1967), 19-21. Alan Walker notes Liszts artistic awakening, but speaks only in terms of
instrumental virtuosity; see his Franz Liszt, 1:173. Eleanor Perdnyi, on the other hand, disputes the extent
of Paganinis influence; see her Liszt: The Artist as Romantic Hero (Boston: Little, Brown & Company,
1974), 51-59.
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To cite the spring of 1832 as a turning point for the young composer is not to
imply that his vocation was now well established, as a review of the following year shows
that Liszt was unable to capitalize on his new-found impetus. The first indication may be
inferred from a letter written in May 1833 in which he reported on his next musical project,
A letter written to Boissier a few weeks after would seem to belie this supposition:
Several months later, he repeated his expectation: [Jjaurai soin de me faire pr6c6der par
quelques messagers tels que la Symphonie fantastique, la Clochette, etc qui paraitront
successivement dans le courant de lhiver.40 Liszts optimism is nevertheless impossible
to justify, for while the transcription and the bravura paraphrase are obvious enough, the
etc. of this letter and the plusieurs compositions of the previous are by no means clear.
It is unlikely to have included the concerto mentioned in his letter of December 1832, as the
usual practice was to withhold such a work from publication until the virtuoso/composer
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201
had the opportunity to perform it. Other candidates are the transcriptions of Schuberts
song Die Rose and Berliozs Ouverture desfrancs-juges, Andante amoroso, a piano
work based on the Iiddefixe from the Symphoniefantastique, and the first version of
The basis for assigning the Schubert transcription to 1833 is found in the letter of
31 May, where Liszt stated: Votre approbation de la Rose me flatte beaucoup.41
Although most commentators take this reference to be to his transcription (for example, the
worklist in The New Grove), Liszt may be referring to the song itself. The link must
transcription was not issued until 1835.42 Of the two Berlioz works, the date for the
him by his biographer, Lina Ramann,43 and the information on Andante amoroso is found
in her biography, presumably also composer-derived.44 These dates can be inaccurate, as,
for example, Liszt dated the publication of Harmonies to 1834 (see below),45 and the
reliability of her sources in this instance is called into question by mention of two
references, there is no documentation to link these works to 1833, and we also note that the
amoroso in 1847.
41Ibid., 13.
43See Lisztiana: Erinnerungen an Franz Liszt in Tagebuchblattern, Briefen und Dokumenten aus
den Jahren 1873-1886/87, ed. Arthur Seidl, text rev. Friedrich Schnapp (Mainz: Schott, 1983), 403.
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202
of the only original work that can be assigned to this year, Harmonies podtiques et
side with a date at the beginning of 16 Mai and one within of 27 Mai. No year is
indicated, but 1833 is suggested by two letters to Marie dAgoult In the first, Liszt had
apparently lent either the sketchbook or a copy of the work to the Countess, for on 30
October 1833 he wrote:
Sil vous est possible de me renvoyer par occasion son Wertker et surtout ma petite
harmonie lamartinienne sans ton ni mesure, je vous en serai fort reconnaissant Je
tiens beaucoup h ce peu de pages. Elies me rappellent vivement une heure de
souffrance et de ctelices.46
Harmonies is the only known work from this time without tonality or meter, and the
lamartinienne refers to Alphonse de Lamartine, from whose book of the same name the
work received its title.47 Liszt referred to the composition again in a letter written between
24 August and 13 September 1834: Notre harmonie sera d6die h Lamartine; je la publierai
seule dabord, plus tard j en 6crirai une demi-douzaine.48 Liszt only came to know
47See also Alexander Main, Liszt: New Dates for the Travelers Album, Journal of
Musicological Research 3 (1981): 418-420.
48Liszt-d'Agoult, 1:111. In a letter to Ferdinand Hiller dated November 1835, Liszt again noted
his intention to compose an expanded Harmonies; see Walker, Franz Liszt, 1:219-220. These statements
came to pass: the work in the sketchbook was revised and published as a supplement to the Gazette
musicale de Paris of 7 July 1835, with a dedication to Lamartine and a quotation from the preface of his
Harmonies poitiques et religieuses. The piano cycle was published in 1853. In his preface, Liszt referred
to the earlier work as tronqufe et fautive and subsumed it into the fourth piece of the collection, Pensdes
des morts. Rena Mueller has concluded based on the manuscript sources that, prior to its final conception
as a piano solo, Liszt had thought about a collection of works in mixed genres; see her Le cahier
d esquisses du Tasso et la composition des Harmonies poitiques et religieuses, Revue Musicale 405-406-
407 (1987), 11-28.
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203
dAgoult in January 1833, and therefore any concept of our harmony must date from
then, thus the year is all but certain.49
As found in N6, much of the work is drafted, if only in skeletal form, but the
section in G major is lacking (mm. 63 ff.), and other passages have only a rough
correspondence to the final version. In addition, there are cues for orchestration,
suggesting Liszt may have had a work for orchestra in mind.50 The overall impression is
that the piece took shape with difficulty, in fits and starts, and it is impossible to ascertain
its state in the fall of 1833 when he had loaned his only copy to Marie d Agoult. It may be
significant that Liszt did not present the work to Lamartine until after it was published,51
suggesting that in 1833 it was not ready to be given to anybody, his close relationship with
Only one work besides Harmonies can be positively attributed to this year: on 30
August Berlioz wrote to a friend, Liszt vient d arranger ma symphonie pour le piano; cest
Stonnant,52 and the same day Liszt wrote to Marie dAgoult, La Symphonie fantastique
49This argument assumes that the Ballade reported in Liszts letter of 12 December 1832 was
not an early version of Harmonies, as argued by Torkewitz; see his Die Erstfassung der Harmonies
podtiques et religieuses von Liszt, 220-221. Part of Torkewitzs reasoning rests on the equivocal nature
of the inspiration for Harmonies: in the sketchbook the work is untitled and a quotation from Schiller is
scrawled over the first system of music (see the facsimile in K6kai, Franz Liszt in seinenfriihen
Klavierwerken, [145]), thus he concludes that Liszt saw such programmatic texts as interchangable. Given
the haphazard nature of the inscriptions throughout the sketchbook and that the quotation is written over the
music in the first system (as opposed to inscribed above), the Schiller reference probably had nothing to do
with the work. We also observe that May 1832 is highly unlikely, given Liszts response to Paganini
earlier that month (quoted above). Regarding the Ballade, it was to have appeared in Schlesingers Album
des Pianistes for 1833, but there is no trace of such a work by Liszt
50Raabe speculated that Liszt intended the work for piano and orchestra, but the sketch has only
the following: Trombone / instruments h cuivre (page 77), orchestra (page 76); see his Franz Liszt,
2:247.
51See his letter to Lamartine of 27 September 1835 in Alexander Main, Liszt and Lamartine:
Two Early Letters, Liszt-Studien 2, ed. Serge Gut (Munich and Salzburg: Emil Katzbichler, 1981), 134.
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204
sera termin6e dimanche soir, dites trois Pater et trois Ave en son intention.53 But even if
we assign to 1833 the Berlioz overture and Schubert song transcriptions along with the idie
fixe paraphrase, all of his output, with the exception of Harmonies, remained dependent on
the work of other composers, and when we consider that the final version of Harmonies is
a work of barely eight minutes duration, the result is hardly reflective of the progress in
composition Liszt had been able to report in December 1832. It is not even certain that
Liszt had orchestrated his concerto. Further, nothing appeared in print and not one of these
works figured in any concert. We must conclude that Liszts compositional block
May 1835, Liszts appearances again provide insight into his musical life. The surviving
programs are not always detailed, but from 19 January 1833 to 12 April 1834 he appeared
in various salons and concerts a total of twenty-two times. As in previous years, there are
unspecified solos and improvisations and at least three performances of Hummels
Septet, among works by other composers. In light of his compositional impasse, this
increased visibility may have served as a musical outlet rather than a preferred area of
November, he played his La Clochette, grande fantaisie pour piano, a concert that
inaugurated a series of performances of his own works.54 Although his Grande fantaisie
symphonique on themes from Berliozs Le retour d la vie was announced for 23 November
^Keeling suggests that this performance was likely not the premiere, based on the lack of
specificity in earlier programs; see Concert Announcements, 398.
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(but not played),55 on 25 and 28 December Liszt took part in performances of his Duo for
two pianos, probably the work based on themes from Mendelssohns Songs without
Words,56 and at the second of these concerts he introduced his recently published
Mendelssohn Duo was again played at Liszts own concert of 9 April 1835, along with the
preceding years there are specific references to this activity. His Chopin Duo is dated at the
beginning of the manuscript 25 July, with 1834 as the only possible year, and the
Mendelssohn Duo is dated August 1834.58 Further, at the end of the summer. Liszt wrote
the Countess dAgoult of forthcoming publications,59 works for piano solo which did
appear subsequently the first to be issued since 1829 and the first compositions on
original material since 1826. In the autumn he was hard at work on the Grande fantaisie
symphonique and the following winter the De profundis.60 The resulting list of works
55See the announcement in the Gazette musicale de Paris 1 (19 October 1834), 339, which lists
the repertoire for several of Berliozs upcoming concerts. For the 23 November concert, see the
announcement (16 November 1834), 371, and the review (7 December 1834), 394. Other journals are listed
in Keeling, Liszts Appearances in Parisian Concerts.
56The work was announced as Grand duo pour 2 pianos for 25 December (the second pianist
was Chopin) and simply as Duo pour 2 pianos for 28 December (the other pianist was Mile. Vial
Liszts student Herminie, see appendix A). The third performance on 9 April 1835 (see below), also with
Mile. Vial, was listed, Romances et chants sans paroles de M. Mendelssohn, duo de bravura pour deux
pianos.
57Although there has been some confusion in the secondary literature regarding the first
performance of the Grande fantaisie, the reviews in Revue musicale 15 (12 April 1835), 115-116, and
Gazette musicale de Paris 2 (12 April 1835), 130-131, imply that 9 April was the first performance. See
also the discussion of this work in chapter eight.
58The date for the Chopin Duo is surmised, based on the present writers reconstruction of a
sketchbook that at one time contained the Mendelssohn fantasy (see chapter nine).
^ S ee Liszt-d'Agoult, 1:124 (quoted below); Franz Liszts Briefe, 1:12 (quoted in chapter ten).
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206
suipasses anything he had previously accomplished (see Table 7.2). His return to the
concert stage in November 1834 was as a composer, self-confident in his powers of
creation, and a survey of the succeeding years reveals that his compositional block was
eliminated.
Speculation is not necessary to uncover the catalyst behind this creative surge, as
it is easily found in the person of the Abb6 Flicit6 de Lamennais. Liszt was introduced to
Lamennais on 8 April 1834, and the immediate effect served to climax a period of
increasing dissatisfaction with Roman Catholicism, a disaffection that was apparent as early
61The dates in Table 7.2 differ in some cases from those in the New Grove and are based on the
present authors research. Alan Walker has suggested 1851-2 as a more likely date for the Duo on a
Chopin Mazurka; see his Liszts Duo Sonata, Musical Times 116 (July 1975), 620-621; also Franz
Liszt, 2:47, n. 27. See, however, the discussion in chapter three, Two Examples.
62The following works were published posthumously: Malediction (in Franz Liszts
Musikalische Werke [Leipzig: Breitkopf & Hhrtel, 1914], 1/13); Duo Sonata for Violin and Piano [on a
Chopin Mazurka] (ed. Tibor Serly [New York: Southern Music Company, 1964]); Grande fantaisie
symphonique (ed. Reiner Zimmermann [Leipzig: Breitkopf & HSrtel, 1981]). The Mendelssohn Duo
remains unpublished.
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as 1830 with his interest in the Saint-Simonian movement and its emphasis on the social
aspects of Christianity (e.g., helping the poor). The point of contact lay in Lamennaiss
harsh critique of Rome for the same reason, first in his Essai sur Iindifference en matiire
de religion (1817-1823) and then his founding of the newspaper U Avenir in 1830. At the
time of his first meeting with Liszt, Lamennais was preparing his Paroles dun croyant for
publication, and it was issued in early May. The impact of this book on Liszt may be
This marked the beginning of one of the most decisive influences on the young composer.
Joseph dOrtigue, the mutual friend who arranged the initial meeting, later characterized the
relationship thus: On doit concevoir facilement que les sympathies les plus profondes et
les plus intimes de son ame devaient le porter naturellement vers cet homme extraordinaire.
Listz [sic] trouva en lui plus quun ami, et il se fait gloire aujourdhui detre son
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208
disciple.64 The consequences went far beyond the spiritual, however, for within weeks
his home in Brittany at the end of July. Liszt was in Normandy from the middle of May,65
but although he had returned to Paris by late June, he did not make the trip as planned. His
whereabouts are uncertain throughout July and August, although a potential clue is found
in the enigmatic inscription at the end of the Mendelssohn autograph, fait dans le Castel de
la Duchesse de Poampapo, but, whatever the diversion, the Chopin and Mendelssohn
Duos demonstrate that he was not unproductive. The visit to the Abb6s ancestral home,
La Chinaie, finally took place from 8 September to 3 October.66 A lengthy letter written to
the Countess described his days, the time spent at the piano and the hours spent in
conversation with the Abbd, all serving to intensify the earlier impression of Lamennais
upon Liszt:
This intimate contact also encouraged the flow of new compositions, and he told the
Countess of his progress, probably on the Grandefantaisie symphonique: Jen profiterai
^ Frantz Listz [sic], Gazette musicale de Paris 2 (14 June 1835): 204. DOrtigue was also an
admirer of Lamennais; see, for example, Lamennais, Correspondance Ginirale, 6:68 (22 April 1834, to
dOrtigue).
65See Berlioz, Correspondance Generate, 2:184 (15 [or 16] May 1834). Lamennaiss letter to
d Ortigue cited above suggests the trip was for Liszts health.
66Liszt left Paris on 6 September, arriving two days later. After departing, he was in Rennes by
8 October and back in Paris on 13 October. See Selon M. Corbes, Franz Liszt et la Bretagne, Annales de
la Sociiti darchiologie de Saint-Malo (1963), 97ff.; cited in Lamennais, Correspondance Ginirale, 6:281-
282 n. See also Liszt-dAgoult, 1:114 [6 October 1834].
67Liszt-dAgoult, 1:120.
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pour y achever une nouvelle 6normit fantastique dont j ai dcrit les 2/3 h La Chenaie; la
reste fait dans ma tete.. .68 The De projundis was also inspired by this time, as Liszt
testified in a letter to the Abbd written the following January,69 as was his first major
Although the source is clear, speculation is required for the specific aspects of
Lamennaiss thought that stimulated Liszt, as there is little in Paroles dun croyant that has
anything to do with art. His ideas on the relationship of music to the total scheme of
creation were later expressed in Esquisse dunephilosophie (1840), however, and there is
evidence that he was thinking about the subject as early as 1833. This thought is well
The true aim of art is to perfect human beings, that is, to satisfy the dictates of the
moral order, to assist the efforts of humanity to fulfill its destiny, to raise it above
earthly matters and set it in perpetually ascending motion.
Music occupies a special niche among the arts in this respect, since it is not only
the liaison of the arts that appeal directly to the senses with those that are proper to
the spirit, it is, by being analogous to a family in its harmonious combination of
disparate elements (melody, harmony, rhythm) also the complete expression of
social and intellectual life.
Given this aesthetic, it follows that artists do not promote the cause of art by
devoting themselves to the servile imitation of the past or by isolating themselves as
just one man among mankind. Art, on the contrary, receives a new impetus when
artists, plumbing the most profound depths of society, gather in themselves the life
palpitating there and disseminate it in their works, so that art will give life, just as the
Spirit of God animates and fills the universe.70
69See Franz Liszt's Briefe, 1:12 (14 January 1835), quoted in chapter ten.
70Franz Liszt, An Artist's Journey: Lettres dun bachelier is musique, 1835-1841, trans. and ed.
Charles Suttoni (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1989), xx-xxi. The portions in quotation marks
are from Jacques Poisson, Le Romantisme social de Lamennais (Paris, 1931).
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Within this philosophy Liszt found his artistic raison detre: his God-given gifts must be
thought of as a social ministry, and the fulfillment of his potential as an artist was the best
way to serve his fellow man and his Creator. This conclusion is reflected in a brief essay
from 1834, perhaps written while at La Chinaie: As in the past, and even more so today,
music must concern itself with PEOPLE and GOD, hastening from the one to the other,
improving, edifying, and comforting mankind while it blesses and glorifies God.71 He
was now able to link his art, his social consciousness, and his religion.
Armed with Lamennaiss philosophy, Liszt began a carefully orchestrated assault
for himself (as opposed to being merely a participant) since 1828, and his career gained
from a splendid review in the Gazette musicale. A letter to dOrtigue is revealing of the
extent to which Liszt attempted to cover all fronts:
Je te saurai bien bon grd, mon cher Joseph, de mettre deux mots dans le Journal de
Paris sur le Concert dhier soir. Pour cette fois, et pour cette fois seulement, je
reclame de ton amitid le silence sur les cotds ddfectueux de mon talent Viens
done &mon aide, toi qui me comprends et maimes.74
71Liszt, An Artist's Journey, 237. The essay was incorporated into De la situation des
artistes, along with a note indicating that it had been written the previous year.
72The concert of 9 April 1835 was presented au profit dune famille pauvre. Although this
may be seen as evidence of Liszts new social consciousness, we also note an earlier concert for the benefit
of the poor on 12 March 1833.
73See Gazette musicale 2 (12 April 1835), 130-131. The strain of coordinating the concerts
many details apparently took Liszt by surprise: the review noted that he fainted in the middle of the
Mendelssohn Duo and, though he revived within a few minutes, was not able to return to the piano.
Franz Liszts Briefe, 8:5. The letter is undated, therefore it is unclear to which concert Liszt
is referring and to what extent dOrtigue complied.
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In addition, dOrtigue was writing a major article on his life and work that would appear in
a few weeks (the aforementioned 6tude biographique).75 The campaign barely initiated,
it is unfathomable that Liszt would retreat before the results were known, but unforeseen
circumstances dictated another course of action: his romantic liaison, the Countess
dAgoult, was pregnant, and they left Paris separately at the end of May, with a rendezvous
planned in Basel at the beginning of June. Eleanor Perdnyi boldly speculates that the
pregnancy was a deliberate attempt by dAgoult to lure Liszt from Paris at precisely the
point when she would have felt threatened by the heightened devotion to his career, and,
further, that Liszt only learned the reason he had been summoned to Basel upon his
arrival.76 Certainly it is unlikely he would have planned these domestic events, given the
care he had already lavished on musical ones. The battle would have to wait
as a composer. In letters written to the Countess dAgoult and Val&ie Boissier around the
publications: Je n&rirai point avant un mois, il me faudra faire une quantity de corrections
75This was not the first time that dOrtigue was careful to schedule such an article; his
biography of Berlioz appeared on 23 December 1832, between two concerts given by Berlioz the same
month (9 and 30).
76See Perdnyi, Liszt: The Artist as Romantic Hero, 118-124. It takes only a little imagination
to similarly view the timing of d Agoults subsequent two pregnancies.
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obligd de passer jours et nuits h 6crire, corriger, et dtudier mes misdrables quadruples
croches,79 suggesting that his seven or eight compositions had not yet appeared. These
works were issued subsequently, all for piano solo.80 Surviving manuscripts reveal that
Liszt was working in other genres too: as noted above, he composed a fantasy based on a
Chopin Mazurka for violin and piano, the autograph of which has a date of 25 Juillet (D-
WRgs, LI), and another fantasy for two pianos based on Mendelssohns Lieder ohne
Worte, dated Aout 1834 (D-WRgs, Kl). Although not as firmly dated, the copyists
manuscripts of the Grande fantaisie symphonique (D-WRgs, H7) and Concerto No. 1 (D-
WRgs, H3b, H3c) appear to date from fall or winter 1834 and the autograph of De
profundis from early 1835. The resulting picture, although not clear in many details,
suggests that the spring was devoted to preparing piano solo works for publication, the
summer was a time for chamber music, and the fall and winter were a period of intense
concentration on the concerto.
It was only natural that a virtuoso would choose to express his most advanced
and experimental thoughts through publications for solo piano: the Paganini fantasy, three
Apparitions, and Harmonies poitiques et religieuses. Indeed, Harmonies is among Liszts
most innovative works, especially from the viewpoint of harmony and rhythm.81 Less
81See the insightful articles by Toikewitz, Die Erstfassung der Harmonies poltiques et
religieuses von Liszt, 220-236, and Joan Backus, Liszts Harmonies po^tiques et religieuses:
Inspiration and the Challenge of Form, Journal o f the American Liszt Society 21 (January-June 1987), 3 -
21.
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expectations of the time and place were quite different, however. Artists were responsible
for coordinating their own concerts, and these often consisted of solos, ensembles, and a
piece for orchestra: the solo recital was an unknown concept, and virtuosos had to establish
themselves through more elaborate means. In this context, a new concerto was de rigeur,
and remembering that Liszt now sought to be recognized as a composer, the production of
That Liszt would be striving toward this genre, even before the artistic raison
ditre which the Abb6 Lamennais provided, is also not surprising and amply demonstrated
in sketchbook N6. Here we find the opening ideas for Concerto No. 1 and Malediction,
and Rudolf Kdkai has observed that other sketches may have been intended for piano and
orchestra works.82 The one completed work, Harmonies poitiques et religieuses, includes
indications such as instruments h cuivre and orchestre which are lacking in the
published version, thus suggesting to some commentators that at some point in the
compositional process Liszt thought of it as a work for piano and orchestra.83 In addition,
there is the Paganini fantasy, which with regard to publication differs in this aspect from
Harmonies: lacking any orchestral references in the sketchbook, the first edition by
Mechetti has several passages labeled tutti. Peter Raabe and Humphrey Searle assume
this arrangement is lost, but with no evidence outside of the edition, Friedrich Schnapp
concluded that these indications were Erinnerungen an Paganinis Spiel (zur Begleitung des
Orchesters).84 Nevertheless, in a piece whose origins can be dated to 1832, such
83The sketchbook is the only evidence for this assertion; see Raabe, Franz Liszt, 2:247, and
also comments above.
84See Raabe, Franz Liszt, 2:281; Humphrey Searle, The Music o f Liszt, rev. ed. (New York:
Dover Publications, 1966), 20; Friedrich Schnapp, Verschollene Kompositionen Franz Liszts, in Von
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indications may be revealing of Liszts ambition, an ambition that led him to produce at
least six works of a scope whose proper place would be in the concert hall, and at least
concertos of this period. This primary source is Liszts letter to his mother of 28 July
1835, already referred to in previous chapters, in which he included a list of works in
manuscript that he wished to have forwarded to him in Geneva.85 Friedrich Schnapp and
Rena Mueller have attempted to match these references with specific compositions, and
their conclusions will be taken into account in the discussion that follows.86
As noted above, Liszt had left Paris at the end of May, and, after settling in
[2] La Fantaisie symphonique sur des thdmes de Berlioz (executde k mon concert)
copide par Belloni et relid les parties daccompagnement sont inutiles
[3] Un gros cahier bleu ou se trouve un autre concerto symphonique que j ai dcrit cet
hiver au ratzen loch
[4] Un vieux cahier enveloppd de papier gris et que Puzzi connait, il contient
plusieurs morceaux de ma composition
[5] Mon Sextetto copid par le Polonais (k propos Puzzi a-t-il dtd lui demandd des
airs polonais a-t-il fait copier les airs tyroliens?). . .
Deutscher Tonkunst: Festschrift zu Peter Raabes 70. Geburtstag, ed. Alfred Morgenroth (Leipzig: C. F.
Peters, 1942), 125. Felix Raabe repeated Schnapps conclusion in the Zusatze to his fathers Franz Liszt
(p. 16).
85See Franz Liszts Briefe an seine Mutter, trans. & ed. La Mara [Marie Lipsius] (Leipzig:
Breitkopf & Hartel, 1918), 20-21; see also appendix A, where it is transcribed complete.
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215
[6] P.S. Jai oubli6 dajouter k la Note de mes compositions un Duo pour Piano et
Violon sur une Mazourk [sic] de Chopin. . .
Beginning with the items not mentioned by Schnapp, the vieux cahier may be sketchbook
N6: although it is no longer surrounded by gray paper, it contains many fragments of
compositions from the preceding years. Of course, the purpose of Schnapps list was to
document lost works, thus the book was irrelevant. Mueller translated the phrase as
bound in grey paper, in which case it applies to neither N6 nor the Lord Londonderry
sketchbook recently acquired by US-Wc, the only such documents known from this
period. Two other items have been identified as manuscripts in D-WRgs. The Duo for
Piano and Violin is found in an autograph manuscript (LI), and the Fantasy on themes of
is bound. In addition, its size and clarity make it suitable as a conducting score, and minor
manuscript in D-WRgs (H2). It is unclear whether he meant to imply that this was the
manuscript Liszt requested or that this copy was a later version of the same work. Schnapp
surely knew the former was impossible, as the copyist noted in the letter is again Belloni,
and the hand of the Malediction copy is quite dissimilar to that of the Grandefantaisie
symphonique. Mueller listed four manuscripts of Concerto No. 1 in Bellonis hand (D-
WRgs, H3a-d). We agree, but must modify her conclusion to that of the earliest version
of Concerto No. 1 (D-WRgs, H3b and H3c), as this copy and that of the Grande fantaisie
87See Mueller, Liszts Tasso Sketchbook, 357. See also the discussion of Belloni in
chapter three (Manuscript Copies).
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216
symphonique can be dated to about the same time, while H3a and H3d cannot be dated
earlier than 1839.88 Thus, it is reasonable to associate the first item on the list with
Mueller identified the third item with Malediction (D-WRgs, H2 and H I3), and,
as the manuscripts she cited were tom from bound volumes, this is a plausible assumption.
Schnapp suggested De profundis, and we find this identification more compelling. The
bound autograph manuscript, which is the only known copy, is also in D-WRgs (HI), and
although the cover is no longer blue, the description of the work as a concerto
symphonique and the time of composition as winter correlate well with other sources. In
addition, the Grande valse di bravura is found at the end of the volume. Published in
1836, it was probably written after the book was received in Switzerland. As an alternative
identification, Schnapp suggested the (lost) first draft of Concerto No. 1, being aware that
the sketches in N6 made the existence of such a document likely (he could not be sure that
the copyists score was from this time). While there is nothing to contradict the postulation
of such a document, we must note the distinction Liszt made between concerto and
concerto symphonique: the early version of Concerto No. 1 is in the traditional three-
movement form, whereas De profundis is one continuous movement, thus requiring (to
Liszts mind) another designation. Further, when Liszt revised Concerto No. 1 to a one-
movement form, it too became a concerto symphonique. Note also Liszts title for
another one-movement work: Grande fantaisie symphonique,89
88See Franz Liszt, Concerto for Piano and Orchestra in E-flat Major, op. posth., ed. Jay
Rosenblatt (Budapest: Editio Musica, 1989), xi.
89Stengel suggests that the designation may have to do with the constant interchange between
piano and orchestra; see his Die Entwicklung des Klavierkonzerts von Liszt bis zur Gegenwart (Berlin,
1931), 15. Note that this aspect is also a feature of the earliest version of Concerto No. 1, however.
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The fifth item, the sextet, has eluded identification entirely. Mueller noted that
the sextet is not yet located, and Schnapp could only speculate that it was wohl noch in
der 20er Jahren entstanden, probably from the references in Adam Liszts letter of 14
August 1825 where he remarked on his sons prolific production of chamber works,
although no mention is made of a sextet90 There is another possibile composition to
which this might refer, the work hitherto assumed to be for piano and string orchestra,
Malediction. Perhaps it was because Liszt had made no contribution to the chamber music
repertoire, other than the Grand Duo concertant sur la romance de M. Letfont: Le Marin
and the early unpublished pieces, that previous researchers assumed Malediction was not
chamber music. There were no grounds from which to gather this conclusion, and there is
evidence to suggest it may be incorrect.
First, the indications for the instrumentation in the copyists manuscript are all
carefully written in the singular, a fact obscured in the published edition by printing the
string designations in the plural. This observation can only be considered suggestive,
however, and does not necessarily prove the case for a sextet, as, even with full orchestral
scores where the strings are clearly multiplied, the indications may be in the singular, and
unfortunately the autograph sketch fragments do not have any designations at all (D-WRgs,
H13a and loose folios in H2). Second, the loose pages in H2 were tom out of a
sketchbook that, as far as is known, contained chamber music (the Chopin and
Mendelssohn Duos). The evidence for this lost sketchbook will be described in detail in
chapter nine, but suffice it to state here that, although also suggestive, this observation is in
no way conclusive. Third, in the letter Liszt referred to the copyist as the Pole, an
individual otherwise unknown in the Liszt biography. The hand that produced the copy of
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Malediction is certainly unique among Liszt manuscripts (the copies of the national songs
are lost), but once again this observation is suggestive and the description insufficient to
Turning to the music itself we find a host of negative evidence. There is nothing
inherent in the score to suggest multiple strings: the double-stops are all practical, and such
passages where the notes have two stems may be no more than Liszt transferring to his
string writing a method of voice clarification used in piano scores. In addition, the term
divisi never appears in any of the sources, including the well-marked copyists
manuscript, whereas it can be found in the autograph of De profundis, a score which also
features extensive use of double-stops. On a more subjective level, the deleted section
devoted to a transcription of Schuberts song Du bist die Ruh (transcribed and discussed
in chapter nine) would make best sense for solo cello, not a cello section. Note also the
independence of the contrabass part, more likely in chamber music than in an orchestral
score. Finally, there is no precedent for a piano concerto with only string accompaniment,
although there is precedent for this exact sextet combination in a series of successful works
by Henri Bertini composed in late 1834-early 1835, the precise period in which
Malediction was composed. Note also that while a concerto might be performed without its
wind parts in a salon,91 there is no example of a work conceived with only strings
expanded to become a concerto for piano and orchestra. We also observe that while Liszt
was innovative harmonically and formally, he seems to have shown little interest in novel
instrumental combinations, which a work for piano and string orchestra at this time would
certainly have been. In summation, without a single piece of evidence to suggest that
91For example, Chopin introduced his E minor concerto to Paris with the accompaniment of
only a string quartet; see Jean-Jacques Eigeldinger, Les premiers concerts de Chopin h Paris (1832-1838):
Essai de mise au point, in Music in Paris in the Eighteen-Thirties, ed. Peter Bloom, Musical Life in 19th-
Century France 4 (Stuyvesant, New York: Pendragon Press, 1987), 263-265.
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219
Malediction is a work for massed strings and with much to suggest that it is a piece of
chamber music, this study concludes that the work is properly thought of as a Sextet for
Piano and Strings in E minor.
Thus, the descriptions in Liszts letter may be identified with the following
manuscripts, all in D-WRgs: (1) the earliest surviving version of Concerto No. 1 (H3b and
H3c); (2) Grandefantaisie symphonique (H7); (3) De profundis, psaume instrumental
(HI); (4) perhaps sketchbook N6; (5) Malediction (H2); (6) Chopin Duo (LI). It is
curious that the Mendelssohn Duo was omitted from this list, but perhaps it can be
explained by observing that each item was important to Liszt during his self-imposed exile:
the first three were concertos, and their value at this point in his career has already been
noted. Sketchbook N6 had previously provided musical ideas for the Paganini Fantasy and
Harmonies poetiques et religieuses (discussed above), as well as Concerto No. 1 and
Malediction (to be discussed in chapters eight and nine), and Liszt may have hoped that its
contents would yield ideas for other compositions. Of the two chamber works, there is the
use of a common paper for corrections found in both Malediction and the Chopin Duo,
which is otherwise not found among his autographs and which may suggest that both
manuscripts were revised in Switzerland. As the Mendelssohn Duo had been performed at
least three times, we can presume that Liszt was satisfied with it, and it was to
compositions that had not been heard in the concert hall, or, in the case of the Grande
fantaisie symphonique, only been heard once, that he wished to turn his attention.
Conclusion
After a seven-year hiatus following the death of his father, Liszt rediscovered his
vocation as a composer with the help of the Abbd Lamennais. The result was an intense
period of composition less than a year in which he completed his first mature
concerto and composed at least five other large-scale works, two of which were for piano
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220
and orchestra. Given such a concentrated burst of activity, it should not surprise us that
these compositions exhibit similiarities in technique and that the development of innovative
approaches occurred rapidly from one work to the next. These works reveal a considerable
musical maturity, an advancement for which he is rarely given credit at this point in his
career.
the earliest surviving version of Concerto No. 1 and the Grandefantaisie symphonique
(chapter eight), continuing with Malediction (chapter nine), and concluding with the
unfinished De profundis (chapter ten). Finally, although it has been argued that
Malediction is a sextet, because of the soloistic character of the piano writing, the survival
of sketch material, and the stylistic traits that it shares with the other concertos, it is
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THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO
VOLUME TWO
A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO
THE FACULTY OF TOE DIVISION OF THE HUMANITIES
IN CANDIDACY FOR THE DEGREE OF
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
DEPARTMENT OF MUSIC
BY
CHICAGO, ILLINOIS
AUGUST 1995
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CHAPTER VIE
manuscripts and that precise details are known about the genesis of the Grandefantaisie, a
series of events can be reconstructed that bring the two works together. The resulting
scenario supports the viewpoint, advanced in chapter seven, of an ambitious composer
working feverishly to advance his career in the fall and winter of 1834-35. We can also
witness the first tentative steps toward compositional techniques formerly thought to be
developed after his arrival in Weimar in 1848. In addition, the discussion can serve as an
object lesson for understanding Liszts compositional process and musical development in
The first historical account of Concerto No. 1 appeared shortly after the works
Reprinted in Richard Pohl, Franz Liszt: Studien und Erinnerungen, Gesammelte Schriftren iiber
Musik undMusiker 2 (Leipzig: Bernhard Schlicke [BathasarElischer], 1883), 199-237. The article was
first published in 1859.
221
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222
completed in 1848, first performed on 16 February 1855 with Liszt at the piano and Hector
Berlioz on the podium, and published in 1856.2 Lina Ramann referred to this article, and,
though she used 1849 as the year of composition, she acknowledged that the conception of
the work appeared to date from Liszts virtuoso years.3 In her Chronologisches
Verzeichnis, she listed composition in 1848 (followed by a question mark), revision in
1853, and publication in 1857.4 The work was dedicated to Liszts Mend and fellow
virtuoso, Henry Litolff.5
Turning to modem scholarship, Peter Raabe forthrighdy stated that the genesis of
the concerto could not be ascertained.6 Nevertheless, he was able to conclude that it was
completed no later than 1849, based on four manuscripts in D-WRgs,7 a copy by Joachim
Raff in the collection of the Marchese della Valle in Pallanza,8 and letters,9 and further
3See Lina Ramann, Franz Liszt als Kiinstler and Mensch, 3 vols. in 2 (Leipzig: Breitkopf &
Hartel, 1880-1894), 3:335.
4See ibid., 3:503. At least the year of publication can be documented to 1857; see Franz Liszts
Briefe, ed. La Mara [Marie Lipsius], 8 vols. (Leipzig: Breitkopf & Hartel, 1893-1904), 8:129 (between 12
January and 15 March 1857).
5See Litolff s unpublished letter to Liszt of 10 April 1855 in D-WRgs (MS 22/16,2).
6See the woiklist entry in Peter Raabe, Franz Liszt, 2d ed., 2 vols. (Tutzing: Hans Schneider,
1968), 2:311. This study is a reprint of an earlier edition, with additional pages of annotations by his son
Felix (Stuttgart and Berlin: J. C. Cottasche, 1931).
7These are H3a, H3b, H3c, H4, and H12. Although there are five shelflist numbers, H3b and
H3c are clearly two parts of the same score (discussed below). In addition, H3a was the exemplar for H4
(the latter dated 21 October 1849), and H12 is a manuscript copy with autograph emendations, which also
served as the engravers copy. The relationship between these scores and the one noted in n. 8 below is
discussed in chapter four, Compositional Process in the Concertos.
8This manuscript is now in US-NYpm, Lehmann. The copyist attribution has since been
corrected by Rena Mueller to Dionys Pruckner; see her Liszts Tasso Sketchbook: Studies in Sources and
Revisions (Ph.D. dissertation, New York University, 1986), 361.
9See Hans von Biilow, Briefe und Schriften, ed. Marie von Biilow, 2d ed., 7 vols. (Leipzig:
Breitkopf & Hartel, 1899-1907), 1:180 (21 June 1849); Helene Raff, Franz Liszt und Joachim Raff im
Spiegel ihrer Briefe, Die Musik 1, no. 1 (1901), 287 (1 August 1849).
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223
revised in 1853 and 1856, based on letters.10 He correctly listed the date of the premiere as
17 February 1855 (not 16 February, as in Pohl) and identified two themes in a sketchbook
(D-WRgs, N6). Two years later, Rudolf Kdkai returned to the sketchbook and provided
specific page numbers, partial transcriptions, and a date of 1 January 1832.11 Neither of
these scholars attempted to account for the other manuscripts from this period and
Humphrey Searle copied Raabes information into his Groves catalogues, adding to it that
it was sketched c. 1830 and the first version was accomplished in collaboration with
Joachim Raff.
It was left for Sharon Winklhofer in her revision of Searles work to supply
precise dates and to account for the current locations of several manuscripts.13 Based on
her own archival research, she was able to offer a date of 1832-35 for the earliest
manuscript copy (D-WRgs, H3b) and to record the location of a manuscript that was
unknown to Raabe, a Raff copy in the Rosenthal Collection in US-Wc. She also noted that
the manuscript formerly in the possession of the Marchese had since been owned by Alfred
Cortot, then R. O. Lehman, and was currently on deposit in US-NYpm. Her entry in the
10See Briefwechsel zwischen Franz Liszt und Hans von Biilow, ed. La Mara [Marie Lipsius]
(Leipzig: Breitkopf & Hartel, 1898), 21 (12 May 1853), 172 (14 March 1856).
11See Rudolf Kdkai, Franz Liszt in seinen friihen Klavierwerken (Leipzig: Franz Wagner, 1933;
repr. Kassel: Barenreiter, 1968), 18-19,122-123 (exs. 5 ,5a).
13See Sharon Winklhofer, Review of Liszt, Franz [Ference] in The New Grove Dictionary of
Music and Musicians, 19th Century Music 5 (Spring 1982), 260.
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224
revised New Grove worklist of sketched January 1832, presumably based on the
sketchbook entry, is surely optimistic, however.14
concerto have been deficient in the analysis of the manuscripts from the 1830s. The
difficulty for these authors was compounded by Pohl and Ramann, the sources closest to
composer, who both implied that the work is a post-1840 product. As this conclusion was
not the result of research into the original documents, we must assume that this is the
account Liszt wished to leave posterity. Would he have preferred this earliest version of
Concerto No. 1 to be forgotten?
Historical Background
There are two letters which have been overlooked and which offer a time frame
useful for placing the concerto in the context of other works from the 1830s. Liszt
completed a number of compositions in the months following his first exposure to Paganini
in April 1832, one of which may have been the first version of Concerto No. 1. In a letter
of 12 December to his student Val&ie Boissier, he referred to the work as follows: [J]ai
restent h dcrire.. .15 Based on the manuscript copy from two years later (D-WRgs, H3b
and H3c), the letter contains a plausible (if somewhat vague) description of the three-
movement work contained therein, but unfortunately no other sources survive to
corroborate this identification. Then again, the letter does not state unequivocally that the
14See The New Grove Early Romantic Masters I: Chopin, Schumann, Liszt (New York:
Norton, 1985), 334.
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225
works were complete, only that he had labored at length. There is no other composition
to which the description could be applied, however, and the musical content of the copy
suggests a conception closer to the letter, at least when compared to other works from this
time. The reference to accompagnements must be to the task of orchestration, as it is
unlikely that Liszt would have conceived a concerto without some idea of the connecting
passages between solos. It is therefore possible that Liszt had drafted his Concerto No. 1
in piano score by December 1832.
The second reference is found in Liszts letter of 28 July 1835, written shortly
after his arrival in Geneva: Le Concerto de ma composition copid par Belloni avec la partie
de piano et la Partition dapr&s laquelle il la copid.16 Belloni is very likely his associate,
Gaetano, who would later travel with him on his tours (see chapter three, Manuscript
Copies). The same letter also lists him as the copyist for the Grandefantaisie
symphonique (see below), and as this score can be identified with some security (D-WRgs,
H7), the clear correspondence of the handwriting is a valuable clue for labeling the
manuscript copy of the concerto and for identifying the characteristics of Bellonis hand.17
In the discussion below, we will show that the correspondence goes beyond the
handwriting, making the identification all but certain. The letter may thus be used to verify
that the work was complete before Liszt left Paris in May 1835 and provides a terminus
ante quern for the copy (the autograph is lost). It also suggests his continuing interest in
16See Franz Liszts Briefe an seine Mutter, trans. & ed. La Mara [Marie Lipsius] (Leipzig:
Breitkopf & Hartel, 1918), 20. This letter is transcribed in appendix A.
17Rena Mueller also concludes that the copyist of these manuscripts is Belloni, although she
does not discuss her method of identification; see her Liszts Tasso Sketchbook, 87,357.
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226
Manuscript Sources
The sketchbook used by Liszt during the years 1829-1833 has already been
discussed in chapter seven with regard to the drafts of the Grandfantasia de bravoure sur la
clochette and Harmonies poitiques et religieuses (D-WRgs, N6). Within it are also found
themes that he subsequently used in Concerto No. 1 and Malediction, and it is from this
source that we find the date 1 Janvier 1832 on the same page as the music from the
opening measures of the Concerto (f. 4, p. 6).18 This date is written several staves beneath
the concerto theme, however, thus it properly belongs to the material found at the bottom of
the page, and the famous opening theme must pre-date 1832, although perhaps by only a
few days, as the handwriting is consistent in all the entries.19 Oddly, though he did not
place a date at the top of the page, Liszt inscribed his initials in a circle, an ornate signature
This book also contains the theme that opens the allegro marziale animando
section of all versions of the concerto from 1839 onwards. Here it is written in E major
and labeled Marche Finale, and the notation is found on the lowest systems of the page,
where it continues over to the adjacent recto on the same lines (ff. 1lv-12, pp. 17-18).
