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Voices: A World Forum for Music Therapy, v. 15, n. 3 (2015)

[Invited Submission - Special Issue]

Performing Baadinyaa: Music, Emotion,

and Health in The Gambia
By Bonnie B. McConnell

Abstract
This medical ethnomusicological study examines musical performance in The
Gambia as a socio-emotional intervention to promote health and wellbeing. Based
on interviews and observations conducted during seventeen months of
ethnographic research (2009; 2012-2013), this research is also informed by my
long-term involvement with a Gambian HIV/AIDS support group (2006-present). I
use the local concept of baadinyaa (Mandinka, positive relationship) in order to
interrogate connections between musical performance, emotion, and health as
they are articulated by performers and health workers in The Gambia. The concept
of baadinyaa provides insight into musical performance as a flexibility primer
(Hinton, 2008) that facilitates emotional transformation and healing. Not uniform
across social categories, emotional responses to music are shaped by social
identity and power relations as well as individual experience and preference. This
study finds that in the face of conflict and stigma, Gambian artists use musical
performance, and its association with baadinyaa, as a resource to address
negative emotions such as anger and anxiety and thereby promote health and
healing.

Keywords: Gambia; Mande

Baadinyaa, it keeps health among people. That in itself is enough. That is

why...it has a benefit...it is our work.[1] (Female performer from Farafenni,
personal communication, May 2013) [2]

In July 2013, I attended a performance by a group of female musicians and

dancers in the village of Dobong Kunda in The Gambias Central River Region.[3]
Though I was living in the Western Region at the time, I had been invited to meet
performance groups affiliated with the Ministry of Health and Social Welfare in
other parts of the country. Dobong Kunda is a picturesque village set amidst the

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gently rolling hills southeast of the town of Bansang. Community Health Nurse
Baba Samateh and I arrived at the home of the womens group leader, Metta
Sama, in the morning and waited at the bantaba (village meeting place) under the
shade of a mango tree while eight performers assembled. After introducing
ourselves, we discussed the groups involvement in health promotion work, and
their affiliation with the Ministry of Health and Social Welfare.

Like many of the performers and health workers with whom I worked, the Dobong
Kunda group members used the Mandinka[4] concept of baadinyaa in order to
describe the relationship between musical performance and health. A concept with
no direct English translation, baadinyaa is closely linked to kanoo (love) and
refers to a positive or caring relationship. When I asked the group about the ways
in which musical performance contributes to health, performer Jontang Janneh
responded immediately by saying, First, first, first, people can love each other.
The leader of the group, Metta Sama, elaborated:

If drumming is happening, you can love each other...agreement can enter

between you, your neighborliness can be good, your baadinyaa can be good,
your hearts/minds [sondomoolu] can love each other... But if you are sitting
alone you will worry. It gives birth to many sicknesses. The soul [niyo] does
not want to be constricted. If it is just constricted, it brings a problem.[5] (Metta
Sama, personal communication, July 1, 2013)

The members of the Dobong Kunda group explained that musical performance,
health and socio-emotional life are interwoven and mutually reinforcing. Loneliness
and anxiety, according to Metta Sama, constrict or tighten the soul (niyo), which
makes a person susceptible to illnesses of various kinds. Musical performance (in
this case drum and dance events) can inspire feelings of love and social
connection that promote health and healing.

In this article I use the Mandinka concept of baadinyaa as a lens through which to
interrogate connections between musical performance, emotion, and health as
they are articulated by performers and health workers in The Gambia. The concept
of baadinyaa provides insight into musical performance as a flexibility primer
(Hinton, 2008) that facilitates emotional transformation and healing. Baadinyaa
also provides a framework for thinking about music and health as socially and
culturally situated processes that are both performative and relational. In this work,
I build on a growing body of medical ethnomusicological research in African
contexts (e.g. Barz, 2006; Barz & Cohen, 2011) that provides important insight into
musical responses to health problems that emerge from particular cultural
frameworks even as they engage with global political and economic realities.

This study is informed by seventeen months of ethnographic research in The

Gambia (2009; 2012-2013) as well as my long-term involvement with the Allatentu
Support Group for people living with HIV/AIDS based in Brikama in western
Gambia (2006-present). In addition to interviews and observations with performers
and health workers, I draw on my experience performing with several musical
groups in The Gambia. In 2006 and 2009 I performed as keyboardist and back-up
vocalist with the Allatentu Support Band. In 2012-2013 I performed with two
Mandinka womens groups based in Lamin and Talinding in Western Gambia.