The theme is also found in a manuscript tentatively identified as the Solo caractiristique d
propos dm e chansonnette de Panneron.2 Liszt had mentioned this work in the letter of
18The page numbers are usually cited in the secondary literature (e.g., Kdkai, Franz Liszt in
seinen friihen Klavierwerken, and Dieter Torkewitz, Harmonisches Denken im Friihwerk Franz Liszts,
Freiburger Schriften zur Musikwissenschaft 10, ed. Hans Heinrich Eggebrecht [Munich, Salzburg:
Musikverlag Emil Katzbichler, 1978]), but these are later additions, not by Liszt, and do not include pages
without notation. The folio numbers count each page with staff lines from the beginning of the book
through to the end.
19Although Kdkai, Franz Liszt in seinen friihen Klavierwerken, p. 19, implies otherwise, Keith
T. Johns, Franz Liszts N6 Sketchbook held at the Goethe-Schiller Archive in Weimar, Journal o f the
American Liszt Society 20 (December 1986), p. 30, is more cautious.
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227
12 December 1832, and the date fits well with that of the sketch, 13 Juni Ecouteboeuf, a
reference to the small town where Liszt vacationed for six weeks in May and June 1832.
Un drame k propos d une chansonnette, grande Fantaisie.21 Thus, the work was in his
possession during his travels, and a theme that had no part in the earliest version of
Concerto No. 1 came to play an integral role in a revision of several years later.
As noted in previous discussions, sketchbook N6 is a problematic source, the
result of the haphazard manner in which it was used by Liszt, and the page with the
opening measures of Concerto No. 1 is typical: it is the first folio with a date, the verso is
blank, and the recto of the following page has 27 Juin at the top, while its verso has 17
Aout 1830. The pattern is repeated throughout the book, suggesting that Liszts original
intention was to write out extensive drafts or entire works, and he left blank pages between
the unfinished entries for this purpose. Within months of his first sketches, he was writing
new ones on the empty folios, thus whatever content Liszt may have expected for the
opening pages in 1829, by January 1832 he had entered a number of thematic jottings on
The page contains seven ideas, and Liszt wrote them using every staff and
bracing most of them together by twos, with treble and bass clef implied (see Example 8.1
and critical notes). The first sketch thus continues onto the first three measures of the
second system, with the second sketch beginning in the fourth measure. Liszt was
dissatisfied with the second measure of this second idea and wrote a different continuation
in the following measure, which in turn carries over to the next line. Two more ideas
21See Briefe an seine Mutter, 39. The date of before 22 October 1837 derives from Mdria
Eckhardt, Une femme simple, mfere dun gdnie europden, Anna Liszt: Quelques aspects dune
correspondance, in Actes du colloque international Franz Liszt, La revue musicale 405-406-407 (1987),
208.
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228
3 menures
C o n ce rto
Trocipe
il o s
3
Cham.
etc.
8
Ji 9
' -
;
fflrf
etc.
lit! J j
- & -
Wl\M- 1
1 Janvier 1832
12
8-
# * - #
13
14
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229
follow, and the pattern is broken in staves 9-11 with a three-staff system. The final two
sketches stand apart from the preceding by the addition of a date and a new key signature.
There are several reasons to assume that this page represents a collection of related
sketches: first, the ideas proceed one after the other from one system to the next, and the
verso is blank, suggesting that Liszt allowed space for additional ones. Second, they all
appear to take the same key signature, until a new one is indicated in the twelfth staff.
Finally, this new key is closely related to the first, and these last thematic ideas may be for
another movement. The label Concerto above the first staff must therefore signal a page
these first measures often survived intact, whatever the revisions to the rest of the
composition. In the first sketch, the key and much of the rhythm and harmony are as
found in all subsequent versions, and even the continuation in the fifth measure is similar in
gesture to the final version, the four measures here roughly equivalent to mm. 5-13.22 The
indication 3 mesures appears to be an aide de memoire to create three-measure phrases
22These measure numbers are from the score edited by Ferenc Rados (Budapest: Editio Musica,
1992), which treats the concerto as a single-movement work as follows: quasi adagio = m. 99; allegretto
vivace = m. 175; allegro marziale animato = m. 340; for a total of 501mm.
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230
out of the two-measure ones, perhaps by the addition of rests (Liszt would eventually use a
fermata). Two significant details are lacking in the first layer, however: the eighth-note
figures in the second and fourth measures were added with hand-drawn staff lines, and the
striking E-major chord was originally a not-so-striking A-flat minor. The continuation
appears to reflect the turn to the minor mode implied by the A-flat chord, touching upon G-
flat major before returning to the dominant (the subsequent versions move to C major).
The instruction mi majeur must relate to the E-major chord, although no known version
contains such a deflection at this point. Note that in the final version the use of these
harmonies is reversed: the E-major chord is followed immediately by the dominant (m. 5),
while the first repetition of the opening theme uses the A-flat minor chord, reinterpreting it
as G-sharp minor to modulate to the key of E major (mm. 14ff.).
Despite the lack of clefs and key signatures, the remaining sketches appear to
continue in E-flat, and, assuming they belong to the same piece, the ideas labeled
Trompe, Chant, and the triplet figure (through staff 7) may be for the secondary key
area. In the second sketch, Trompe appears to be an abbreviation for trompette,
specifically applied to the half-note octaves on/and c: Liszt was indicating one strand of
the instrumentation for natural trumpet. The interpretation of Chant. is unclear, but the
use of g-flat and d-flat reflects back to the use of G-flat major in the first sketch and also
suggests that the emendation of the E-major chord postdates the notation of this third idea.
Note that the single melodic line of the last two measures of staff 5 is very likely Liszts
shorthand for a repetition of the accompaniment from the first two measures of the sketch.
The triplet idea might have been conceived as a closing theme for a traditional exposition
(i.e., in the key of the dominant). With the fifth idea, spread across a three-staff system,
the correct interpretation is very much in doubt, and substituting different clefs and key
signatures does not yield a result any more satisfactory. That the fragment is related
melodically to the last sketch does not help us. The final two ideas are in B-flat major, and,
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231
while the closely related key may indicate that they were intended for a slow movement, we
also note two different meters.
These seven sketches were probably written apart from an overriding conception
of a composition, suggested by the use to which they were ultimately put: with the
exception of the first, not one of these musical ideas was employed in the concerto nor, as
far as is known, in other works. In addition, the turn toward G-flat major, evident in the
original draft for the opening and also the third idea, is not found in any subsequent
version. Such observations may be extended to the other sketches, including those to be
discussed in later chapters: the book was a miscellaneous repository for ideas, musical and
literary, written as they occurred to the composer. Whatever method of sketching Liszt
used to produce the works listed in his letter of 12 December 1832, it is not to be found in
sketchbook N6.
can be deduced from Liszts letter of 28 July 1835, in which he requested the manuscript
with the piano part and the score from which it was copied. An explanation for this
description may be found in the autographs of the 1839 version of Concerto No. 2, which
contain the piano part in one manuscript (D-WRgs, H5d) and the orchestral parts in another
(D-WRgs, H5c). This distribution between two scores must have been employed in the
earliest version of Concerto No. 1, a conclusion that complements the description of the
concerto in his letter of 12 December 1832, where Liszt noted that the accompaniment
remains to be written. Such an explanation also presumes that the lost scores were
autograph. As noted above, this may imply that the work at first existed only in piano
score, and, rather than recopy the extensive piano part, Liszt adapted the expedient of
notating the other instruments in a separate manuscript It is therefore possible that there
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232
may not be any other sketch material, as the piano part was likely a working score into
which Liszt incorporated corrections and revisions, also the case in the 1839 autograph.
The only other source from this period is a manuscript copy in which is found a
complete, orchestrated work in three movements. Bellonis score has been catalogued
under two shelflist numbers (D-WRgs, H3b and H3c), and it is useful to view this copy as
two separate manuscripts distinguished by musical and physical characteristics: H3b
contains the first movement and is on paper nearly identical to that of Bellonis manuscript
of the Grande fantaisie symphonique (D-WRgs, H7), including the watermark and staff
ruling (paper type 8.1); H3c contains the second and third movements on paper of similar
size and weight but with a different watermark (type S.2).23 The manuscript of the first
movement consists of eight gatherings, each with three nested bifolia, and four loose
folios, the whole surrounded by two blank bifolia (nested) of the paper used for the second
and third movements, which serve as a protective wrapper. There appears to have been a
rather primitive binding at one time, as holes are found at the spines where string was
pulled through, one about 41mm from the top, the other about 40mm from the bottom
(approximately 358mm from each other). Although there is no trace of the string, bum
evidence can be found along the center fold of each middle bifolium. The paper was never
trimmed, and these cords were likely the only means used to keep the pages together (i.e.,
hard covers and glue were never applied). The situation is similar for the second and third
movements, where, although a wrapper is lacking, there are nine gatherings of three nested
(nos. 1-3,9) and two nested (nos. 4-8) bifolia, and holes are found 25-30mm from the
top and bottom of the spines (approximately 392mm from each other). Unlike the first
^ S e e appendix C for precise dimensions and watermark tracings. Paper type 8.1 is discussed in
greater detail below, where the observations are used to support a proposed chronology for the Grande
fantaisie.
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233
movement, but like the Grandefantaisie, Belloni numbered most of the gatherings (he
omitted numbers on 1,2, and 4).
The paper used for the first movement differs from that of the Grande fantaisie,
both in the mold number found in the lower portion of the watermark and minor variations
in the BFK RTVES design (see below, Figure 8.1 and discussion). One possible
sequence of events is that Belloni used a new batch of paper soon after completing his
work on the Grandefantaisie in fall 1834, hence the slightly different watermark, where for
the second and third movements the only paper available was from a different mill, the
same size but of slightly lesser weight Of course, it is also possible that work on the
concerto came first and was interrupted by the fantasy, but the observations made with
regard to BeUonis increasing proficiency as a copyist in the Grandefantaisie may be useful
here in arguing the first hypothesis. The portions of the Grandefantaisie that can be
assigned with assurance to a later layer consistently reveal that, whereas the first time
Belloni would have employed one system per page, on his second pass he took advantage
of rests in some of the parts to write two systems. If this is an indication of his growing
ability, then the consistent use of this technique would suggest a later copy, and this is
precisely what we find in H3b and H3C.24 Taking into account all of these factors, we may
conclude that Liszt brought these compositions to completion within close proximity to one
another, the copy of the concerto following that of the Grandefantaisie, and we can refine
the date of Belloni's work to between late fall 1834 and spring 1835.
That Liszt required a copy of the concerto, if only for the purpose of collating his
piano and instrumental scores, is obvious enough. In addition, his handwriting was
especially rough during these years (see chapter three, The Autographs), and a copy
^Another way of confirming this hypothesis would be to check the two watermarks for
deterioration of the paper mold. Unfortunately, this is confounded by the binding of H7 as well as the
difficulty of obtaining accurate tracings for this study; see the comments in appendix C.
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234
would have been necessary for this reason. The use of Belloni raises another question,
however. Throughout the concerto copy, notes can be found written a third off the correct
pitch, accidentals are sometimes applied to the wrong note in a chord or one substituted for
another (e.g., flats in place of naturals), and ties and clefs are omitted, all with a frequency
that would be unacceptable for professional use. In addition, clefs, key signatures, and
instrumentation are lacking after the first page, and while this was common practice for the
period, there is the added possibility of an instrument having been entered on the wrong
line. These problems are compounded by Liszts typical carelessness, but whereas Liszts
omissions often follow a logical progression, and corrections can usually be deduced from
the context, adding Bellonis mistakes can make the composers intention difficult to
ascertain. These deficiencies are less apparent in the Grandefantaisie copy because the
errors were probably caught and corrected between rehearsals or covered over by the
revised folios (see below). The manuscript of Malediction (D-WRgs, H2) demonstrates
that Liszt knew and used other copyists, so why did he employ Belloni, now on his second
major commission? The reason must have lain in the cost of such copies, for, even in an
age when copying was the primary means of circulating instrumental works, it must have
been prohibitively expensive to copy the Grande fantaisie symphonique and Concerto No.
1. Lacking the ability of his friend Hector Berlioz to prepare his own scores, Belloni must
have seemed a practical alternative, and Liszt may have reasoned that the time spent in
careful proofreading would be worth the money saved by using an amateur.
Further proof that Liszt was aware of Bellonis limitations can be found in his
request that his autographs be sent along with the copy to Geneva, necessary in case he
could not reconstruct his original thought from Bellonis notation. Note that he did not
need to ask for his autograph of the Grandefantaisie, as this score had been used for
performance and thoroughly checked. In addition, Bellonis deficiencies may account for a
unique feature of the concerto copy: with the exception of the last three gatherings, the
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235
measures are numbered throughout, this in contrast not only to Liszts other manuscripts
but also the practice of the period. There seems to be no musical reason for these numbers
(i.e., a concern with balance between sections) nor would they have been used in rehearsal,
given that letters are present Their use may be due to the unreliability of Belloni, for if it is
true that Liszt employed him fully cognizant of his limitations, the measure numbers would
have enabled him to coordinate the two autograph exemplars as well as to safeguard against
dropped measures.
To refer to the composition contained within the pages of H3b and H3c as
complete is not quite accurate. Examination of the musical content in conjunction with the
recorded measure numbers reveals that the opening and closing pages of the first movement
are lacking, and several measures connecting the second and third movements were never
copied into the score. External evidence is of little help in determining the date and purpose
of these lacunae. With the exception of a few autograph markings, Bellonis hand is the
only one found, and, as he did not accompany Liszt to Switzerland, we can conclude only
that his task was accomplished before Liszt requested the manuscript in July 1835. The
missing folios could have been removed at any time. Consideration of the likely musical
content of these passages is more useful in postulating a sequence of events, made possible
by the measure numbers.
In the conclusion to the slow movement, the music breaks off abruptly at m. 6?
(from m. 61 the piano is playing solo) and resumes one page later with m. 71, the opening
of the third movement (typically, the page is complete with tempo marking, instruments
listed at the head of the system, and clefs and key signatures). Note that m. 63 is the top
system of f. 12, the verso is blank, and m. 71 begins f. 13, the first bifolium of the third
gathering. Judging from the surviving autograph exemplars to the 1839 version of the
concerto, Liszt must have instructed Belloni to leave these measures blank, with the
intention of writing a new continuation directly into the copy or on pages that could be
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236
inserted between the two gatherings (perhaps on the two bifolia of the same paper that now
serve as a wrapper for the first movement). As the first layer was likely readable beneath
the cross-hatch, Belloni was able to continue his numbering. These measures cannot be
reconstructed, but it seems likely that a piano cadenza led directly into the third movement
without pause.
A very different set of circumstances is suggested by the missing pages to the first
movement. The manuscript begins with mm. 47-55 on two loose folios, and these
measures lead to mm. 56ff. of the first complete gathering. There are two other loose
folios, but here measure numbers are marked on only one page (mm. 7-8). The musical
content on the verso appears to follow as does the other folio, thus the two must have been
adjacent to one another (see Example 8.2). As the second and third movements are
complete (i.e., there is no evidence of missing folios), these measures must belong to the
first movement If we assume that there are two lost gatherings, each with three nested
bifolia containing 2 to 4 measures per page (as does the rest of the manuscript), then the
two loose folios with mm. 7-20 must have been the second and third folios of the first
gathering, and the two with mm. 47-55, the fifth and sixth of the second. Put another
way, if there are two gatherings for which twelve folios must be accounted, these represent
ff. 2-3 and 11-12, and the first complete gathering in the manuscript as presently
constituted was originally the third. This leaves eight folios, or thirty-two measures, to
reconstruct.
Comparison of these folios with the 1839 version suggests that this portion of the
work must have been similar in the two scores. Measures 1-9 may have been virtually
identical, and, although mm. 10-18 are quite different from the later continuation, both turn
toward C and return decisively to the dominant of E-flat. The next surviving measures
show a close correspondence as well. In light of this analysis, the reason for the lost pages
becomes clear: in whatever way Liszts conception of the work had changed by 1839, he
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237
Cor. flk i V V i -
inEt
0 1,2K I I .
4 -- C 7 -= i- -7 :- j
Piano cresc. m r rf
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238
Ob.
ci.
j f marcato deciso sostenuto
sostenuto
Tim p.
Piano
VI. I
vigOKMO
VI. II
vigoioso
Vie
vigoroeo
soli
Vc.
vigoioso
Cb.
vigoioso
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239
O b.
T im p.
pizz.
VI. I
pizz.
V ie
Vc.
pizz.
Cb.
Timp,
Piano
I
liTillll
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240
Critical Notes to Example 8.2 9 Vc (Cb = Vc): There are upright accents
written on the second and fourth beats.
These fourteen measures are on two folios found Lacking in all other parts, they have been
at the end of D-WRgs, H3b. Only two measures deleted. The sf is lacking in VIII and Vc
are numbered, 7 and 8, and it is solely through on the first beat and VI I, II, and Vie on the
internal musical evidence that the page sequence third beat (i.e., it is lacking more times than
was established: (1), mm. 7-8; (2) 9-11; (3) 12- it is present). Nevertheless, it has been
15; (4) 16-20. Note that all clefs (with the extended here.
exception of changes in the piano), key
signatures, and identification of instruments are 10 Vc (Cb = Vc): There is a staccato dot on the
lacking in the source. Accidentals have also been sixteenth after the trill. In general, the
added to Timp. staccati are not consistently placed in the
winds, but this interpretation makes the best
Although there are no instruments listed in the musical sense.
margin, they have been deduced using the
opening page to the third movement: Petite Flute 10-11 Piano: In contrast to the rest of the
[tacet] / Flutes / Obois / Clarinettes / Cors / passage, the whole rests are lacking,
Trombfe] / Fagotti / Timbal / Violini [I] / [II] / suggesting that Liszt may have intended to
Alto / Piano / Violoncell / C. Basso. add a part.
was able to preserve the beginning of his earlier version, and he must have adapted these
pages for use in the new manuscript (i.e., the exemplar for the 1839 version).
Unfortunately, this usage cannot be confirmed, for, while the much of the autograph of the
1839 version survives, the first movement is lost. Liszt used this same technique ten years
later, however, when he dismembered the next Belloni copy of Concerto No. 1, and he
salvaged whatever folios he could for his revision (D-WRgs, H3a; see chapter four,
Compositional Process in the Concertos). We may also assume a similar situation for the
missing closing pages of this movement, a fortissimo conclusion that likely reiterated the
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241
opening motive: at one point might these have been considered for the closing measures of
the same 1839 exemplar.25 Regarding the passage represented by Example 6.2, the pages
with mm. 7-20 were not used as the changes were too extensive, also the case with mm.
47ff., although the page with mm. 47-48 includes autograph markings in ink of the kind
that Liszt must have used to emend the other folios.
Thus, the state of the manuscript would suggest that these alterations date from
four years later. But aside from this observation, Liszts failure to complete the measures
connecting the second and third movements, coupled with the complete lack of other
autograph markings, would seem to confirm that he had lost interest in the 1835 version,
even before 1839. The reasons for this abandonment are best discussed in the context of
an analysis.
Beethovens Emperor Concerto, op. 73, sharing its scope, key structure (slow
movement in B major), and linking of the slow movement with a scherzo-like finale
(Beethovens in 6/8, Liszts in 3/4). The conservatism of a three-movement structure is
echoed in the modest orchestration, also that of Beethoven: two flutes (the second doubling
piccolo), two oboes, two clarinets, two bassoons, two horns, two trumpets, tympani, and
strings. Only the second movement exceeds a classical orchestra with its use of an
accompanying piano, although this may reflect an alternative version for piano solo that
Belloni miscopied, as suggested by comparison with the autograph exemplar and Bellonis
copy of the 1839 version. As with the instrumentation, the technical demands are not
25This lost conclusion continued on a new gathering, thus it is also possible that it somehow
became detached from the score and was lost, and no revision was involved. This explanation is less likely
for the other missing pages, given the surviving folios and autograph markings in mm. 47-48.
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242
great, and the overall impression is that, whatever new paths Liszt intended to trod in
formal organization and piano virtuosity, he was careful to write for the orchestra in a way
that would allow it to keep up with him.
Turning to the music itself, the measures transcribed in Example 8.2 neatly
summarize the similarities and differences between the 1835 version and the published
work of some twenty years later. In mm. 7-9, the gestures and many of the notes are the
same, but, characteristic of the composer at this time, the piano writing is more virtuosic,
with rapid leaps covering nearly two octaves. The following measures are also revealing,
both in the introduction of new motives and abundance of performance indications
(marcato deciso, vigoroso, delicato). Musically, the harmony turns toward C minor
in m. 10, but, whereas C major is briefly established in the later versions, the use of a
diminished-seventh chord leads immediately to the dominant of E-flat. An audacious
progression follows, making use of an augmented triad (mm. 13-15) that nonetheless
reaffirms E-flat major through a circle-of-fifths progression. With such minimal challenge
to the tonic, the shift to C minor appears unmotivated and impedes the forward motion.
Well-conceived moments alternating with passages that work against the formal argument
of the work are found throughout the movement.
Assuming the accuracy of the reconstruction argued above, the music in mm.
21ff. continues in a manner similar to the 1839 version (and therefore in its broad outlines
to the final version), with the opening motive stated in E-flat over an eighth-note
accompaniment, leading to a new theme in E major. The measures that follow develop this
101 (compare mm. 53,61, and 70-73 in the final version). From this point through the
end of the movement, the 1835 version cannot be compared to subsequent versions, so
thorough was Liszts revision. Over the next 150 measures, there are at least three new
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themes (I: mm. 104ff. in C major, II: mm. 118ff., in D major, ID: mm. 171ff. fugato in
G minor) tenuously held together by occasional statements of a motive derived from the
opening measures (mm. 130ff., 200ff.). A lengthy retransition beginning over a dominant
pedal prepares the return of E-flat (mm. 217ff.), again making use of the motive but
interrupted by a cadenza in C-sharp minor, including a new key signature of four sharps
(m. 258). The approach to the tonic begins again with a change of key signature back to
three flats at m. 265, along with a variant of the material from mm. 5ff.26 The continuation
avoids C, instead touching upon E-flat minor (perhaps a reminiscence of the sketchbook
continuation). A recapitulation of a sort follows at m. 275 with new themes I and II in the
tonic, leading to a fortissississimo statement of the opening theme at m. 313.
Unfortunately, the manuscript breaks off after m. 321, but we may surmise the movement
ended loudly with repetitions of the opening motive and came to a full stop (i.e., there was
not a connecting passage to the slow movement).
The second movement begins in B major with the quasi adagio theme in 12/8 as
found in the final version (see mm. 108ff.). Here, it is marked adagio and stated by the
soloist with accompaniment provided by a second piano. It is remarkable how much of
this movement was preserved through all the revisions, including the development
beginning in m. 22 (compare mm. 13 Iff. of the final version) and the use of recitative-like
interjections, here marked recitando. In addition, the music establishes C major at m. 34
(compare mm. 149ff.), but, unlike the final version, Liszt does not introduce a new
thematic idea, and the movement continues with development of the material already stated
for a total of 70 measures. At m. 63, where the notation ceases, the music has been
modulating freely with A-flat major established. It is easy to imagine this harmony
26Measures 266-268 are transcribed in Robert Collet, Works for Piano and Orchestra, in
Franz Liszt: The Man and His Music, ed. Alan Walker (London: Barrie & Jenkins, 1970), 259, n. 2. Note
that his comment, [t]his was originally the solo pianists first entry, is obviously incorrect.
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244
reinterpreted as the subdominant of E-flat, and the adagio probably segued to the Finale
in the seven measures that were not copied into the manuscript
Marked Vivace and in 3/4, the third movement is launched with an introduction
of seventeen measures (mm. 71-87 note that the measure numbers are continuous from
the adagio). The principal theme that follows is the final versions E-flat minor scherzo
(allegro vivace), beginning in m. 88 (compare mm. 184ff.). In this case, the opening
phrases are nearly identical, including the key signature in three flats. One unique aspect of
this movement is the insertion of the adagio theme: the motion comes to a full stop, and
the theme is heard again in a scoring and key that recalls the earlier movement (mm. 190-
202). Rather than signal a recapitulation (there has not been a secondary key area), the
interpolation is followed by a coda based on the scherzo theme and affirming the major
mode, though with repeated references to the minor (mm. 203-232). Overall, the
movement is longer than the scherzo of the final version, but, rather than add additional
themes, Liszt extended his form with an interpolation and extensive coda. (Table 8.1
summarizes the 1833 version and the points in common with the published score.)
Liszt evidently felt he was expanding the bounds of the genre, for he proclaimed
to Boissier that his concerto was after a plan that I think will be new. Perhaps it was the
interpolation of the adagio into the Finale, although, in this case, there was the precedent
of Beethovens Symphony No. 5. In addition, Liszt thought of his adagio and vivace
as one continuous movement, clear from the consecutive measure numbers and further
confirmed by the marking adagio tempo primo at m. 190. Perhaps it was the other
means he employed to bind together his large-scale conception. Liszt was not interested in
sonata form, and he forged for its various component parts his own substitutes, setting up
alternate secondary key areas anticipated harmonically, for example the digression to C
minor of the opening measures, echoed in the C major of the first new theme in the opening
movement (mm. 104ff.) and in the adagio (mm. 34ff.). Note also the tonal closure in the
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245
(*) Measure numbers in parentheses are non thematic, although note that the thematic correspondences are
occasionally very loose see the text for details.
first movement, effected by bringing back several themes in the tonic just before the close
(mm. 275ff.). These techniques had been used before, but they were by no means
common practice and, in conjunction with the fantasia-like conception of the first
movement and the fearsome virtuosity required of the soloist, could have justified Liszts
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246
movement structure. He promoted unity within the movement by freely restating themes
from section to section, a technique found in the concerto only in its simplest form with the
quotation of the slow movement in the Finale. Further, in his later works, Liszt reserved
one theme for restatement in the closing measures. While it is true that the concerto offers
all the themes in the tonic toward the end of the first movement, the result in context is a
truncated recapitulation rather than a satisfying closing gesture. When we consider the
extent to which one-movement forms and their implications occupied him for the next
twenty years, as well as the incipient nature of the formal techniques, these aspects must
weigh heavily in favor of viewing the concerto as little revised from his 1832 conception.
Certainly a rewritten work would have partaken of the techniques as they had evolved in
the other concerted compositions from 1834-35. This argument is complemented by the
two-manuscript autograph exemplar deduced from the letter of 28 July 1835. By late
1834, Liszt was writing his piano and orchestra works directly into full score (see the
discussion of Malediction in chapter nine and De profundis in chapter ten). If the work had
been altered significantly, there is no reason to doubt that he would have prepared all parts
in score as he did in the case of De profundis. That he reverted to a more sensible
procedure in 1839 and afterward is not an argument against this reasoning; given his
penchant for revision, he may have decided that the flexibility of a piano score was worth
the delay in setting his instrumentation on paper.
The actual orchestration of the concerto stands apart from this thesis, however.
We do not know at what point Liszt orchestrated the work, but, given the general malaise
that he felt towards composition during these years, there is no reason to think that he
completed it until just before he gave his autograph to be copied. This supposition is
supported by internal evidence as well. Compared to his other orchestral works written
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the Grande fantaisie, lacking the extra horns, tympani, and triangle. Note, however, that
the latter work was prepared with a specific performance in mind and for an audience that
knew Berliozs compositions, whereas the concerto and De profundis may have been
planned for the more modest resources that would be available on a concert tour. As there
is no evidence that Liszt considered a career as a touring virtuoso before 1835, this
observation implies a later date for the instrumentation.
Considering the size of the manuscript paper and the use of rehearsal letters, it
seems clear that Liszt had every intention of performing the concerto, and, when we place
the copy next to that of the Grandefantaisie symphonique, with which it is physically a
twin, it becomes apparent that it was to be the next work offered to the Parisian public.
Once settled in Geneva, Liszt requested the concerto, perhaps with the intention of
preparing it for performance in Switzerland, though this apparently never materialized. It is
true that Liszt was limited in his options, and the change of scene may have dampened his
ambition, but it remains curious that in December 1836, when the next opportunity
occurred to present a work for piano and orchestra, he chose the Grande fantaisie
symphonique. The reason may have been that the concerto no longer represented his
compositional priorities, whereas a one-movement work such as the Grande fantaisie did.
But even before he left for Switzerland, the concerto was old-fashioned compared
to his more recent compositions, and when he radically recomposed the work in 1839, he
may have undertaken the task he should have done earlier. That he did not do so is only an
argument for how desperately Liszt wanted to establish himself as a composer in and
outside of Paris: it was easier to orchestrate an existing work than to recompose it. In
1839, on the verge of new touring plans, he made the long overdue decision to overhaul
the concerto: the three-movement form was jettisoned, the work was reduced to less than
half its original size, and, with little more salvaged than the most ingratiating themes, it
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248
began to resemble the final version of the 1850s. Liszt may therefore be forgiven for
viewing his first attempt as a youthful indiscretion, best not mentioned, not even to his
biographer.
Grandefantaisie symphonique
All of Liszts biographers, beginning with Ramann, have mentioned the Grande
fantaisie symphonique. Not from knowledge of any copy (she listed the manuscript as
verloren), nor with assistance from the composer (he did not include the work in the
published thematic catalogues of 1855 and 1877), but as a result of her research in the
Gazette musicale, she accurately reported the place of composition (La CMnaie) and date of
first performance (9 April 1835). She also noted (incorrectly) that Liszt performed it many
times publicly without offering any reference. In addition, Ramann was objective enough
to quote a positive comment from dOrtigues dtude biographique and a negative one
from Caecilia.27
Misunderstanding entered with August Gollerichs worklist, in which he listed
and he must have inadvertently given the proper title of the Berlioz paraphrase to the
Concerto in A minor heard by Moscheles in London (see chapter six, First Forays into the
Concerto Genre). Confusion quickly followed in the secondary literature, with Julius
Kapp speculating as to whether these works were one and the same,29 although scholars
^ S e e August Gollerich, Franz Liszt (Berlin: Marquardt & Co., 1908), 281.
29See Julius Kapp, Franz Liszt (Berlin und Leipzig: Schuster & Loeffler, 1909), 39, n. 2. See
also Searle in Grove V.
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249
such as Peter Raabe and Theophil Stengel were more cautious, no doubt the result of their
work with the manuscripts.30 Unfortunately, another error was added by Emile Haraszti
when he revised the date of the first performance to 24 November 1834: he used as his
source an advertisement for the concert but neglected to check the subsequent review 31
This incorrect date was taken up by Humphrey Searle in the Grove Dictionary o f Music and
Musicians, Felix Raabe in the Zusatze to his fathers work, and the brief introduction to the
first printed score.32 Sharon Winklhofer corrected the date in her revisions to Searles
A far more pernicious error can be traced to Peter Raabe. In his worklist, he
voiced the opinion, daB die Instrumentation ganz von L[iszt] stammt, ist
unwahrscheinlich, and his statement was parroted by later authors, including Rudolf
Kdkai, Humphrey Searle, and Serge Gut.35 Raabe was influenced by earlier writers on the
subject, but his conclusion is completely without foundation and can be refuted (see chapter
five, A Contemporary Response). One can see the basis for his suspicions, however.
The orchestration is very ambitious in comparison with works from this period, Liszts and
30See Raabe, Franz Liszt, 2:311; Theophil Stengel, Die Entwicklung des Klavierkonzerts von
Liszt bis zum Gegenwart (Berlin, 1931), 10, 14-15.
31See Emile Haraszti, Le probl&me Liszt, Acta Musicologica 9 (1937), 127. Harasztis error
was actually two fold, as the concert in question took place on 23 November.
32See Raabe, Franz Liszt, 2:20 (Ziisatze); Franz Liszt, Grande Fantaisie symphonique iiber
Themen aus Hector Berlioz' Lilio" (Lelio-Fantasie)fiir Klavier und Orchester, ed. Reiner Zimmeimann
(Leipzig: Breitkopf & Hartel, 1981). Oddly, Searle has the correct year in his monograph, first published
about the same time as Grove V; see The Music o f Liszt, rev. ed. (New York: Dover, 1966), 10.
^S ee, for example, Serge Gut, Liszt (Paris: Editions de Fallois/LAge dHomme, 1989), 481.
He has corrected it to 23 November, however.
35Raabe, Franz Liszt, 2:311; Kdkai, Franz Liszt in seinen frtthen Klavierwerken, 13; Searle,
The Music o f Liszt, 10; Gut, Liszt, 335. Th editor of the two-piano score went so far as to suggest
Belloni!
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250
(tuned la flat-C), strings. This is a close match with the movement of Le retour d la vie
upon which Liszts fantasy is based, the Chanson de brigands, where, in place of the
trompettes k pistons, Berlioz used comets in B-flat and trumpets in E, one set of tympani
is tuned slighdy differently, and the oboes and triangle are lacking. The most likely
candidate for the task would be Berlioz himself, but his letter written a few days after the
concert (quoted below) spoke favorably albeit briefly about Liszts work and took no credit
for it. Considering how careful Berlioz was the following year to clarify his role in Louise
Bertins Esmeralda,36 it may be assumed that he had little to do with the Grandefantaisie.
In addition, there is no known use of the triangle in Berliozs music to this time, and,
remembering the prominent use given the instrument in later versions of Concerto No. 1,
and presumably not performed until that year by any pianist other than Liszt himself. Since
then, at least three recordings have been made,37 but response has been cool towards the
work, and it has not gained acceptance in the concert hall.
Historical Background
The Milologue entitled Le retour &la vie, and later called Lilio, consists of six
short pieces written by Hector Berlioz over the period 1830-1831 and collected by him into
a composition that was intended to continue the story begun in the Symphoniefantastique,
36See Hector Berlioz, Correspondence Ginirale, ed. Pierre Citron, 5 vols. to date (Paris:
Flammarion, 1972-1989), 2:318-319 (22 December 1836, to his sister, Adfele).
37Michel B6roff, Leipzig Gewandhaus Orchestra/Kurt Masur (EMI CZS7-67214-2); Jen6 Jando,
Budapest Symphony Orchestra/Andras Ligeti (Laserlight 14011); Daria Telizyn, Kiev Symphony/Igor
Blazhkov (Claudio CR-4012-2).
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the entire two-part work entitled tpisode de la vie d u n artiste. In order to create
continuity, both within the score and with the preceding composition, he made use of
monologues that are recited between each item. Not surprisingly, the effect is that of a
pastiche, and this lack of unity along with the topical nature of the recitations has made Le
retour d la vie one of the least performed works of the composer. As Peter Bloom has
observed: [T]he unabashed romanticism of its programme has seemed more obtrusive and
time-bound than the programmes of Berliozs other symphonic compositions and less in
harmony with modem sensibilities.38
Liszt was present at the premiere of Le retour d la vie on 9 December 1832, and
he may have heard the performance that followed on 30 December.39 He was also in the
audience when Le picheur (the first number) was performed on 2 May 1833. The program
included three movements from the Symphoniefantastique, the hearing of which inspired
Liszt to write his transcription:
38Hector Berlioz, Lilio ou Le retour &la vie, ed. Peter Bloom, New Edition o f the Complete
Works 7 (Kassel: Barenreiter, 1992), xv (hereafter NBE).
39See NBE, xii, and the seating plan reproduced on p. 195; see also the diary entry for 9
December in Antoine Fontaney, Journal Intime, intro, and ed. Rend Jasinski (Paris: Les Presses Fran^aises,
1925), 163-164: Je sors it 2 heures et vais au Conservatoire entendre le concert fantastique de Berlioz
Jdtais en premidre loge avec Hugo, sa femme et Liszt Jacques Barzun notes that Liszt was also at the
rehearsals; see his Berlioz and the Romantic Century, 3d ed. (New York and London: Columbia University
Press, 1969), 1:232. As for the concert of 30 December, see Berlioz, Correspondance Ginirale, 2:50 (19
December 1832, to Liszt): P. S. Notre concert est remis au dimanche 30 ddcembre. Liszts participation is
not recorded in any contemporary document but as Berlioz may have doubled the piano four-hand part in the
Fantaisie sur la Tempete de Shakespeare (see NBE, xvi-xvii), we can speculate that Liszt was present in the
orchestra.
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252
There is no mention of Le retour &la vie, but given that Le picheur provides the musical
material for the first half of the Grandefantaisie, this concert may nevertheless be
significant.41
The only unequivocal reference to the works composition is found in the dtude
biographique of June 1835:
With this in mind, it seems likely that the somewhat oblique remark in a letter to Marie
dAgoult the previous fall is to the same work: Jen profiterai pour y achever une nouvelle
dnormitd fantastique dont j ai 6crit les 2/3 k La Chenaie; la reste est fait dans ma tete, mais je
ne me sens vraiment plus le courage de tester davantage dans cette chambre; cette vie
ddloignement me tue.43 Liszts simple description is a valuable clue: the Grandefantaisie
is quite long for a single-movement work nearly twenty-five minutes thus it was
certainly an dnormitd by contemporary standards, and the use of the word fantastique
undoubtedly reflected Berliozs inspiration. These references date the origins to September
1834, when Liszt visited the home of the Abbd Lamennais, and, as the first performance
was announced in the Gazette musicale for 23 November, Liszt must have been successful
in extracting the final third of the work from his head.44 A letter postmarked 8
November reveals that Liszt was quite busy at this time, perhaps preparing for the concert:
41Other performances of Le pecheur prior to the premiere of the Grande fantaisie were on 6 June
1833 and 14 December 1834, but it is unknown whether Liszt was present.
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he excused himself for not writing sooner and, along with a reference to the Symphonie
fantastique (also on the program and conducted by Narcisse Girard, who would conduct
the premiere of the Grandefantaisie), exclaimed, Encore une impossibility et des
excuses!45 One may speculate that he withdrew the work at the last minute, but whether
because it was unfinished, not completely copied, or proved too difficult for the orchestra
in rehearsal is unclear, and the only known fact is that Liszt did not appear on the program
at all.46 Perhaps Berlioz was referring to this cancellation when he wrote: Cet ouvrage,
avant d arriver jusquau public, avait eu k vaincre les preventions et les difficultds qui ne
manquent jamais d accueillir toute production excentrique yievde.47 The premiere finally
the work be sent to him: La Fantaisie symphonique sur des themes de Berlioz (executde k
mon concert) copide par Belloni et relid les parties daccompagnement sont inutiles.48
That he noted the orchestral parts were unnecessary suggests he was considering revision
rather than performance. Nevertheless, the work was heard one last time on 18 December
1836 at a concert in Paris given jointly by Liszt and Berlioz with the latter on the podium.
Liszt never published the Grandefantaisie, although he scheduled the first performance of
45See Julien Tiersot, Lettres de musiciens Writes en frangais du XVe au XXe siicle, 2 vols.
(Turin: Bocca Fitres, 1924), 2:351.
^ S e e , for example, the concert reviews in Gazette musicale de Paris 1 (7 December 1834), 394,
and U artiste 8,127. In Vartiste, the reviewer specifically remarked that the work, though announced, was
not performed.
47Concerts de M. Listz [sic]: (Hdtel-de Ville, salle Saint-Jeari), Journal des dibats (25 April
1835), 1.
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the revised version of Le retour d la vie during the Weimar Berlioz Week of February
1855.49
As may be noted above, the title of the work has not always been consistent in the
sources. Liszt referred to it in his letter to Marie dAgoult as an 6normitg fantastique, and
moniteur universel, where the work is titled Grande fantaisie fantastique sur deux th&mes
de M. Berlioz. . . ,,5 and references in the worklists by Ramann (Fantaisie
symphonique iiber Themen von Berlioz) and Gollerich (Phantasie iiber Fischerlied und
Rauberlied aus L61io von Berlioz). Liszt himself inscribed the title in the manuscript
copy, Grande fantaisie symphonique, and this is taken as his preferred designation for this
study. In addition, this is the title listed in reviews of the 9 April 1835 and 18 December
1836 concerts (quoted below). Note also the use of symphonique, a term that, for Liszt
underlying motivation is not. He could not take it on tour because of the elaborate
instrumentation and unfamilarity of Berliozs works outside of Paris, and, considering that
he had a work for piano and orchestra in his portfolio, the Grandefantaisie would appear
51See also the discussion of Liszts use of this term in chapter seven, The Compositional
Matrix.
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unnecessary. Several explanations may be advanced. As noted above, the Concerto No. 1
may have been sketched as early as 1832, and Liszt may have wanted a work more
representative of his latest ideas in composition as well as a wholly original work. It is also
not clear whether the concerto had been orchestrated by this time. There was also the
attraction of the paraphrase genre (i.e., a work based on music known to the audience),
As for the choice of Le retour d la vie, one clue may lie in the friendship between
the two composers, which was perhaps most intense at this time. Among other evidence
Liszt participated in Berliozs concerts,52 Berlioz wrote articles about Liszt (see below,
Reception History), and Liszt had already transcribed the Symphonie fantastique in
1833. In this context, the history of the transcription is useful in postulating a sequence of
events: Liszt was correcting final proof at the beginning of July 1834,53 and, with the work
about to be issued, he may have sought another way of advancing Berliozs music before
the public. Having composed his Chopin and Mendelssohn duos during the summer, and
thus having adapted the music of the two of his contemporaries whom he admired most,
Liszt may have decided to return to Berlioz, reserving for him the most ambitious work of
all in both instrumentation and compositional technique. That Berlioz himself was at the
forefront of the avant-garde could be considered confirmation for a decision already made.
52Concerts of 2 April 1833,24 November 1833,22 December 1833,28 December 1834, and 3
May 1835. After Liszt left Paris, the only other collaborations were joint concerts on 18 December 1836,
25 April 1841 (for the Beethoven monument in Bonn), and 4 May 1844.
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256
But while this answers the question of the choice of Berlioz, it begs it in the
selection of this particular work: in accomplishment, Le retour d la vie could not be equated
with the Symphonie fantastique. Berlioz must have thought so too, for he never scheduled
the work complete after 1835. Nevertheless, Liszt may have been fascinated with
individual movements. In addition, there was the advantage that three selections from Le
retour d la vie had been published the previous year in piano-vocal score. It is certainly no
coincidence that two of these formed the basis of Liszts composition.54 This also saved
him the trouble of borrowing Berliozs autograph manuscript, although ultimately he
was serving his own artistic ends, smoothing the way of acceptance with his friends
melodies, and, in this context, it is useful to remember that Le picheur was performed
immediately before the Grandefantaisie at the 9 April 1835 conceit A transcription serves
the work transcribed, but a paraphrase shows the ingenuity of the arranger, and, as long as
the material is appropriate, the quality of the source is secondary. Beriioz was served, and
Liszt served himself. In retrospect, however, Liszt, as Berlioz, must have seen the Grande
fantaisie as a piice doccasion, and, having served its purpose, it was shelved.
54These extracts were published by Maurice Schlesinger, as follows: Le pecheur (plate number
1389); Chant de bonheur (1390); Seine de Brigands (1392). Berlioz referred to these publications in a letter
of 23 January 1833 (i.e., three weeks after the first performances): Schlesinger grave trois morceaux de
mon milologue. . See Berlioz, Correspondance Ginirale, 2:69 (to his sister, Addle). They were
advertised for sale in the Revue Musicale for 11 May. Peter Bloom has suggested that the two Liszt used
were newly composed for Le retour d la vie (see NBE, xi). If true, it is possible this could have influenced
his selection.
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more than one. In the letter, Belloni is specified as the copyist, and this manuscript is the
key to identifying his hand, the only one found in H7 with the exception of a few
between two pieces of cardboard covered with green imitation-marble paper, and this
binding appears to be contemporary with the copy, as suggested by the stamp of the
Parisian binder inside the front cover in the upper left comer:
The binding has not held up well, probably from the sheer weight of its contents, and the
covering of the spine is worn away, revealing the gathering structure (see below). There
are 81 folios of music with two flyleaves of lighter-weight paper on either side, the first
flyleaf containing the composers inscription in ink: Grande Fantaisie / symphonique. In
size and clarity, the manuscript would have been suitable as a conducting score and was
very likely used for the performances of the work. The parts mentioned in the letter appear
to be lost, however.55
Throughout the volume, the paper is all of one type, including the collettes but
excepting the flyleaves. The manufacturer was the Dutch paper mill of Dirk and Cornelius
Blauw, a firm known for the quality of their product56 This quality is apparent in H7,
where the paper shows no sign of yellowing or brittleness and gives the impression that it
looks as good as the day Liszt purchased it. Blauw paper can also be found in his other
55Three pages from the Gollerich NachlaB in the Nationalbibliothek in Vienna, listed as Grande
fantaisie symphonique (Partitur-Skizze) (shelflist F28 Goellerich 626), are not autograph. The pages
contain brief extracts from the score, perhaps copied out by Gollerich for his own use.
56Paper from this mill was also used by Berlioz; see the watermark tracing and comments in D.
Kem Holoman, The Creative Process in the Autograph Musical Documents of Hector Berlioz, c. 1818-
1840 (Ann Arbor: UMI Research Press, 1980), 106.
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258
manuscripts, both autograph and copies, and is a near-exact match for that of the first
movement of the earliest version of Concerto No. 1 (see appendix C, paper type 8.1). As
was typical for music paper, the sheet was cut only once, between the two watermarks.57
This method allowed both mark and countermark to remain intact and, as long as the
manuscript was not bound, easily visible across the fold (see Figure 8.1).58 Note that with
this method the staff lines run vertically, relative to the drawing. In this case, the original
sheet was larger than normal, creating a folio especially suitable for a large orchestral score.
cut
BF
RIVES
jc x
Figure 8.1, probably to identify the mold used to produce the sheets. When the sheet is
folded, one of these numbers appears in the upper or lower comer away from the binding,
the cut invariably bisecting the middle number, and this fact, along with the trimming
necessary for a bound volume, has made it impossible to read. From the visible mold
57See also Holoman, Creative Process, 98-99, where this format is illustrated with a diagram.
58As noted, H7 was bound, and these observations were made from the copy of Concerto No. 1,
first movement (D-WRgs, H3b), which is unbound.
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259
numbers, it is possible to deduce two sets in H7, but although one set appears with greater
frequency than the other, no correlation with the replacement folios and full-page collettes
has been found, and the paper must have been purchased at the same time (see Table 8.1
and discussion below).
Thus, we may conclude that Belloni did not begin his work until Liszts was
finished (after September 1834), and he obtained the entire amount needed to do the job.
In addition, the replacement folios and collettes are in his hand, and, as Belloni is not
known to have accompanied Liszt to Switzerland, the alterations must have been done
before he left Paris (before June 1835). The paper itself is the same as the rest of the
manuscript, thus it was likely done within a few months of the first layer. These dates
could be refined further if we assume that the first layer was ready in time for the projected
November 1834 concert, while the revised version was used in April 1835. Unfortunately,
there is no direct reference by Liszt to this effect, and the references to the composition and
cancellation quoted above are too vague to confirm or deny it Note, however, that the
mold numbers in the Grandefantaisie differ from those in the Concerto No. 1 copy, thus
there was no overlap in Bellonis execution of the two projects, and, as noted in the
discussion of Concerto No. 1, the fantasy was likely executed first. Finally, there is no
evidence that Liszt altered the manuscript while in Switzerland, and the performance in
December 1836 may have used the score and parts as they stood in 1835.
59This is exactly in the manner of Berliozs scores; see Holoman, Creative Process, passim.
Liszt had already transcribed Berliozs Symphoniefantastique directly from the autograph (the only available
score of the woik), thus Berliozs modus operandi had been before him as a model. That Berlioz had already
made such modifications by this time is well documented by Holoman (see pp. 262-275).
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f.l (14)(510)
f.2 (ll-14)(15-20)
f.3 (21-26Xblank)
collette (27a-k)*
f.4 (271n)(2833)
f.5 (34-39)(40-45)
f.6 (46-51)(52-56)
f.7 (5761) (6265)
f.8 (66-71)(72-76)
f.9 (77-79X80-82)
f.10 (83-84)(85-90)
f .l l (9195) (96
99)
n f.12 (100-103)(104-106)
" 2" f.13 (107-110)(blank)
f.14 (111-116X117-119)
f.15 (120-121)(122-123)
f.16 (124-125)(126-129)
f.17 (130-133X134-138)
f.18 (139-146)(147-150)
m f.19 (151-152X153-154)
"3 f.20 (155-158X159-160)
f.21 (161-162)(163-164)
f.22 (165166)(167)
f.23 (168-169X170-171)
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f.24 (172-173X174-175)
f.25 (176-177)(178-181)*
collette (182-184)*
IV f.26 (blank)(blank)
"4,5,6" f.27 (185-193X194-196)
f.28 (197-201X202-205)
f.29 (206-209X210-213)
f.30 (214-216)(217-224)*
f.31 (221-224)(225-228)*
V f.32 (229-232X233-236)
t y * t f.33 (237-240X241-244)
f.34 (245-248)(249-252)
f.35 (253-256X257-260)
f.36 (261-264)(265-268)
f.37 (269-272X273-276)
collette (273-280)*
collette (blank)*
VI
f.38 (277-280X281-284)
8"
"
f.39 (285-288X289-292)
f.40 (293-294)(295-298)
f.41 (299-306X307-314)
f.42 (315-318X319-322)
vn f.43 (323-326)(327-330)*
" 9 "
collette (325-331)
f.44 (332-339X340-346)
f.45 (347-354)(355-361)
vm f.46 (362-367X368-373)
"10, 11" f.47 (374-378X379-385)
f.48 (386-391)(392-397)
f.49 (398-405X406-413)
f.50 (414-420X421-428)
f.51 (429-432X433-436)
* ff. 25 and 30 are tipped in (i.e. attached to a stub); the verso of the collette to f. 26 has
mm. 185-188; the recto of f. 31 is cancelled in pencil; collettes to ff. 37 and 38
constitute a single bifolio; on the recto of f. 43, mm. 325-326 are cancelled in pencil
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f.52 (437-439X440-443)
f.53 (444-446X447-449)
f.54 (450-452X453-455)
f.55 (456-459X460-463)
X f.56 (464-467X468-469)
" 12" f.57 (469X470-472)
collette (470-475)
f.58 (476-481X482-487)
f.59 (488-493X494-496)
f.60 (497-499X500-502)
f-61 (503-505X506-508)
f.66 (543548)(549553)
f.67 (554-562X563-569)
f.68 (570-575X576-581)
f.69 (582-589X590-593)
f.70 (594-596X597-599)
f.71 (600-603X604-607)
f.72 (608-610X611-614)
XIV f.73 (615-617)(618-620)
16" f.74 (621-623)(624-626)
f.75 (627-629)(630-632)
f.76 (633-635X636-638)
f.77 (639-641)(642-643)
f.78 (644-646)(647-649)
f.79 (650-652)(653-655)
f.80 (656-658)(659-661)
f.81 (662-665X666-670)
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presently constituted contains fifteen gatherings, but numbers on the gatherings themselves
suggest that there were originally seventeen. There are no gaps between the gatherings as
attached to the spine that would suggest any were removed after the manuscript had been
bound, therefore the present binding must have been executed on a revised version of the
work, with the stubs left long enough so that all folios would remain well attached. The
handful of penciled autograph markings throughout the manuscript attest that these
emendations were the composers, and therefore it represents the last stage of Liszts
compositional process, despite the fact that it is a copy. In addition, the revisions may have
resulted from an opportunity to hear the work in rehearsal, thus the Grande fantaisie
represents the most refined expression (although not necessarily the most advanced) of
Liszts compositional goals from this period, a conclusion especially useful because of the
narrow time frame. The nature and scope of these alterations can therefore tell us much
Liszt chose the two most tuneful portions of Le retour d la vie for his fantasy,
movements which also contrast well with each other. First is the first musical number of
Berliozs score, a setting of a ballad by Goethe, Der Fischer, that tells the story of a water
nymph who loves a fisherman to his death. The four verses are translated into French and
set in modified strophic form for voice and piano.60 The song begins in A minor, and each
strophe consists of a brief prelude and postlude and three contrasted melodies of similar
material, designated here a (mm. 3-12), b (mm. 13-18), and c (mm. 19-28), the last in the
6CThis analysis is based on the work as published in 1833 (and presumably performed in 1832)
and reprinted in NBE, pp. 204-209. When Berlioz revised the work, perhaps for the performance in
Weimar, he deleted one strophe, altered the others, and added a reference to the idie fixe from the Symphonie
fantastique.
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parallel major. There is no transition to return to the minor mode between strophes 1 and
2, and 3 and 4, at which point the music comes to a full stop and resumes in the minor.
Between 2 and 3, the arpeggiated accompaniment continues, playing c-sharp one time, c-
natural the next (mm. 58-59). The fourth strophe is quite different from the preceding
three: first, to reflect the agitated motion of the water, the arpeggiated chords in the piano
are replaced by tremolos with the underlying harmonies altered in places; second, the vocal
line remains the same through a (mm. 86-95) and b (mm. 96-101), but c is severely
truncated, the result of eschewing word repetition and an abrupt ending motivated by the
tex t: Sans le vouloir, sans se dtfendre, il suit la nymphe. . . il disparait, (mm. 102-
107).
The Chanson de Brigands, the third of the sue numbers in the score, is a
swaggering dramatic scene, static in nature, for bass, male chorus, and orchestra. The
movement is in F major and essentially strophic. It begins with an extended introduction
for the orchestra alone: theme I, a (mm. 1-17), b (mm. 18-35), and c (mm. 36-40). This
is followed by the entrance of the voices with new melodic material: theme II (strophe 1,
mm. 41-98; strophe 2, mm. 99-145), but borrowing the c phrase of theme I (mm. 65-68,
There is not much to bind the ballad and the chanson together apart from Berliozs
monologues, but in his Grande fantaisie symphonique Liszt was able to create a satisfying
allowing them to give the piece its tonal shape. Liszts work is in two sections: slow (mm.
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1-184) fast (mm. 185-670),61 and each is approximately equal in length for a total
performance time of about twenty-four minutes.62 The first section is based exclusively on
Le picheur, while the second, in addition to the Chanson de Brigands, includes original
themes and a reminiscence of the first. While Le picheur was more malleable for Liszts
purposes and therefore capable of sustaining the entire section, the Chanson was less
susceptible to development because of the repeated rhythmic figures that make up the
material of theme I. This might have compelled Liszt to add his own themes, carefully
tailoring them to support the harmonic relationship between the two sections (see below),
and nearly half of the second section is given over to non-Berlioz material. In addition,
Liszt used a rhythmic motive (x) borrowed from the second number of Le retour d la vie,
the Choeur dombres, and employed it to bind the two sections together (see mm. 73-75,
d-flat), a sonority Berlioz exploits in the Chanson when he flirts with the parallel minor
(see mm. 18ff.) and actually sounds an A major chord (m. 21). In addition, theme II of the
Chanson briefly touches on A minor, thus offering another overlap (mm. 51-58). The
reminiscence of Le picheur in the midst of the second section is only the most obvious of
the techniques Liszt used to hold his one-movement work together (mm. 533-553).
Fragments of Berliozs song begin the first section with the opening alluding to
the dominant of A minor, an introduction that closes with a brief piano cadenza anticipating
61These measure numbers are as found in the published two-piano score edited by Reiner
Zimmermann (Leipzig: Breitkopf & Hartel, 1981).
62This is based on the recordings of the work with B6roff and Jando as soloists, both of whom
take similar tempos. The recording by Telizyn increased the time by several minutes, but the proportion
between the two halves of the work remained the same.
63This device was first observed by Ralph Locke in his review of the Zimmermann edition; see
Notes: The Quarterly Journal o f the Music Library Association 41 (1984), 383-384.
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phrase a (mm. 1-27). This is followed by an exposition of a sort: the first strophe of
Berliozs song heard in its entirety (mm. 34-63; see Berlioz, mm. 1-28). Liszt cannot
resist a few original touches, however. First, the line is blurred, ever so slightly, between
the end of the cadenza and the exposition of the theme by six measures in tempo that are
nearly identical to the opening of Berliozs melody except for changes in harmony (mm.
28-33). With an anacrucis of four notes, Le picheur is heard in its original form, and the
use of an elaborated, but still recognizable, form of Berliozs piano accompaniment is the
distinction that marks the true exposition of the theme. As the premiere of 9 April 1835
was prefaced with a performance of the song, the anticipation of the theme in tempo would
have been readily apparent The second touch occurs before Berliozs b phrase, where
Liszt anticipates the vocal lines first measure by stating it twice in the orchestra (mm. 44-
45). In the context of the concerto, this has the effect of further isolating the b phrase, as a
series of trills will isolate the c phrase (mm. 54-63). This is significant as Liszt will treat
all three independently in the development. The anticipation is also noteworthy for quite a
different reason: in his revised score, Berlioz adapted Liszts idea, although he repeated this
measure only once, and one is tempted to speculate that the change was made in response
to hearing the paraphrase. The exposition of the fantasy concludes with a codetta, based on
b and introducing motive x, which takes the tonality back to the minor mode (mm. 64-76).
The development which follows begins in A minor, and in both mood and
from phrases a (mm. 77-93), b (mm. 94-110), and finally c (mm. 111-149). The
conclusion is once again marked by motive x as well as a brief cadenza for the soloist,
recalling the cadenza that led to the exposition (mm. 135ff.). A recapitulation is initiated
with a statement of phrase a in an orchestrational dress that in its virtuosity departs
considerably from Berliozs simple setting (mm. 150-159). It is truncated, however, and
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rather than continue to phrase b, the melodic fragment brought into relief by Liszt through
anticipation in the exposition is used as the material for a transition (mm. 160-184), with
the last measures settling on a C-sharp major chord (heard as the dominant of F-sharp
major/minor) as preparation for the next section. As noted, C-sharp is the link connecting
A major to F major (the key of the second section) by way of the latters minor
After two measures of motive x (on c-sharp, mm. 185-186), Liszt creates an
introduction for his second section from the b phrase of the Chanson de Brigand's theme I,
which conveniently revolves around the chords of B-flat minor and A major (mm. 187
201; compare Berlioz, mm. 18-35), followed by six measures of dominant preparation
(mm. 202-207). The exposition of the Chanson is mostly faithful to the original,
beginning with theme I and alternating Berliozs original orchestration with solo piano
(mm. 208-247; Berlioz, mm. 1-40). Theme II follows as in the original (mm. 248-283;
compare Berlioz, mm. 40-64), but Liszts treatment, though measure for measure,
becomes melodically freer, especially after mm. 274ff.), and Berliozs orchestration is
found only in mm. 258-263. Note that Liszt repeats Berliozs cadence in A minor, as if to
make the harmonic connection with Le picheur more explicit (Liszt, mm. 263-267;
Berlioz, mm. 56-58). The codetta is freer still (mm. 284-293), constructed out of the
phrase that both themes have in common (see mm. 36-40 and 65-69 of the Chanson) and
an oscillating figure that may derive from Le picheur (see mm. 76-78 in the piano part of
Berliozs song).
A brief transition remains in F major (mm. 294-298) and leads to a new complex
of thematic ideas as well as a new meter. These ideas are all original, although they appear
to be based on fragments of Berliozs themes. The first idea (Nl) seems to do little more
than exploit the relationship between tonic and minor-subdominant (mm. 299-324), and
Liszts orchestral part could be traced to the choral idea, Allon ces belles (Berlioz, mm.
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69ff.). Exploiting the relationship between d-flat and c-sharp, the second idea (N2) is in
D-flat major (mm. 325-342) and sounds as if it could be attributed to Berlioz (compare his
theme at Ce jour est un jour largesses, mm. 56ff.). The third idea (N3) exploits the
melodic derivation and especially the harmonic relationship with a theme that begins in C-
sharp major and touches on F major and A major before returning to the dominant of D-flat
motive and theme n of the Chanson, the music travels chromatically through all twelve
tones before arriving at a highly virtuosic piano cadenza and is effectively the transition to a
recapitulation (mm. 429-469). This recapitulation contains in reorchestrated form both
themes of the exposition before coming to rest on the dominant of A minor as noted, a
Liszt now uses the most overt process of all for binding together his composition,
a restatement, in slightly condensed form, of part of the first sections exposition (mm.
533-553; see mm. 28-53). The coda alternates a portion of Berliozs theme with two
introduced by Liszt (mm. 554-670). Beginning with N3 (mm. 554-584; compare mm.
343-378), the music goes on to state N2 in F major, a key with which it has never been
associated (mm. 585-598), before chromatically veering off to Berliozs theme (mm. 599-
645). The last music heard is N2, again combined with N l, now unequivocally in F major
(mm. 646-670). (Table 8.2 summarizes the overall form of the work.)
Liszts methods of achieving unity in this work are unique and owe little to
Berlioz or any other composer of the time, and he is already looking to bind large-scale
works together by harmonic associations and by means of themes and motives that go
beyond the organizing factor of an idie fixe. In addition, he used a technique which, while
not promoting unity, would turn out to be a favorite device in later years: reserving one
theme not previously heard in the tonic for restatement in the closing measures of the work.
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All of this demonstrates the care he put into organizing his composition and shows him to
be far from the caricature of a composer whose work is little more than written-out
improvisation.
tympani, but we find characteristic touches in the use of tympani alone (mm. 74-75) and a
sustained melody line against pizzicato strings (mm. 54-62). He also does not hesitate to
write moments of genuine chamber music between the soloist and a single instrument of the
house but rare in die concerto, which Liszt would add to Concerto No. 1 in 1849. Finally,
there is Liszts concern for interpretive nuance, evident from the many performance
indications found throughout the score: aside from relatively common terms, such as
espressivo, perdendosi, languido, poco rinforzando, and smorzando, we find
radoscente, delicatamente, dolente espressivo, sotto voce lugubre, and sotto voce
tristamente. This expressive overkill is typical of the composer at this time, as can be seen
of mold numbers as recorded in Table 8.3, 4x0 and 9x2 (the x referring to the
unknown middle digit), do not appear to reflect layers that would help in postulating an
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271
order of work done.64 An important clue to the make-up of the original layer can be found
in Bellonis other copy on the same paper, the opening movement of the earliest version of
Concerto No. 1 (D-WRgs, H3b). In this case, there are eight surviving gatherings, each
consisting of three nested bifolia. The copy of the second and third movements on paper of
similar size and quality (D-WRgs, H3c) is comparable, with nine gatherings, four of which
contain three nested bifolia, the other five, two nested. It is reasonable to assume that
Bellonis copy of the Grandefantaisie was constructed in the same manner, and the first
layer must have consisted of gatherings of three and/or two nested bifolia.
With this mind, it is highly unlikely that the original layer of the first two
gatherings contained four nested sheets of manuscript paper, and therefore they must
belong wholly to the revision. This conclusion is reinforced by other observations: first,
there are no razored-out pages, as is found in nine of the remaining thirteen gatherings
(i.e., no signs of emendation); second, the sole collette covers a blank page, and the verso
of this collette contains the three preceding measures. A possible explanation for the
second observation is that the collette was originally intended to be a bifolium, but either
because of a copying error or because this was one of the few salvagable folios from the
earlier layer, it was adapted as a collette and ff. 3/6 substituted in its place. Or put another
way, the collette was part of the copying process, not a revision after the fact. In addition,
if these gatherings do not represent a later layer, we would be forced to conclude that Liszt
was successful in the first draft of his conception through measure 129 but failed in the
remaining 551.
In the case of Gathering HI, the three folios with the razored stubs may be the
first surviving remnants of the original layer, with the two innermost bifolia (ff. 17-20)
employed to bridge the new material with the old. Here another sort of evidence may be
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272
65The Quadrant is counted one through four beginning in the lower left segment and
continuing clockwise, concluding with the lower right (see Figure 8.1), converted here to letters to avoid
confusion with the numbers listed in the other columns. Folio 25 is in brackets because it was tipped in
and therefore is not part of the original bifolio.
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273
useful: throughout the first two gatherings, with the exception of the first page and the
piano cadenza, Belloni had sensibly used two systems per page, but in ff. 21-23 he used
one, even though two could have fitted. One possible conclusion is that, for his revised
pages, he displayed greater resourcefulness, the result of experience, a supposition
reinforced by the use of two systems on most of the collettes and other folios that appear to
be later. In addition, examination under the collettes shows consistently that Belloni used
one system for the earlier layer.66
Finally, there is Gathering IV: it was Bellonis practice, as found in all his copies
discussed in this study, to number his gatherings for the very practical reason of keeping
unbound pages in the proper order, but here we find the designation 4 ,5 ,6 . Assuming
that all gatherings were numbered in the original layer, this must have been an attempt to
maintain the numbering with regard to the gatherings that followed, some of which may
also date to the earlier layer. In Gathering IV, ff. 24,28, and 29 may be original (all with
one system per page), as is perhaps also the collette. Given that f. 26 is blank, this
bifolium must be the later addition. Note that the verso of the collette has mm. 185-188,
also found on f. 27, thus suggesting that the collette was part of the earlier layer and the
folio part of the later. And as the following gathering was 7, IV must have originally
been 6. If we assume the original gathering structure to have been three nested bifolia,
the first six gatherings would have included thirty-six folios, compared to the current
twenty-nine. Thus, the first version was perhaps 20% longer, slightly less if one assumes
that Bellonis paper conservation was limited to the revised layer, and therefore the first
66We also find two systems per page throughout the earliest version of Concerto No. 1 (D-
WRgs, H3b and H3c), supporting the argument that this copy was made after H7 (see above).
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274
The observations with regard to the first four gatherings appear to hold true
throughout the remainder of the manuscript: razored stubs are an indication that the
(former) bifolium was part of the original layer, and complete bifolia and collettes with two
systems per page may be later. In addition, the penciled word bon appears at three
places: ff. 42r, 51r, and 60r. This was Liszts indication to leave stand a passage he had at
first slated for deletion, and its appearance suggests that pages prior to the folio with bon
were deleted.67 The next evidence of revision is not found until the middle of Gathering
VI, not surprising given that the music on ff. 27-37 is largely a direct quotation from the
Chanson de Brigands. The revision appears to be considerable and applies to the transition
before the theme added by Liszt Within Gathering VIII (labeled 10,11) and IX (without
throughout the new thematic material. Gathering X shows signs of abbreviation, again
within a transition. Overall, the second half of the work was also subject to extensive
revision in the area of shortening, perhaps fourteen over the existing fifty folios, a
There is, of course, no way to know precisely what was deleted or even in most
cases to hazard a guess as to what was revised, for so much appears to have been recopied.
In addition, the recopying may have been of material unchanged from the original layer,
made necessary by the alterations to the gathering structure or Bellonis errors. As can be
seen in Figure 8.2, the pages covered by collettes as well as the collette versos themselves
often reproduce music found on adjacent pages. Thus, the corrections can only suggest
abbreviation and offer no clue as to the material deleted. The only evidence that suggests
error on the part of the copyist is the measure lacking on f. 43v, corrected on the collette.
67This conclusion differs from Humphrey Searle, who saw the word as evidence of Liszts
approval of the work of an unknown orchestrator; see his The Music o f Liszt, 10. See also chapter five, A
Contemporary Response.
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275
Given Bellonis high degree of fallibility within his other copies, this may have been a
greater factor than we can postulate in the need for replacement folios. Length appears to
have been the primary concern, however, and, if the above estimates are correct, the first
version must have run well over a half hour.
Finally, the reminiscence from Le picheur also appears to be among the rewritten
sections. As the original layer of this portion of the first section is lost, the nature of the
alteration cannot be identified. It is possible that the reminiscence was lacking prior to the
revision, but, given that this is mostly quotation, emendations may have been applied to the
orchestration. Keeping in mind that this was Liszts first opportunity in ten years to hear
his own orchestral composition (since the premiere of Don Sanche in 1825), it is possible
that changes in orchestration may have been undertaken here as well as in other pans of the
manuscript. In this regard, we note a delicacy and transparency to the texture not found in
Concerto No. 1 or De profundis, especially in the number of instrumental solos. Raabes
allegation continues to haunt us, but the greater command and imagination displayed in the
Grande fantaisie may be best attributed to the opportunity Liszt had to hear his work in
rehearsal and refine it
Reception History
much effort to placing himself before the Parisian public as a composer. That he was well
aware of the importance the concerto genre played in this process is shown by the abortive
Grandefantaisie was played once more, and the only other concerted work of his own
composition that he performed up through his retirement from the concert stage in 1847
was his piano and orchestra transcription of Hexameron. The reception history of the
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276
Grandefantaisie is therefore worth reviewing, both for an indication of how the work was
heard by his contemporaries and for any light it might shed on his decision to withhold his
other concertos from the public.
Liszt placed the Grandefantaisie on the program of 9 April 1835 in perhaps the
most advantageous position. It was the third item, after an unpublished symphony by
Ferdinand Hiller and the Ballade du Pecheur (paroles de Goethe) by Berlioz, one of the
two pieces that had inspired his own work. This would allow for latecomers, but still find
the audience prepared and fresh for his new composition. The rest of the program was
given over to shorter pieces, including the Marche de pilerins from Berliozs Harold en
Italie, and concluded with another major work of Liszts, the Mendelssohn Fantasy heard
the previous December.68 The concert was well covered in the press, with reviews in Le
constitutionel, Le Figaro, Journal des dibats, and three periodicals devoted to music, the
Gazette musicale de Paris, Le pianiste, and the Revue musicale.69 Liszt himself was on the
editorial board of the Gazette musicale, and Berlioz wrote regularly for the Journal des
dibats, thus one could expect positive notices from these sources. At the Revue musicale,
68See Revue Musicale 15 (5 April 1835), 110. The other items on the program were as
follows: 4. Recitatif et air du Freyschiiiz, de Weber, chantd par Mile Antonia Lambert; 5. Air varid pour le
violon, composde et exdcutd par M. [Lambert] Massart; 6. Grande sonate (oeuvre 27) de Beethoven. Le
premier morceau (adagio) exdcutd par lorchestie; les deux demiers (allegretto et Presto appassionato) par M.
Listz [sic]; 7. Marche des [sic] Pdlerins (de la symphonie Harold), de M. Berlioz; 8. Scenes caractdristiques a
quatre voix d'hommes, composes par M. [Antonin-Louis] Clapisson; 9. Grande polonaise de [Joseph]
Mayseder, prdcddde dune introduction exdcutde sur 1alto par M. [Chretien] Urhan; 10. Romances de M.
Labarre, chantdes par Mile Antonia Lambert; 11. Romances et chants sans paroles de M. Mendelsohn [sic],
duo de bravura pour deux pianos, composes par M. Listz [sic], exdcutd par Mile [Herminie] Vial et lauteur.
The orchestra was conducted by Narcisse Girard. Lambert was indisposed and did not appear, according to
the reviews.
I am grateful to Geraldine Keeling for supplying copies of the more obscure periodicals, based
on her research of Liszts concerts.
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277
however, Berlioz had a virulent enemy in its former editor. Since these three periodicals
The Gazette musicale de Paris was issued by the publishing house of Maurice
Schlesinger, the first installment appearing in January 1834, and, though ostensibly
devoted to the Parisian musical scene, it tended to emphasize artists and composers
associated with the publisher. It is therefore relevant to note that among the many
prominent musicians listed on the masthead were Liszt and Berlioz. While it is difficult to
judge the extent to which Paris needed another journal, one motivation can be found among
these avant-garde artists who desired a counterbalance to the conservative Revue musicale,
and Schlesinger was willing to supply the funds for the enterprise. But whatever the
intention, the effort succeeded so well that within two years the Revue musicale folded, and
its editorial staff merged with the Gazette to form the Revue et Gazette musicale de Paris.
A lengthy unsigned review appeared a few days after Liszts concert and included
the following about the Grandefantaisie symphonique:
La fantaisie symphonique que M. Listz [sic] a ticrite sur deux th&mes de M. Berlioz
(la ballade du pecheur et la chanson des brigands), avait 6t6 pr&tidtie de lun de ces
thbmes, la ballade chantde avec puret6 par M. Boulanger. Malheureusement, il eut
fallu un choeur assez nombreux pour faire tigalement connaitre lautre morceau, tel
que lauteur la crit dans son mlologue, et h ddfaut dune pareille masse de voix.
M. Listz [sic] a du compter sur la mtimoire des auditeurs qui assist&rent, il y a deux
ans, aux concerts de M. Berlioz, pour appiticier limmense ddveloppement et le parti
Itonnant quil a su tirer de ces deux fragmens.
Cest h la mani&re dont il a trait6 la m&odie du pecheur surtout, que M. Listz [sic]
sest fait reconnaitre pour un des plus habiles harmonistes de llpoque; on ne saurait
imaginer rien de plus inattendu et de plus d61icieux que les nombreuses
transformations quil a fait subir k cette ide si simple; pour les jeux du piano pendant
le travail dorchestre, je nen parle pas; cela confond par son audace autant que par les
difficultds de lexdcution, difflcultds qui sont nulles pour M. Listz [sic], mais quun
autre pianiste ne tenterait meme pas daborder. Lallegro qui suit est une sc&ne aussi
Strange que hardie; la chanson de brigands en forme le fond, il est vrai, mais M. Listz
[sic] y a ajoutti cependant un thfcme en si mineur entitlement de lui, et qui noffre que
des rapports de caracttre avec celui de M. Berlioz. Linstrumentation de cette vaste
composition est chaude, pittoresque, incisive, mais dune complication qui doit
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278
In addition to this laudatory analysis, two months later the journal provided an extensive
6tude biographique on Liszt that singled out this work:
demonstrate the support of his fellow modernists. And unless we are in the presence of a
private jest, it is clear that the reviewer had no doubt that Liszt orchestrated the work.
Although Berlioz had written, and continued to write, for other journals during
his career, he was most associated with the Journal des dibats. It was a significant post,
given the importance of the paper, and his articles had pride of place at the bottom of the
70Concerts de la semaine, Gazette musicale de Paris 2 (12 April 1835), 130-131 (paragraph
breaks added). The author may be Liszts friend, Joseph dOrtigue, as the quote from the dtude
biographique below contains similar language. See also the letter to dOrtigue, quoted in chapter seven,
requesting his assistance in writing a review of a concert. Finally, the reference to a theme in B minor is
an odd mistake, and it is hard to account for the confusion as Liszts themes are in F major and D-flat
major. There is also the possibility that the version performed was prior to Liszts revisions, and the
alterations were made after the concert.
71Joseph d Ortigue, Etudes Biographiques. I. Frantz Listz [sic], Gazette musicale de Paris 2
(14 June 1835), 204.
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279
front page, beginning 24 February 1835, and retained that position until he gave it up in
1864.72 The article in the 25 April 1835 issue was signed H*** his usual designation
until 20 June 1837, at which point he signed his own name, and was devoted exclusively
to Liszts concert. It was lengthy, relative to critiques by other writers, but this was typical
of Berlioz. As D. Kern Holoman observes: He knew more than most and prepared
After devoting two paragraphs to Hillers symphony, and a paragraph to the vocal
assets of M. Boulanger, who sang the Ballade du pecheur (obviously he could not review
his own composition), Berlioz turned to the Grandefantaisie, which in turn took up most
of the remaining space. Writing as much to inform as to evaluate, he began with two
potential problems any composer must face in bringing a new and innovative work before
the public. First, there was the public perception of musicians pigeon holed in one area, as
Liszt was as a pianist but not as a composer (Comme si lun devait exclure lautre
n6cessairement).74 An even more dangerous pitfall is the perception of the musicians in
the orchestra and the need to familiarize them with new music through many rehearsals
attempts to perform the work (quoted above) but not on this occasion:
Cest pourquoi, en formant son programme, M. Listz [sic] a-t-il du avoir soin de
nadmettre que des morceaux dune execution facile, et reserver pour son nouvel
ouvrage presque tout le temps des repetitions; sans cela, aprfcs quelques tentatives
inutiles pour le dechiffrer, le decouragement se fut empare de lorchestre et la fantaisie
symphonique declare inexecutable neut pas ete entendue. On voit cela tous le jours.
Heureusement il nen a point ete ainsi, et si lexecution a offert quelques in6galites
dues au defaut dassurance de lorchestre, au moins a-t-elle ete assez fiddle pour que
72See D. Kern Holoman, Berlioz (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1989),
235-237; 568-569.
73Ibid., 237.
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280
la pensde de lauteur nen fut jamais sensiblement altdrtie. Le succds na pas dtd
douteux un seul instant; plusieurs fois meme les applaudissemens se sont fait
entendre dans le courant du morceau; et d la fin, quand lauteur, qui avait exdcutd sa
partie avec la supdrioritd incontestable quon lui connait, sest levd du piano, la salle a
retenti des plus vives acclamations.73
Preparatory to his analysis, Berlioz outlined two possible approaches to treating the
material Liszt had chosen: the one to subject each theme to independent development, the
other to take into account the dramatic thought that motivated the character of the music. It
is the latter that Liszt had followed, to the undisguised delight of the writer: Comme sa
manidre de voir en musique est absolument la meme que la notre, nous osons k peine dire
quil a eu raison. En tout cas, il a marchd dans cette voie avec une fermetd rare, et en peu
de temps il a atteint le but quil se proposait: dmouvoir.76 Only now is Berlioz prepared to
Le premier andante est dune grande richesse deffets; ceux qui rdsultent du piano
accompagnant 1orchestre, nous ont frappds surtout par leur nouveautd, et il faut dire
quun pianiste seul, et un grand pianiste, pouvait les trouver, le rdcitatif sur un
tremolo des instrumens k cordes, dtonne autant par la hardiesse de ses formes que par
limmense difficultd dexdcution quil prdsente; difficultd nulle pour M. Listz [sic], et
k laquelle il na sans doute pas meme songd en dcrivanl Une transition habilement
mdnagde, nous conduit loin du lac agitd sur lequel chante le Picheur, au milieu de la
plus terrible tempete que les passions humaines puissent soulever. II sagit de la
chanson des Brigands Dans ce final, M. Listz [sic] a eu toute occasion de
donner carridre k sa verve fougueuse. Son orchestre marche, se prdcipite, sarrete
haletant, puis reprend sa course sans que le sens musical perde jamais de sa clartd, au
milieu de ce frdndtique emportement Quelques personnes aux gout simples, aux
mceurs douces, aux habitudes calmes de la vie bourgeoise, se rdcriaient contre le style
et la couleur de ce morceau; cela se con9oit, mais leur critique portait k faux. Ce
ndtait point sur lexdcution du tableau quelle devait tomber, mais seulement sur les
iddes qui en ont foumi le sujet.77
75Ibid., 2.
76Ibid.
77Ibid.
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Berlioz now turned to the choice of music adapted (his word is empruntd), and, after a
quote from the monologue that precedes the Chanson de Brigands in which the narrator
vividly depicts the pirates life, he ventured a few criticisms of Liszts work:
(TJ1 a eu tort peut-etre de faire un pareil choix, mais on ne saurait mfeonnaitre dans la
mani&re dont il les a trails une traduction musicale aussi habile que fiddle de la sfene
parlfe qui sy rattache. D nous a sembl6 que le milieu de Vallegro offrait quelques
longueurs. Le travail dorchestre sur les quatres premieres notes du th&me gagnerait
probablement k etre raccourci. Peut-etre aussi y a-t-il, dans quelques endroits, abus
de modulations enharmoniques, et ces fr6quens changemens de ton otent-ils aux
accords un peu de leur force de vibration. Lattention de lauditeur (de lauditeur
fran^ais surtout) a fort k faire de suivre dans ses 61ans impdtueux la pensfe dun
musicien comme M. Listz [sic]; et cest tout au plus si, en samusant k cueillir des
fleurs sur le bord de sa route, la capricieuse fife donne k ceux qui veulent marcher
aprs elle le temps de reprendre haleine et de la rattraper.78
Comme exfeutant, M Listz [sic] a 6t6 ce quil est toujours, prodigieux, tiblouissant,
hors de toute comparaison. Quand ses doigts parcourent le clavier dun piano
dErard, on croit entendre deux instrumens mis en action par quatre mains habiles.
Rien ndgale la vdlocitd de ses traits les plus compliquds, si ce nest la grace et la
d&icatesse de ses broderies, le gout exquis de ses omamens. Mais nous lui
reprocherons de se laisser quelquefois entrainer k altfeer un peu la physionomie de
certains ouvrages dont le style et la forme component plus de simplicity de calme et
de sdvdritd dans leur exfeution. Ce ddfaut, il est vrai, est celui des plus grands
virtuoses; il rdsulte de lincroyable facility de mfeanisme et de la vivacitd de sentiment
dont ils sont dou6s. II serait beau k M. Listz [sic] de se placer k pan, sous ce rappon
comme sous tous les autres. Cest la seul perfectionnement dont son talent [nous]
paraisse susceptible.79
In the final paragraphs, Berlioz discussed briefly the remainder of the program.
There are two ways to view such positive commentary. The first is that it was a
puff piece, designed to bolster the subject under examination. We know that Berlioz took
78Ibid.
79Ibid. The third from the last word is uous in the original.
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282
his literary efforts seriously, however, and there is no known example of such an article, as
common as the practice may have been with other writers. In this case, we have a letter
from Berlioz written a few days after the concert that echoes the same opinion: Liszt a 6crit
une admirable fantaisie k grand orchestie sur la Ballade du picheur et la Chanson des
Brigands The second approach assumes that Berlioz sincerely meant the praise he
showered on Liszt, but, remembering the close friendship enjoyed by Berlioz and Liszt at
this time, one would have thought that Berlioz might have suppressed any negative
assessments. Berlioz needed to establish himself as a scrupulously fair critic, however,
and certainly Liszt would have appreciated his delicate position. Turning to the comments
themselves, Berlioz does not mention at all the methods of organization used in the work,
focusing more on surface issues (boring stretches, abuse of modulations, etc.) and the
perception of the auditors. These are, of course, the very priorities Berlioz set for his own
music, and Liszts compositional techniques in themselves would be of less interest to him.
We can be sure that Liszt was as concerned about the foreground as the background and
that he would have valued Berliozs constructive criticism.
One journal that could be counted on to be abusive was the Revue musicale,
founded by Frangois-Joseph F6tis and first issued on 13 February 1827, but edited by his
son Edouard after his departure in 1833 to assume a teaching post in his native Belgium.81
Ftitis p ire already had good reason to be negatively inclined toward Le retour d la vie, for in
one of the monologues the ricitant directly insulted him for his role in altering for
81It was as a result of Edouards mismanagement that the paper ultimately merged with the
Gazette musical de Paris in November 1835. Much of this history derives from Peter A. Bloom, A
Review of F6tiss Revue musicale, Music in Paris in the Eighteen-Thirties, ed. Peter A. Bloom, Musical
Life in 19th-Century France 4 (Stuyvesant, New York: Pendragon Press, 1987), 55-79.
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283
publication the scores of Beethoven.82 A paraphrase on the same work would make Liszt
an accomplice after the fact, and this is reflected in the critique:
Parlons de M. Liszt. Le premier morceau quil ajou6 est une grande fantaisie
symphonique pour piano et orchestra sur la meme ballade du Picheur quon venait
dentendre et sur un autre motif de M. Berlioz. II y a des effets neufs dans ce
morceau, mais il y r&gne tant de confusion, on y trouve tant de redites, de choses
obscures si longuement iptes, quil na pas fallu moins que la merveilleuse
execution de lauteur pour faire applaudir cette production. A Dieu ne plaise que je
veuille ddcourager M. Liszt comme compositeur, il y a quelque chose de nouveau et
de bon dans cet essai, ce quelque chose, muri par la meditation, pourra grandir dans
ses autres ouvrages. Quil persevere en samdliorant, quil conserve son individuality
en rejetant de sa pensde ce qui la ddpare, ce qui choque loreille delicate, et il y aura
pour lui une carrifcre dauteur comme il y en a une belle dexecutant83
Aside from the negative tone, these comments share some of Berliozs reservations,
namely repetition and tedious passages, a detail that would not have been lost on Liszt.
Turning to the other reviews, the remaining periodical devoted to music was the
short-lived Le pianiste. The editorial tone throughout this journal can only be described as
irreverent in contrast to the seriousness of purpose and sense of mission found in both the
Revue musicale and the Gazette (with the exception of the Nouvelles column in the
latter). This is readily apparent in the review, where the writer was more interested in
Liszts physical incapacity in the Mendelssohn Fantasy (he had passed out) than in
evaluating his music:
82See Peter A. Bloom, Berlioz and the Critic: La Damnation de Fids, Studies in Musicology
in Honor of Otto E. Albrect, ed. John Walter Hill (Kassel: Barenreiter, 1980), 240-242; also Berliozs
account in The Memoirs o f Hector Berlioz, trans. and ed. David Cairns (New York: Norton, 1975), 217
218 (chap. 44).