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This article focuses on Mandinka performances, which I define as performances

that use Mandinka-language songs, as well as rhythms, melodies, and dances that
participants identify as Mandinka.[6] I use an analysis of a womens group
performance and song text to articulate key features of the relationship between
baadinyaa, social relations, and health. I then examine the role of the jali
(hereditary musical specialist) in helping people to transform negative emotions
such as anger and jealousy, focusing on a song performed by Tatadindin Jobarteh
and the Salam Band. Finally, I examine the way the musical interventions of Fatou
Ceesay and the Allatentu Support Band have helped people overcome fear and
anxiety associated with disease-related stigma.

Building on Brynjulf Stiges notion of health musicking, in this article I use the
term health performance to describe Gambian performance events in which the
health effects are not given but created...by the involved participants of a
situation (Stige, 2012, p. 184). Going beyond the notion that African music is
inherently therapeutic (Aigen, 2014. p. 126), the concept of health performance
underscores the active role that individual actors play in negotiating relationships,
making music meaningful, and promoting baadinyaa. Additionally, I use the
concept of health performance in order to reference performativity the way an
utterance (in this case, music) creates reality rather than simply reflecting it (Wong,
2004; Austin, 1975; DeNora, 2011). As music therapist Gary Ansdell writes, music
does not just express emotion and meaning it enacts and constructs them
(2004, p. 28). Furthermore, the concept of health performance is useful because
the expressive forms I examine are not necessarily restricted to music. As is the
case in many contexts worldwide, there is no local term equivalent to the English
music and sound represents one component in a constellation of the arts
(Stone, 2008).

Emotion, Performance, and Social Identity

The way people respond emotionally to musical performance is significant for
understanding the relationship between music, health, and healing in particular
contexts (West & Ironson, 2008). Music therapy scholarship has underscored the
way music enables patients to negotiate and express emotions in the context of a
therapeutic relationship with a music therapist (e.g. Bunt & Pavlicevic, 2001;
Pellitteri, 2009) and in everyday life (e.g. Ansdell, 2014; DeNora, 2000).
Ethnomusicological research has shown that experiences of music, emotion and
healing emerge through culturally specific features of performance and modes of
interaction, even though similarities exist across disparate cultural contexts (e.g.
Becker, 2004; Koen, 2008a; Roseman, 1991; Rouget, 1985). Coming from a
medical ethnomusicological perspective, in this article I focus in particular on the
ways in which Gambian artists use musical performance in order to facilitate
emotional flexibility, conceptualized as a form of healing.

Defined as the ability to adaptively shift from one emotional state to another,
depending on changing contexts, emotional flexibility is important for
psychological wellbeing (Hinton, 2008, p. 127). Along with other creative cultural
practices, musical performance can serve as a flexibility primer that predisposes

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a person to emotional flexibility (Hinton, 2008, p. 127). Medical anthropologist and

psychiatrist Devon Hinton maintains that the presence of multiple simultaneous or
sequential patterns in musical performance can produce attentional shifts that
inspire corresponding psychological transformation. As the mind shifts the focus of
attention to different melodic, rhythmic, timbral, textual, or other patterns within a
performance, emotional changes also occur. Emotional flexibility represents one
aspect of the broader category of psychological flexibility. Medical
ethnomusicologist Benjamin Koen (2005, 2006, 2008a, 2008b, 2013) has applied
the theory of psychological flexibility in his work on music, prayer and healing in
eastern Tajikistan. Koen shows how various features associated with the musical
genres of falak and maddh/maddoh prime psychological flexibility, and thereby
facilitate healing.

I argue that musically facilitated emotional flexibility depends upon an individuals

habitus of listening, or the tendency to respond and interpret the meaning of
musical performance in certain ways (Becker, 2004; 2001). Judith Becker explains
that the way we listen and respond emotionally to music is not natural, but
necessarily influenced by place, time, the shared context of culture, and the
intricate and irreproducible details of ones personal biography (2004, p. 71). An
individuals habitus of listening and emotional expression is also shaped by social
position, power relations, and expectations based on factors such as gender, age,
and ethnicity (Burkitt, 1997).

As is common in the Mande area[7] of West Africa, Mandinka society is

characterized by a tripartite system of hereditary social groups often referred to as
castes. These groups include foro or sulaa (freeborn), nyamaaloo (artisan),
and jongo (slave), though the slave category has been abolished in many areas.
The nyamaaloo group is further broken down into the categories of jali (bard),
numu (blacksmith), karanke (leatherworker), and fino (religious praise
specialists).[8] These historically endogamous groups pass down specialized
knowledge from generation to generation and depend upon patronage from
freeborn people, as well as other groups with specialized skills (see Charry,
2000). Jali are often referred to as griots[9] in English, which is a general term to
describe West African hereditary specialists with expertise in praise singing,
genealogy, conflict mediation, instrumental performance, and other skills that vary
by region, ethnic group, and family.