83Concert de M. Liszt: au bdndfice d une famille pauvre, Revue Musicale 9 (12 April 1835),
116. Also Liszt en son temps, ed. Pierre-Antoine Hur6 & Claude Knepper (Paris: Hachette, 1987), 152.
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284
nerveuse que cette exagdration a produite sur M. Listz [sic], a failli lui etre fatale, et
quune crise, amende progressivement par la fatigue du concert, sest terminde par un
dvanouissement complet. Le public, quelle que fut son opinion k ce sujet, a tdmoignd
un grand intdret k M. Listz [sic], et na pas voulu quitter la salle que la crise ne fut
enti&rement passde.84
M. Liszt a fait des prodiges dexdcution. II faudrait quatre pianos pour rendre ce quil
fait sur un seul. Comme composition, son oeuvre na aucun sens; M. Girard seul,
qui conduisait lorchestre, a paru sy reconnaitre; nous nen affirmerons pas autant de
1auteur. M. Liszt soigne beaucoup trop la mise en scdne et la partie mimique de son
talent.85
Finally, the brief report in Le constitutionnel was more interested in the hysteria
surrounding Liszts fainting than in writing anything substantive about the works
performed.86 Although such reviews could be dismissed out of hand by the composer, the
cumulative effect was considerably less positive than the acclamations he had received from
the audience in the concert hall, and the seeds of self-doubt may have been planted.
Liszt and Berlioz jointly organized the concert of 18 December 1836, with Liszt
along with the usual assortment of vocal and instrumental works.87 In addition to
^ Concert donnd par M. Listz [sic], au bdndfice dune famille, Lepianiste 2 (20 April 1835),
95.
87See Revue et Gazette musicale de Paris 3(11 December 1836), 439. The program was as
follows: 1. Ouverture des Francs-Juges, de M. Berlioz; 2. Air de Mercadante, chant par M. [Adolphe-
Joseph-Louis] Alizard; 3. Grande fantaisie symphonique.. . , composde et ex6cute (avec orchestra) par M.
Listz [sic]; 4. L'Ange et VEnfant, audition de M. Urhan, change par mademoiselle [Maria-Doloits-
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285
organizing the concert, Berlioz conducted the orchestra, as he reported a few days later: Je
viens de donner deux concerts; comme succ&s dart je nen ai jamais eu de pareil, k cause
de limmense superiority de lexdcution que j ai obtenue en conduisant moi-meme
lorchestre.88 The event was not as well covered as the previous one, but there were
reviews in the Revue et Gazette musicale de Paris, Le monde, and L artiste, and it was also
mentioned in summaries of concerts that appeared in Le national and the German Caecilia.
serving. After commenting on Liszts prolonged absence from Parisian concert halls and
his considerable ability as a pianist, the anonymous reviewer turned to his ability as a
composer:
Et le compositeur ny avait pas moins de part que le virtuose, car les deux morceaux
dcrits par Liszt, lun sur des themes de Berlioz et lautre sur une cavatine de Paccini,
ont para aux juges m6mes les plus s6vfcres et les plus prdvenus dune large et belle
facture et d une incontestable originality. Le premier avec orchestic est celui que nous
pryfyrons; la pensye en est plus grande, plus hardie; les ddtails en sont plus riches,
linspiration enfin en est plus yievye, et lart extreme avec lequel le second thyme (la
chanson des brigands) est traitd pendant toute la durye de 1allegro prouve que Liszt
joint aux puissantes facultys quil tient de la nature celles qui ne sacquferent que par
ldtude, la patience et le travail. Peut-etre ce morceau gagnerait-il k etre un peu plus
resserry dans sa forme; en tout cas, malgr6 sa grande ytendue et son extreme
difficulty, lorchestre la dit dune faon irryprochable, et plusieurs solos
88Berlioz, Correspondance Ginirale, 2:316 (22 December 1836). Berlioz also gave a concert on
4 December which included the complete Harold en Italie and the Symphoniefantastique.
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286
dinstrumens k vents, Merits dans des tons scabieux, ont t enlevds par le hautbois, la
flute et la clarinette avec autant de justesse que de verve.89
One cannot help but suspect Berlioz as the unnamed author: the commentary carefully
avoids any reference to the work on which the fantasy is based, as the article as a whole
does not mention Berliozs contributions to the concert, and the mild criticism echoes that
of the Journal des dibats.90
the same earnestness as Berlioz in the Journal des dibats. Most of the discussion is given
over to Berliozs contribution, and only in the last paragraph is Liszt mentioned along with
the other featured musicians:
Quant k Liszt, nous le p lain s, comme pianiste, au-dessus de tous, et nous osons lui
assurer la primautd pendant long-temps encore. Mais, de grace, quil nous donne des
morceaux plus chantans. Je voudrais plus de chaleur, plus de ces mouvemens
spontands d inspiration qui 61ectrisent lauditoire; car le mdrite de lex6cutant nest pas
seulement dans la nettetd et la 16g&et du doigt6, mais encore dans lenthousiasme
quil fait passer de ses chants dans lame de ceux qui ldcoutent; quil se m6fie des
louanges que lui a prodigu6es George Sand, ce nest point un gdnie inspird. Nos
grands pofctes, nos Dante, nos Hom&re, nous les retrouvons dans Rossini,
Beethoven, Mozart, Meyerbeer, Spontini, quon oublie trop tot: mais Listz [sic] nest
encore quun ouvrier sublime que Talberg [sic] a presque atteint, et que Gucicow
[sic] est pr&s de surpasser. Nous dirons, avant de finir, que nous naimons pas
beaucoup la grande fantaisie symphonique de M. Berlioz, malgrd le beau talent de
Listz [sic]. Nous devons signaler pourtant un chant de hautbois qui arrive
heureusement, et produit de leffet Quant au triangle, il est place k faux. Je connais
une foule de contredanses oh il est mieux employ^; et ce soir, pour me d&lommager,
j irai entendre chez Musard les charmans quadrilles de Lonjumeau, avec
89Concert de MM. Berlioz et Liszt, Revue et Gazette Muscale de Paris 3 (25 December 1836),
464.
^Holoman notes that Berlioz would occasionally review his own concerts; see his Berlioz, 237.
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287
The author of the summary in Le national found space to evaluate the piece, albeit briefly.
After a discussion of the fantastique in art, literature, and the music of Liszt and Berlioz,
he continued:
Plus on approfondit ces deux talens remarquables, plus on ddplore ces inutilcs
efforts, ces luttes continuelles pour ne rien produire qui offre de lintdret, qui ait de la
durde, un avenir. Le Picheur, de M. Liszt, sur la fantaisie symphonique de Berlioz,
est rempli dheureuses inspirations, et ce morceau laisse apercevoir &travers tant
dinterruptions de la pensde, une hardiesse de conception peu ordinaire.92
Such was also the case with the anonymous author in Caecilia:
Die Komposition von Liszt, in der nun, wie in alien Werken dieser Art, der Faden der
Idee wenn einer vorhanden ist sogleich verloren geht, enthalt, ausser manchen
glansenden Lichtpuncten, vieles Undeutliche, ja Verworrene, in dem weder ein
Gedanke, noch irgend ein Ziel zu errathen ist In solche phantastische
Gemalderamen, glaubt man wohl, passe gerade nur das, was ohne Gedankenreihe,
ohne Ordnung und Zusammenhang, als Kind einer lebendigen Einbildungskraft roh
und ungeleckt in die weite Welt hinausgeworfen worden. Das Orchester bildet mit
dem Piano-Forte hier gleichfalls einen Dialog, und wahrlich unter den Handen von
Liszt vergisst man die Ungleichheit der Mittel. Das Spiel von Liszt ist das
Kolossalste was die Pianofortewelt bisher gesehen.93
Finally, there was a brief reference to the piece in Le monde: Le grande fantaisie
symphonique, avec piano principal, composde et ex&utd par M. Litsz [sic], a produit un
effet impossible &ddcrire Cest Listz [sic] qui a conquis 1admiration la plus
91Concert Listz [sic] et Berlioz, Lartiste 12 (1836), 295. The works in the last sentence are:
Le Postilion de Longjumeau by Adolphe Adam (1803-1856), premiered earlier that year on 13 October
1836, and the Grande Ouverture et marche triomphale, op. 172, by Ferdinand Ries (1784-1838).
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288
With the exception of Le monde, all of these articles express reservations about
the Grande fantaisie symphonique, although the silence of the Le monde review in this
regard may reflect a similar opinion. The comments are not specific, but the overall
impression is of a piece too long for its content, its success more a result of the composers
spectacular performance than any intrinsic merit By contrast, the articles that discuss the
Divertissement for piano solo are quite positive. Le national finds it a work . . . que nous
regardons comme parfait, and Caecilia states: Es ist dies vielleicht die dankbarste und
vollkommenste Komposition, die uns in dieser Art bekannt ist Such critiques must have
inhibited Liszt in the following years from introducing his original compositions for piano
and orchestra, while at the same time encouraging him to produce and perform operatic
paraphrases.
Conclusion
With secure dates for the Grandefantaisie symphonique, and the likelihood that
the manuscript copy of Concerto No. 1 was prepared afterward (but before Liszts request
step in the process would have been an original work on a scale equal to an earlier master
figured on such a tour, given the unfamiliarity of Berliozs works outside of Paris). That
the concerto did not represent Liszts latest artistic ideas is irrelevant in this context: the
work was complete in his portfolio and therefore usable for performance, and, to make a
virtue of necessity, the retrogressive aspects might ease acceptance of the progressive ones.
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289
The autograph of De profundis (to be discussed in chapter ten) suggests that Liszt intended
to add other works to this sequence, had not his sudden departure from Paris disrupted all
plans.
forward to the great works of Liszts Weimar years. Primary among these is the use of a
single-movement form that is original in structure and dictated by the musical material.
Additionally there are two organizational ideas: first, the use of a distinctive rhythmic
motive that could be quoted between sections to help bind the work together and also to
serve as a signpost for important structural divisions; second, the device of reserving one
theme for restatement in the tonic in the closing measures of the work, a gesture that at once
heightens a sense of expectation and offers a sense of closure. Only the transformation of
themes and the poetic element are lacking, and these would make their appearance in the
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CHAPTER IX
MALEDICTION
fortunate. We see it variously dated over a span of fifty-eight years, christened with a title
that was not Liszts, and designated a work for piano and string orchestra, which it very
likely is not. Nor has the work been studied in depth, which is especially curious as the
many autograph manuscripts contain draft material that can enhance our picture of Liszts
musical development These discarded chips from the composers workbench allow us to
observe that Liszt worked hard to refine the compositional techniques discussed in relation
to the Grande fantaisie and the earliest version of Concerto No. 1. We can also see Liszt
laying the groundwork for the balanced statement of his ideas that will be evident in De
profundis.
Historical Background
found it useful in the early 1850s and raided it as a source for thematic material, in itself a
sure sign that it was permanently relegated to the scrap heap. The opening measures were
transferred to Qrage, the fifth number in Annies de pilerinage: Premiere annee, Suisse
iSee Franz Liszts Briefe an seine Mutter, trans. & ed. La Mara [Marie Lipsius] (Leipzig:
Breitkopf & Hartel, 1918), 21. This reference is discussed in chapter seven, The Compositional Matrix,
and the letter is transcribed in appendix A.
290
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291
and one of the few items that did not have its origins in the earlier Album dun voyageur.
Liszt also used the theme labeled orgueil in Malediction in the third movement of the
Faust Symphony (Mephistopheles), where it is the only music that does not have its
counterpart in the first movement2
The work was first mentioned by Lina Ramann in the third volume of her
footnote that it was the concerto written for Sophie Menter, a favorite student in 1885.3
As Malediction begins in E minor and ends in E major, it is certainly this work to which
Ramann referred, and the manuscript must be the one prepared by a copyist and corrected
by the composer, the only complete copy of the score (D-WRgs, H2).4 It is unlikely that
Ramann herself examined Liszts Nachlafi, however. Footnotes throughout this volume
show that she turned to August Gbllerich for information on the manuscripts located in
Weimar, as several entries in the worklist bear the indication, MS. im Liszt-Museum (nach
Notizen des Herm Gollerich).5 It is therefore likely that the reference came from him.
Examination of the manuscripts reveals that Malediction had nothing to do with Menter,
and, remembering that the third volume was published after Liszts death, Ramanns
3See Lina Ramann, Franz Liszt ais Kunstler und Mensch, 3 vols. in 2 (Leipzig: Breitkopf &
Hartel, 1880-1894), 3:342. This work may be the Hungarian Gypsy Songs, published under Menters
name in 1909; see Margit Prahdcs, Liszts letztes Klavierkonzert, Studia Musicologica 4 (1963), 195-200;
also Maurice Hinson, The Long Lost Liszt Concerto, Journal o f the American Liszt Society 13 (June
1983), 53-58.
4Theophil Stengel also assumes this identification; see his Die Entwicklung des Klavierkonzerts
von Liszt bis zur Gegenwart (Berlin, 1931), 10. It is highly unlikely that the work in question was the
Concerto pathitique, also in E minor and prepared the same year. In this case, Liszts participation was
limited to correcting the orchestration by Eduard ReuB, noted as such by Ramann (Franz Liszt als Kiinstler
und Mensch, 3:345, n. 4).
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292
information.
When Gollerich prepared a worklist for his own monograph, he listed the
composition under Werke fur Klavier und Orchester, identifying it as Malediction!
(Pleurs, angoisses, vagues!) after the words written in pencil in this same copyists
manuscript, probably by Liszt himself.6 As malediction was positioned above the first
system of music, it was taken as a title and thus published in 1914 in the Collected Works.
There it was edited by Bernhard Stavenhagen, one of Liszts students, and it remains the
only published version of the work.7 Peter Raabe was the first to correct the
misapprehension with regard to malediction, noting that it is but one descriptive term,
and there are several themes labeled throughout the manuscript: orgueil, pleurs-
angoisse-songes, and raillerie. Thus the work has no title.8 Although dutifully noted
by many authors in books and program annotations since, the work continues to be known
as Malediction. This is, of course, a convenient handle, and, at the risk of perpetuating a
identified Malediction with the concerto heard by Moscheles in London in June 1827, and
he cited as evidence the generally chaotic nature of the work (following the language of
Moscheless diary) and sixteen folios of sketches (he called them a Bruchstiick) that he
6August Gollerich, Franz Liszt (Berlin: Marquardt & Co., 1908), 281. The relative merits of
this worklist are discussed in chapter two, Liszts Concertos in Secondary Sources. Note that the word
vagues is a misreading of songes.
7See Grossherzog Carl Alexander Ausgabe der musikalischen Werke Franz Liszts, 5 series, 34
vols. (Leipzig: Breitkopf & Hartel, 1907-1936), series 1, volume 13,183-214 (Malediction fur Klavier
Solo und Streichinstrumente). This edition has been reprinted by Kalmus Miniature Scores (no. 9349).
8See Peter Raabe, Franz Liszt, 2d ed 2 vols. (Tutzing: Hans Schneider, 1968), 2:54-55; also
Stengel, Die Entwicklung, 11.
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293
dated to this time (D-WRgs, H13a).9 Emile Haraszti rejected Raabes reasoning on the
grounds that the use of chaotic is vague and subjective, and there is no verification that
the pages were from 1827.10 In addition, although he does not say so explicitly, the work
Moscheles heard was in A minor, and it is doubtful that Malediction could ever have been
(discussed below). Friedrich Schnapp modified Raabes argument, either from knowledge
of Harasztis article or from his own research, and suggested that the sketches were for a
represented by the copyists manuscript, Raabe would only speculate that it was
accomplished before Liszts Weimar period, that is, prior to 1848.12 For Grove 5,
Humphrey Searle attempted to reconcile the arguments of Raabe, Schnapp, and Haraszti,
and indicated that the work was sketched c.1830 (?), rev. c.1840 (?), which he modified
for The New Grove as ?cl840.13 Sharon Winklhofer at first argued for the year 1839,
based on a diary entry which she claimed had been wrongly attributed to Totentanz,14 but
sne revised the date to 1833 based on the watermark of the copyists manuscript, first in
9See Raabe, 2:53; see also chapter six (First Forays into the Concerto Genre).
10See Emile Haraszti, Le problfcme Liszt, Acta Musicologica 9 (1937), 128. Haraszti did not
suggest an alternative date, however.
13See also Humphrey Searle, The Music o f Liszt, 2d rev. ed. (New York: Dover, 1966), 46-47.
14See Sharon Winklhofer, Liszt, Marie dAgoult, and the Dante Sonata, 19th Century Music
1 (July 1977), 28. ...[M]eanwhile I will make three sketches: the Triumph o f Death (Orcagna), the
Comedy o f Death (Holbein), and a Fragment dantesque." (Winklhofers translation, p. 27.) Her conclusion
was that the work based on Holbein became Totentanz and that on Orcagna Malediction. See also the
discussion in chapter two, Liszts Concertos in Secondary Sources.
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294
her review in 19th Century Music of Searles New Grove worklist and again in her
revision of the entire entry in The New Grove Early Romantic Masters,15 Indeed,
Winklhofer was the first to appeal to the manuscript paper itself, especially necessary given
the total absence of any direct references or dates in the primary sources.
From the first mention in Ramann, Malediction has been labeled a concerto, and
no writer on the subject has questioned the designation. Searle, taking his lead from
It seems clear that during the 1830s Liszt was obsessed with the idea of writing one
or more piano concertos; the first theme of the E flat Concerto is found in a sketch
book which dates from the early thirties, and the first version of the A major
Concerto dates from 1839. But Liszts lack of technical knowledge of orchestration
delayed these projects until the Weimar period; and it seems more than likely that he
had decided first to try out his hand by writing a work for piano and strings only,
based on his youthful concerto.16
The first and only published score reinforced this idea by listing the instrumentation in the
plural, contrary to the contemporary copyists manuscript which served as the source. It
seems more likely that the work is chamber music (see chapter seven, The Compositional
Matrix), and in this genre it joins a number of works with the same instrumentation by
composers such as Henri Bertini and Sigismond Thalberg, all written about the same time.
The secondary literature has yielded little agreement on the date of Malediction,
not surprising given the lack of contemporary references. An answer to this question is
found less in a stylistic analysis of the music than in the assortment of manuscript sources,
15See Sharon Winklhofer, Review of Liszt, Franz [Ference] in The New Grove Dictionary of
Music and Musicians, 19th Century Music 5 (Spring 1982), 260; The New Grove Early Romantic Masters
I: Chopin, Schumann, Liszt (New York: Norton, 1985), 334.
16Searle, The Music of Liszt, 47. The assumption regarding Liszt and orchestration is shown
to be false in chapter five. The youthful concerto is a reference to the supposed relationship between the
work heard by Moscheles and the MaUdiction sketches dated by Raabe to 1827 (see above).
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295
but unfortunately none of the researchers who have written on the work devoted much
attention to the autograph fragments. Raabe quoted several measures from his
Bruchstiick but only to demonstrate the Urgestalt of a principal theme.17 The presence
of a year as part of the watermark in the copyists manuscript was the first solid clue that
could be used toward ascertaining the time of composition, but Winklhofer listed it
uncritically and made no attempt to relate it to the other manuscript sources. In addition to
Raabes Bruchstiick and the copyists manuscript, there is an entry in sketchbook N6 and
four folios tom from a bound volume that itself may have been a sketchbook. These
sources can aid in providing an accurate date and supporting the hypotheses that the
summer of 1834 was devoted to chamber music and the work is a sextet for piano and
strings.
Sketchbook N6
pages (ff. 13v-14, pp. 21-22), the sketch begins on staves 10-11 of f. 13v (three
measures), continues to 13-14 (three measures), and concludes on f. 14, staves 13-14
(five measures followed by etc.).18 Aside from the rhythmic displacement and the
omission of octave doublings after the first measure, the first six measures of the sketch are
quite close to mm. 1-6 of the final version. The other sketches on these pages appear to be
unrelated: the music at the top of f. 13v is likely a continuation of the material labeled
18The page numbers are usually cited in the secondary literature (e.g., Rudolf K6kai, Franz Liszt
in seinen friihen Klavierwerken [Leipzig: Franz Wagner, 1933; repr. Kassel: Bhrenreiter, 1968], and Dieter
Torkewitz, Harmonisches Denken im Friihwerk Franz Liszts, Freiburger Schriften zur Musikwissenschaft
10, ed. Hans Heinrich Eggebrecht [Munich, Salzburg: Musikverlag Emil Katzbichler, 1978]), but these are
later additions, not by Liszt, and do not include pages without notation. The folio numbers count each page
with staff lines from the beginning of the book through to the end.
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296
Mazeppa on the recto side (p. 20); at the top of f. 14 are fourteen measures in B-flat
major, 2/4 time, labeled Kalkbrenner 8 Avril 1832. One aspect of the Kalkbrenner
sketch is significant, however: careful examination of the writing reveals it is partially over
the material on the adjacent staff, therefore the Malediction passage must have been entered
before that date.
Two other entries in N6 may also be related to Malediction. The undated sketches
on f. 9v (p. 14) are headed Passages du Sextour and are in E minor, the key of
Malediction. However, two measures on f. 27v (p. 49) are dated 1 Avril 1833
Angoisse. Angoisse is one of the descriptive terms found in the copyists manuscript of
the final version, mm. 68-70, although this sketch has little to do with the melodic content
of the passage. (These sketches are transcribed in Example 9.1).19
A Lost Sketchbook
Four folios of sketch material for Malediction (D-WRgs, H2), the last six folios
of the Mendelssohn Duo (D-WRgs, Kl), and most of the autograph of the Chopin Duo (D-
WRgs, LI) are on paper that was tom from a larger volume (see appendix C, paper types
9.1 and 9.2). In addition, these manuscripts are interrelated by other evidence: the first two
folios of the Malediction sketch were originally the other half of bifolia which contain the
last two pages of the Chopin, and an insert folio for the Chopin originally followed the last
page of the Mendelssohn. The most likely explanation is that these manuscripts were at
one time part of a sketchbook, and a reconstruction of this lost document offers us
19A11 musical examples and critical notes are found at the end of the chapter (see the List of
Musical Examples, p. vii). Partial transcriptions of ff. 13v-14 are in K6kai, Franz Liszt in seinen friihen
Klavierwerken, 124 (Notenbeispiel 9), and Torkewitz, Harmonisches Denken, 38. Mazeppa is transcribed
complete in Kdkai, 124 (Notenbeispiel 7), and partially in Torkewitz, 37.
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The physical evidence for postulating a single bound volume is compelling. All
of the pages are identical in size and have similar staff measurements (including total span),
and each gathering that has survived intact contains three nested bifolia and reveals identical
traces of the binding process, from the holes through which the string was drawn to glue
and gilding. The paper is not strictly uniform, however, and while most of the folios are
on paper type 9.1, twelve in the Chopin Duo are type 9.2 with a different watermark and
slightly darker color (ff. 18-27,30-31).20 These folios make up two complete and
adjacent signatures and are found between signatures of the majority paper type. A
probable explanation is that a music shop prepared the volume from paper that was on
hand, binding the two different types together. The darker color may be the result of the
passage of time, and the two undoubtedly blended smoothly when new.
Study of the surviving pages yields sufficient information to establish the contents
of the sketchbook. As noted, the first two folios of the Malediction sketch complete the last
gathering used for the Chopin Duo, and a correction folio for the Chopin Duo was taken
from the last gathering used for the Mendelssohn. Considering that the pages for
Malediction and the Chopin Duo correction folio originally followed the last page of
completed compositions, these compositions must have been written in the sketchbook
before the sketch and correction folios were used, and if Liszt completed each work or
folio with dates in April and May 1834 (D-WRgs, Z18, no. 1) which must have preceded
the Chopin Duo with its date of 25 Juillet (presumably 1834), and the Mendelssohn Duo
20Folios 28-29 are an insert bifolium of paper type 9.8. As this paper was also used for the
violin part (ff. 34-41), it likely dates from late in the compositional process and may indicate revisions
written after the receipt of the Chopin Duo in Geneva. See also below, The Copyists Manuscript (D-
WRgs, H2).
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298
This figure lists only those parts of the manuscripts that were at one time part of the
dismantled sketchbook, with the exception of ff. 28-29 (see text). Bifolia whose
folios are separated along the fold are shown by a break in die line. The folio numbers
refer to the individual manuscripts as presendy constituted.
f.32
Z18, no. 1
f.33
[lost]
L l: Chopin Duo
__________ f.l
__________ f.2
__________ f.3* H2: Malediction
__________ f.4
__________ f.5 f.[l]
f.[2]
f.6
f.7 f.[3]
f.8 f.[4]
f.9
f.10
f .ll
f.18 11
f.24
f.19
f.25
f.20
f.21
f.22 f.26
f.23 f.27
12 f.28
f.24 f.29
f.25
f.3 from
f.26
Chopin
f.27
f.28
f.29
f.30
f.31
* see fascicle 12
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299
has Aout 1834 below the final measure. Assuming the Mendelssohn to have been
entered complete, as was the case with the Chopin, twelve gatherings of three nested
bifolia, or 144 pages, can be postulated as a minimum number. It is difficult to gauge the
accuracy of this conclusion in terms of the books original size: N6 has five gatherings with
5/5/5/6/3 nested bifolia for a total of 96 pages, while the later N5 had (it is no longer
complete) thirteen gatherings of four nested bifolia and a final gathering of two nested
bifolia totaling 216 pages.21 Nevertheless, the projected size of the volume may indicate
that the proposed reconstruction has accounted for most of the original contents.
A significant detail in reconstructing the sketchbook concerns the verification of
the year the Chopin Duo was written. The first page of the autograph has a date of 25
Juillet, and although 1834 has been cited with confidence, there is room for doubt. On the
one side, Liszts letter of 28 July 1835, in which he requested his autograph (quoted in
chapter seven), precludes 1835 and later 22 Narrowing the earlier possibilities is
problematic, however.
used (op. 6, no. 2, in C-sharp minor) was published in Paris by Schlesinger in August
1833.23 On the surface this would appear to preclude a date of 1833, but Liszt knew
Chopin personally, and, as the mazurka may have been written as early as 1830, it is
possible that Liszt had access to the music before publication. Nor does the fact that the
work was at one time bound with the Mendelssohn Duo, with its secure date of 1834,
21See Rena Mueller, Liszts Tasso Sketchbook: Studies in Sources and Revisions (Ph.D.
dissertation, New York University, 1986), 171.
22Alan Walker has argued for a date of 1851-2 on stylistic grounds; see his Liszts Duo
Sonata, Musical Times 116 (July 1975), 620. See the discussion in chapter three, Two Examples,
where his argument is considered, and the dating of other scholars is reviewed.
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300
provide proof, as the Chopin work was written first in the sketchbook; how much earlier
could have been one month or thirteen or twenty-five. Finally, the replacement folio in the
Chopin Duo (f. 3) was removed from the last gathering of the Mendelssohn Duo. This
must have been taken after the Mendelssohn was completed (i.e., after August 1834), but
this observation tells us only when Liszt was revising the Chopin Duo, not when he
composed it.
There are two factors which argue for 1834, however. First, the biographical
data outlined in chapter seven would suggest spring 1834 as the earliest time such a work
could have been conceived. Second, there is a stray page from the sketchbook which does
not fit with any of the known surviving gatherings (Z18, no. 1). Given that there are at
least eleven gatherings for which we can account, all including and following those for the
Chopin Duo, this page is probably from a gathering that preceded the work. The notation
is sketch material, jottings of musical ideas as they occurred to Liszt, and include the
following dates: Lundi 28 Avril1834 Mardi matin chez Erard [29 April?]; Lundi
5 Mai; Samedi 17 [Mai]; Jeudi29 [Mai]; all days which fall within 1834. With
no data to suggest another conclusion and all circumstantial evidence pointing to 1834, this
year is undoubtedly correct.24
This reconstruction also presumes that the Mendelssohn Duo was drafted
complete in the same manner as the Chopin. The autograph of the work contains twenty-
nine folios, the first twenty-three of which do not derive from the sketchbook and are on
paper types 9.5 (ff. 1-12,18-23) and 9.6 (ff. 13-17). Liszts hand is found throughout,
but these pages are considerably neater in appearance and constitute a fair copy. The first
layer was evidently written on a succession of bifolia, although revisions carried out during
^ O n e observation that may have bearing on this argument is that, for 25 Juillet, Liszt
originally wrote 25 Juni. To alter the month, he wrote -llet over -ni and dotted the first stroke of the
n. It seems likely that Liszt made a simple mistake that he immediately corrected.
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301
the copying process disrupted this sequence in places. Collettes are also from the same
paper types, with the exception of one on f. 6 which was taken from the lost sketchbook
(type 9.1). Noting that the six folios from the sketchbook were tom from the binding,
unlike the pages for the Chopin Duo, which are the result of a careful dismantling, a logical
explanation is that Liszt was preparing a fair copy of the Mendelssohn, perhaps for the
concert of 25 December, and, running out of time, had to leave off copying and adapt the
last six folios from the draft in the sketchbook these pages have additional corrections in
red ink which are lacking on the other folios.25 The possibility that the sketchbook
contained the entire work in draft form is suggested by the number 2 on the tom flap of f.
25: this indicates a second piano part in the margin of the other half of the bifolium, thus
the entire gathering must have contained music from the Mendelssohn Duo. Further, the
collette on f. 6 on the same paper suggests that ff. 1-23 were copied from a complete
earlier version in the sketchbook (i.e., Liszt took a blank page from an unused portion of
the same book from which he was copying). Although the reconstruction in Figure 9.1
allots only sixteen folios for the music of the first twenty-three folios of the surviving
autograph, comparison with the sketchbook pages demonstrates that Liszt was more
expansive in terms of space in his fair copy. Of course, it does no harm to the
reconstruction to postulate another signature, as the size of the original book is unknown.
The third work which can be associated with the lost sketchbook is Malediction.
As with the folios from the Mendelssohn Duo, these pages were evidently tom from the
book before it was dismantled, and the flap of f. 4 has from the margin of the (lost)
^P aper type 9.5 is also found in the autographs of the Reminiscences de la Juive, completed
November 1835, and the Reminiscences des Huguenots, written the following year. In addition, paper type
9.6 is from a mill not otherwise found among Liszts Parisian years but encountered in the years of
pilgrimage that followed (see, for example, type 8.1). Thus, it could be argued that the fair copy of the
Mendelssohn was not written until after Liszt had left Paris. The letter of 28 July 1835 requesting the
Chopin Duo suggests that by this time the book had been dismantled, and, given our incomplete knowledge
of Liszts habits of paper use and the lack of other supporting evidence, it seems more reasonable to adopt
the sequence of events outlined above.
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adjoining page Piano / Violoncello], indicating that the work continued throughout the
gathering. It cannot be determined the extent to which the work was written in the book,
however, as the music does not precisely match any passage in the final version, being
Example 9.5). Possibly it was conceived as part of a recapitulation, later deleted. The
beginning of the passage is also similar to mm. 17ff. (A), but in E major instead of E
minor. If this is an early version of the opening, the measures preceding it could easily
have been written on the lost bifolium from the center of the gathering, leaving open the
possibility that some version of the entire work was entered preceding the Mendelssohn
Duo and adding four lost gatherings to the reconstruction. Note, however, that the recto of
the first folio contains brief sketches under the heading Inspiration mariotique, which
makes it unlikely that the preceding bifolium had anything to do with Malediction.26 Thus,
it appears that only a portion of the work was drafted into the sketchbook, and the existence
of other sketches (to be discussed below) suggests that these pages were used to
supplement another source.
Given the sketchs position between two works for which secure dates can be
assigned, it would appear that Malediction was being drafted at the same time. This
reasoning presumes that each surviving item was written in turn, but there is no way to
prove that this was the case. To put it another way, although it is likely that the Chopin and
Mendelssohn works were entered complete, this does not mean that they were entered
consecutively: they could have been composed simultaneously with sufficient space left for
completion, and the Mendelssohn Duo may have preceded the Chopin. This observation
therefore denies us a tidy date for the Malediction sketch of between 25 July and the end of
26Mariotique was one of Liszts nicknames for Marie dAgoult. I am grateful to Mdria
Eckhardt for helping me decipher Liszts scrawl and for identifying the reference to the Countess. There is
no known composition that uses the material in the sketch, nor with this title.
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303
August 1834. Nevertheless, at some point after the Chopin Duo was finished, Liszt used
blank folios for Malediction that were no longer needed for the other two works, and we
can at least conclude that the sketch can be dated no earlier than July 1834. In addition,
since Liszts request for the Chopin Duo suggests the book was already dismantled before
he left Paris in May 1835, the date can be further narrowed. We also note that this sketch
is more refined than the other surviving sketches which can be dated to the winter of 1834-
sketchbook can be narrowed to within a few months. First, the folios from the
Mendelssohn Duo were removed from a bound volume to complete the autograph fair
copy. Since such a copy presumably would have been needed for a performance, the
sketchbook was intact as late as December 1834. If one of the pianists played from the
sketchbook at these December concerts, and the fair copy was prepared for the concert on 9
April 1835, the time frame is further narrowed.27 Second, the Chopin Duo existed as a
separate autograph by the time Liszt left Paris for Switzerland in late May 1835. At some
time before the end of May, therefore, the contents of the sketchbook no longer needed to
remain in that format: Liszt had a fair copy of the Mendelssohn Duo, and he probably had a
fair copy of Malediction (discussed below). With the Chopin Duo the only work left in its
relation to the other known sketchbooks. As discussed in chapter four, Liszts Working
Method, Liszt did not work out his ideas on paper but wrote them out fully formed. We
27There is no trace of a copyists manuscript for a second piano part Either it is lost, or, just
as likely, Liszt played from memory while the other pianist played from his autograph (either the
sketchbook or the fair copy). The copy in D-WRgs (K3) is almost certainly from the twentieth century,
perhaps made for the editor of the Breitkopf & Hartel collected works but never used.
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also note that in sketchbook N6, he often left pages blank to allow space to finish
compositions, and other surviving sketchbooks contained complete works, some rather
extensive.28 Did Liszt purchase this volume of blank music paper with the intention of
writing out completed compositions? Although there survive pages with brief sketches, it
seems certain that the Chopin and Mendelssohn Duos were entered complete, and this
would make the sketchbook the earliest example of that practice. Did Liszt intend to
dedicate the sketchbook to a specific purpose? Given that the Chopin and Mendelssohn are
both chamber music, a book dedicated to this purpose would be an appropriate place to
write a passage for a sextet, and, as these are the only works that can be assigned to its
pages, we have yet another argument for reconsidering the genre of Malediction. The
sketchbook is unique in one respect, however: at no other time did Liszt completely
dismantle such a volume for its contents. Mueller accounts for individual compositions
borrowed from N5, but the book itself remained intact.29 Perhaps as Liszt realized more
fully his vocation as a composer, he took greater care to use his sketchbooks for such
things as short score drafts or notational jottings, whereas for anything that might serve as
fair copy he worked on unbound bifolia. Nevertheless, this sketchbook served him well,
from the summer of 1834 through the spring of 1835, and a reconstruction of its contents
allows a more precise dating of the works it once contained than would otherwise be
possible.
29Ibid., 174-177.
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305
the contents appear to be an earlier version of portions of the score. This observation led
Raabe to assign these pages to the lost concerto performed in London in 1827, a work he
believed was the Vorlaufer to MalMction, and he quoted four measures to display the
relationship (although his key signature of one sharp is surely incorrect; compare his
transcription with Example 9.4, mm. 202a-205a).30 It will be shown that this source
cannot be dated to this time and therefore has nothing to do with the lost concerto. In
addition, Raabe did not realize that the folios are, in fact, contiguous: when properly
ordered, these pages yield over 350 measures of continuous sketch material. The original
order can be reconstructed from physical factors alone (see Figure 9.2 the folio is
followed by the measure numbers [recto] [verso]), and the accuracy of the result is
confirmed by the musical content (see Examples 9.2,9.3, and 9.4).
----------------------- f. 1 (1-7X8-15)
I_______________ f. 2(16-27)(28x-42x)
t 1___ f. 3 (28-42)(blank)
________________ f. 4 (43-57)(58-68)
________________ f. 5 (69-86)(87-96)
________________ f. 6(97-103)(104-112)
________________ f. 7(113-120)(blank)
________________ f. 8 (41a-58a)(59a-73a)
________________ f. 9 (74a-86a)(87a-100a)
[lost]
.____________ f. 10(101a-116a)(117a-129a)
I____________ f. ll(130a-144a)(blank)
_______________ f. 12 (145a-156a)(157a-169a)
I_______________ f. 13 (170a-173a)(174a-190a)
________________ f. 14 (191a-201a)(202a-219a)
________________ f. 15 (220a-239a)(240a-247a)
________________ f. 16 (248a-264a)(265a-278a)
These folios exhibit unmistakable signs that they too were part of a bound
volume: the stitch holes match precisely along the folds, there is dried glue along the spines
of the outmost bifolia, and they are all trimmed to precisely the same size (except for
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306
bifolium 10/11 which is an insert). In addition, it appears that ff. 1-6 were detached by
ripping the bifolia through the cords that held the gathering to the spine, suggesting that
these folios were rejected material from early in the compositional process. By contrast,
the bifolia making up ff. 8-16 are all intact, suggesting these pages were retained until the
dismantling of the book. As demonstrated below, the explanation for these physical
differences appears to lie in that ff. 8-16 are a revised and expanded version of ff. 4-7,
also noted in the way the measures are numbered in the examples.
Although f. 1 begins in medias res, it is indeed the first of the surviving pages, as
no other passage connects with it. The third folio does not belong to the original gathering
and is a full-page collette to the verso of f. 2. Liszt very likely tore the page neatly from
some other part of the volume (it is on the same paper) and affixed it to f. 2v with a pin (the
Liszt would have written his revision on that page. Note also the verso of f. 3 is blank.
(Example 9.2 is a transcription of ff. 1-3, omitting the material on f. 2v. The last two
revealing the tears from the string that held the gathering to the binding. These marks line
up through all the folios that were originally part of the gathering, including the only
complete bifolia, ff. 1/2, although it was ripped so forcefully that the only connecting
portion is found at the top. In addition, traces of wax drippings on f. 5 can be seen on f.
4v. These pages also mark the beginning of a new section of the sketch, except for two
measures that are found on f. 2v (also f. 3). The verso of f. 6 marks the end of the
passage, but Liszt decided to expand this idea and for that purpose again neatly tore a folio
from another part of the volume to use as an insert. Thus, the last two measures of f. 6v
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307
arc canceled and expanded to eight on f. 7, using only a single system on the recto side.
(Example 9.3 is a transcription of ff. 4-7, including the last two measures of f. 3.)
As with the first, the second gathering appears to have consisted of four nested
bifolia, but in this case most of the adjacent pages are intact. One page is lacking from the
original signature, tom out while still attached to the binding and replaced with the insert
bifolium, ff. 10/11. The remaining flap of f. 14 suggests the verso of this lost page was
blank, and with this information it is possible to suggest the original contents. Thus, the
forty-four measures of ff. 10/11 (mm. 10 la-144a) replace eleven measures of the lost folio
(similar in content to mm. 101a-l 1la) and four canceled measures of f. 12 (mm. 141x-
144x; see Example 9.6b and analysis below). This insert bifolium is also the only paper
that was not part of the original volume, as it shows no signs of binding and the edges are
untrimmed.
The eighth folio is clearly the first of a new gathering and also the beginning of a
musical section (it is one of the few pages with time and key signatures). It is uncertain,
however, whether f. 8 followed in the original volume; although f. 7 ends in D-flat, and f.
8 begins (effectively) in C-sharp minor, it does not appear to be a continuation. The music
is very similar to the passage that begins with the last two measures of f. 3, however, and
the presence of a black cross above m. 41 was clearly a sign Liszt made for himself. It is
therefore likely that ff. 8-16 represent an expanded version of ff. 47, an idea that will be
further explored in the analysis below. As noted above, these bifolia do not exhibit tears
from the cords of the bound volume. Either the string was carefully cut, or it was removed
when the entire volume was dismantled. If ff. 1-7 were removed at an earlier stage and ff.
8-16 remained in place, then this physical evidence is additional support for the conjecture
that these sketches represent two drafts of essentially the same material. (Example 9.4 is a
transcription of ff. 8-16.)
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308
Extensive sketch material from this point in Liszts career is rare, and it is useful
to comment on the working methods that are displayed throughout these pages. Liszt
tended to leave the rest of a page blank at the end of a section, in anticipation of later
revisions. There is space at the end of f. 5v, and f. 6 begins with new time and key
signatures (Example 9.3, m. 97); see also f. 13, which contains only four measures
(Example 9.4, mm. 170a-173a). This is also true to a lesser extent at the end of f. 4v
(Example 9.3, m. 68). Nevertheless, all the material in these lengthy drafts is completely
scored, an approach similar to the fully harmonized entries in the sketchbooks.
Interestingly, this extends to measures that were immediately canceled. For example, after
mm. 1-2, Liszt originally continued with material very similar to mm. 8-10 and nearly
identical to mm. 14-16 (especially m. 15). He canceled his first thought after having
written two completely scored measures for the strings followed by the downbeat for the
strings and the piano right hand in the third measure. Evidently he changed his mind while
writing the left hand, as it is the only part of these three measures that is in any way
incomplete. Numerous other alterations suggest the extent to which Liszt may have been
composing as he went along or perhaps took pen to paper after developing an outline in his
head or at the piano. Unfortunately, it is unknown to what extent these drafts were
preceded by other sketches. But if it is true that these pages represent two extensive
workings of the same material, it is certainly odd that he would proceed to orchestrate them
fully without having tested the passage in the context of the whole or, for that matter,
without having satisfied himself with the entire composition in sketch form (e.g., piano
score). Further, the fact that little on these pages made it into the finished version (i.e., that
he went on to develop a third alternative) lends credence to the idea that Liszt was writing
out his composition in full score as he went along, without a preliminary sketch stage.
The paper of all sixteen folios is identical to that used in the autograph of De
profundis (D-WRgs, HI; type 9.3), a manuscript that was also bound, and the grouping of
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309
four bifolia per gathering is common to both scores (see chapter ten, Description of the
Autograph Source). This similarity also extends to the existence of two staff
distributions, twenty (ff. 1-9,12-16; type 9.3a) and twenty-four (ff. 10-11; 9.3b,
untrimmed). It will be demonstrated in the description of the De profundis autograph that it
was bound after work on the composition had begun and that Liszt used the twenty-staff
variety, supplementing it with twenty-four staff when his first batch had run out. As he did
not begin work on De profundis until January 1835, this use of paper types allows several
conclusions: if the volume from which these Malediction sketches were taken consisted
only of twenty-staff paper (note that the full-page collettes are on the same paper as well),
then it is likely that Liszt was writing these passages before his work on De profundis.
This is based on the assumption that Liszt used two separate volumes which he himself
bound, one for each work, and as two paper types succeed one another in the De profundis
manuscript, Malediction, with its single paper type, must have come first31 Second, Liszt
was still revising the drafts in this book after he had reached the twenty-four-staff phase of
De profundis (i.e., after January 1835), based on the use of the single untrimmed bifolium.
While there is much here that is speculative, it seems likely that these pages date from the
31MuelIers statement that H13a was originally part of HI does not appear to be correct; see her
Liszts Tasso Sketchbook, 255-256. Careful comparison of these two sources reveals it to be unlikely
that H I is missing two entire gatherings. In addition, all of the twenty-staff paper in HI3a is upside down
vis-a-vis the watermark and top and bottom staff margins as compared to HI. This would imply that HI
was turned over and used from the back, again impossible as HI ends with twenty-four staff paper. Note
also that her statement, that H13a was originally part of the Psaume instrumentale and contains a
considerable amount of music based on the De profundis melody, is incorrect, as can be seen in Examples
9.2,9.3, and 9.4.
320ther examples of this paper date from later in the decade and are only the twenty-four staff
untrimmed variety (type 9.3b); see Mueller, Liszts Tasso Sketchbook, 366. The documented use is of
such a small quantity (fifteen folios) that it may be left over from 1835.
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310
process. When we further consider the passage from the reconstructed sketchbook, which
is closer to the final version than these drafts, we may speculate that, at the time of writing
it, Liszt was already working outside of a bound Malediction volume and perhaps had
already dismantled it. De profundis never reached this level of revision, as otherwise its
binding might have met the same fate. At the point he was finally satisfied, we can only
wonder what modey collection of manuscript paper was presented to the copyist
corrections and is the only score that contains the work complete (D-WRgs, H2; this call
number also includes the four folios from the reconstructed sketchbook see below).
Considering the neatness, accuracy, and careful staff layout of the pages, the copyist was
an experienced professional. In addition, the copy is copiously filled with dynamic and
expression markings, conspicuously absent from the autograph sketches. That these are
lacking in the sketch material is not an argument against Liszts involvement in the copy, as
throughout his career he often left these markings to the last stage before copying (see
chapter four, Liszts Working Method), and such detailed indications are also present in
Bellonis copies of Concerto No. 1 and the Grandefantaisie symphonique. Thus, although
we lack the autograph exemplar, v/e may be sure that these markings stem from Liszt
himself. The resulting manuscript signifies that Liszt was at last satisfied with the result:
after a process of composition that could be described as torturous (given the variants that
survive), he wanted a clean copy of his autograph pages, and the high quality may indicate
that he was intending to perform and publish the work.
piano sextet (see chapter seven, The Compositional Matrix). If this is the manuscript
Liszt indicated in his letter of 28 July 1835 when he requested, mon Sestetto copiti par le
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311
Polonais.. (see citation above), then we have a reliable terminus ante quem for the
copyists work. The paper, like the copyists hand, is unique among known Liszt
manuscripts (type 9.4) and includes the year 1833 as part of the watermark. As noted
above, this was taken as a date for the copy in the The New Grove worklist revised by
Sharon Winklhofer, but more precisely the year should be used as a terminus post quem.
Given the dating proposed for the various sketches, this copy could not have been written
earlier than the winter of 1834-35 nor, if it is the sestetto, later than the following
summer.
The original layer of the manuscript consisted of eight signatures of two nested
bifolia, all on the same paper. These bifolia are all intact and contain a number of
characteristics that are typical of Liszts penchant for revision. First, Liszt evidently gave
the copyist instructions to leave entire pages blank, perhaps without offering a rationale.
As a result, these pages are all roughly equidistant from one another and not at structural
points in the musical argument. They are found as follows: between pages 18 and 19 (m.
103 and m. 104 note that the page numbers are not by Liszt and do not include pages
without music), 34 and 35 (m. 191 and m. 192), and 57 and 58 (m. 304 and m. 305).33
Not surprisingly, none of Liszts revisions occurred in the vicinity of the blank pages, and
he used collettes. Other blank pages which fall outside of this explanation are the recto of
the first folio, to allow Liszt the luxury of a title page (which he never used), and part of
page 47, probably because it is before the interpolation of Du bist die Ruh, at which point
the copyist must have decided to begin the three-staff system on the following page (see
Example 9. 8).
33These measure numbers apply to the published score as follows: letter A (17), B (28), C (45),
D (57), E (83), F (106), G (118), H (131), I (143), K (150), L (163), M (176), N (186), O (200), P (213),
Q (229), R (243), S (257), T (274), U (296), V (312), W (334).
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312
musical point of view, but demonstrating that he continued to touch up the piece, possibly
after he was living in Switzerland. The first revision extended the cadenza beginning at m.
9, found on two collettes that were originally a single folio but cut apart for the alteration.
The verso of one of these collettes contains a first attempt at the emendation. Apparently,
Liszt thought he would need only the top half, but he was dissatisfied with his first attempt,
turned the fragment over, and used the other part of the page. The result is a full-page
collette that contains mm. 12-22 (see Example 9.6a and also the description in the critical
notes). More significantly, this paper is the same as that used for the separate violin part of
the Chopin Duo (ff. 34-41) as well as various collettes throughout that autograph (type
9.8). As Liszt requested that the Duo be sent to him in Geneva, it is possible that this paper
represents work carried out after receipt of the two manuscripts. This supposition is
strengthened by the fact that the Chopin Duo was never performed in Paris nor copied as
far as is known, and his residence in Geneva and attachment to the newly-formed
Conservatory may have been the first opportunity to prepare the work for performance.34
One other revision in the Malediction manuscript may date from this time.
Between pages 9 and 10 there is a bifolium, and page 40 has a full-page collette, both on
the same paper (type 9.7). Oddly, both transcribe the identical passage, the collette with
the complete emendation (mm. 215-220; see Example 9.7), the bifolium with only the first
throughout the Liszt manuscript corpus, thus the connection to the other revision cannot be
confirmed. Note that the bifolium obviously does not belong where it has been placed and
that the loose pages from the lost sketchbook are also found within this gathering, the
^ O n Liszts relationship with the Conservatory, see Claude Viala, Franz Liszt au
Conservatoire (1835-1836), Revue Musicale de Suisse Romande 38 (September 1985), 122-129.
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313
second in the manuscript For some reason, this location became the repository for stray
folios, at least at the time the present writer examined the manuscript (winter 1987-88).
The final characteristic is in the nature of a deletion, here an entire section
originally found between mm. 256 and 257 (see Example 9.8). This is a transcription of a
large portion of Schuberts song, Du bist die Ruh, and to connect the measures around
the cancellation required little rewriting on Liszts part As noted, the quotation begins on
the verso of the page following blank space at the bottom of the preceding recto (pp. 47/48,
the first folio of the seventh gathering). Once Liszt had decided to make the deletion, he
made a cut of the more literal kind, clipping part of the blank portion of the page blank
on the recto side presumably for a collette. One portion of this piece survives (D-
WRgs, H13b), but the other is lost, and the small notes in Example 9.8 represent a
reconstruction based on Schuberts original. The music of m. 257 was also part of the
deleted page, and Liszt drew in staff lines and recopied it at the head of the next folio. In
addition to the revisions which necessitated some physical alteration to the manuscript,
there are other autograph markings, including the words written in pencil above several
themes, one of which provided Malediction with its title. These alterations cannot be
dated precisely, but they too may be among the Swiss revisions.
Given the consistency of the evidence and the way the manuscripts complement
one another, it appears certain that, apart from a handful of disjointed sketches in
sketchbook N6, Malediction from conception to completion dates from 1834-35. Much of
the composing may date from the winter, although portions may have been worked out as
early as the summer. More difficult to explain is the observation that the surviving drafts
were never used in the manuscript that Liszt gave to be copied nor were they simply deleted
in the manner of Du bist die Ruh. But before proceeding to the content of these
documents, it is necessary to review the final version as found in the copyists manuscript.
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314
MalMction begins with the theme that Liszt labeled malediction (mm. 1-16).
From the first notes, octave f-naturals played on the second beat, both the E minor tonality
and common time meter are obscured. Thus, in m. 4 the dominant-seventh in second
inversion in no way implies E minor, and only the entrance of the strings in m. 7, with the
same chord in first inversion., suggests the tonic. Ironically, this measure also introduces
the tritone dichotomy of alternating B major/F major triads. With this music as an
Introduction, the Exposition begins with a First Theme in E minor labeled orgueil (mm.
17-27). After six measures of repetition, the theme leads to a development that also refers
back to the malediction theme of the Introduction (mm. 28-44). A Transition Theme
follows, derived from the rhythm of malediction, that implies B minor without
establishing it and again continues with development of the opening material (mm. 45-56;
compare 51-53 to 33-35). The transition continues with a variant of the First Theme (mm.
57-67). It is typical of the way Liszt confounds our harmonic expectations in this work
that the harmony in mm. 63-67 defines E-flat major, but the Second Theme is (weakly) in
B major, the dominant of the works tonic. This theme is labeled pleursangoisses
songes and is in two repeated phrases (mm. 68-82), but its real goal is G major (the
expected secondary key area of a sonata form in E minor). A Third Theme temporarily
establishes G-sharp/A-flat major (mm. 83-117). The Closing Theme, labeled raillerie,
begins in G major but also develops, borrowing elements of the First and Third Themes,
before coming to a full stop (mm. 118-162). In addition to signaling the end of the
appreciably more developing of the material than in the Exposition. The First Theme is
heard in E-flat Major, and, as in the initial statement, a repetition is limited to the first
phrase, in this case five measures (mm. 163-197; compare 28ff.). A piano cadenza
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315
develops the Introduction idea (mm. 198-199), followed by a sequence based on the
Transition Theme, again suggesting a key in this case F major but not establishing it
(mm. 200-228; compare 45ff.). The Recapitulation begins with the return of the
Introduction (mm. 229-242) but is not clearly delineated until the statement of the First
Theme in the major mode (mm. 243-256). A lengthy Coda follows (mm. 257-342). It is
based on the First Theme and material introduced in its development and concludes with the
Second Theme (mm. 287-291) and the Third Theme (mm. 296ff.), all in E Major. (Table
romantic and emotional,35 while Robert Collet refers to a small handful of ideas from
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316
which Liszt builds the entire mosaic-like structure.36 Neither represents an accurate
description, but it is also true that at first hearing it is not always clear how the component
parts of the work relate to one another. Malidiction is in sonata form, with Introduction,
Exposition with the proper secondary key area, Development, and Recapitulation. The
Nevertheless, Liszt was careful to provide structural signposts for the listener, the most
obvious of which are the end of the Exposition, with its full stop, and the fortissimo return
of the First Theme in the Recapitulation, with its attendant sense of arrival in the tonic
major. This recapitulation technique had served him in the first movement of the earliest
version of Concerto No. 1, and he would return to it in Concerto No. 2 and other mature
works. But it is for the closing section that Liszt reserved his greatest structural coup. In
the Grandefantaisie symphonique, he saved one theme for tonic statement in the final
measures, a technique also found in incipient form at the end of the first movement of the
earliest version of Concerto No. 1 by the tonic statement of the principal themes. Liszt
took the concept a step further in the Coda of Malidiction by parading in varied guise
virtually all the thematic material and setting it apart with a presto tempo. This elaborate
closing gesture anticipates the innovation of the Allegro marziale animato of Concerto
No. 1, lacking the scale and stopping just short of thematic transformation.
Liszts use of harmony also shows him to be more adventurous than in the
Grandefantaisie, where he was undoubtedly restrained by Berliozs musical language. In
his discussion of the contents of sketchbook N6, Dieter Torkewitz notes, wie in alien
36Robert Collet, Works for Piano and Orchestra, in Franz Liszt: The Man and His Music,
255.
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317
bisher erorterten Beispielen seit 1827 wind auch hier friih moduliert.37 He also finds Liszt
laying aside the constraints of functional harmony: Liszt verfahrt nach einem
leading up to the Recapitulation in mm. 215-218, and it is perhaps not coincidental that
these are the only measures found in the sketch material that are nearly identical to the
copyists manuscript (see Example 9.4, mm. 71a-78a; the measures immediately before
and after are also very similar). This was also one of two passages that Liszt retouched in
the copyists manuscript (see Example 9.7), thus the transition was important to him (see
discussion below). Malidiction also shows Liszt taking a free approach to functional
harmony, which allowed him to use similar progressions to arrive at different destinations.
This characteristic is noted by Torkewitz and others with reference to the opening of
Prometheus (Symphonic Poem No. 5), whose first two chords are the same as
sketch material.
(see Example 9.1). The d-sharp in m. 7 indicates that the diminished-seventh chord from
the second beat carries through the measure and may remain in the bass in the following
38Ibid., 45. Torkewitz also discusses the opening measures of the work as well as their return
in m. 229 under his general heading of Thematische Konsequenz; see ibid., 38-39.
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318
measure as well. We may also speculate that d-sharp is in the bass of mm. 10-11, where it
is reinterpreted as E-flat, and, having achieved E-flat minor, the sketch breaks off. The
tritone dichotomy is therefore completely lacking at this stage, and it appears that Liszts
intention was to move to a foreign key rather than return to E minor. Perhaps incidentally,
E-flat minor may anticipate the use of its parallel major in the final version. Of the other
sketches, none has thematic resemblance to anything in the work. It is tempting, of course,
to relate the passages du sextuor and E-minor key signature to the question of whether
Malidiction is a sextet, but, without a musical connection, any reasoning would be circular.
Note, however, the striking harmony in the last measure of the fifth system, which
includes an E-flat major triad.
The first question to be answered when confronting the drafts that make up
Examples 9.2,9.3, and 9.4 is their intended position in the overall form. The first
measures of Example 9.2 suggest the difficulty of solving this basic inquiry: Malidiction
does not include any measures in 6/8 meter (actually 6/16 in mm. 1-15; see the critical
notes), and the 2/4 with which it alternates is found only in the Coda. Equally problematic
is the inclusion of motives of which all trace was deleted in the final version. Only with m.
41 in Example 9.3 do we find the Transition Theme but in a transposition that does not
appear in the final version. An important clue is found in Example 9.4, where mm. 65a-
90a contain similar music to mm. 212-224 of the final version, with some measures nearly
elements in common with the same section of the final version. These corresponding
passages suggest that the draft is an earlier attempt at a Development and Recapitulation.
Having established the content of the sketches, there remain questions about
Example 9.2 that cannot be answered. It seems clear from the use of accidentals that the
lack of a key signature is intentional, thus although E Major is temporarily tonicized, this
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319
material, later deleted, or did Liszt introduce new motives as part of his Development?
With the addition of four sharps in m. 16, C-sharp minor is established, and it is
this key that is implied with the Transition Theme in m. 41 (see Example 9.3). The entire
passage is in this tonality: mm. 41-68 can be interpreted as a prolonged dominant, mm.
69-96 confirm the major mode, and mm. 97-120 are in the same key, enharmonically
reinterpreted (D-flat = C-sharp). Thematically, the material is all familiar from the final
version. Following the Transition Theme, Liszt combines the malediction motive and the
tritone dichotomy of the Introduction, here G-sharp major and D major triads (mm. 53-
64). The strings emphasize G-sharp, the dominant of C-sharp minor, using a form of a
rhythmic motive found earlier (compare Example 9.2, mm. 9,1415). The statement of
the First Theme in C-sharp major is a variation of the Exposition (mm. 69-96; compare
mm. 17-35 of the final version). Here it is followed by the raillerie Closing Theme in D-
flat major (mm. 97-104; compare mm. 118-123 of the final version). Noteworthy is the
economy of the final version, eliminating some repetition to condense four meaures into
three. The passage concludes with a cadential figure that emphasizes the tritone and again
uses a motive heard earlier (mm. 105-120; compare Example 9.2, mm. 37-40). Although
Liszt added eight measures to the conclusion (discussed above), the sketch ends with much
blank space left on the page: having achieved D-flat, he may have been unsure of how to
proceed.
Example 9.4 begins much the same as 9.3, with the Transition Theme implying
C-sharp minor. By altering the final chord in m. 52a, Liszt is able to repeat the theme in E-
flat (m. 53a ff.), followed by some development until another repetition, now in B-flat (m.
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320
79a ff.). At this point he has canceled out the key signature, and, although the music may
begin as m. 53 of Example 9.3, a minor third lower, this version uses the malediction
theme as a launching point for development of material heard in Example 9.2 (mm. 91a-
173a). Note also that originally the development was slightly shorter, and an earlier
version of m. 11 la apparently led to m. 141x in Example 9.6b (mm. 101a-144a are on the
insert bifolium, ff. 10/11). After a climax, the use of the b/f tritone in the piano (mm.
170a-172a) leads to the Recapitulation. The music follows closely the model of Example
9.3, repeating virtually the entire content a minor third higher: Transition Theme (mm.
174a-185a), malediction theme (mm. 186a-201a), First Theme (mm. 202a-240a), and
Closing Theme (mm. 240a-247a), followed by the same cadential figure (248a-260a), all .
in E major. Here the music is extended by moving the bass down in major thirds, first
with a chromatic scale that begins and ends c-e (mm. 261a-268a), then with an additional
A-flat, to create an augmented triad (mm. 269a-278a). It is as if Liszt wanted the chord to
function as any major or minor chord, not as the result of passing tones an intriguing
system, Liszt has reinterpreted the A-flat as G-sharp and added ties to the final chord in the
passage in the final version, so there is no way to hypothesize what may have followed.
One striking coincidence is that this precise voicing is found in an Albumblatt first
published in 1841 (see Example 9.9) but whose musical content is also found in his Valse
mtlancolique.40 Remembering that Liszt requested a Waltz in E Major in his letter of 28
July 1835 (see appendix A), it is possible that the curious introduction found in the
E x a m p le 9.9 is from Franz Liszt, Dances, Marches and Scherzos, ed. Imre Sulyok and Imre
MezO, New Edition o f the Complete Works, series 1, vol. 13 (Budapest: Editio Musica, 1985), 26.
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321
Albumblatt was at one time part of Malediction. These measures do little more than
establish E major and could have led to Du bist die Ruh.
As noted in the discussion of the manuscripts, ff. 1-7 were forcibly tom from the
bound volume, while ff. 8-16 remained until the dismantling of the book. In addition, at
precisely the measure where Examples 9.3 and 9.4 are parallel in musical content (i.e.,
mm. 41 and 41a), Liszt wrote a thick cross above the staff on f. 3 (the full-page collette
revising mm. 28-42). The cross was very likely an aide de memoire, and he may have
been indicating the point at which his revision of the passage continued from the earlier
version. If so, we may interpret the music in Example 9.3 as an attempt at a Development
section that reached a dead end. Upon further consideration, Liszt saw the potential in the
same material as Development and Recapitulation and rewrote the passage so that it ended
in the tonic, while at the same time greatly expanding the development portion. This
interpretation takes into account both the physical and the musical evidence. Another less
likely possibility is that Example 9.3 is the end of the original Exposition, that is, the
secondary key area was in C-sharp minor/D-flat major. This explanation does not account
for the cross, and, further, it is difficult to imagine the formal context in which these two
passages could have coexisted.
Assuming that Examples 9.3 and 9.4 are two versions of the same material, a
number of conclusions can be advanced. Given the key of C-shaip minor/D-flat major
throughout Example 9.3, it appears that Liszt did not begin Malediction with the formal
outline of a sonata. The passage may even suggest that he did not have any overriding
formal conception in mind, and thus the sonata form did not result until well into the
compositional process. When these two passages are compared with the final version, it is
also clear that Liszt at first employed additional thematic and motivic material, but, as his
conception crystallized, he winnowed the excess away. With the gain in conciseness, Liszt
also achieved a stronger return of the First Theme. A casualty, however, was that in the
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322
final version the Closing Theme is never heard in the tonic. Overall, the rewriting must
have been considerable, and one cannot even speculate on the size of the work in the
earliest drafts.
The music from the reconstructed sketchbook (Example 9.5) is both closer to the
final version than that of Examples 9.2,9.3, and 9.4, and neater in appearance, suggesting
a fair copy. These observations make any attempt at understanding the content all the more
perplexing, because none of it found its way into the copyists manuscript. The opening
ten measures are recognizable as the First Theme in E major, but, unlike any statement of
the theme in the final version, this music cadences. Following are the Second and Third
Themes transposed a minor third lower to end in E major (mm. 12-55; compare mm. 83-
117 of the final version). Note also the final measure, with its lead-in figure in the piano
part that may have led to an energetic Coda or (less likely) to the beginning of the passage
represented by Example 9.2.
Comparing this fragment to the final version, although the First Theme is given a
role in the Recapitulation, the others are heard only in the closing measures of the Coda
(mm. 287ff.). Perhaps Example 9.5 represents Liszts first notion of a proper
Recapitulation in E major, later replaced by the freer approach to restating the material that
included the ffff peroration of the First Theme and the Molto animandoquasi Presto
Coda. It is interesting to observe that, for his final version, Liszt returned to Example 9.4
for the gesture of a grandiose tonic major statement of the First Theme.
retouchings. In the latter category are the rewritings of mm. 9ff. and mm. 215ff. (the
earlier versions are transcribed in Examples 9.6a and 9.7, respectively). The first alteration
extends the piano cadenza by three measures, placing more emphasis on the tritone
dichotomy. Liszt did not alter any of the subsequent appearances of the figure and
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323
apparently was satisfied to give more weight at the beginning of the work. Perhaps also of
significance, the revised measures are easier to play.
The passage that includes mm. 215-218 is one that was transferred harmonically
intact from an earlier draft (see Example 9.4, mm. 71a-78a). As noted above, it is an
extraordinary sequence where Liszt allows the voice leading to dictate the harmony,
creating extreme dissonance and tension that leads to greater expectancy for resolution.
Notice in comparing Example 9.4 to 9.7 that Liszt has complicated the texture. Thus,
although the passage in Example 9.4 is difficult for the piano, the string parts are
sharp. In Example 9.7, the writing is considerably more difficult and the string texture
denser, and, although the rhythm has become unified, the alteration affects the rate of
harmonic change, effectively condensing three measures to two (see mm. 216x-217x).
The result adds another level of dissonance: rhythmic. On the collette to the copyists
manuscript, Liszt returned to the simpler texture of Example 9.4, and this final version is
so close to the earlier one that one must assume he had his sketch in front of him.
Motivating his revision, he may have decided that the intermediate version was too extreme
in the context of the entire passage. And again we note that the final version is somewhat
easier to perform.
This last observation, applied to both passages, begs the question of whether
these changes were the result of a reading with string players. Postulating such an event
might explain the need for two autograph copies of mm. 215-218 the music on the
bifolium is the only alteration that would affect the strings and thus could be used to alter
the parts. There is no evidence that a reading session ever took place, although if we are
correct in assuming that these changes were made in Switzerland, certainly competent
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324
The final emendation is in some ways the most thought provoking, the deletion of
fifty-three measures from a work that in its final version numbered only 342 (Example
9.8). Formally, it is a transcription of a Schubert song, transposed from its original key of
E-flat to E major (the key of Malediction) and lacking only its concluding measures.41
Musically, there is no antecedent to it in the work nor is it referred to in the Coda that
immediately follows, and deleting it required no major surgery on Liszts part Its
omission causes no discontinuity on any level of the musical argument, and we are left with
only its programmatic implication. Although there is no doubt that malidiction was not
intended as the works tide, this word, along with various other appellations, are later
additions to the copyists manuscript, penciled in the composers hand. As Liszt never
published the work, there is no way to know whether these would have appeared in an
edition. It is also unclear how he meant them to be understood: no other work to this time
includes such labels. Certainly the idea of a curse balanced by you are rest lends itself
easily to the imagination, perhaps a Paradise Lost scenario an interpretation that would
be later applied by others to the Sonata in B Minor. Liszt may have come to the conclusion
that a work, no matter how programmatic, must also stand on its own internal musical
logic, and thus the Schubert quotation was removed. We also note that never again would
Liszt quote another composers work in the context of a composition that was otherwise
original. But whatever the reason, the deletion greatly changes the proportions of the piece
and only reinforces how difficult it was for Liszt to bring his conception into formal
balance.
41Liszt also transcribed the song for solo piano, publishing it in 1838 along with eleven other
Schubert song transcriptions. In this case, the key of E-flat major is retained, but Liszt repeats the verse
three times rather than Schuberts two, each to more elaborate figuration. Note that the piano writing for
the second verse has much in common with the deleted passage from Malidiction.
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325
Conclusion
are speculative, and neither their position in the overall form nor reason for rejection is
always clear. This observation in itself is revealing and suggests that Liszts approach to
the work may have been one of trial and error, and only after a good deal of
experimentation did he decide on a final form, at least final enough to give to a copyist
From Examples 9.2,9.3,9.4, and 9.5, it appears that such basic compositional decisions
as tonal layout and thematic use evolved in this way, and when a particular passage was not
postulate that Liszt began the work with no prior conception except perhaps the
instrumentation. Thus, although we have analyzed the result as a variant of sonata form,
the combination of tonal areas and thematic use peculiar to this type may have come about
coincidentally, from serious formal experimentation and not a commitment to older
principles.
Malidiction brought Liszt face to face with compositional problems and procedures that
were not apparent in shorter compositions, variation forms, or paraphrases. Mimicking
apparently never an option, and there is no known work of his that follows such a plan.
Nevertheless he must have sensed the formal equilibrium inherent in works of Beethoven
(from his studies with Czerny, these were the ones of the great Classical triumvirate he was
most likely to know) and sought to create a similar result by new means. Liszt may have
thought he could do this by sense, feeling his way towards a successful realization. In the
end, he found himself with a stack of rejected material, no closer to his ideal. That he
dissatisfaction, although at the time he was contented enough to have it copied, perhaps for
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326
much the same reason as Concerto No. 1: it was finished and therefore potential
performance material for the budding composer/virtuoso. And remembering the variety
first original composition (as opposed to a paraphrase on someone elses music) since the
Concerto No. 1, we find Liszt seeking an entirely new approach, but, unlike the earlier
work, he refused to capitulate to older conceptions such as a three-movement layout De
profundis would take the process a step further, and this work, though twice the size,
emerged with a well-defined profile and considerably less rejected material. However hazy
his goals at the start, by the time he concluded Malidiction and turned to De profundis, he
had learned much and knew better what he wanted to accomplish with a large-scale form.
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327
6
i
Passages du Sextuor
I
La petite morale
tue la grande
(Mirabean)
s s D
liifj 1 =4
PM #
i - -
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328
Piano
:g@rr g
Piano
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329
vi. nl
arc
Via _ ---------- J------J
^ J--- m
Vc.
* +
C b. 1
Piano
VI. n
HT *P t
m H m
m
Piano
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330
pizz.
VI. I
tpin.1
pizz. [TCO]
Vc.
C b.
(26 )
VI. I
pizz.
vi. n1
pizz.
V ia
Vc.
Cb.
P iano
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331
(32)
V I. 1
[*rco]
[rco]
V ia
Vc.
C b.
Piano
(37)
VI. I
vi. n
V ia
Vc.
C b.
8-
Piano
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332
Piano
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333
A.
(S3)
V ia
Vc.
Cb.
Piano
(59)
VI. I
v i.n l
Vc.
Cb. si
Piano
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334
(65)
V I. I
Via
V c.
C b.
P ian o
VI. I
V I. Ill
V ia
V c.
C b.
Piano
n m
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335
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336
Vc.
Cb.
Piano
(96)
VI. I
pizz.
vi. n!
V ia
[pia-i
Vc.
Cb.
Piano
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337
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338
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339
VI. I
v i.n l
V ia
Vc.
Cb.
Pian o
(47a)
VI. I
r-3
VI. ir m
V ia
Vc.
Cb.
[&
P ian o
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340
Via
m ig I P S frfT3JJ]
w ig ! =n k m
Piano
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341
VI.
p r r t = H t H =
r- 3 i . n
VI. ------fe
r"p
% f f p
ff ? f c = t-
W n -* J - ---- Y- L1 1 K U H \ - * =|
TJ
r-3 --i j.
Lf E iff
jfl ?. I3 1 L_
ij) ] y ......... p fn-Er a ' K
Piano
Piano
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342
i%- r -n
__ h* f
VI. .m a . h - i i i
V ia 11
1 r 1 11* Yr rr
EE*"I 11
r rr r tAl-h-r [T E- H r r d iV 7
. ----1*_|--- Y f _ly r~ ^ -f. . f fc k r
P iano
Ik
m m m
V I. II'
Piano
S 3
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343
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344
Piano
[maicalo aemprc]
m m
[marcato sem
[marcato sempre]
Piano
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345
(113a)
VI. I
p in .
V ia
V c.
Cb.
Piano
(118a)
VI. ll
v i. i r
pizz.
V ia
Vc.
C b.
Piano
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346
VI. I I
J- / 77 ---- t j iJ-
vi. ni1 ' ! J 2_vn-- 1^
WT' Bfj-jj
[pia]
1^31^---- ^1%
r 1^ ti
# 7- 7- ?- - - Ti
>
V ia
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[pizzj
V c. | 1 jfT ^ T^
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itp
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C b. I
1
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tip
(129a)
SI
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347
(136a)
VI. I I k
V ia
[rel
Vc.
Cb.
Piano
(141a) [m ircilo]
VI. I
VI. II1
V ia
Vc.
pis.
Cb.
Piano
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348
)
t 4
K-t M u p | . -i , u p p~ tff I
i.
n g j * 1 y*
[ J u U - T "
f f f (marcato]
fir l* P I If fr P m P It
[marcato]
ft
P ian o
(150a)
VI. I
V ia
V c.
Cb.
Piano
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349
-} J
ft
VI. r -------- jH *
-
V ia - k U aJI l4 J!
- T f- - r T- r
V c. |
A* M
C b. I
Piano
Piano
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350
(168a)
VI. n !
V ia
Vc.
C b.
Piano
(174a)
VI. I
VI. Ill
V ia
V c.
Cb.
[ r - 3 i ]
Piano
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351
(181a)
Piano
(188a)
Piano
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352
1 1 Prrrrr
, , , , -lita-
P ian o ^
L P P P P PP J J
(202a)
P ian o
(209a) . \
Piano
333
Piano
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353
mm im n j imm ,rn HQ
nl
mm m m
|J mm
i)i i j
r r r t i r f
Piano
iB
VI. 11
^ = i - j [7 3
r , . u .
V ia ^ = * = f-
U a = |
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V c. | - f f 1 :-----------1
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h I7 -1f
V - -------------
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f
f
C b. I
J f -v f r |* 1 #|*
Piano
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354
Via
Cb.
Piano
(240a) J
TCP
Via
pizz.
Vc.
Cb.
Piano
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355
(243a)
p is.
VI.
-e-> j
n t 1------------ f----
---- =--------
, _____________________ TCO|, f f pizz.
p is.
Piano
IJB
VI. II1
Piano
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356
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357
V ia
Vc.
Cb.
P ian o
(270a) pizz.
V I. i f
VI. II1
V ia
V c.
Cb.
Piano
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358
Adagio
VI. I
V ia
V c.
C b.
Adagio tenuto
Piano
J A
V I. II
w
V ia
P ia n o 1
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359
- > =
iCT * T -J -----------f----------
|r t * r - | i =
V ia
* * J---------- ^---------- - 1 I-----z
-l:------ :
V c.1
C b .l
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360
VI. I
V ia
Piano
[U]
VI. II
p ig.
V ia
[pia-1
Vc.
Cb.
Piano
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361
23
p i ' p .^ = f -
r\
th h - =
/T s
V ia -.n i i
P"1 J i t d
V c.
.... *
/Ts
C b. I ~ -........
Trislong
silence
Piano
VI. I
VI. II
Piano
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362
V I. I
V ia
V c.
C b.
vi. n
Via
V c.i
C b.
s .
P iano
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363
VI. I
VI. II
V ia
Vc.
Cb.
Piano
42
VI. I
VI. II
V ia
Vc.
C b.
Piano
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364
. te ft lE .E IE t
ju f isgji $ )
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365
yr*.. =
vi. n yr*
------------------------
-------------------------------- ST\
Via
d'i i
Vc. -
Cb. yi|t) - ==
Piano
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366
9x
b) mm. 141x-144x
VI. I
V ia
Vc.
Cb.
Piano
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367
sempre pmforte
sempre pitiforte
Via
sempre p it forte
f * t
W t i i
m
sempre pm forte
V
sempre pm forte
m
con bravura
fTstrepitoso
A
& strepitoso
A
V ia
w m
sen
V c.
JjTstrepitoso
8*-. _2S-! i|
a u rQ e &
t
L
m m' ~
_^
n jf| ........................
ifi
# ------------
P ian o jy stre p it
13IT n f l a t
m
sa
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368
Lento
* vec beaucoup d'exaltation et de simplidti
sostenuto
K ano
K ano
V c.
r
radolcenie
0 0 0
K anos
j . Jj
T ' r
m ~ " h j - * ' J - y - j ju 0 A 0
rw . r
if -
*
y _ c[resc.]
K anos
\ s |
j~ij
------- j ---------- * ------- #
-JF ---------------------
r r r ^ Ifegalo]
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369
279a
P ian o crtsc.
284a
P ian o
w s
J 'J>-
poco nt.
P ia n o s
296a marcato
P ia n o 1
i'Lj ^L
r
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370
VLI
cresc.
1 dolce simplice con amc e
vi. n1
Via
Vc.
cresc.
Via
Vc.
Piano PPP
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371
Andantino
dolce
r r~
(a*
a
8 -
3* a j
P 5 krJ"] 4P! J.
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372
Critical Notes to Example 9.1 notes are transcribed as quarter notes). Atm.
16, the values are those of the source, and as
This example has been transcribed from the there is no reason to doubt that the tempo
sketchbook, D-WRgs, N6, with little editorial remains constant, it seemed sensible to make
emendation, the only exception being the addi the notation consistent
tion of missing accidentals. It is actually three
sketches: (1) ff. 13v-14 on systems 1 and 2; (2) 1 Time signatures and key signatures are lack
f. 9v on systems 3-6; (3) f. 27v at the end of ing. The notated accidentals suggest that at
system 6. this point in the score Liszt had suspended
the key signature.
(1) The notation is distributed as follows: mm.
1-3 are written on f. 13v/staves 10-11, mm. 2 Via: The sharp is lacking before the g.
4 -6 on f. 13v/staves 13-14, and mm. 7-11 3 Kano: The bass clef is lacking in the left
on f. 14/staves 13-14. The following acci hand, probably the result of confusion
dentals have been added: m. 1, natural to Fi; stemming from the cancellation of three
m. 3, sharp to G i and g; m. 6, sharp to C measures (discussed in the text).
and c , natural to F and c ; m. 7, sharp to
D, d, f, and f ; m. 11, flats to right-hand 10 Piano: The treble clef is lacking in the left
chord. hand.
(2) The notation is distributed as follows: system 16 In addition to the key signature, the time
3 is found on staves 1-2; system 4 on 4-5; values are written in 6/8, although no equiv
system 5 on 7-8; system 6 on 9-10. Clefs alent change of time signature is present.
and key signatures have been auuxl to siaves The measure begins f. 2. At first, Liszt
6,11, and 12. The eighth-note beam is wrote 16-20 for VI. I, VI. II, and Via in
lacking in mm. 6-7. The following acciden 6/16 at the bottom of f. lv, but after a few
tals have been added: m. 2, sharp to a; m. 4, notes in Kano, he stopped and rewrote the
sharp to a ; m. 6, sharp to a; system passage in 6/8 at the top of f. 2. See also
five/measure 4, flat to b and e . note 1-15.
(3) The clef has been added on staff 12. 16 Kano: The bass clef is lacking in the left
hand.
37,40 VIII: It is unclear whether the accidentals
Critical Notes to Example 9.2 in square brackets are to be applied. As
This example, along with 9.3 and 9.4, is a tran noted above, this passage is on the full page
scription of the sixteen folios in D-WRgs, H13a. collette (f. 3), and reference to the rejected
There has been no attempt to transcribe the many version of the passage on f. 2v, where the
corrections, false starts, etc. found on these equivalent figure is in Piano, has c-natural
alternating with c-sharp in 37, and the same
folios, although a few of the more interesting
lack of a sharp before the g in 40.
examples are noted below. The piano part is
transcribed generally as it appears in the auto 38 Via, Kano: Although a natural is missing
graph; the instrumental parts are discretely edited before the a in the second half of the mea
to conform to modem rules of notation. Redun sure, it is present in the earlier version of the
dant accidentals are deleted without comment, as passage on f. 2v.
are added such signs as missing accidentals, pro
longation dots, and rests to parts vertically, as 38 Via, Vc: The third note in Via is 6-sharp.
long as the sign in question is present in at least Given the voice-leading, a was probably
one other line. Other signs are added in square intended, although it is possible Liszt meant
brackets or noted below. Liszts disposition of to flat the b, as there is no accidental before
the score is: VI. I, VI. II, Via., Kano, Vc., Cb. the sixth note. In Vc, the second note is C-
At no point is the instrumentation indicated, but shaip (i.e., the same note repeated), but B-
the internal evidence of the parts is consistent sharp is likely intended given the natural
with these assignments. before the B in 39. If Liszt was writing each
measure vertically, as opposed to completing
1-15 Liszt notated all parts with note values each line horizontally, he may have confused
half those of the transcription (i.e., eighth momentarily the alto and bass clefs.
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373
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374
62a Cb, Piano: The natural is lacking before all 110a Via: The trill is lacking, supplied by anal
/s . ogy with the other parts.
65a The articulation is present in V II and VIII; 112a A change of time signature is implied in
it is added to the other string parts by anal Cb and Piano, but it is inconsistently
ogy. applied throughout the passage. Although
added rests are not differentiated in the tran
65a-66a VI I, Cb, Piano: The natural is lacking scription, note that for the strings in 114a
before all cs. only the eighth rests in V II and Via are
67a-68a VIII: There is a tie between the first indicated.
and second gs and the first and second as. It 120a Via: The sharp is lacking b efo re/; sup
is lacking in the other parts and therefore plied by analogy with VIH in 121a.
deleted here. It may be related to Liszts
original idea for VI I, where the part is writ 120a Piano: The bass clef is lacking.
ten with the rhythm analogous to Cb in
these measures. The decision to write VII 122a VI I: The sharp is lacking b efo re/.
in 2/4 may have led him to prefer articulated 128a Via: Sharps are lacking before/ and g.
triplets in the lower parts.
132a VI I: The grace notes are large enough in
67a-69a VI I, Vc, Cb, Piano: The natural is the source to be mistaken for sixteenths, but
lacking before all cs. this would be musically unacceptable. Note
69a-70a The articulation is present in Vc and also 140a. (Incidentally, this implies execu
Cb; it is added to the other string parts by tion on the beat, not before.)
analogy. 135a Via: A marcato in the source is suppressed,
74a Piano: The change to bass clef at the begin as it is unique throughout the passage.
ning of the measure is lacking in the left 142a-144a VIII: The slurs are lacking; added by
hand. analogy with 146a-148a.
79a Although the key signature is canceled in all 145a VIII: The second note is written as a quar
parts, Liszt may have lost track of it as early ter note; it is altered to agree with 141a
as 65a.
149a VIII, Via: The measure is written with
91a Via: The marcato is lacking; it is supplied only a quarter note, and V II is lacking rests
by analogy with V II and VIII. as well. The measure is filled out by anal
94a VIII: The flat above the trill is lacking; it ogy with 145a. Note also Vc and Cb.
is supplied by analogy with the preceding 155a Piano: The second note in the right hand is
measure. written as a quarter and supplied with a mar
94a Via: Flats are lacking before g and e \ sup cato; revised to agree with 151a.
plied by analogy with Piano in 100a. 159a Vc (Cb = Vc): The note has a marcato.
96a Via: The flat is lacking before the e, sup 164a, 166a VIII: The sharp is lacking above the
plied by analogy with Piano in 102a. trill; added by analogy with V II in 163a and
97a Vc: The marcato is lacking; it is supplied 165a.
by analogy with Via. 171a Via: The sharp is lacking before g; added
99a- 100a VI I, Vc: The flat above the trill is by analogy with 170a.
lacking; it is supplied by analogy with 93a. 174a The double bar and key signature are added.
101a VIII: There is a flat before the c \ deleted 173a is the last measure of f. 13r, leaving
by analogy with 95a. the lower system blank as well as the re
mainder of the top (four measures where
102a-108a Vc, Cb: Marcati are found only in VI twelve or more could fit). Liszt typically
I, added here by analogy. left space for revisions at important junc
tures, and, in his haste to continue on the
108a Via: There is a sharp above the trill. verso, he evidently neglected to add a key
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375
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376
Critical Notes to Example 9.7 268a Vc: The use of d for the third note is
found only in the second verse of Schuberts
This passage is transcribed from the copyists song.
manuscript, D-WRgs, H2 (page 40 the
holograph numbers are not by Liszt), and repre 269a Vc, Kano: The second note is a' in Vc, the
sents a deleted passage, replaced by a collette sharp before the a is lacking.
with mm. 215-220. 275a-276a Kano: The accent is lacking, sup
215x: The words con bravura are also written plied by analogy with 274a.
above VI I. Sempre piu forte is lacking in 278a Piano: The measure has been completed by
Vc and Cb, and in the other parts it is fol analogy with 282a. Note that the treble clef
lowed by a broken line leading to the ff in in the left hand is lacking as well.
218x.
280a, 284a Kano: The bass clef is found at the
215x VI n , Via: These parts were originally beginning of mm. 281a and 285a. Also the
slightly different, with cC (no flat!) in place slur in the left hand of m. 284a takes in the
of the/-sharp in the first two chords and/ - last four notes, corrected by analogy with m.
sharp in Via. The alteration is in Liszts 280a.
hand and makes the VI n double-stop easier
to play with minimal change in the sound of 281a Kano: The chord has c in place of the b \
the passage. Note that he neglected to alter See also 285a.
the third chord in VI n, likely an oversight
and emended here. Liszt also added the flat 282a Kano: The prolongation dots are lacking.
and natural to the first chord of VIII in 288a, 292a, 294a Kano: The alignment in the
216x, probably at the same time he made the right hand of m. 288a is clear in the
adjustment to 215x. manuscript, and it has been extended to mm.
216x Vc, Cb: The flat is lacking before the b. 292a and 294a.
216x Piano: The second e is lacking. 308a The time signature is lacking.
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CHAPTER X
De profundis is the only work from this period that survives in autograph, no
doubt preserved because it was never completed and therefore never copied It is also the
earliest surviving orchestral score in the composers hand. Many details of the composing
process are on display, and an examination of these can tell us much about Liszts
compositional goals. Analysis also gives us insight into his stylistic development, which
displays a tremendous refinement over the aspects of form and content toward which he
was groping in Concerto No. 1, the Grande fantaisie symphonique, and, especially,
Malediction. In fact, this work of the 1830s makes use of techniques that are usually
associated with the symphonic poems and other works of the Weimar years.
in any of the catalogues published during his life, nor did he mention it to his biographers.
The first reference occurs in 1908, where it is found in August Gollerichs worklist as
Psaume instrumental: De profundis! (Nach Lamennais).1 Gollerichs source must have
been the autograph score in the Liszt Museum, as the title matches the first page (although
he reversed the two phrases). The following year, Julius Kapp noted the work in his
ein Gedicht des Abbd Lamennais De profundis.2 If Kapp had seen the autograph score
or Liszts letter of 14 January 1835 (quoted below), he would have learned that the
A ugust GOllerich, Franz Liszt (Berlin: Marquardt & Co., 1908), 281.
2JuIius Kapp, Franz Liszt (Berlin and Leipzig: Schuster & Loeffler, 1909), 62.
377
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378
inspiration came not from one of the Abbas poems but from a favorite psalm, thus his
source was likely Gollerichs worklist
The work finally received scholarly attention in two publications from 1931, in
both cases from researchers with access to the manuscripts in the Liszt Museum. Peter
Raabe noted it among the Unvollendetes of his worklist (item 668) and dated it to the
1830s, probably on the basis of the 14 January 1835 letter.3 More substantially, Theophil
Der Psaume instrumental ist wie die Malediction ein einsatziges Werk, jedoch bei
weitem ausgedehnter (fiber 900 Takte) und gehort zu den ersten Orchesterwerken
Liszts, bei denen der poetische Vorwurf die Form bestimmt Er gewinnt vor allem
dadurch Bedeutung fur die Weiterentwicklung Liszts, als bereits hier die fur Liszts
Klavierkonzerte und die nach ihnen entstandenen symphonischen Dichtungen
charakteristische thematische Verkniipfiing ihren Anfang nimmt.5
He devoted nearly three pages to a descriptive analysis, highlighting the salient features of
the work, and he summarized well its import as eine Vorarbeit fur spatere Werke.6
Despite the evaluation of Stengel, De profundis continued to fare poorly in the
secondary literature. Friedrich Schnapp was the first to suggest that the request in Liszts
letter of 28 July 1835 (quoted below) was the autograph of De profundis (his second
choice was the copy of Concerto No. 1), although this was later questioned by Rena
3Peter Raabe, Franz Liszt, 2d ed., 2 vols. (Tutzing: Hans Schneider, 1968), 2:358-359; also
Felix Raabes Zusatze zu Band n , 26.
4Theophil Stengel, Die Entwicklung des Klavierkonzerts von Liszt bis zur Gegenwart (Berlin,
1931), 11-14, [147].
5Ibid., 12.
6Ibid., 14.
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379
Mueller, who felt the reference was to Malediction? Only Keith Johns has examined the
work in any detail and set it in its historical context.8 Humphrey Searle included it in the
worklists of Grove 5 and The New Grove, placing it under Unfinished Works (item
691), and his date of 1834-35 was likely based on the letter of January 1835. He also
examined the manuscript and made the provocative statement: The work is a sketch in the
sense that the orchestral part is far from complete; but there is something written in every
bar, and with a little ingenuity it might be possible to complete the score.9 Searles
challenge was not taken up until some thirty-five years later, when no less than three
editions appeared within a years time, including one by the present author.10
Historical Background
>T
A date for De profundis hinges upon a single reference in a letter written by Liszt
to the works dedicatee, the Abbd F61icit6 de Lamennais. Liszt was introduced to
Lamennais on 8 April 1834 and spent 8 September to 3 October at the Abbas home, La
8See Keith T. Johns, De Profundis, Psaume instrumental; an abandoned concerto for Piano and
Orchestra by Franz Liszt, Journal of the American Liszt Society 15 (June 1984), 96-104.
Hum phrey Searle, The Music o f Liszt (London: Williams & Norgate Ltd., 1954; rev. ed., New
York: Dover, 1966), 13.
10The only one to appear in print is a two-piano score, Franz Liszt, DE PROFUNDIS: Psaume
instrumental fUr Klavier und Orchester (Eschweiler. Edition Joseph Acs, 1989). This edition was first
performed on 4 October 1992 with the editor as soloist and the Orchestra of the Ktilner Kammermusiker
conducted by Jdnos Acs. The edition by the present author was first performed on 5 May 1990 by pianist
Steven Mayer with the Residentie Orkest of the Hague conducted by Jacek Kaspzyck, later recorded by
Mayer with the London Symphony Orchestra conducted by Tamds Vdsdry (ASV, CD DCA 778,1991).
Another edition by Michael Maxwell was first performed 28 August 1991 by pianist Philip Thomson with
the Hungarian State Orchestra conducted by Kerry Stratton, later recorded by the same musicians
(Hungaroton, HCD 31525,1991). These editions are discussed in appendix B.
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380
Ch&naie. On 14 January 1835 he wrote Lamennais about a musical work inspired from
this time:
Avant cela, j aurai lhonneur de vous envoyer une petite oeuvre, it la-quelle j ai eu
laudace d attacher un grand nom le votre. Cest un De profundis
instrumental. Le plain-chant que vous aimez tant y est conserve avec le faux
bourdon. Peut-etre cela vous plaira-t-il un peu; du moins lai-je fait en mdmoire de
quelques heures passes (je voudrais dire vicues) h La Chenaie.11
Thus Liszt was at work on the composition, at least through measure 188, the point at
which the soloist states a theme that is a fauxbourdon setting of Psalm 129 (130), however
it is not clear whether he was working on a sketch, in his head, or on the only surviving
autograph score (D-WRgs, H I).12 Since this score was never completed, as compared to
the other concertos from this time which were not only finished but copied, De profundis
may have been the last on which Liszt worked prior to his departure from Paris.
It is likely this manuscript that Liszt requested in his letter of 28 July 1835 to be
sent to him in Geneva, as his description matches the bound volume in most particulars:
Un gros cahier bleu oil se trouve un autre concerto symphonique que j ai dcrit cet hiver au
ratzen loch.13 Although the cover is no longer blue, Liszts score remains in a binding
that appears to be original and perhaps from this time.14 The reference to the work as a
concerto symphonique is also significant Liszt consistently used this term to refer to
one-movement works for piano and orchestra, as can be seen on the title pages of
11Franz Liszts Briefe, ed. La Mara [Marie Lipsius], 8 vols. (Leipzig: Breitkopf & Hartel,
1893-1904), 1:12. The relationship between Liszt and Lamennais is discussed in chapter seven, Enter the
Abbd Lamennais.
12A11 measure numbers are to the authors edition; see Table 10.1 for a chart collating the two
editions and two recordings of De profundis.
13See Franz Liszts Briefe an seine Mutter, trans. & ed. La Mara [Marie Lipsius] (Leipzig:
Breitkopf & Hartel, 1918), 21. This letter is transcribed in appendix A.
14This identification assumes that the sketchbooks relating to Malediction had been dismantled;
see chapter nine, Description of the Manuscript Sources.
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381
manuscripts from 1849 of Concerto No. 1 (D-WRgs, H3a) and Concerto No. 2 (D-WRgs,
H5a and H5b) and copies of these works by Joachim Raff (US-Wc, ML31.H43a no. 59
and D-WRgs, H5e). By contrast, in the same letter he identified his three-movement work
as concerto, and we also note the autograph inscription in D-WRgs, H7: Grande
fantaisie symphonique15 Finally, the indicated season (winter) corresponds to Liszts
letter of 14 January quoted above. As the 28 July letter also requests manuscripts that can
be identified with the Grandefantaisie symphonique, Malediction, and the earliest version
of Concerto No. 1, De profundis is the only known composition to which Liszt could have
been referring, thus the assignation is all but certain.16 This identification also leads to the
conclusion that the paper itself must date from late 1834 and early 1835, a crucial factor in
providing a time of composition for Malediction (see chapter nine, Sixteen Folios).
But although it is likely that Liszt had the autograph sent to him in Switzerland, it
is again unclear in what state he received it and which of its contents had been entered
before and after. The inscription of the Grande valse di bravura following the last page of
notation for De profundis provides a terminus ante quern, as the waltz was published in
1836. Examination of the manuscript itself can suggest some tentative conclusions, and
these will be proffered below. One thing is certain: after composing some 900 measures in
full score and even providing a title page, dedication, and instructions to a copyist, Liszt
allowed De profundis to remain incomplete.
We can only speculate on the reasons. One possibility is that the last measures
were written just before Liszt left Paris to rendezvous with Marie dAgoult, but when he
15It is unclear to what extent Liszts use of the term represents common practice. For example,
Henry Litolff titled his works for piano and orchestra concerto symphonique, but these are multiple
movement works. Further, it is possible that Liszt reverted to the traditional label of concerto upon
learning of LitolfFs publication. In this regard, note that Liszts Concerto No. 1 is dedicated to Litolff.
16These attributions are discussed in detail in chapter seven, The Compositional Matrix.
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382
received the volume along with the other materials, the incentive to complete the work was
gone. This may have been the case with the other items requested, as Liszt appears to have
neglected the copies of Concerto No. 1 and Malediction, and the next time he required a
concerto he took the expedient of reviving the Grande fantaisie symphonique. And then, as
suggested in chapter eight (Reception History), the critical notices of the Grandefantaisie
may have discouraged him from further concerto efforts. In this last regard, we can
observe that over the next decade Liszt performed only paraphrases when a work for piano
and orchestra was required, his Grandefantaisie (18 December 1836) and the concerted
version of HexameronP
however. In October or November 1846, Liszt had someone copy into one of his
sketchbooks (D-WRgs, N5) in a stylized calligraphic hand a Prose des Morts (the Dies
irae with the first three lines of the text in the familiar plainchant, the second three in four-
part fauxbourdon, the rest alternating in this manner) and a De Profundis en Faux-
Bourdon, also in four parts.18 Sometime after 1847, these two pieces were also copied
onto an unbound bifolio (D-WRgs, Z18, no. 9) in a hand which Rena Mueller has
identified as that of the Princess Carolyne von Sayn-Wittgenstein.19 Liszt used both of
these chants in the first version of Totentanz, a score prepared by 1849,20 and in a version
17Hexameron was commissioned for a charity bazaar which took place 31 March 1837 in the
salon of Princess Christina Belgiojoso, and it consisted of variations by several of the leading virtuosos of
the day, Liszt included, on Suoni la tromba from Bellinis I puritani. In fact, the work was not finished
in time for the salon, but after publication in 1839 Liszt performed it frequently. The first known
performance of the piano and orchestra version is 30 March 1840 in Leipzig; see the review in the
Allgemeine musikalische Zeitung (1 April 1840), column 299.
18See Rena Mueller, Liszts Tasso Sketchbook: Studies in Sources and Revisions (Ph.D.
dissertation, New York University, 1986), 194-195.
19Ibid., 265.
20See Liszts letter of 12 July 1849 to Lambert Massart, in Jacques Vier, Franz Liszt: L artiste
le clerc (Paris: Les Editions du C&dre, 1951), 94. Liszt may have had the idea of writing a work based
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383
that dates from 1853.21 As is well known, this work is a set of variations on the Dies irae,
but in these earlier versions Liszt quotes thefauxbourdon of De profundis before the finale,
and the finale itself contrapuntally combines De profundis with the Dies irae.22 The
quotation of De profundis differs in one treble note from that of the concerto version, and,
as the Totentanz quotations match precisely the sketchbook and bifolio version, Liszt must
have used his more recent source.
Liszt also used the fauxbourdon in Pensies des morts, the fourth item in his piano
cycle Harmonies poitiques et religieuses. As with many of the items in the cycle, this was
the title of a poem in Alphonse de Lamartines Harmonies, but in this case the connection
went deeper: Lamartines original title was De profundis, modified to De profundis ou
Penses des Morts, and, finally, to Pensdes des Morts.23 Liszt was surely aware of the
history of the text, and this led him to forge an intimate relationship between two works:
from the piano and orchestra De profundis, he salvaged his transformation of the
fauxbourdon for use side by side with the original, and he integrated them both into a
reworking of the 1835 version of Harmonies, the new piece now titled Pensies de morts.
Unfortunately, the autograph of Pensies is lost, and there is no other evidence with which
on the Dies irae as early as February 1839; see Memoires, Souvenirs etJournaux de la Comtesse d Agoult,
ed. Charles F. DupSchez, 2 vols. (Paris: Mercure de France, 1990), 2:219. The earliest manuscripts appear
to date from 1848, however; see appendix C (paper types 11.1-3).
21See Liszts letter of 12 May 1853 to Hans von Biilow, in Briejwechsel zwischen Franz Liszt
und Hans von Biilow, ed. La Mara [Marie Lipsius] (Leipzig: Breitkopf & Hartel, 1898), 21. See also
appendix C, paper type 12.8.
22See the edition by Ferruccio Busoni: Totentanz. . . Erste Fassung nach unzweifelhaften
Handschriften zum ersten Male herausgegeben (Leipzig: Breitkopf & Hartel, 1919). Despite the claims of
the title page, it is the 1853 version that was published.
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384
to date it, thus the time of composition can be narrowed only to after 1847 and before the
publication of the complete cycle in 1853.
the first folio was used as a title page, and the composition covers ff. 2-87, breaking off
abruptly at the end of the verso. This is followed by four folios without notation (ff. 88-
91), five folios with the Grande valse di bravura, also not complete (ff. 92-96), three more
blank folios (ff. 97-99), and a final folio whose verso is marked harpe, nineteen
measures in E-flat major to a work that is otherwise unknown (f. 100). Flyleaves on either
end are of paper different from the music folios. No hand other than the composers is
found, with the exception of penciled numbers 1 through 50 in the upper comer away
from the binding on all pages of which the music is continuous through f. 3 0 V . 2 4 These
numbers were probably added by an achivist, though it is unclear why they do not run
throughout the work. The binding is apparently original with Liszt and is intact with
leather spine and two cardboard covers of marbled paper. It has not worn well, no doubt
from the weight of its contents (as was the case with the Grandefantaisie symphonique, D-
WRgs, H7), and it is an easy matter to inspect the gatherings in order to determine missing
pages and other alterations to the original structure. From this, it can be seen that the
volume consists of 17 gatherings with (originally) three and four nested bifolia and a single
^These numbers are not found in ff. 2v through 4, for example, as these folios were at one
time pinned together and the music canceled; see below.
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385
Foliation: each folio is given a separate number, including bifolia that are not bound.
The numbers that follow are measure numbers: (recto)(verso). Numbers followed by
"x" represent deleted passages.
f.l (title)(blank)
f.2 (1-4,5x)(6x-10x)
f.3 (1 lx-17x)(6y-12y)
1* f.4 (13y-15yX5-12)
f.5 (1318)( 1925)
f.6(blank)(26-27)
f.12 (75-78)(blank)
f.13 (7981)(8286)
f.14 (87-91)(92-95)
f.15 (96-99)(100-104)
f.16 (105-111)(112-117)
C s- f.17 (118-125)(126-127,128x-133x)
f.18 (128-133)(134-138)
f.19 (139-143X144-148)
f.20 (149152)(153157)
f.21 (158-161)(162x-165x)
5**
IT
f.22 (178x-183x)(162-166)
f.23 (167-171)(172-175)
NB. In Gatherings 1-4, all folios are ruled with 20 staves with the exception of ff. 1,2,
and 6, which have 24. From Gathering 5 until the end of the volume, all folios have 24
staves, except f. 100 which has 20.
* In Gathering 1, ff. 2 through 4 were at one time pinned together, such that the pages all turned
as one, and f. 2r led directly to f. 4v.
** In Gatherings 5 and 6, ff. 21 and 22 were at one time pinned together, such that the two pages
turned as one and f. 21r led directly to f. 22v.
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386
f.24 (176-180X181-184)
f.25 (185-190X191-195)
f.26 (196-201X202-207)
f.27 (208-216X217-232)
f.28 (233-240X241-246)
f.29 (247-252X253-258)
f.30 (259-264)(265x-270x)
f.31 (265-269X270-272)
f.32 (273-277X278-285)
f.33 (286-291X292-297)
f.34 (298-303)(blank)
f.35 (304-308X309-313)
f.36 (314-318X319-322)
f.37 (323-327X328-332)
f.38 (333-335X336-340)
f.39 (341-344)(345-349)
f.40 (350-353X354-361)
f.41 (362-368X369-373)
f.42 (374-380)(381-384c)
f.43 (384d-394)(395-422)
f.44 (423-438X439-454)
f.45 (455-457)(458-46i)
f46 (462-468X469-475)
f.47 (476-479)(480)
f.48 (481-485X486491)
f.49 (492-496)(497-502)
f.50 (503-509X510-516)
f.51 (517-520)(521-524)
f.52 (525-528)(529-530,53 lx)
f.53 (531-535X536-541)
f.54 (542-548X549-552)
f.55 (553-558)(559-563)
f.56 (564-568)(569-573)
f.57 (574-579X580-586)
f.58 (585x-586x, 587-590)(591-596)
12*
f.59 (597-602)(603-609)
f.60 (610-618)(619)
f.61 (620-627)(628-632)
* The ff. 3)-32, 53-54, and 58-59 are insert bifolia, not bound into the volume and untrimmed,
as is also f. 60. Folio 57 was tom from Gathering 16, and f. 56 was at first detached but then
returned to its original position.
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387
f.70 (711-713X714-719)
f.71 (720-723)(724)
f.72 (725-732)(733-740)
f.73 (741-749X750-757)
14
f.74 (758-762)(763-768)
f.75 (769-773)(774-780)
f.76 (781-785X786-789)
f.77 (790-795X796-802)
f.78 (803-809)(810x-815x)
f.79 (816x-819x)(810-815)
f.80 (816-821X822-826)
f.81 (827-831)(832-837)
15*
f.82 (838-843)(844-849)
f.83 (850855)(856-859)
f.84 (860-864)(865-868)
f.85 (869-872)(873-877)
f.86 (878-882)(883-887)
f.87 (888-892)(893-900)
f.88 (blank)(blank)
f.89 (blank)(blank)
f.90 (blank)(blank)
f.91 (blank)(blank)
[see f.57]
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388
Thoughout the manuscript, the music paper is uniform in weight and watermark
but displays two different rulings of twenty and twenty-four staves (see appendix C, paper
type 9.3). Although most of the paper has been trimmed for binding, the cut into the
watermark suggests both types may have been originally the same size (untrimmed twenty-
staff folios do not appear to have survived, so there is nothing to compare against the few
loose twenty-four-staff pages). This paper was likely purchased ruled, for, although the
staves appear drawn by a rastral, the distance between staves is nearly identical from page
to page. The twenty-staff variety extends through the first four gatherings, with the
exception of ff. 1,2, and 6, which are twenty-four staff. From Gathering 5 until the end
of the volume, the paper is twenty-four staff, with the sole exception of f. 100. The
change in ruling does not appear motivated by the instrumentation, as the entire
composition could have been written on twenty staff, and Liszt implied as much to a future
copyist on f. 19 (transcribed below). It is therefore likely that twenty-four staff paper was
purchased when the supply of twenty staff was exhausted, perhaps for no other reason but
that it was available and similar to the paper already used. This supposition is reinforced
by all the unbound and untrimmed insert bifolia (ff. 31/32,53/54, and 58/59), which are
twenty-four staff.
The existence of two staff rulings and the pages on which they are found suggest
that Liszt began writing on unbound nested bifolia but bound them at an early stage of the
works genesis along with a generous quantity of blank paper. This argument hinges on
the conclusion that bifolium 2/6 twenty-four-staff paper among twenty is a later
Gathering 1 shows three distinct layers of composition, but, without the missing folio, it is
difficult to reconstruct a sequence of events that would account for the two rejected drafts
contained on these pages. We can only observe that at one point these lost measures lead to
f. 3 (a skeleton score with only essential lines, evidently canceled early in the compositional
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389
process discussed below), then to f. 3v (another attemp* at the same passage, now fully
scored). Ultimately, ff. 2-4 were pinned together so that the pages turned as one (the pin
marks are visible at the outer margins away from the binding). Thus, although there is no
visible sign of deletion, these pages were canceled. Further evidence that ff. 2/6 must be a
later addition is that f. 6 is almost completely blank. Therefore, the new bifolium served
only to rewrite the opening measures, while the earlier layer remained, represented by ff.
3-5 and 7.25 Note also that without the original mate of f. 5, Liszt needed to leave ff. 2/6
intact to surround ff. 3-5 and keep them together, something that could have been done
In this regard, the two outermost folios of the volume can be best explained by
postulating that they were added at the time of binding as musical flyleaves, single pages
with no trace of a mate. The twenty-staff f. 100 is upside down with regard to its
watermark and margins vis-h-vis the rest of the twenty-staff paper and seems to have little
to do with the pages in the first four gatherings.26 As for f. 1, this twenty-four-staff folio
was used for an inscription written across several staves with the verso left blank: De
profundis / (Psaume instrumental) / pour Orchestre et Piano principal / par F. Liszt /&Mr
labbti de Lamennais. Although not odd in itself, it is surprising to turn the page and read
beneath the system of music, about seven staves from the bottom: De profundis / Psaume
instrumental k Monsieur Labb6 de Lamennais. The most reasonable explanation for two
such titles and dedications is that f. 2 served as the first page in the works unbound state,
but for the binding Liszt added another folio for the sole purpose of providing a label.
25Difficult to explain is the deletion of the music on f. 2v. Perhaps Liszt originally intended to
rewrite the entire opening, then saw how he could link f. 2 with f. 4v, but not before writing out f. 2v.
26These details are the same as the folios found in the Malediction drafts (D-WRgs, H13a),
which serves to underline the supposition that Liszt worked on the two compositions around the same time
(see chapter nine, Sixteen Folios).
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390
More difficult to ascertain is the point at which he decided to bind his growing
stack of pages. Certainly these folios remained unbound at least through Gathering 5 as
Liszt had to lay in a new supply of paper, apparently having run out of the twenty-staff
variety, and only at this time would twenty-four-staff have been available to use in
Gathering 1. Also indicative are the instrumental indications on f. 19 (the first page of
Gathering 5) which are written into the margin and would not have been possible had the
manuscript been bound. By contrast, we can examine the revision for mm. 26-27 on f.
6v. Liszt crossed out an earlier version on f. 7, and the new measures are written up to the
right-hand margin, clearly limited by the binding. While perhaps not unequivocal as
evidence, the presence of the binding can be deduced in the same way on f. 27v, thus we
may speculate that by Gathering 7 it was in place. Most suggestive of all may be the
change from three-nested bifolia to four-nested beginning in Gathering 9, and these last
nine gatherings may represent the blank pages that Liszt added to complete his work. It is
possible that Liszt did not prepare his volume with knowledge of the precise amount of
space he would need, but, with fourteen folios to spare, he may have had some notion.
Despite this evident confidence, Liszt planned ahead for certain types of
revisions. He left a blank staff above and below the piano lines (i.e., below the viola and
above the cello) and also appended a note to a future copyist: Observez quentre 1alto et la
main droit du Piano, de m6me quentre le Vioncelle [sic] et la main gauche il y a une ligne
vide destin aux Corrections (f. 12).27 Thus, he wanted to allow for the possibility of
emendations to the solo part in both his autograph and the copy. Liszt surely knew himself
in this regard, and revisions such as the two measures noted above on f. 6v replace no less
than two earlier versions on f. 7. For the same reason, he left most of the page blank on f.
27Disposition in the autograph is very close to modem practice, with the exception of the horns
placed between the clarinets and bassoons and the piano between the violas and cellos.
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391
34v and following the end of the central piano cadenza on f. 45, a practice found in his
other manuscripts of leaving blank space at the end of a section.
One oddity is the many folios of piano solo that are laid out for full orchestra.
Throughout the manuscript, Liszt took the expedient of always allotting one full orchestral
system per page (always with the same disposition), regardless of the number of
instruments playing, however in passages such as those found on ff. 7 v -l 1 and ff. 25v-
26v, Liszt must have had some sense that these solos would remain unaccompanied, just as
he did on ff. 43-45 where there are several systems to a page. Perhaps he was uncertain of
the effect he wanted and left open the possibility of adding accompanying instruments.
This aspect may also be the result of composing his work into full score (discussed below).
Overall, the reason for such pages is difficult to evaluate, as this autograph full score is
unique for this period in Liszts career.
entry, relative to one another. The revisions that were made without altering the make-up
of the volume fall into two categories. Where measures were canceled and immediately
rewritten, it is clear that these were made as the composition was being committed to paper.
In places where the alterations were made to completely orchestrated passages, on the same
or adjacent pages, no order of revision relative to the rest of the manuscript can be
postulated. Pages such as f. 3, which consists of a skeleton score, fall into the first
category; the replacement measures on f. 6v could have been entered at any time after the
volume had been bound.
More revealing are the many emendations that involved the removal and insertion
of pages. Folios removed can also be placed into two categories, those removed before
binding, as was the case with Gathering 1 described above, and those removed after. In
Gatherings 4 and 6, the pattern of missing folios makes sense only if the volume had
already been bound, confirmed by the jagged stubs of tom pages held in place only by the
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392
cords of the binding (not razored as in the Grandefantaisie). A later layer may be indicated
by the untrimmed and unbound insertion bifolia on the same paper (always twenty-four-
staff) found among passages of heavy revision, ff. 31/32,53/54, and 58/59.28
If these observations suggest revision after the manuscript was bound, others
suggest changes made while the work was in the process of being entered. As heavily
revised as are Gatherings 4 through 6, the folios that repeat these measures in Gathering 14
show no alteration, and Liszts emendations must have been carried out before he had
reached the repetition. Finally, observe that f. 57 was tom from Gathering 16 for use in
Gathering 12. Liszt would not have detached this page for use elsewhere in the volume if
he did not already have some idea of the way the work would end and the number of folios
he would need for it, thus it must date from very late in the compositional process. In
general, the latter part of the manuscript, from Gathering 13 to the end, reveals little in the
way of alteration, although this may indicate that Liszt had ceased his process of revision,
The single movement that makes up De profundis may be divided into four large
sections: Exposition (mm. 1-232), Development (mm. 233-509), Interlude (mm. 510-
732), and Recapitulation (mm. 733-900). Within these sections, there are various
subdivisions, transition sections, and, in the last two, changes of tempo (see Table
10.1).29 The allusion to sonata form implied by these labels is deliberate, and the sections
28Rena Mueller states, there are pages from HI that were tom out and used for Liszts
transcriptions of songs from Die Winterreise and Schwanengesang (HBn L8 and L9); see her Liszts
Tasso Sketchbook, 86. As will be suggested below, all missing pages must have been canceled portions
of De profundis. In addition, the present authors examination of the song transcription autographs in
Budapest shows them to be on the same paper (twenty-four-staff) but untrimmed, with no evidence of prior
binding.
29All measure numbers in the text refer to the edition by the present author, and for this reason
Table 10.1 can also serve as a concordance between the other editions and recordings (cited above). The
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393
function veiy much as they do in classically oriented compositions. Thus, the work is in D
minor, with the Exposition containing secondary key areas in F major and F-sharp minor;
the Development systematically reworking the material of the Exposition and concluding in
A-flat major, the Interlude standing apart thematically as well as tonally, being based
around C-sharp minor but touching on other keys; and the Recapitulation beginning in D
minor but ending in major with transposed material from the first half. Although
technically unfinished, De profundis is complete in all its essentials and appears to lack
only a coda. Performance time runs just over 30 minutes, with the Exposition and
the form: two flutes, two oboes, two clarinets, two bassoons, two homs, two trumpets,
measures that follow put the key in some doubt until the dominant seventh in m. 13.30
Even when established in m. 15 and supported by a d pedal, the harmony veers off in other
directions. The motive from the opening now ends on g-sharp (m. 18), reinterpreted as a-
fla t in the following measures, and a major chord on this note is heard over the continuing
d pedal (mm. 19-20). Aside from the e-flat in m. 6, this is the first intimation of a tonal
area that will play an important role in the work. With the cadence in m. 28, D minor is
Mayer recording is of the edition by Rosenblatt. Note that the Thomson recording is of an edition by
Michael Maxwell, which has not been published. The Acs edition has not been recorded. A summary of
the differences between these is found in appendix B.
30Note that the piano does not play on either of the currently available recordings. Although
the autograph is clear on the doubling of the lower strings with the soloist, the reason the part is doubled
may be that the line dips below the range of the basses, and the bottom would literally drop out were it not
included in the piano part Most modem orchestras have basses with low-C extensions, thus the soloists
entrance can be reserved with good effect until m. 21. In any performance with historical instruments, the
passage should be played as written, however.
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394
Editions Recordings
Rosenblatt Acs Maver Thomson
Exposition
A 1-14 1-14 0:00 0:00
B 15-38 15-38 0:31 0:29
C 39-102 39-110 1:26 1:23
B 103-119 111-127 4:27 4:11
A 120-129 128-137 5:01 4:44
Transition 130-161 138-169 5:19 5:00
Listesso tempo 162-187 170-195 6:10 5:50
De profundis 188-232 196-240 7:23 6:54
Development
of B 233-256 241-264 9:33 10:08
of De profundis 257-271 265-279 10:27 11:03
of both 272-303 280-311 10:56 11:27
of the Transition 304-335 312-343 12:14 12:51
of C 336-353 344-361 13:07 13:41
E-flat pedal 354-383 362-392 13:36 14:10
Cadenza 384-457 393-474 14:31 15:00
De profundis (orch.) 458-480 19:11 20:24
Coda 481-509 20:39 21:58
Interlude (22:11)
Block A 510-537 475-502 0:00 23:30
Block B 538-556 503-532 0:51 24:19
Block C 557-586 533-562 1:16 24:46
Block A 587-608 563-584 2:08 25:32
Block B 609-627 585-603 2:46 26:07
Block C 628-647 604-623 3:12 26:32
Block A 648-662 624-638 3:47 27:15
Bridge 663-672 639-648 4:13 27:41
Block C 673-689 649-665 4:25 27:53
Block B 690-705 666-681 4:52 28:19
Transition 706-724 682-700 5:10 28:38
Bridge to Recapitulation 725-732 701-708 6:04 29:32
Recapitulation
B 733-746 709-722 6:14 29:42
A 747-757 723-732 6:41 30:07
Transition 758-789 733-764 7:02 30:28
Listesso tempo 790-799 765-773 7:53 31:18
New transition 800-821 774-795 8:15 31:39
De profundis 822-870 796-844 8:50 32:13
Coda 871-900 845-872 10:16 33:36
[Editors completion! T9019091 [873-8811 omitted 34:28
(Total time:) (33:49) (34:48)
31Note that the Mayer CD contains two tracks, thus the time returns to 0:00 for track 2 at m.
510. Total time for this track is 11:38.
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395
again affirmed, and the pedal tone remains on d until m. 33, where the rise to e-flat
prepares the first extended piano solo and the first concentration on A-flat major (mm. 39-
60). Throughout all that follows, the opening motive is prominent, culminating in a
fortississimo climax at m. 80. The material of mm. 15ff. returns at mm. 103ff., still not
very stable despite the d pedal in the tympani, and a return to the opening material at m. 120
brings the section to a close. Nevertheless, a principal key area of D minor is defined in
mm. 1-129.
Although this opening tonal area functions as the principal key area of an
exposition, the content is unusual in several ways that reveal Liszts search for new forms.
As noted, the section as a whole is not tonally stable, and the only stability derives from the
temporary establishment of the tonality a tritone away. This is not the secondary key area,
however, nor does Liszt introduce a new theme. In addition, Liszt creates an arch with the
odd proportions of A (mm. 1-14), B (mm. 15-38), C (piano dominated, mm. 39-102), B
(mm. 103-119), A (mm. 120-129). In the context of a sonata form, A serves as an
Introduction and B as the Principal Theme, but C departs from convention with a
modulation and extensive development of the A and B material. Liszt is thinking in terms
of the entire piece, however, and though C is too large in this context, it acts as preparation
for not only the end of the Development but the beginning of the Recapitulation. For the
immediate needs of the Exposition, however, Liszt balances the forward-looking nature of
C with the stability of an arch form.
section. The goal is F major, the expected secondary key area of a sonata form, and the
theme is a major mode anticipation of the minor mode De profundis theme (mm. 162-
180, with tempo marking Listesso tempo the first such marking indicated in the
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396
manuscript). A simple repetition of a, the common tone between F major and F-sharp
minor, effects another modulation (mm. 181-187), and this rhythm, taken from the
beginning of the theme, will be used as a motive later in the work. Beginning at m. 188 is
ihtfauxbourdon that Liszt remarked upon in his letter of 14 January 1835, and it is likely
that he transcribed the harmonized psalm tone familiar to him from Roman Catholic
churches in Paris, the changing meters reflecting the accented words of the text In this
regard, the first three measures have the words De profundis clama[vi] written over the
notes, and the entire passage can be fitted to the opening lines of Psalm 129 as found in the
Vulgate (Psalm 130 in other versions). The De profundis theme is played first by the
piano (mm. 188-209), then repeated by the piano and winds (mm. 210-232), bringing to a
close the Exposition.
Continuing with the F-sharp tonality, the lower strings reintroduce a pedal, now
on f-sharp, and the Development first attends to the B section of the Exposition (mm.
233ff.), then to the De profundis theme (mm. 257ff.), and finally a development of the
two together (mm. 272ff.). Although the tonality fluctuates, as one would expect in a
development section, it always returns to F-shaip, the major mode in mm. 272ff. and the
minor in mm. 304ff. At this point, Liszt turns to the transition theme, then to the C section
of the Exposition with allusions to the De profundis theme (mm. 336ff.), and finally a
passage over an e-flat pedal (mm. 354-383), which functions as the dominant of A-flat
major. This pedal prepares an extensive cadenza in that key, a cadenza which occurs at
nearly the precise midpoint of the work and effectively bisects it. Beginning as the
previous piano solo (mm. 384404; compare mm. 39ff.), the music first repeats the De
cadenza is a composing out of the earlier solo (mm. 425-457; compare mm. 48ff.).
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397
Although it ends on a B major chord, the d-sharp is sounded by the homs using the
rhythmic motive derived from the De profundis theme and in this way immediately
reinterpreted as the dominant of A-flat major, and the orchestra repeats the transformed
version of the De profundis theme (mm. 458-480). A coda brings the section to a close
The Interlude is a contrast with the preceding material in virtually every respect:
meter (3/4 and 2/4 in place of 2/3), key (C-sharp minor/E major in place of D minor/A-flat
major), and thematic material. Repeated as jar against the cadence in A-flat, and the
rhythmic figure appears to be new, as is the theme that emerges from i t The impression is
chord that resolves to C-sharp minor, thus the previous A-flat cadence can be heard in
retrospect as a dominant (d-flat = c-sharp), and the rhythm is a diminution of the first four
notes of the De profundis rhythmic motive. Formally, the Interlude is quite simple, with
thematic blocks: A (mm. 510-537), B (mm. 538-556), C (mm. 557-586), A (mm. 587-
608), B (mm. 609-627), C (mm. 628-647), A (mm. 648-662), Bridge (mm. 663-
672), C (mm. 673-689), B (mrn. 690-705). The repetitions of Block A are variations,
and the material is adventurous in its internal construction, turning toward C major and then
to E major. For the first two statements, Block B is likewise repeated but modified at its
conclusion, the first time ending on an F-sharp minor chord, the second F-sharp major.
Rhythmically and harmonically it is derived from the first measures of A, and, as with that
opening phrase, the block is based in C-sharp minor, later turning to major. For the third
statement, the passage is written in its enharmonic equivalent and in the major mode
throughout.
Perhaps the most interesting component of the Interlude is Block C. The brief
transition uses a common-tone modulation, similar to that found in the Expositions
secondary key area. Brass instruments intone a s , the third of the previous F-sharp minor
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398
chord, and this pitch is reinterpreted as the fifth of the subdominant, then the bass of the
new tonic, A major (mm. 553-557). The rhythm also looks back to the Exposition, being
reminiscent of the De profundis rhythmic motive as found in the transformed version of
the theme (compare mm. 405-406). Liszt is commanding us to pay attention as well as
preparing us to hear the links he has forged in what follows: the opening phrase shares the
harmonic underpinning of the opening phrase of the De profundis theme (tonic
the repetition by sustained chords in the winds (mm. 565ff.), while the second phrase,
with its cadence in the mediant, echoes the harmonic motion of the transformed version
(first to the minor, mm. 561-564, then major, mm. 569-572; compare mm. 405-412).
The mediant is, of course, the tonality of the entire Interlude, and the theme is related both
to the section as a whole by this harmony and to the other sections of the work by the
reference to the De profundis theme. This theme always returns to A major, however,
and, after a final cadence, uses a common tone, a once more, to return to Block A (mm.
573-586).
Unlike the other blocks, Liszt was not content simply to repeat this material with
variations, and once again common tones are involved, as the f-sharp and a-sharp of an F-
shaip major chord are reinterpreted as two components of E-flat minor, used as a minor
subdominant of B-flat minor (mm. 624-627). Now the first phrase of the theme is heard
in minor, the second half in major, and the music remains in major until m. 642. Note also
that the internal repetitions are omitted, shortening the passage by nearly half. For the final
statement, Liszt reverses the order of the blocks, placing C before B. The bridge plays on
the use of a as part of the diminished-seventh chord that resolves to C-sharp minor, found
at the opening of the section, and, extending this harmony over eight measures, the music
makes overt the implied harmonic motion, resolving it down a half-step to a-flat, the
dominant of D-flat major (enharmonic equivalent of C-sharp, mm. 663-672). The theme is
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399
heard in that key (mm. 673ff.), again without internal repetitions, and leads, as noted, to
the final repetition of Block B. This time no transition is needed, as both sections are in the
same key.
In the transition that connects the Interlude to the Recapitulation, the line appears
to be deliberately blurred as to the precise point of the restatement of Exposition material. It
has certainly occurred by m. 733, where the Expositions B and A are followed quite
closely with only slight rescoring (compare mm. 105ff.). The beginning of the transition
corresponds to the middle of C, however, deftly dovetailed by using the prominent
eighthtwo sixteenths rhythm from the Interlude. This is a section from the Exposition
that is in tonal flux and, though rewritten in many respects, is generally parallel (mm. 706-
724; compare mm. 80-100). The passage that bridges the transition and the literal
Recapitulation highlights the juxtaposition of the two harmonies first brought together in
mm. 17-20, a diminished-seventh chord with d in the bass and an A-flat major chord,
themselves representative of the two tonalities that enclose the first part of the piece (mm.
725-732). Although these eight measures have no counterpart in the Exposition, the
passage signals the beginning of the process whereby Liszt resolves the opposition
between these two keys. The result of these modifications to the basic sonata form structure
is to shift the balance toward the restatement of the secondary key areas.
autograph, by the expedient of numbering measures from the Exposition and writing these
numbers in the Recapitulation between barlines without any music notation.32 This method
persists up to m. 797, with only the addition of a piano obbligato in mm. 758ff. In this
manner, Liszt repeats part of B, the transition, and the first half of the orchestral
32These numbers are as follows: 1-10 = mm. 109-118 (repeated as mm. 737-746); 11-49
= mm. 131-169 (repeated with added piano part as mm. 759-797).
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400
augmented triad in place of the expected dominant (m. 798; compare m. 170),33 following
which is a transition that takes the music to D major and a new time signature (mm. 800-
821). Rhythmically the section has some kinship with a passage in the Development
(compare mm. 257ff.), but it is the measures that follow which constitute one of the most
original contributions of the score. Rather than restate thefauxbourdon version of the De
profundis theme, Liszt uses the theme as found at the end of the Development and first
heard in A-flat major (mm. 822ff.; compare mm. 405 ff.). It is heard in a new
transformation, no longer religioso but marziale, and is followed by the cadences that
closed the same section (mm. 871-900, the last measures written in the autograph; compare
mm. 481-509). This gesture effectively restates all material from the first part of the work
in D minor or major, and, as noted, only a coda appears to be lacking.
In stark contrast to the other compositions examined for this study, De profundis
is admirably well organized, and the form is easy to hear over its length. Exposition and
Development follow classical precedents closely, as does the Recapitulation. The Interlude
in all sections in a manner similar to the Grandefantaisie symphonique, but there is the
added distinction that it is derived from one of the principal themes. Finally, the two
extended cadenzas are not used for mere display but are organically related to the whole,
33Although Liszt did not write out all the instrumental parts for this measure, the notes of the
triad are present in at least one part.
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401
is the use of thematic transformation for the restatement of the secondary key area in the
Finally, there is the return of the concluding material of the Development to round off the
Recapitulation, blurring the boundaries of the one-movement sonata cycle the
Development now being seen in retrospect as part of the Exposition, not a separate section
but giving greater unity to the whole. These large-scale effects are additionally reflected
in local events throughout the score, as Liszt has set up a network of such relationships to
provide another level of unity. Such novel use of tonality, thematic transformation, and
musical organization will become the cornerstones of Liszts symphonic poem technique.
This unique organization of form may have its roots in a suppressed program. It
can scarcely be denied that a work with a title such as De profundis, a musical quotation
from contemporary liturgical practice, and tonal poles a tritone apart (diabolus in musica),
an even greater extent than with Malediction, where at least Liszt labeled several of his
34Stengel must have viewed it that way, as much of his analysis is in programmatic terms; see
his Die Entstehung des Klavierkonzerts, 12-14. See also Johns, De Profundis, Psaume instrumental
103.
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402
7Let Israel hope in the LORD: for with the LORDthere is mercy, and with him is
plenteous redemption.
8And he shall redeem Israel from all his iniquities.
(Psalm 130, King James Version)
For the initial fawcbourdon statement, the text is explicitly linked to the first two verses.
This reference may stand for the complete text: as quoted in the work, thefauxbourdon
creates a rather long passage of slow harmonic motion, and to include the entire psalmtone
might have disturbed the carefully worked out structure.35 Liszt may have meant it to
apply only to the helpless sentiment of the opening, however. Either way, it is the cry of a
repentant sinner toward God. After the storm and stress of the Development, the De
profundis theme sounds out again, first with recitative interjections after each phrase,36
then reworked to be more melodious, and this occurs at the precise midpoint of the work.
Meaning is again difficult to assign, as on the one hand the passage represents a stable
island of peace after the turmoil, but on the other it is in the tonality a tritone removed from
the tonic. Nevertheless, vv. 3-4 may apply, renewing the initial prayer but with a degree
of hope. The idea of waiting may be conveyed by the Interlude (w . 5-6), and the
psalmists conclusion. Significant may be the use of the A-flat version of the theme for the
final transformation: the statement in F major in the orchestra is cut off in mid-sentence, as
if rejecting the fauxbourdon formulation, and the emphasis from here to the end is no
longer on despair but victory. Whatever the program, Liszt allowed musical considerations
to prevail, and, unlike Berliozs Symphonie fantastique, there is no point at which one can
35For the first performances in The Hague and the recording, Steven Mayer increased the
underlying pulse for this section by approximately one-third, based on his experience in rehearsal. This
approach may be compared to the recording by Thomson, where the tempo is maintained.
360 n the programmatic use of recitative passages in Liszts music, see Ben Arnold, Recitative
in Liszts Solo Piano Music, Journal of the American Liszt Society 24 (July-December 1988), 18-22.
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403
say that the programmatic aspects overwhelm the musical ones. In this way, too, De
Such programmatic implications beg the question of the relationship of the work
to the inspiration provided by the works dedicatee, Lamennais. Several aspects of
Lamennaiss thought are relevant here, including the idea of promoting the cause of art by
avoiding the servile imitation of the past, and, along with it, the concept of the artist as
the prophet of the future.37 The novel approach to form and harmony in itself displays
the extent to which Liszt was caught up in creating new techniques for organization and
perfect human beings, that is, to satisfy the dictates of the moral order, to assist the efforts
of humanity to fulfill its destiny, to raise it above earthly matters and set it in perpetually
ascending motion.38 Liszt himself expanded on this idea in an essay from 1834, where
But today, at a time when the altar creaks and totters, today when the pulpit and
religious rites have become matters of doubt and derision, it is essential that art leave
the temple, that it stretch itself and seek to accomplish its major developments in the
outside world.39
De profundis was to be Liszts object lesson. The reference to the harmonized plainchant
would not be lost on his contemporaries, concretely relating the work to holy scripture and
thus answering to the moral aspect (above earthly matters). Further, the very nature of
the works genre places it in the concert hall (outside the temple), bringing its message to
37Quoted from Franz Liszt, An Artists Journey: Lettres dun bachelier is musique, 1835-1841,
trans. and ed. Charles Suttoni (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1989), xx-xxi. See also the
discussion in chapter seven, Enter the Abbd Lamennais.
38Ibid. , xx. The portions in quotation marks are from Jacques Poisson, Le Romantisme social
de Lamennais (Paris, 1931).
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404
Lamennaiss expectant human race. That he never placed the work before such a
congregation may lie more in the circumstances of his life, specifically his departure from
Paris.
against the strings, and similar passages of the same effect are found throughout the score
(see mm. 282ff., mm. 800ff.). Also effective is the transition theme for the strings in mm.
130ff., offering a contrast to the preceding material and exploiting string technique with
well-considered divisi and double-stops. Further, this passage appears to be entirely
conceived in terms of the instruments and is, in fact, untranscribable for the piano. Liszts
interest in solos for percussion instruments is also found. As in the Grande fantaisie, there
is an effective passage for tympani beginning in m. 663, here alternating with piano. And
although the doublings of mm. 673ff. may seem predictable on paper, the resulting sound
is finely judged, and the use of cellos pizzicato among the arco strings in mm. 681-682 is
particularly delectable. Some striking effects work quite well, for example the sparse
texture at mm. 103ff., piano in its upper register and tympani placed against violins in their
lower register, and also the graded entrances of the woodwinds against the strings in mm.
282ff. This is not to say that there are not miscalculations. The gradual entrance of the
orchestra in mm. 73ff. is covered by the piano (even allowing for a period instrument) and
could use reinforcement. A similar problem occurs with the voicing at mm. 80ff., where
the theme in the lower strings and bassoon is covered over by the rest of the orchestra.
And passages such as mm. 162ff. and mm. 272ff. are not very imaginative. In addition,
there are hardly any exposed passages for individual wind instruments, especially
surprising after the Grandefantaisie in which occasional solos are one of the felicities of the
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405
score. In this regard, a general criticism is that, throughout De profUndis, Liszt tends to
treat the winds, as well as the brass and strings, as a unit and employs these groups
frequently in opposition to the soloist. But, with few exceptions, the writing is never less
than competent, and the score itself is in no way the work of a novice, with mistakes in
layout and transposition being quite rare.
One harmonic aspect deserves mention before turning to the revisions in the
autograph, that of Liszts use of the augmented triad. To the extent that a piece of music
can be about a purely technical procedure, De profundis may be said to be about, first,
the juxtaposition and resolution of tonalities a tritone apart, and, second, an exploration of
the ways an augmented triad may be treated as a functional chord, as opposed to the result
of passing tones. Liszt introduces the chord in the Development, where its use in this
context is the result of passing tones and is further mitigated by an added seventh.
Nevertheless, he dwells on it for five measures before resolving it down a fifth via the bass
(mm. 267-272). A similar situation occurs in the piano cadenza (mm. 402-405). The
passage that truly astounds us, however, is found in the cadences that close the
Development, where Liszt uses the chord as if it were an accepted substitute for the
dominant (mm. 483-485 and 497-499). It is next used as a modulatory pivot that forcibly
takes us from F major (m. 798), and it appears again in a functional capacity throughout the
from this point will become a regular part of Liszts musical vocabulary.40
^ S ee R. Larry Todd, The Unwelcome Guest Regaled: Franz Liszt and the Augmented Triad,
19th Century Music 12 (Fall 1988), 93-115. Of course, Todd did not have access to De profundis at the
time he wrote the article.
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406
of De projundis relatively clean. Certainly the elegant level of organization could hardly
have come about through trial and error, and Liszt must have crystallized his conception
before setting pen to paper. This clear-sighted overview of the work, coupled with his
satisfaction as he filled the opening pages, may have led him to believe that the result would
require little in the way of major revision, thus he prematurely bound the folios.
Nevertheless, revision was required, and, unlike the loose autograph folios for
Malediction, we can consider these changes in the context of a complete version of the
piece.
sonority, the first without any wind instrument reinforcing the pedal d in the tympani and
lower strings, a solo clarinet and the bassoons adding color to the string harmony (Example
10.1, mm. 15x-21x). The second version adds a sustained hom tone and slightly rewrites
the other wind parts (mm. 15y-20y). Identical to the second, the third version omits Cor. I
in m. 20y, and the fourth puts the hom in B-flat transposition. Finally, the hom is
eliminated, and the pedal tone is doubled by Fg. II. Liszt was especially uncertain of the
placement of the bassoons, at first allowing Fg. II to clash with Cb. in mm. 19-20, e-flat
against d, although he ultimately allowed the harsh dissonance in mm. 32-33. It may be
significant that these changes were entered relatively late in the compositional process,
perhaps after his April concert: the homs in D are found in an earlier layer of mm. 28-34,
indicating changes to this passage and mm. 15-21 were made after both were written.
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407
Timp.
Cor.
in Re
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408
More revealing, the original sonority of clarinet and bassoon is found at m. 233ff., and this
may indicate that Liszt returned to the opening pages to adjust the instrumentation at some
point after he had written the Development. Note that these revoicings were made without
the benefit of hearing the work, suggesting the extent to which Liszt could now envisage
the sound of the orchestra.
The bulk of the revisions are given over to changes of musical detail that affect the
pace of the work and, to a lesser extent, the proportions between sections. That the
opening pages of De profundis gave Liszt some trouble is not surprising, given the extent
to which these measures anticipate some of the scores unique aspects. In the first fourteen
measures, he wanted to present the motive that dominates the Exposition and also to hint at
the polarity with A-flat major. As noted above, this required at least three attempts,
including the replacement of an entire folio. The process of refinement was generally one
of condensing, for example the c-sharp in m. 9 was at first a dotted whole note, with the
rest of the phrase displaced by half a measure. In addition, the wind chord in mm. 12-13
was held longer as well as being differently voiced. Liszt did not wish to weigh down the
rhetoric of his large-scale work in the first bars, and the final version was streamlined from
seventeen measures to fourteen.
Other sections that required extensive revision can be inferred from Figure 10.1
based on the number of folios removed. Unfortunately, Liszt sometimes removed all
evidence of the revision as well. In the case of the gap between ff. 11 and 12, bifolium
12/13 appears to be a replacement (before binding), given its relatively clean appearance
and that f. 12v is blank, except for a one-measure correction to f. 13. Thus, three pages
may have been substituted for six, or possibly ten if the original ff. 12/13 was a
continuation of the missing material. As for the music, it is a critical juncture, the point at
which the B major of the cadenza makes its way to the orchestral outburst of mm. 80ff.,
itself significant as the point where the transition to the Recapitulation begins. The next
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409
point of heavy revision leaves some trace, the return of the opening material leading to the
transition theme (mm. 120-129). Here f. 16v runs smoothly to f. 17, but from f. 17v to f.
18 a first attempt represented by six canceled measures shows that Liszt considered a fuller
restatement of mm. 7ff. As in the opening, both of these revisions reveal a desire to
streamline and condense material. And, as noted above, the alterations to Gatherings 4 and
5 must have taken place before Liszt had written the equivalent point in the Recapitulation,
as the later measures show no sign of emendation, indicating he was adjusting the
orchestral statement of the De profundis theme. As with the opening measures, canceled
pages remain in the manuscript, as the reverse sides of ff. 21 and 22 had material Liszt
wished to retain. Here we can see that f. 21v began with a passage similar to mm. 162ff.
but identical in rhythm to the piano statement of the theme (compare mm. 190-191).
Following three missing folios, the end can be seen on f. 22, similar to mm. 178-183,
though in place of the rhythm of m. 178 there is a single quarter note on the downbeat.
Finally, even before Liszt pinned ff. 21-22 together, he had crossed out mm. 164x-165x
on f. 21v and mm. 180x-183x on f. 22, suggesting he tried to revise the passage before he
canceled it. Note that all the music on these rejected folios was completely orchestrated.
The content of the six pages that originally lay between these two folios can only be a
profundis theme may have been a complete statement in F major of the music as it appears
for the soloist in F-sharp minor (mm. 188-209). As for the last measure of f. 22 (m.
183x), we may presume that it was never intended to follow the passage on the verso (mm.
41Winklhofer deduced a similar sequence of events in her study of the autograph of the Sonata in
B Minor; see her Liszts Sonata in B Minor: A Study o f Autograph Sources and Documents (Ann Arbor:
UMI Research Press, 1980), 110.
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410
162ff.). Liszt must have written and completely orchestrated the De profundis theme,
then immediately replaced it, but not before an attempt to revise it by crossing out several
measures. When this failed, he had no recourse except to rewrite it And as with the
previous passages examined, the new version is streamlined: 18 measures, some of shorter
duration, in place of 22. Impossible to ascertain is the content of the rive folios tom
between ff. 23 and 24. Here there is no clue, but the revision must have taken place while
Liszt was writing out the passage, and it again represents a streamlining.
Throughout the Development there is little evidence of extensive revision, with
the exception of the passage beginning at m. 265. Liszt removed two folios following f.
30 and perhaps also the bifolium from the center of Gathering 8. This last observation
assumes three nested bifolia, consistent with the other gatherings up to this point, although
given that all the gatherings that follow have four, it is also possible that two bifolia were
removed. Note that the canceled music on f. 30v was orchestrated and that in place of
these pages Liszt used an untrimmed bifolium (ff. 31/32). Both of these observations
suggest that some time must have passed between the first version and the revision and the
first version had been completely worked out and ran through all the missing folios. The
replacement begins precisely as the first version, as the canceled mm. 265x-269x on f. 30v
are quite similar to the measures on f. 31, but, because the music at the end of the bifolium
matches up precisely with f. 33, the next page in the volume, it is impossible to speculate
on the content of the entire passage. Nevertheless, it may be concluded that the earlier
version was considerably longer, and this makes it consistent with the revisions to the
Exposition.
The same conclusions consistently hold for the Interlude. Four folios were
removed from Gatherings 11 and 12 (between ff. 52 and 55) and replaced by an unbound
and untrimmed bifolium (ff. 53/54), thus, analogous to the similar situation with respect to
bifolium 31/32, four pages must replace eight. From internal evidence it can also be
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411
inferred that the content was modified, as the single canceled measure on f. 52v is
somewhat different from the first measure on the bifolium, and the continuation contained a
change of key signature, from four sharps to three (the accidentals beginning at the start of
f. 55 consistently omit a natural before all ds). Regarding ff. 57-60, these are all
replacement folios, and they replace the equivalent number of pages. In this case, Liszts
revisions may have been of instrumental detail, as suggested by the alteration to the second
violin part on f. 56. The revisions in Gathering 13 again demonstrate Liszts desire to
streamline his material, and here we are fortunate to have both versions fully at our
disposal. Liszt canceled eight measures between mm. 634 and 635 (Example 10.2) and
four measures between mm. 642 (itself rewritten) and 643 (Example 10.3). Comparing
this passage with the first statement of Block B, we see that they were originally the same
length, but Liszt pared down his material from thirty measures (mm. 557-586) to twenty
(mm. 628-647) by eliminating repetition. He must have felt that this music had overstayed
its welcome and looked for ways to shorten without otherwise affecting the overall form.
As noted, there is very little revision throughout the Recapitulation, but whether
this was a result of the literal repetition of material or because Liszt had already laid the
work aside cannot be determined. Looking over the work as a whole, all the above
revisions did not affect the large-scale form, and the refinement of detail appears to have
been for the purpose of eliminating any longueurs. We also saw this in the Grande
fantaisie symphonique, the only work from this period which was performed, and, as with
changes to the orchestration, this experience may have inspired some of the revisions to De
profundis.
One further observation can be cautiously advanced. Stengel may have been the
first to observe: Die Handschrift macht uberhaupt den Eindruck eines ersten Entwurfes,
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412
m
Ob.
a.
in La
Cor.
in Fa
Tr.
in Fa
Trb. m 1
Tim p.
Piano
pizz.
v i. n 1
V ie
[pizz.]
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413
638x
[I]
Ob.
a.
in L a
Cor.
in F a
Tr.
in F a
Tim p.
8~
Piano
VI. n
Vie
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414
[it r --------------- ,
9J 1
i
i |(kb- r ------------------- 9--------- j ------------------ 4 ^
a .........
r 7 ----------------------------
to-----------------------------------------
Iftlr................ .................................
. l
l4 rfF ir- f t f f f * P f 1
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^ --------- j - 4 J - J "-J---------------------------1
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t
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415
642x
[i]
Ob.
a.
in La
Cor.
in Fa
Tr.
in Fa
Tib. I, HI
Timp.
Piano
(pizz.) [arco]
(pizz.) [arco]
Vie
(pizz.)
(pizz.)
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416
645x
rm j j v j
Tib.I,U
Trb. ni
Timp.
Piano
VI. I
VI. n
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417
Critical Notes to Example 10.2 642x-643x It is clear from the crossed out acci
dentals that at one point Liszt had in mind to
This example is transcribed from the autograph cadence in D major, as at the analogous
(D-WRgs, HI), f. 62, and has been edited to con place in mm. 571-572. For 642x, these
form to the present writers edition. The piano were as follows: Cl I, natural before a ;
part is transcribed generally as it appears in the Piano, sharp before all f s (also 643x); VI I,
autograph; the instrumental parts are discretely sharp b efo re/; VI n, sharp b efo re/ (also
edited to conform to modem rules of notation. 643x). In addition, the note on the second
Redundant accidentals are deleted without com beat for Piano, right hand, and VII was orig
ment, and signs are added, such as missing acci inally fr-natural. Liszt altered these measures
dentals, prolongation dots, and rests to parts ver to cadence in D minor before canceling the
tically, as long as the sign in question is present entire passage.
in at least one other line. Other signs are added
in square brackets or noted below. Note that all
slurs are added, based on a single model in m. Critical Notes to Example 10.3
580 (itself not completely drawn; see f. 57v). To
insert this example into die score, these nine This example is transcribed from the autograph
measures take the place of m. 635. (D-WRgs, HI), ff. 63v-64. For editorial policy,
refer to the notes for Example 10.2. To insert
628-634 Liszts revision of this passage is not this example into the score, these seven measures
limited to the two examples but covers vir take the place of mm. 642-644.
tually every measure. Tlie first version was
an exact transposition of mm. 557-563. He 642x Both layers are written one over the other,
crossed this out and wrote the new version except for the piano, which was rewritten on
on staves beneath the braced score. In mm. staves beneath the orchestral brace. Two
634-635, this new version originally versions are also found for the piano in mm.
cadenced in F major, with slighdy different 644x-646x; the second is transcribed, as the
figuration. For the final version, Liszt first leads to an earlier version of m. 647x,
deleted mm. 635x-642x. incompletely scored and immediately
canceled. Cl, VI n, and Vie are also affected
635x Cl: The autograph has no key signature,
in m. 646x, as two versions are again writ
and Liszt indicated all accidentals in the part
ten, one over the other. In all cases the later
639x-643x Vc, Cb: At the page turn, Liszt layer is transcribed.
neglected to fill in the lower strings. The
parts are completed by analogy with mm. 647x-648x Vc: The articulation in these mea
568-572. sures is in the source, extended to V II in
646x and Vie in 647x.
641x Piano: The second chord in the left hand is
lacking a connecting beam to the last two 648x Vc, Cb: There is no way to determine
chords. It is supplied by analogy with the whether the figure on the second and third
rest of the passage. beats belongs to the earliest layer.
dem die letzte Feile abgeht.42 Put another way, Liszt appears to have written his full score
without the benefit of a draft, notating essential instrumental lines for his first pass in the
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418
manner found in autographs of Mozart and Rossini.43 As in the case of Rossini, Liszt
allotted one system per page, regardless of the number of instruments playing. While it is
true that he may have wanted to allow himself the option of adding to or altering his
orchestration, it is more likely that, had there been a sketch stage, he would have been more
assured about the effect he wanted. Most revealing are the folios that were immediately
canceled. Folio 3 contains only a skeleton score, limited to the piano right hand in mm.
1lx-12x (lacking the left hand and cello) and the clarinets (lacking bassoons and perhaps
horns, as on f. 4, mm. 14y-15y). Liszt must have decided immediately to cancel this
continuation, and the verso follows from f. 2. A similar situation is found on ff. 78v-79,
where a flute line alternates with VI. I in mm. 810x-818x, at which point the horns take
over. Again the deletion must have been immediate, as Liszt decided to insert additional
measures between mm. 813x and 814x, and 818x and 819x. He must have realized this
before the end of f. 79, as there is blank space for an additional measure, and he effected
the cancellation by pinning ff. 78-79 so that they turned as one (as with ff. 2-4, the pin
marks are visible at the outer edge of the margin). Finally, there is the passage on ff. 63v-
64, four measures that originally followed m. 646x of Example 10.3. Although the last
measure of f. 63v is completely orchestrated except for the piano, the three measures on f.
Gossett as follows:
The manuscript paper contains sixteen staves and is ruled for full orchestra, but
Rossini has filled in only the most essential lines, normally the first violin when it
43See Philip Gossett, Gioachino Rossini and the Conventions of Composition, Acta
Musicologica 42 (1970), 51-52.
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419
carries the melody, the bass of the harmony, and all vocal lines. Occasionally brief
traces of orchestration or accompaniment figures are indicated.44
This technique allowed the composer to write out the draft and orchestration in one stage, a
tremendous saving of labor. Gossett continues: Having completed a sketch of the entire
piece, or a large portion of it, in this manner, [Rossini] would return to the beginning and
fill in the remainder of the orchestration and accompaniment45 Also revealing in Liszts
manuscript are the orchestrated folios that were immediately canceled. As discussed above,
the passages in Gatherings 5 and 6 were apparently deleted after being written in full score
but before Liszt had proceeded to the next section. Likewise, the adjustments made to the
material in Gathering 4 were revised at some point before the repetition of these measures
in the Recapitulation. If Liszt had drafted his material in piano score, certainly he would
have decided at that stage whether a particular passage worked in its context. Rather, he
appears to have made these decisions while writing the full and only score.
Of course, his circumstances were different from Rossinis, and we may presume
that he was not under time pressure to produce his work. The contrary is more likely, and
we have previously speculated that the earliest version of Concerto No. 1 was sketched in
piano score, while surviving autographs reveal that Liszt used a similar process for the
three concertos prepared in 1839 (see chapter eight, Manuscript Sources). In these
cases, Liszt prepared an orchestral score without a piano part and modified the draft to
serve that purpose, and the two manuscripts were then collated and copied into a single
score. The De profundis autograph has all parts present, however, and the lack of a draft
again seems the best explanation. And when we take into account the unfinished state of
^Ibid., 51. See also Gioachino Rossini, Edipo Coloneo, ed. Lorenzo Tozzi and Piero Weiss,
Edizione Critica delle opere di Gioachino Rossini, series 22, vol. 1 (Pesaro: Fondazione Rossini, 1985). In
this edition, all orchestral parts that are not by Rossini are surrounded by shaded boxes and immediately
apparent
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the autograph and Liszts request for it in Geneva, it is unthinkable that he would not have
asked for his sketch, if there ever was one. Liszt must have worked out to a considerable
degree in his head the composition of De profundis, and this organization gave him the
confidence to forego a sketch stage and write directly into the score. That he ultimately
needed to revise De profundis, removing and adding pages to his bound volume, may have
been in his mind four years later when he returned to the concerto genre and the use of a
piano score.
Perhaps the most perplexing aspect of De profundis is the incomplete state of the
autograph. All the music as found in the final layer is fully orchestrated, and it appears that
the four folios left blank following the fully written verso of f. 87 were to contain the final
measures of the work. This observation suggests that Liszt had composed the coda, or at
least had some idea of its general content. That he thought of De profundis as complete in
some sense is also clear from notes made to a future copyist, though the unfinished state of
the work makes it doubtful that it was ever given to one.46 Rather than bring De profundis
to performance, Liszt turned his attention toward audience-pleasing piano pieces, and it is
symbolic of these years in Switzerland that the next work inscribed in the bound volume
was the Grande valse di bravura.
Conclusion
In many ways De profundis marks the climax to Liszts first maturity. For the
first time Liszt was able to combine in a single movement the structure of sonata form and
the variety of a multi-movement work, an integration of types whose success had
previously eluded him. Here the sections themselves are equally apportioned and carefully
^ O n f. 12: Notapour le Copiste: Suivez toujours cette disposition dInstruments Ire ligne,
Flute 2de Oboe 3me Clair etc = Observez quentre Valto et la main droite du Piano, de meme quentre le
Vio[lo]ncelle et la main gauche il y a une ligne vide destine aux Corrections!.] For f. 19 (the first
complete gathering of twenty-four-staff paper): Suivez toujours (sur le papier a 24 port&s) cette disposition
dInstruments, qui est exactement la meme quauparavant.
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421
arranged around their themes and key centers to function as the requisite parts of
exposition, development, and recapitulation. Within these sections, the themes are well
suited for the purpose they serve, whether as stable key areas or as part of a transition. In
Fantasy in C major, Wanderer, op. 15 (D. 760), but there it plays no role in the tonal
organization. Liszts use of it in this respect may be the first. Nor was he any less
adventurous in the use of harmony: his bold use of the augmented triad follows earlier
attempts to make it part of his chordal vocabulary. Finally, the orchestration is thoroughly
competent and appropriate to the musical context. Formal function, thematic content, and
tonal use are in balance, creating a well-proportioned result whose very elegance makes the
great length of the work possible.
musical thought at this stage of his development. Although it is unclear the extent to which
he had sketched the composition, there is little doubt that he bound the manuscript before
the work was complete within its pages, thus the work must have been envisioned in all its
essentials. That he bound it at all suggests the importance he attached to the work. It also
misplaced, as these refinements do not tamper with the formal layout of the work but
merely adjust its proportions. That it remained incomplete in the autograph reflects neither
Liszts skill nor conception: the work is finished in all its essentials, lacking only a coda.
There seems little reason to doubt that, had he not been interrupted, De profundis would
have been copied and prepared for performance.
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422
reinforcing the historical argument and evidence drawn from the primary sources, and we
can picture Liszt groping toward a new strategy for musical organization that would take
the place of sonata form while still maintaining its coherence. Concerto No. 1 is the most
the demands of the paraphrase genre took precedence over the form, with the result that the
two sections contrast but do not balance except in terms of length. With De profundis,
Liszt was able to refine his vision of a single-movement work: the different sections
contrast but are in balance, and the themes are designed for specific use. Malediction and
the earliest version of Concerto No. 1 were both awkward in their attempts to reconcile the
principles of sonata form within a more ambitious framework, but.De profundis blended its
component parts into a multi-section context, all in a way that strikingly prefigures the
Sonata in B Minor.
In addition, there is the implied use of a program. Aside from his desire to put
Lamennaiss ideas into practice, the poetic aspect is notable as the final component in the
complex that made the symphonic poem a watershed in musical development at mid
century. In its immediate context as the first fruit of a new genre of religious music (to use
Liszts own designation), De profundis died on the vine, and, for all his fervor, this radical
short piano pieces. His return to sacred music in the mid-1840s coincided with his return
to the church and traditional modes of religious expression (masses, psalm settings for
liturgical use, and, later, oratorios). But he did not forget De profundis, and for his only
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423
other major statement of religious expression in secular forms, he salvaged the A-flat major
version of the De profundis theme for use in Pensies des morts, the fourth number in his
cycle of piano pieces Harmonies podtiques et religieuses.
Nevertheless, it is in some way fitting that the man who may have been
responsible for reigniting Liszts compositional spark was the direct inspiration for a work
that, in refinement and technique, pointed the way to Liszts future. Following hommages
to Berlioz, Chopin, Mendelssohn, and Schubert, works for piano and orchestra and
chamber music, stimulation religious and secular, Liszt was able to find an appropriate
combination and focus his ideas. Even more remarkable is that he did not deviate from this
basic conception through all the works of his Weimar years. More than any of the other
compositions examined for this study, De profundis takes us to the threshold of Liszts
maturity.
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APPENDIX A
UNPUBLISHED LETTERS
The following letters are presented for the first time, complete and in their original
language. Idiosyncrasies in spelling and punctuation are preserved, with the exception of
an occasional missing accent, which is tacitly added, and the abbreviation of repeated letters
by a line (e.g., double ms and ns), which are written out. Regarding the introductions
and annotations to each letter, only those details directly relevant to Liszt are footnoted.
hasty exit was the best course of action and next met in Basel at the beginning of June.
They settled in Geneva after a brief period of travel, first at the Hotel des Balances on 19
July, then into a residence on the rue Tabazan on 28 July, where they remained until the
following April. This new-found stability must have been one of the primary motivations
for the letter: Liszt and dAgoult wanted to surround themselves with a modest library of
books and other comforts of home, and Liszt wanted his music manuscripts so as to
continue his work as a composer. The number and variety of the items further suggest that
Until now, the primary transcription of this letter has been a severely mutilated
version in German translation from Franz Liszts Briefe an seine Mutter, edited by La
424
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425
Mara.1 Friedrich Schnapp included brief extracts in the original French in his list of
missing compositions,2 however his source was not the original letter in Bayreuth but La
Maras Abschriften, now located in D-WRgs (442,443).3 Additional portions in French
were also printed in the volume of selected correspondence published by Hurd and
Knepper,4 the first to use the actual document. The letter itself is undated, but through
internal evidence La Mara deduced July 1835. Schnapp refined this date to 26 July based
on Liszts statement that he is writing on his mothers name day. Although Schnapp was
not forthcoming with an explanation, the Calendar of the Saints lists a S t Anne from the
first century. Mdria Eckhardt emended this date to 28 July in her article on the
correspondence between Liszt and his mother.5 No evidence was offered, but the date may
derive from Liszts letter of 28 July 1857, which he again identifies as his mothers name
day.6 Other internal evidence confirming the year can be found in the mention of musical
JSee Franz Liszts Briefe an seine Mutter, ed. La Mara [Marie Lipsius] (Breitkopf & Hartel,
1918), 19-22.
2See his Verschollene Kompositionen Franz Liszts, in Von Deutscher Tonkunst: Festschrift
zu Peter Raabes 70. Geburtstag, ed. Alfred Morgenroth (Leipzig: C. F. Peters, 1942), 124-127.
3There are two copies of the letters, one in the hand of Frau Aimde Lauterbach (mss. 442), the
other by La Mara (443). Given that the edition was prepared at the height of World War I, it seems
reasonable to speculate that Lauterbach made the transcriptions from the originals, and La Mara made her
copies as part of the editing process.
4See Franz Liszt: Correspondance, selected and annotated by Pierre-Antoine Hurd and Claude
Knepper ([Paris]: J. C. Latt&s, 1987), 81-83.
5See Mdria Eckhardt, Une femme simple, mdre d un gdnie europden, Anna Liszt: Quelques
aspects dune correspondance, in Actes du colloque international Franz Liszt, La revue musicale 405-406-
407 (1987), 207.
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426
Chfcre mfcre,
Votre lettre ma fait du chagrin. Vous savez depuis longtemps que je suis dtourdi,
Mger, etjrater en un mot La vie que j ai 6t6 obligd de mener a peut etre encore
augment^ mes ddfauts naturels. Mais k Dieu ne plaise que jamais les intentions que
vous me supposez surprennent mon coeur! Croyez-moi, croyez-moi bien
entitlement, mon affection pour vous est profonde et inaltdrable[.] Le souvenir de
vos bontes et de vos ddvouements ne me quitte point. Je voudrais pouvoir vous dire
et vous tdmoigner combien je vous aime et combien mon coeur est plein de respect et
de reconnaissance pour vous! 8
Cest aujourdhui votre fete, bonne et chtre mtre j aurais ddsird au moins vous
envoyer quelque chose.9 Mais les occasions sont difficiles k trouver, et dailleurs
je ne devine gutre ce dont vous pouvez avoir envie. Mme dA[goult] aussi voudrait
vous faire un petit cadeau mais elle ne sait quoi[.] Faites vous done le plaisir de
prendre une centaine de francs de 1argent que vous gardez et achetez quelque chose
de joli en notre intention. Ne dites pas non, ne nous refusez pas je ne vous le
pardonnerai jamais. Ecrivez-moi seulement ce que vous avez achetd afin que je le
sache et que je men rtjouisse un petit peu.
Si vous navez pas encore arretd un appartement, ne le faites pas dici k ce que
vous recevez dautres nouvelles de moi. Nous sommes parfaitement installs k
Gentve, mais ne pourriez-vous pas venir peut etre?.... Nous reparlerons de cela.
7I wish to thank Herr Gunter Fischer of the Museum for attending to the photocopies and
responding to various questions about them.
8Liszt had written to his mother on 4 June 1835 immediately upon arriving in Basel.
(Although the letter is undated in Briefe an seine Mutter, pp. 16-17, Eckhardt has recorded the postmark
from the original document; see Une femme simple, 207.) At the end of the month, he wrote George
Sand, breaking a silence that may have been due to traveling or his desire to keep secret his whereabouts;
see Thdrfese Marix-Spire, Les romantiques et la nuisique: Le cas George Sand 1804-1838 (Paris: Nouvelles
Editions Latines, 1954), 611. Perhaps Anna Liszt knew of the letter to Sand and was hurt that her son had
not written her as well, hence the extended apology and protestations of affection.
^This information is the evidence for a precise dating of the letter; see above comments.
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427
Jai 6crit k Hermiiiie hier.10 A sa lettre se trouve jointe la Note de tout ce dont nous
avons besoin ici elle vous laura remise de suite je pense. Mademoiselle de La
rue[,] &laquelle j dcris en meme temps, voudra bien se charger[,] j espre[,] de
lachat des livres dont j ai donnd la liste.11 Ayez la bontd de lui remettre la somme
ncessaire k cet effet je pense que cela nira pas k plus de cent francs j ai fait
deux notes separds lune, des choses k acheterf,] lautre, des choses et livres qui se
trouvent chez vous. Confiez k MUe De la rue tout le D6partement des Livres. II
faudra les recouvrir de ti^s gros papier et de plus bien les emmailloter dans du linge,
des draps, des serviettes, des robes de chambre, des habillements etc autrement ils
seraient gat^s et abymds comme ceux que j ai apportd[.]
Vous trouverez toutes ces recommandations sur la note mais je vous prie encore
d y mettre le plus grand soin.
Remettez k Puzzi (ou k sa mfcre) la somme dargent que vous a donnde Mme
d Afgoult], moins les 100 firs que vous garderez pour vous et ce que vous
aurez ddpensd pour les achats et livres indiquds sur la note[.] 12
Ajoutez k cette petite note du papier de musique en bonne quantity (celui de Garcia)[.]
10A student of Liszts in Paris, probably Herminie Vial (1806-1886), who joined him in his
two-piano work on themes from Mendelssohns Songs without Words at concerts on 28 December 1834
and 9 April 183S. Other letters from this time request various tasks of her, and, in his letter of November
1835, Liszt referred to her and another student as "mes vieux enfants (Briefe an seine Mutter, 26). His op.
2, Grandefantasie di bravura sur la Clochette de Paganini (published 1834), is dedicated to her. She married
the violinist Franqois-Jean Baptiste Seghers (1801-1881), and it is as Madame Seghers that she is addressed
in later letters. It is also possible that the reference is to Hermine de Musset (1819-1905), sister of the
poet and the dedicatee of Liszts op. 8, no. 2, La pastorella dell'Alpi e Li marinari on themes from
Rossinis Soiries musicales (1837), although her relationship with Liszt is not documented at this time.
11According to Hur6 and Knepper, Zo6 Delarue was the daughter of General Delarue; see
Correspondance, 81, n. 2. The list was appended on several pages at the close of the letter (see below).
12Puzzi was the nickname of Hermann Cohen (1820-1871), another of Liszts students. He
joined the couple in Geneva on 14 August and performed in several of Liszts concerts. It is possible that
he delivered the items himself as an excuse to be reunited with his mentor.
13The role of Gaetano Belloni in Liszts life is reviewed in chapter three, Manuscript Copies.
Bellonis copy is very likely the early version of Concerto No. 1 in D-WRgs (H3b, H3c). Attempts to
identify this list of manuscripts have been made by Schnapp (Verschollene Kompositionen, 125-127) and
Rena Mueller (Liszts Catalogues and Inventories of His Works, Studia Musicologica 34 [1992], 231
232). Their conclusions and the reasons for the present authors identifications are discussed in chapter
seven, The Compositional Matrix.
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428
La Fantaisie symphonique sur des thfcmes de Berlioz (execute k mon concert) copide
par Belloni et reli6 les parties daccompagnement sont inutiles 14
Un gros cahier bleu oil se trouve un autre concerto symphonique que j ai crit cet
hiver au ratzen loch 15
Un vieux cahier enveloppd de papier gris et que Puzzi connait, il contient plusieurs
morceaux de ma composition 16
Mon Sextetto copiti par le Polonais (tl propos Puzzi a-t-il 6t6 lui demander des airs
polonais a-t-il fait copier les airs tyroliens?)17
De plus toute la Collection dAirs nationaux que j ai mise de cdt et que Puzzi connait
dgalement.
Pardon ch&e mfcre ce nest pas pour vous faire un mauvais compliment mais je
pense que vous aurez beaucoup k faire et vous ne connaissez pas aussi bien toutes les
adresses de Librairef.]
14This copy appears to be the bound volume in D-WRgs (H7) of the Grande fantaisie
symphonique on themes from Berliozs Le retour d la vie. The concert was that of 9 April 1835.
15This is very likely the bound volume in D-WRgs (HI) that contains De profundis.
Ratzenloch (literally rat-hole) was the name Liszt gave to his apartment in Paris, although Alan Walker
believes it was the workroom in his mothers apartment; see his Franz Liszt: Volume One, The Virtuoso
Years, 1811-1847 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1987), 200. See, however, Liszts letter of 6 October
1834, where he refers to this place and provides an address;Correspondance de Liszt et de la Comtesse
d'Agoult, ed. Daniel Ollivier, 2 vols. (Paris: Bernard Grasset, 193334), 1:114. I am grateful to Geraldine
Keeling for these details.
16This could be the sketchbook in D-WRgs (N6), which contains many fragments and melodic
ideas, or perhaps the sketchbook formerly in the collection of Lord Londonderry and now in the Library of
Congress.
17The hypothesis is advanced in chapter seven, T he Compositional Matrix, that the sextet is
the work known as Malediction. If so, the copy in question is D-WRgs (H2). This copyist is otherwise
unknown in the Liszt literature, and, as the polish and tyrolian song copies are lost, a manuscript
identification cannot be made through the handwriting.
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429
Bernard aura ces 3 morceaux k la fin de Septembre au plus tard je vais les 6crire
imm6diatement18 Je travaille aussi au morceau de la Juive pour Schlesinger[.]19
Je joins ici une petite lettre de remerciments k Bertini envoyez la chez Mr Lemoine.20
La Duchesse de Rauzan a passd ici elle ma fait demander et je suis all6 la voir[.]
22
18These works are likely the three compositions published in Paris by Bernard Latte as opus 5:
(1) Fantaisie romantique sur deux mdlodies suisses; (2) Rondeau fantastique sur un thme espagnol; (3)
Divertissement sur la Cavatine de Pacini. In a letter postmarked 7 October 1833, Liszt told his mother he
would send the pieces in approximately twelve days, although it is unclear whether this refers to the
manuscript or page proofs; see Briefe an seine Mutter, 19. (Although assigned to 1835 by La Mara, the
precise date was recorded by Eckhardt; see Une femme simple, 207.) Unlike many of the other publishers
discussed below, Liszt does not appear to have had a relationship with Latte apart from business.
19Liszt set great store by his Reminiscences de la Juive, printed by Maurice Schlesinger, and the
cost of publication was underwritten by Liszt himself. In the same letter of 7 October 1833 that mentioned
Bernards pieces, Liszt noted a piece for Schlesinger, perhaps this one, and in a letter written in November
he asked that the publisher be urged to engrave the piece on La Juive as soon as possible (Briefe an seine
Mutter, 19 and 26).
20Henri Bertini (1798-1876) was a composer and teacher in Paris. Nothing is known of his
relationship with Liszt, and, aside from this reference, he is mentioned in a letter of 8 May 1832; see Franz
Liszts Briefe, ed. La Mara [Marie Lipsius], 8 vols. (Leipzig: Breitkopf & Hdrtel, 1893-1904), 1:8.
Lemoine was the name of Marie dAgoults solicitor (see Hurd and Kneppler, Correspondance, 95), but, as
the paragraph includes two other music publishers, this must refer to the family-run establishment of the
same name.
21This is, of course, the Baroness Aurore Dudevant n6e Dupin, who wrote under the pen name
of George Sand. Liszt and Marie dAgoult were close friends of Sand in Paris, and she was one of their first
visitors in Switzerland, staying for most of the month of September 1836. It was Sands Lettres dun
voyageur that inspired Liszts Lettres d'un bachelier is musique, the first of which was a response to a letter
of Sands. His Rondeau fantastique sur un thime espagnol (El Contrabandista) was dedicated to Sand, who
in turn was inspired by it to write her short story, Le Contrebandier. The letter to Sand is lost; see her
letter from August 1835 in George Sand, Correspondance, ed. George Lubin, 25 vols. (Paris: Editions
Gamin Frfcres, 1964-1991), 3:20-21.
^L in a Ramann misidentified Clara de Rauzan as one of Liszts students, and he corrected the
mistake on the proof sheets found in D-WRgs. These corrections were never incorporated into the edition.
See her Franz Liszt als KUnstler und Mensch, 3 vols. in 2 (Leipzig: Breitkopf & Hdrtel, 1880-1894),
1:292; also Peter Raabe, Franz Liszt, 2d ed., 2 vols. (Tutzing: Hans Schneider, 1968), 2:247. Liszt
dedicated the first of his Apparitions to her.
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430
Que devient Rosario?..23 Lui avez-vous dit pourquoi je ne suis pas alld lui faire
mes Adieux. Je ne voudrais pas quelle conservat un mauvais souvenir de moi
dois-je lui dcrire dites le moi.
Faites moi adresser k Genfcve chez Cherbuliez libraire, grande rue, la revue
musicale cest le seul journal que je ne trouve pas ici. MUe de La rue ou Puzzi se
chargeront de cette commission^] La Gazette et le Pianiste me sont inutiles.
Wolff les regoit25 Si vous rencontrez Berlioz dites lui quil aura bientdt de mes
nouvelles. Mrs Leuret, Masson, Schoelcher, Emile Deschamps etc de meme.26
P .S.
Jai oublid dajouter k la Note de mes compositions un Duo pour Piano et Violon
sur une Mazourk de Chopin, que Puzzi mettra avec le reste, quil prenne aussi les
chants de Schubert qui se trouvent dans un cahier reli6 en vert (k litalienne) et que
surtout il ne manque pas demprunter lAlbum de Mme Goussart sur lequel j ai 6crit
une Valse en mi majeur que je tiens beaucoup k avoir ici. Priez Belloni de la copier de
suite ce ne sont que 2 pages, j en ai absolument besoin.27
Je crois savoir ce que vous voulez me dire par rapport k Schlesinger il ny a pas
lieu de sen inquieter mais vous ne ferez pas mal de surveiller un peu tout cela.
^Presumably Madame Rosario de las Hierras, a student of Liszts. See also Liszt-dAgoult,
1:367.
^Presumably related to the poet Alfred de Musset (1810-1857) and Ldon Kreutzer (1817-1868),
perhaps their mothers, or, in Kreutzers case, the wife of his uncle, Rudolphe Kreutzer, who had conducted
the performances of Liszts juvenile opera, Don Sanche.
^P ierre Wolff had been a student of Liszts in Paris and at this time lived in Geneva. Liszt
dedicated his op. 6, Grand valse de bravura, to him.
26Victor Schoelcher, political figure and writer on music (1804-1893), Emile Deschamps, poet
and dramatist (1791-1871); Leuret and Masson are unknown.
27The autograph of the Duo for violin and piano is found in D-WRgs (LI). Of Bellonis copy
there is no trace. The waltz might be an early version of the Valse milancolique, published at the end of
the decade, or perhaps the Valse mariotique, partially sketched in D-WRgs (H2). Note also the album leaf,
Example 9.9, which quotes from the Valse milancolique; perhaps Liszt had been inscribing this melody in
albums for several years. Madame Goussard (as her name is usually spelled) is noted by Ramann as having
introduced Liszt to Italian opera in 1828-1830; see Franz Liszt als Kiinstler und Mensch, 1:137.
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431
[A] la suite de la lettre de MUe De la rue il y en a une pour Bertini sur laquelle vous
mettrez ladresse.
2 livres de chocolat au Salep de Perse chez Debauve rue des P6res presquau
haut delarue
Choses et livres qui se trouvent rue de Provence et quil faut menvoyer (la
grosse malle ne sera pas trop grande peut etre meme faudra-t-il en ajouter une
autre[)].
2 Les habillements et le linge que ma mtre jugera ntcessaire pour moi (je P^e de
ne pas oublier mes 2 robes de chambre qui mont 6t6 donnts lune par Ramonon [?]
lautre par Cenolito [?] et que je veux illustrer.
3 La somme dargent qui reste de celle remise [] la veille de son depart par Mme
dA[goult] et quil faudra raliser[.] (H faudra la remettre k la mtre de Puzzi et la
prier den avoir grand soin En la faisant passer par un Banquier nous serions
obligt de donner 2 pour cent )
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432
J observerai ici que quoique mes livres fiissent tr&s bien embaltes il se sont tous
abyntes en route. Heureusment ce ntetaient que des livres brocltes ou mal relics et
en petit nombre. Le Lamartine et U imitation de Ramanon nont 6te sauvds que grace
k la precaution que j avais pris de les recouvrir de papier trfes forts et de les envelloper
[sic] dans le linge. Je prie et je supplie ma ntere et MUe De la rue de ne pas manquer
davoir ce meme soin. II faut absolument les envelloper [sic] dans le linge[.] Les
draps et les serviettes que Mme dAgoult a demandd serviront admirablement k cet
effet[.] Au nom du Ciel que je ne reoive pas mes chers livres gates et salis ou en
lambeaux comme plusieurs de ceux que j ai ici et dont cependant on a eu soin. Quon
en mette entre mes chemises dans ma robe de chambre avec mes habits et surtout avec
les draps et les serviettes dont je viens de parler autrement je serai tout k fait
inconsolable
Oublis ou Supplement.28
2 Chales cachemire (un rouge et un noir) se trouvant chez Mme Vial29 (II ne faudra
pas mettre de livres entre)[.]
Le Globe, Atias classique universel chez Jules renouard, rue de Toumon N 6 42
Cartes Prix 15 francs.
Schakespeare [sic] (en frangais) 2 Volumes je crois (publics par livraisons[)] si
louvrage est trfcs avanc6 ou termute il faudra le prendre Passage Choiseuil
28This line begins the verso of the last page, however the lines preceding (beginning Ma
pipe...) may also be part of this addition, written at the bottom of the recto where there remained blank
space.
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433
de plus mes bons amis Lelia, Volupt6, Werther et le Nouveau Christianisme qui se
trouvent me de Provence
son of Adolf Martin Schlesinger (1769-1838), who had his own publishing house in
Berlin, taken over in 1831 by his son (Maurices brother) Heinrich (1810-1879). The
Parisian Schlesinger controlled one of the largest music publishing operations in the city,
and in 1834 he began the Gazette Musicale de Paris which, by the time it had absorbed the
Revue Musicale the following year, was the predominant musical journal. With direct
access to the German market through his family connection, it can be said that Maurice
Schlesinger was the most powerful music publisher in Europe, at least through the 1830s.
In 1846, after a series of poor business decisions, he sold the business to Louis Brandus
(1816-1887).
Liszt published some of his most important musical works of the 1830s through
Schlesinger, and he was also a regular contributor to the Revue et Gazette Musicale. His
personal relationship will; the publisher is less clear. No letters of Schlesinger to Liszt are
known, and of the dozen or so that have surfaced from Liszt, many are brief and discuss a
30Liszt had originally written 2 exemplaires, but when he altered the number he neglected to
adjust the noun it modified.
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434
point of business.32 Longer letters, such as the one that appeared in Julien Tiersots
George Sand, Hector Berlioz, and Lambert Massart, all of whom were close friends. This
same letter also hints at an underlying friction, an example of which can be found in a letter
from 1836: You have sent me a rude letter, I am annoyed on your behalf and would not
dream of complaining about it. Only try to keep this kind of language to a minimum,
because I am not used to being spoken to like this.34 That same year Liszt referred to him
as une stupide canaille because of his refusal to print an article about Liszts
compositions.35 On another occasion, Liszt wrote a terse letter protesting a comment in the
Revue et Gazette Musicale about the high cost of his ticket prices in Paris:
Cest toujours avec un nouveau plaisir que je reqois les conseils de mes amis.
Pour votre part, vous avez perdu le droit de me parler et de conseils et damitid.
Quant h retirer, je ne dis pas ma lettre, mais un seul mot, une seule syllabe, vous
me connaissez assez pour savoir que cela est impossible.36
Liszts were not the only mixed impressions of Schlesinger, as Gustave Flaubert
characterized him in two of his novels, Memoirs o f a Madman (1837) and Sentimental
Education (1869), where he is on the one hand vulgar and jovial, and on the other a
32See, for example, Marix-Spire, Les romantiques et la musique, 623; William Wright, New
Letters of Liszt, Journal o f the American Liszt Society 31 (January-June 1992), 10-12.
33See Julien Tiersot, Lettres de musiciens tcrites enfrangais du XVe au XXe siicle, 2 vols.
(Turin: Bocca Frfcres, 1924), 2:368-370.
34Quoted in Albi Rosenthal, Franz Liszt and His Publishers, Liszt Saeculum 38 (1986), 7.
35The paragraph in question was omitted in Briefe an seine Mutter, 28-31 (March 1836). The
article was by Emmanuel Prym and may also have been the topic of the letter referred to in Tiersots
anthology above. See also Liszt-d'Agouti, 1:146 (late April-early May 1836).
36Jacques Vier, Franz Liszt: Lartiste le clerc (Paris: Les Editions du Cfcdre, 1951), 60 (22
March 1841).
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435
scheming businessman. Given Schlesingers power and influence, Liszt may have felt that
he had no choice but to cultivate him, in business as well as society.
Since mid-November 1837, Liszt and Marie dAgoult had been in Como, where
they awaited the birth of their second daughter, Cosima (24 December). He spent some of
this time composing and making occasional trips to Milan. The letter to Schlesinger and the
one to Ignatz Moscheles below also show that Liszt was coordinating plans to issue his
compositions on a more regular basis, and the two together are especially revealing of the
mechanics of publishing and offer details of the business practices typical of the day (see
11 Ddcembre 1837
En meme temps que votre lettre, je reois un avis de la Poste pour me prgvenir
quune lettre k mon adresse se trouvait au bureau du rebut pour cause de non-
affranchissement Comme cette lettre ne peut etre que celle du Bachelier avec
ladresse fantastique, je vous prie de vouloir bien la faire retirer au plutot [sic] afin de
linsdrer dans un de vos prochains num6ros.37 La lettre 6tant achev6e, je vous
lenverrai aussitot que la 3me aura paru. Elle vous donnera d6jk quelques
renseignements sur la Scala et les habitudes musicales du pays.38 Ainsi que vous me
le dites, je suis plant d merveille pour tout savoir. Effectivement il est impossible
detre mieux re?u, plus fet6, plus choy6, plus admir6 que je ne le suis k Milan. A
37Liszt is referring to his Lettre dun bachelier is musique addressed to Adolphe Pictet, which
appeared in the issue of 11 February 1838. As for the adresse fantastique, the article is dated Chambdry,
September 1837, and Charles Suttoni notes, the place and date cannot be taken literally, since Liszt and
Marie d Agoult had already arrived in Italy by September. See Franz Liszt, An Artists Journey: Lettres
d un bachelier is musique 1835-1841, trans. and ed. Charles Suttoni (Chicago: University of Chicago
Press, 1989), 40, n. 2.
38The article must be the one addressed to Schlesinger himself and dated Milan, 10 March
1838, which appeared 27 May 1838. This was not the next letter to be printed, however, as the one to
Louis de Ronchaud recounting Liszts and dAgoults travels prior to their arrival in Como appeared 25
March 1838.
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436
preuve je vous envoie ci-apr&s deux ou trois joumaux pris au hazard. Si vous jugez k
propos den faire traduire quelque passage, faites-le; en tout cas ayez la complaisance
de les envoyer sous enveloppe k ma mfcre qui sen amusera avec ses amis.39
Encore une fois et pour la demi&re, ce que je vous demandais et ce que je voulais
de vous, c6tait davoir autant de confiance dans mon avenir musical que dans mon
39Liszt is somewhat sarcastic here. Although his performance of works based on Pacini and
Rossini was well received at his first Milanese recital the day before (10 December), he was taken aback
during the performance of one of his recently completed Etudes to hear a voice from the hall, Vengo al
teatro per divertir me e non per studiare. The extent to which this incident bothered him may be seen in
that he mentioned it in his Lettre published 2 September 1838, almost a year after the event. His Lettre to
Schlesinger on Milan (see above note) is a scathing critique of Italian musical taste and concert behavior.
See also Charles Suttoni, Liszt h Milan, Revue Musicale 405-406-407 (1987), 177-187.
^ i s z t is referring to his Grandes ( tudes, completed on 5 October 1837 according to the diary of
Marie d Agoult; see her Mimoires (1833-1854), ed. Daniel Ollivier, rev. ed. (Paris: Calmann-Ldvy, 1927),
119. This work was later revised and designated transcendental. As for the other compositions, see the
letter to Moscheles below.
41The firm of Ricordi is still in existence. Liszt made contact with Giovanni Ricordi in 1837
and maintained cordial relations with the firm throughout his life. See also Andrds Kiirthy, Lhistoire du
rapport de Liszt et de la Casa Ricordi refletde par leur correspondance, Studia Musicologica 29 (1987),
325-342. For the German member of the triumvirate, Liszt must mean Friedrich Hofmeister, located in
Leipzig. The publishing house of Christian Rudolf Wessel was also the principal publisher in England of
Chopins works.
42Liszt regularly dealt with four publishers of music in Paris, as revealed in a letter to an
unknown correspondent of 23 August 1837: Mes dditeurs de Paris sont tour d tour Schlesinger, Bernard
Latte, Troupenas et Richault. See Revue de Musicologie 41 (July 1958), 108 (quoted from an auction
catalogue).
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437
avenir littiraire, et de me payer mes pages de musique &prix fixe tout aussi bien que
mes colonnes dans la Gazette musicale. Si d6cidment et toute reflexion faite vous
ne craignez pas de vous engager imprudemment en convenant de cet accord avec moi,
rgpondez moi Oui dici it trois ou quatre jours. Sinon non.
Jespfcre quelle ne manquera pas son petit effet. Elle est beaucoup mieux que ce
que je vous ai donn6 jusquici.
[no signature]
It is unknown at what point Liszt made the acquaintance of the great Bohemian
pianist, Ignatz Moscheles (1794-1870). The two were in Munich in late September 1823,
the period when Liszt and his father were touring to raise funds so that they could settle in
Paris, and Moscheles was present at Liszts concert in London of 9 June 1827 (Moscheles
had settled in the city two years earlier). There is no record of a meeting on either of these
occasions, but certainly there must have been some contact. Regardless of these details, a
correspondence was established by October 1837, at which time Liszt looked to Moscheles
43After some success as an opera composer in the mid-1820s, Nicola Vaccai (1790-1848) left
Italy and lived for a time in France and England. He returned in 1833 and served as censore of the Milan
Conservatory from 1838 to 1844. Liszts relationship with Vaccai is undocumented apart from this
reference.
^ L iszt did indeed turn his attention again to Milan in his Lettre to Lambert Massart, published
in the Gazette Musicale on 2 September 1838. It was in the aforementioned letter to Schlesinger, however,
that Liszt described the events in Rossinis home.
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438
for assistance in establishing business contacts with English publishers. Liszts initial letter
is lost, but Moscheless response of 11 December 1837 was gracious and helpful.45
The letter transcribed below is a response to Moscheless letter of 11 December.
It is especially remarkable for Liszts frankness with regard to his earlier years. Previously
published in German translation,46 the document is here provided in French for the first
Je crois ne point mabuser sur ma position dartiste en g6n6ral. Je sais que les 4
ou 5 annles qui se sont 6coul6es entre ma carrfere denfance et le commencement de
ma periode virile (de 1829 k 33 ou 34) mont 6t6 facheux sous plusieurs rapports.
Les maladies presque constants qui mdprouvaient alors, et le profond et amer
d6couragement, qui en fut la suite (sans parler ici dautres causes qui sy joignirent)
ont retarddes sans doute de beaucoup le diploiement extdrieur de mes facult^s.
Quoique depuis lage de 18 ans je me sois toujours assez s6rieusement occupy de
composition je nai pourtant jusquici public quun petit nombre douvrages et dans
ce petit nombre meme il sen trouve peut etre une moitid qui na absolument aucune
recommandation aupr&s de MMre les Editeurs de Musique. Vous voyez[,] mon
cher Monsieur Moscheles, que je ne me fais nullement illusion, et que je vais
audevant les objections. Toutes fois, le hazard ayant voulu quk laide de quelques
articles de joumaux, les uns dlogieux, les autres presquinjurieux, mon nom pdndtre
dans quelques parties de lAllemagne et dltalie, voire meme en France, ou je suis en
quelque sorte fixd et ou par consequent j ai eu k soutenir les plus ennuyeuses
45See Briefe hervorragender Zeitgenossen an Franz Liszt, ed. La Mara [Marie Lipsius], 3 vols.
(Leipzig: Breitkopf & Hhrtel, 1895-1904), 1:10-12. The letter is partially quoted in chapter three,
Editions.
^ S e e Franz Liszt in seinen Briefen, ed. Hans Rudolf Jung (Berlin: Henschelverlag, 1987), 64-
66 .
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439
comparaisons, les plus sottes querelles, pour confinner lancien Proverbe: Nul nest
proph&te dans son propre pay!: le meme hazard a encore voulu que MMre
Hoffmeister k Leipzig, Mr Haslinger k Vienne, Mr Ricordi k Milan, et plusieurs
Editeurs de Paris me fassent des offfes sinon trfcs brillantes, du moins acceptables
pour mes compositions k venir.47 MMre Hoffmeister et Ricordi par exemple se sont
engages k prendre la totality de mes oeuvres k raison dun Louis par 4 pages (6 frcs
par pageDL Sil mest permis de vous le dire, j espfcre et ferai en sorte que ces
Messieurs naient jamais k se repentir de leurs avances. Cest un arrangement de
cette nature que j avais proposd k Mr Mori avec lequel j ai eu autrefois des relations.48
Je ne tiens nullement que ce soit lui qui devienne IEditeur de mes oeuvres d Londres;
entre nous soit dit.je prifererai mime que cefut la maison Adisson [sic] et Beale.49
Mais je lui avais dcrit pour vous dpargner lennui des discussions d Editeur.
Je regrette beaucoup que ma lettre k Mr Mori ne vous ait pas 6t6 remise dabord;
cela eut abregd les affaires. Cest par erreur que Mr Puzzi la lui a envoyd
directement50
Je lui proposai ddditer environ 220 pages (au plus 260) par an, k raison A'une
Guinie (minimum) les 4 pages. Dans son intdret et dans le mien je le priai de donner
k mes ouvrages la plus grande publicitd possible. Les ouvrages que je pourrai
immddiatement livrer sont les suivans
47Tobias Haslinger became the sole proprietor in 1826 of a publishing house begun in 1803 by
Alois Senefelder. He became a friend of Liszts, as did his son Carl (1816-1868), and helped him to
organize his Viennese concerts in 1838 and 1839. For the other publishers mentioned, see the note in the
above letter.
^ I n 1819, Nicolas Mori (1796-1839) married Elizabeth Lavenu, widow of the publisher Lewis
Lavenu, and continued the firm as Mori and Lavenu. Louis Henry Lavenu (Elizabeths son, who
continued the firm after 1839) and Frank Mori (a son by Nicolas) later accompanied Liszt on his British
concert tours of 1841; see David Ian Allsobrook, Liszt: My Travelling Circus Life (Caibondale and
Edwardsville: Southern Illinois University Press, 1991), passim.
4^Robert Addison and T. Frederick Beale began their business in 1823, joined by Johann Baptist
Cramer the following year. They remained under the name of Addison and Beale until 1844, when
Addison withdrew from the partnership.
50On Puzzi, see above, n. 12. It is unclear whether he was still traveling with Liszt or looking
after his interests in Paris.
51Liszt had written his friend Lambert Massart on 29 July 1837, asking to him to deliver the
manuscripts of several works to various publishers in Paris. Among these works were his transcriptions of
Symphonies nos. 5,6, & 7 of Beethoven. See Vier, Franz Liszt: L artiste le clerc, 30.
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440
2 Grandes Etudes52
4 Grand morceau de Concert, composg par MMre Thalberg, Herz, Pixis, Czemy,
et Chopin. Introduction, Stretta et Finale par F. Liszt. (Pour ce morceau seulement
comme le produit en est desting d m e oeuvre de chariti et quil ne mappartient que
par com[m]ission, je lui demandai je crois le meme prix que men donne Haslinger k
Vienne, cest k dire 18 k 20 Guin6s.[)]54
Si done vous pensez que MM18Addisson [sic] et Beale soient disposg k prendre
avec moi (graces k votre intervention) un arrangement pour un an, dix huit mois,
jusqutl mon voyage dAngleterre, enfin, k raison d une guinge par 4 pages, je vous
autorise pleinement d mengager vis d vis deux. II est bien entendu que si vous jugez
k propos de demander davantage, et si vous etes assez heureux pour obtenir
davantage, je ne vous dgsavouerai point. Pour moins, il me serait probablement
difficile de 1accepter.56
Pardon, cent fois pardon encore mon cher Monsieur Moscheles, de cette longue et
trop longue lettre; mais k plus de deux cents lieues de distance il importe detre k la
fois pricis et d&tailte.
Je vous remercie cordialement des bonnes propositions que vous me faites pour ma
venue en Angleterre. Vous serez assurgment la premigre personne que j irai trouver
52The works later known as transcendental; see the note in the preceding letter.
530ne of Liszts most popular concert pieces, by request it inevitably concluded many of his
recitals. It went through more editions than any other of his works.
55Impressions et Poesies was the title Liszt gave to the first part of his Album d'un voyageur,
published in 1840. He reworked several of these pieces in the 1850s as part of the Annies de pilerinage.
56Ultimately it was Mori who became Liszts publisher in England; see Liszts letter to
Breitkopf & HSrtel in Franz Liszt's Briefe, 8:18 (15 July 1838); also quoted in chapter three, Editions.
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441
Theodor Kullak (1818-1882) was best known as a pedagogue and as the founder
in 1850 of the Berliner Musikschule (after 1857 called the Stem Conservatory) with Julius
Stem (1820-1883) and the theoretician Adolf Bernhard Marx (1795-1866), and in 1855
the Neue Akademie der Tonkunst. Kullak had also been a student of Czemy, which would
have immediately endeared him to Liszt, and he was also a fine pianist The earliest known
time. Liszt also dedicated to Kullak one of his larger piano pieces, Scherzo utid Marsch,
composed in 1851 and published three years later.59
The following letter illustrates the extent to which Liszt promoted his
compositions during the first years in Weimar. It also offers dates for two compositions,
one of which is a work for piano and orchestra, and further reveals Liszts concern for the
physical appearance in print of his scores. The letter has never been published, and it is
here transcribed from the original document in D-Bds (Mus. ep. Fr. Liszt 18).
57Liszt did not travel to London until more than two years later, arriving 6 May 1840 and
staying for two months.
59See Liszts letter to Hans von Billow of 14 December 1853, where he asked Billow to tell
Kullak of his plans to dedicate the work to him; Briefwechsel zwischen Franz Liszt und Hans von BUlow,
ed. La Mara [Marie Lipsius] (Leipzig: Breitkopf & Hartel, 1898), 59. In a letter to Kullak of 21 May
1854, Liszt reported the appearance of the publication; unpublished letter in D-Bds (Mus. ep. Fr. Liszt 22).
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442
Je vous suis tits obligt, mon cher Monsieur Kullak, de lamical empressement que
vous avez mis k vous occuper des deux manuscrits que je vous avais envoyd, et qui
doivent avoir para maintenant Veuillez seulement avoir la complaisance de dire k
Schlesinger de ma part quil me serait agrdable de recevoir bientot mes exemplaires
dauteur (6 de chaque morceau minimum).60
60This is the Berlin Schlesinger, Heinrich, for whom there survives an extensive
correspondence, much of it unpublished and in US-Wc. It is uncertain to which works Liszt is referring.
61This is Liszts arrangement for piano and orchestra of a piano solo work by Carl Maria von
Weber, Polonaise brillante, op. 72.
62Schlesinger did indeed choose to publish Liszts arrangement, and the format is smaller than
standard size.
63The manuscript in D-WRgs (T3a) was used as the engravers copy and was likely the copy
sent for Kullaks inspection. Liszt used the ingenious expedient of writing out the score and leaving
additional staves available for the piano solo version: where this version differed from the solo part of the
concerto, the notes were written in red. The edition for piano solo (plate number: S.4014) prints the red
notes as an ossia in smaller type (as per Liszts request), thus allowing it to serve as the piano part in a
concerto or as a solo piece. The orchestral score (S.4013) contains only the concertante piano part.
^L iszt wrote out a musical example of mm. 141-142 from the clarinet part, transposed into C,
and followed by etc. At this point, the piano solo is mostly figuration, based closely on Webers
original, but, in the orchestra, Liszt developed a musical motive heard earlier in the work.
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443
faire une edition pour Piano seul, je ne my opposerai gu&re k condition que la
Partition (sans les parties dorchestre sdpartis que chacun est libre de faire copier k
son gr, k moins que Schlesinger ne prtiffcre les faire graver aussi ce que je ne lui
demande pas pour lui dviter un surcroit de d6pense) paraisse en premier lieu.65
65As can be seen in the published edition, Schlesinger followed Liszts requests.
67As late as 14 December 1853 it was still in Kullaks possession; see Liszt-BUlow, 59.
68It is unknown precisely when the revised version was published, but the new edition was
listed in the Thematic Catalogue of 1855 and was therefore in print by that year. The publisher was
Hainauer, who had succeeded Schumann in Breslau.
69The Hotel Erbprinz was Liszts official residence in Weimar during the first years of his
tenure. The building is no longer standing.
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APPENDIX B
editions listed in Table 10.1. Unfortunately, none of these editions are critical in the
sense that the editorial decisions are documented, and readers having all three before them
may well be baffled by the discrepancies based on what is, after all, a single source.
Liszts autograph is difficult to decipher, however, and the problems are
compounded by loose folios and canceled sections for which the cancellation is not
apparent. There is additionally the need to do the transcription from photocopies and not
from the original. An editor must have a thorough knowledge of Liszts style, his habits of
manuscript use, and details of the physical make-up of the autograph score. Lacking any
one of these factors can lead to incorrect conclusions, as can be seen by comparing the
Joseph Acs
The version by Joseph Acs was published in two-piano score by the editor
himself.2 There are brief introductory notes in five languages by Dr. Otmar Jantzen,
^ e e Franz Liszt, Duo Sonata for Violin and Piano, ed. Tibor Serly (New York: Southern
Music Publishing, 1964).
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445
Vorsitzender of the Eschweiler Franz-Liszt-Gesellschaft, and the editor, although these say
nothing regarding editorial policy. Acss lack of experience with Liszts manuscripts
Aside from simple misreadings, one aspect of Liszts notation which confused
Acs was the use of unis, often in the left hand of the piano part, to signify that it is to
double the right hand an octave lower. While this abbreviation was read correctly in mm.
98-103 (Rosenblatt: mm. 90-95), it was ignored in mm. 313-327 and 346-360
(Rosenblatt: mm. 305-319,341-352), among other places.3 Less excusable is the
misinterpretation of some of Liszts most striking harmonic effects. While Acs correctly
transcribed Block B in the minor mode, here with five flats in the key signature, he
completely missed the magical change to major four measures later, even though the
naturals are quite clear in the autograph (mm. 604-611; compare Rosenblatt: mm. 628-
635). More serious is the way the error is compounded later in the passage, with a cadence
in D-flat major and a continuation in B-flat minor. In mm. 275-279 (Rosenblatt: mm.
although, again, the notation is unmistakable in all parts. Finally, the extraordinary
Bei naher Untersuchung stellte sich heraus, daB zwei kurze Stellen nicht vorhanden, wohl
aber durch Parallelstellen musikalisch belegt sind.4 The first of these concerns the end of
Block B through the transition to Block C. Acs managed to ignore the next page in the
3Some of the differences in measure numbers may be traced to dotted barlines in the piano
cadenzas, given individual numbers in Acs, but letters in Rosenblatt (e g., 47a, 47b, etc.).
4Acs edition, p. [4], The English version is rather a free translation and not quite clear or
literate, therefore the German is quoted here.
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446
autograph (f. 55) and spliced the ending to Block B (f. 61), along with the transition to B-
flat minor, making harmonic nonsense of the passage. Thus, Acs mm. 503-532 uses the
measures in Rosenblatt as follows: mm. 538-550,622-627, four original measures, mm.
553-556. Not only is there no musical reason for his decision but there is no physical
reason, for while the bifolium 53/54 is loose, ff. 55 and 61 are bound (see Figure 10.1).
Further, the transcription required him to begin and end in the middle of a folio.
Acs noted the correspondence between the cadences in A-flat major and those at the end of
the work, and for his ending he transposed similar material to D major to create a quiet
conclusion. This led him to delete the passage in Rosenblatt, mm. 458-509, on the basis
that it is a sketch, although Acs does not explain why Liszt should draft a passage in a
key a tritone removed. In fact, there is no manuscript evidence to support this conclusion,
as the passage begins on f. 45v and ends on f. 50, and there is no sign that Liszt ever
canceled these folios. And, as noted in the analysis in chapter ten, the use of the
transformed De profundis theme and the cadences, heard first in A-flat major and at the
end in D major, gives the piece its shape, and to omit them does tremendous damage to
Liszts conception.
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447
Michael Maxwell
Although the edition by Michael Maxwell has not been published, there is a fine
digital recording, and a CD of this performance is used in Table 10.1.6 Alan Walker states
in the program notes about the autograph source: It lacks only an ending and an occasional
strengthening of the orchestral lines.7 Maxwell has indeed discretely retouched the
orchestration in places, and he has added a coda of thirty secondss duration that grows out
of a virtuosic conception of the final pages in the autograph.
Overall, this version is less problematic and matches Rosenblatt in virtually all
particulars. Again there are some minor transcription errors. For example, Liszt omitted a
tenor clef for Vc. in mm. 356ff., and Maxwell follows him. Comparison with the Cl. I
and Fg. I parts in mm. 364ff. shows the need for this emendation, however. Maxwell also
allowed the d-sharp to stand in mm. 555-556. As noted in chapter ten, folios removed
between ff. 52 and 55 must have included a change of key, but this is a musical conclusion
supported by manuscript evidence, and it is hard to understand how Maxwell could have
concluded that a natural was appropriate later on the same folio but not at the beginning.
More defensible is his inclusion of a passage deleted by Liszt and included in the present
study as Example 10.2. In the context of the piece, however, Liszt canceled this passage
along with Example 10.3, and Maxwell chose to reinstate the first but not the second,
which creates an imbalance with the previous statement of Block C.
It might be wondered how such a difficult source could find two editions in such
close agreement The reason may lie in that Rosenblatts version was performed first and
the concert was broadcast on television throughout Europe, allowing a video to be available
6The edition by Michael Maxwell is performed by pianist Philip Thomson, with the Hungarian
State Orchestra conducted by Kerry Stratton (Hungaroton, HCD 31525,1991).
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448
to Maxwell prior to the performance and recording of his version.8 It is unclear to what
extent the one version influenced the other, but it is also true that the tempos between the
live performance of Rosenblatts edition and the recording of Max ./ells are quite close (the
Any completion for De profundis must take into account both musical factors,
based on an analysis of the score, and physical factors, based on an analysis of the
manuscript As may be gauged by the analysis in chapter ten, the work follows sonata
form, and, by the end of the Recapitulation, all thematic material has been restated in the
tonic. In the autograph, Liszt bypassed four folios (ff. 88-91) before detaching one to be
used as a replacement folio (f. 57), and this observation suggests that he knew the
conclusion to the work would require no more than eight pages of score. Thus, the ending
must follow the end of the musical argument and be of brief duration: a coda.
Unfortunately, Liszt left no indication as to the content of such a ppssage.
All three of the editions noted above attempted to provide a conclusion, and all
three devised different solutions. For his ending, Acs followed the last bar in the score
with nine measures (mm. 873-881). The piano part is based on the figuration that has
come before (Acs has again ignored Liszts accidentals, here B-flat alternating with B-
natural; compare mm. 867-872 with Rosenblatt, mm. 893-900), while the orchestra plays
a series of chords adapted from the closing measures of the Development (compare
Rosenblatt, mm. 507-509). Although he does not provide dynamic markings, Acs
apparently hears the ending of the piece as quiet and perhaps contemplative, maybe even
9Steven Mayer, pianist, with the London Symphony Orchestra, Tamds Vdsdry, conductor (ASV,
CD DCA 778, 1991).
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
449
prayerful. Maxwell has an opposite view, and, as noted above, his ending is thirty
seconds of virtuosity that grows out of the same piano figuration. In the recorded
performance, the soloist presses forward beginning at the D major transformation of the
De profundis theme (Rosenblatt, mm. 822ff.) and convincingly leads into Maxwells
closing measures.
The present author had the opportunity to hear his edition at the first performances
in the Hague on 5 and 6 May 1990, with pianist Steven Mayer and the Residentie Orkest
conducted by Jacek Kaspzyck. At that time, an ending was provided that included the
181-186 and 283ff.). The rationale behind this lengthy conclusion was musical and
physical: the F-sharp minor version of the De profundis theme had not been heard in the
tonic, and such a conclusion could have been contained on the blank pages that remained in
the autograph volume. This ending was tried out in rehearsal and discovered to be
anticlimactic and therefore unsuccessful. A satisfactory solution was to use only the final
nine meaures of coda, and this allowed the soloist to press forward through the cadences to
the end. Rather than a virtuosic conception, the result, though still forte, was majestic.
For the recording, Steven Mayer chose not to use any ending, and he concluded the piece
whether the ending and the measures leading up to it should take on a virtuosic or a
contemplative character. The interpretation may hinge on an understanding of the program,
whether the victory implied by the marziale transformation continues through the
cadences repeated from the end of the Development or whether the repetition of these
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450
cadences is a memory of the earlier mood. Liszt did not provide any dynamics or phrasing,
and consequently there is no evidence that one interpretation is to be preferred over the
other. Perhaps this was Liszts own dilemma in 1835, and when he tuned away from the
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
APPENDIX C
PAPER TYPES AND WATERMARKS
The following lists and watermark tracings are limited to the manuscripts that are
discussed in detail in chapters five through seven of the present work. They are modeled
after Appendices B and D in Rena Mueller, Liszts Tasso Sketchbook: Studies in
Sources and Revisions (Ph.D. dissertation, New York University, 1986), and additional
information on the paper types listed below may be found throughout her dissertation.
Paper Types
The first item in the description is a reference to the watermark, that is, the words,
letters, or characters employed, followed by the year(s) in which Liszt is known to have
used it for the works listed. The measurements differ by slight increments from those in
Muellers listing and are mostly attributable to the less-than-precise way of producing paper
at this time. The discrepancies have therefore been allowed to stand. In addition, some
minor errors have been corrected. Color of the paper is noted only when exceptional.
Each manuscript description ends with a reference to Muellers number as found in her
Appendix B. Folio numbers separated by a slash are page numbers, usually autograph,
that are found in the manuscript. The numbering of the paper types is for this appendix
only and is used for convenience elsewhere in the dissertation. An (*) next to a manuscript
signifies that its watermark is reproduced.
451
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
452
(1) D&C BLAUW / BFK RIVES [1834] (440-445 x 305mm; 24 staves; 12-staff rastral,
196.5mm span; 7-7.5mm staff), B.4 (with incorrect measurements and manuscript
attributions)
D-WRgs H3b* Concerto No. 1 (copyist: Belloni)
D-WRgs H7 Grande fantaisie symphonique (431 x 289mm bound, copyist:
Belloni)
(1) J Bouchet / Cross / Heart [1834] (339 x 251mm; 16 staves; rastral-ruled; 291.5-
292mm span; 7-7.5mm staff), B.6
(3) CORMATIN / Maltese Cross / Heart [1834-35] (255-260 x 340-348mm unbound; [a]
20 staves, [b] 24 staves; rastral-ruled; [a] 204mm span, [b] 223-224mm span;
5mm staff), B.7
(4) KOOL1833 / Lion with sword [1834-35] (350 x 265mm; 14 staves; rastral-ruled;
275mm span; 8.5-9mm staff), B.2
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453
(5) D&C BLAUW / BFK [1835] (342 x 260mm; 14 staves; rastral-ruled; 287mm span;
7.5mm staff), B.3[a]
(6) J Whatman [1835] (346 x 270mm; 12 staves; rastral-ruled; 277mm span; 8.5-9mm
staff), B.5[a]
D-WRgs Kl Mendelssohn Duo (ff. 13-17)
(7) Cross / Heart [1835] (345 x 255mm; 16 staves; rastral-ruled; 270mm span; 8mm
staff), [incorrectly listed as B.6 in Mueller]
(8) D&C BLAUW [1835] (340 x 255mm; 14 staves; rastral-ruled; 281mm span; 8.5-9mm
staff), B.3[b]
D-WRgs H2 Malediction (collette on f. 2v)
D-WRgs LI* Chopin Duo (ff. 28-29,34-^1)
(1) J Whatman 258 [1839] (235 x 307mm; 12 staves; rastral-ruled; 171-171.5mm span;
6.5-7mm staff), B.15
D-WRgs H5d* Concerto No. 2 (ff. 3-20)
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454
(3) D&C BLAUW / BFK RIVES [1839?] (260-263 x 365-370mm; 22 staves; rastral-
ruled; 5-5.5 and 7mm staves), B.18
(3) Non-Watermark [1848-49] (346 x 241mm; 12 staves; rastral-ruled; 8mm staff), B.72
D-WRgs Z31, no.2 Totentanz
(5) Non-Watermark [1849] (250 x 325mm; 20 staves; rastral-ruled; 6mm staff), not in
Mueller
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455
(2) Non-Watermark [1849-1850] (274 x 347 mm; 20 printed (?) staves; 248mm span;
6mm staff), B.90 [with correction to year]
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456
(4) Non-Watermark [1851] (402 x 290mm; varying number of staves; rastral-ruled; 5mm
staff), not in Mueller
(6) Non-Watermark [1852] (335 x 265mm; 24 printed staves; 6mm staff), B.85
(7) Non-Watermark [1852] (328 x 260mm; varying number of staves; rastral-ruled; 5mm
staff), not in Mueller
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
457
(11) Non-Watermark [1856] (331 x 262mm; varying number of staves; rastral-ruled; 6 and
8mm staves), not in Mueller
(13) Non-Watermark [1859-1861] (268 x 349mm from larger paper; 17 staves; rastral-
ruled, impressions at both margins; 6.5mm staff), B.97
(14) Non-Watermark [1864] (338 x 269mm; 12 printed staves; 261mm span; 7mm staff),
not in Mueller
(15) Non-Watermark [1864] (350 x 266mm; 32 printed staves; 307-308mm span; 4.5mm
staff), B.101
(16) Non-Watermark [1864] (333 x 245mm; 32 printed staves; 312mm span; 4.5mm
staff), B.102
Watermarks
The following watermarks were copied by illuminating the paper from behind and
tracing them onto onionskin with pencil. The conditions were hardly ideal, given the
equipment available and the lack of a steady hand on the part of the present author.
Nevertheless, the quality of the result is sufficient for a number of uses until such time as a
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
458
photographic method can be applied to these sources. A few watermarks have also been
(Note: In all cases where two folios are indicated, it means that the watermark
was traced across the fold of a bifolio. Where the paper had not been trimmed, it was often
possible to reconstruct the watermark layout of the entire sheet before cutting to produce the
bifolio format)
Type 8.1: The sheet before cutting had D&C Blauw on the left and BFK on the right
(see Figure 8.1). In the case of watermarks 2 and 3, it was beyond the capacity of
die present author to faithfully reproduce the intricacy of the design, hence the two
attempts. Note that it was not possible to copy the watermark in die other
manuscript with this paper, H7, because it was bound.
Type 8.2: The sheet before cutting had J Bouchet on the left and its countermark cross /
J [Heart] S on the right.
Type 9.1: The sheet before cutting had J Bouchet on the left and its countermark cross /
J [Heart] S on the right. Although smaller in size than type 8.2, this paper from
the same manufacturer follows the same layout before cutting.
6. D-WRgs, LI (Chopin Duo), ff. 14v/15r
7. D-WRgs, LI (Chopin Duo), ff. lv/2r
8. D-WRgs, K l (Mendelssohn Duo), ff. 28v/29r
Type 9.2: Because the only example of this paper type was trimmed for binding, it was not
possible to determine the order of mark and countermark.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
459
Type 9.3: For this oblong paper, the cut is through the watermarks, and, as most of the
examples of this paper are bound, it was difficult to reconstruct the entire sheet
The manuscript in H-Bl appears to be the same paper. Also copied as Mueller D.3.
Type 9.4: The sheet before cutting had KOOL 1833 on the left and Lion with sword
on the right Also copied as Mueller D. 1.
Type 9.5: The sheet before cutting had D&C Blauw on the left and BFK on the right.
Although smaller in size than type 8.1, this paper from the same manufacturer
follows the same layout before cutting.
Type 9.7: This paper is very similar to 9.1, and the countermark very likely contains J
Bouchet (see Mueller D.2).
Type 9.8: There does not appear to be a countermark for this paper, as other folios exhibit
only chain lines.
Type 10.1: The name J Whatman appears on the full sheet just before the cut and 258
in the quadrant directly beneath it The fold in the bifolio comes after J for the top
half, and in the lower half the left side is blank. For this tracing, two bifolios that
appear to have been an original sheet have been joined together, but the distance
between the two marks has been foreshortened. Also copied as Mueller D.9.
There is also a variant of this paper with larger lettering and lacking the number (see
H-Bn, Ms.Mus.5.094 [Die Stadt]).
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
460
Type 10.3: The layout of this paper before cutting is the same as 8.1 and 9.5. To produce
oblong leaves, the cut went through the watermarks, as opposed to between mark
and countermark, with the result that portions of the same mark appear at the top or
bottom edges on opposite pages. The folios were also trimmed with the intention
of binding, therefore it was not possible to provide complete tracings.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Watermark 1: D-WRgs, H3b (Concerto No. 1), ff. 10r/13v
--------
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission
Watermark 2: D-WRgs, H3b (Concerto No. 1), ff. 12r/llv
If
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Watermark 3: D-WRgs, H3b (Concerto No. 1), [not recorded]
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Watermark 4: D-WRgs, H3c (Concerto No. 1), f. 4v
i
i r-i s ../i
e) Q J u
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Watermark 5: D-WRgs, H3c (Concerto No. 1), f. lr
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Watermark 6: D-WRgs, LI (Chopin Duo), ff. 14v/15r
. T ,
' i
i
s..
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Watermark 7: D-WRgs, LI (Chopin Duo), ff. lv/2r
t ' 1
i i _ '
\
J C O f t
2.J.1
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Watermark 8: D-WRgs, K1 (Mendelssohn Duo), ff. 28v/29r
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission
469
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Watermark 10: D-WRgs, LI (Chopin Duo), ff. 26v/27r
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Watermark 11: D-WRgs, HI (De ProfUndis), f.53v(top)/f.58r(bottom)
j"
A v
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Watermark 12: H-Bl, L.9 (Die Taubenpost), (a) page 22 / (b) page 14
::z \
\ .
\
e.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Watermark 13: H-Bl, L.9 (Die Taubenpost), (a) page 10 / (b) page 11 / (c) page 15
_ . % . '
p ...
{J L -
t v 3 & 'j >
IT 1 Tfi^i I
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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
474
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Watermark 15: D-WRgs, H2 (Malediction), ff. 20v/21r (pages 26-29)
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Watermark 16: D-WRgs, K1 (Mendelssohn Duo), ff. 4v/5r
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Watermark 17: D-WRgs, K1 (Mendelssohn Duo), ff. 7v/8r
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Watermark 18: D-WRgs, H2 (Malediction), ff. 6v/7r (correction bifolio)
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Watermark 19: D-WRgs, LI (Chopin Duo), ff. 36v/37r
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission
Watermark 20: D-WRgs, H5d (Concerto No. 2), (a) ff. 5v/4r/ (b) ff. 16v/15r
Cy"
1
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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Watermark 21: D-WRgs, H3d (Concerto No. 1), f. 4r(top)/lv(bottom)
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission
Watermark 22: D-WRgs, H3d (Concerto No. 1), f. 7v(top)/10r(bottom)
i- U J ju
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
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484
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__________. Struktur und Form im Spatwerk Franz Liszts. Das Klavierstuck Unstem
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__________. Pages romantiques. Publics avec une introduction et des notes par Jean
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Pohl, Richard. Hektor Berlioz: Studien und. Erinnerungen. Gesarnmelte Schriften uber
Musik und Musiker 3. Leipzig: Bernhard Schlicke (Balthasar Elischer), 1884.
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__________. The Correspondence o f Wagner and Liszt. Transla ted into English, with a
preface, by Francis Hueffer. Second edition revised by W. Ashton Ellis. 2 vols.
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_______ : . My Life. Trans. Andrew Gray. Ed. Mary Whittall. Cambridge: Cambridge
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