Individuals born into different hereditary social groups face distinct expectations
about appropriate forms of conduct, emotional expression, and participation in
performance. Jali and other griots[10] are expected to be boisterous, loud, and
emotionally expressive, while foro or sulaa (freeborn) individuals are expected to
be more reserved (Arnoldi, 1995; Grosz-Ngate, 1989; Hale, 1998; Irvine, 1990;
Janson, 2002). In her work on Wolof griots and emotion, Judith Irvine suggests that
normally reticent and heavy nobles require inspiration from griots in order to gain
the passion and energy that are necessary for creative action (1990, p. 134).
Irvines study is consistent with my work among jali performers in The Gambia,
who describe emotional transformation as an important aspect of their work.

While the position of jali in Gambian society is to some extent unique, the

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emotional impact of music is not limited to jali performance. The Gambia is also
home to a diverse variety of musical performance styles that feature performers
who do not come from jali backgrounds. In addition to jali performers, this article
addresses the contribution of non-jali performer Fatou Ceesay who performs in a
popular music style not defined by hereditary restrictions.

Baadinyaa, Emotion, and Social Life

In September 2013 I attended a womens group performance in the village of
Kembujeh where I had lived in 2006-2007 while working as a community health
worker with the US Peace Corps. Full of mango and cashew orchards, Kembujeh
is on the main highway just two kilometers northeast of the large town of Brikama.
On this visit, a group led by village health worker and jali Nyima Cham performed
in a family compound next to a garden full of maize and eggplant. Accompanied by
womens percussion instruments including the bidong (20-liter plastic jerry can)
and the jiikijo (calabash water drum), the group sang a song featuring the following
words:

Eh, love, baadinyaa came because of love

Baadinyaa came because of love oh, being neighbors also is love[11]

In the style typical of Mandinka percussion and dance events, the lines were
repeated in call-and-response fashion. The lead singer varied her part, while the
response remained fairly close to the original text and melody. The percussionists
played the popular Mandinka dance rhythm known as lenjengo and women
entered the circle one by one to dance.

This song was one of the most popular at events that I attended in 2012-2013. It
was only one of many songs, however, whose texts dealt with the topic of
baadinyaa. Literally referring to the relationship between children of the same
mother in a polygynous context, baadinyaa is used as a more general term for
kinship or positive/ loving relationship.[12] When I asked about the ubiquitous
presence of lyrical references to baadinyaa in Mandinka songs, people articulated
complex ideas about sociality, performance, and health in The Gambia. The most
in-depth explanation of the meaning of the song described above was offered by
Fatou Ceesay,[13] a female performer from Wassu in the Central River Region.
She explained:

Being neighbors is also baadinyaa. That is why they sing it in the song...Even
if you and a person are not biologically related...If you love me, I love you, it is
as though you love my whole family. Not so? Me also, I love your whole family.
Love, baadinyaa, they are all the same. If you and a person just love [each
other], you become kin.[14] (Personal communication, April 14, 2013)

Fatou Ceesays explanation of the song text articulates the concept of baadinyaa
as meaning more than biological kinship or birth. Ceesay also underscores the
emotional basis of baadinyaa by equating it with love (kanoo). Though kanoo can
be used to refer to romantic love, Ceesays usage reflects a broader concept of

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love as caring relationship.

Also important in Ceesays discussion is the idea that baadinyaa can be extended
in social networks. Rather than representing a singular connection between two
people, baadinyaa involves an extended family relationship. That is, love for one
person ideally entails love for that individuals family, broadly defined. This is key
for understanding the importance of baadinyaa in social life in The Gambia and as
embodied in health performance. Rather than an abstract philosophy, baadinyaa
is lived through day-to-day interactions and expanded through social networks. For
example, meeting a stranger and discovering that they are related to your friend
can create an immediate connection and sense of mutual obligation. Bonds of
baadinyaa that extend beyond biological relations and beyond two individuals can
also provide a social safety net that supports individuals and families through
difficulty.

Not specific to The Gambia, nor to health performance contexts, the concept of
baadinyaa plays an important role in social relationships in the Mande area of
West Africa. In their work on the Mande concept of the hero, Charles Bird and
Martha Kendall (1980) emphasize the tension that exists between the concepts of
badenya/baadinyaa and fadenya/faadinyaa[15] (father-childness). Literally
referring to the relationship between children with the same father but different
mothers in a polygynous context, faadinyaa/fadenya signifies more broadly a
relationship characterized by conflict and competition. According to Bird and
Kendall, although the competitive motivation of fadenya produces heroes, they
ultimately return to support the community that they came from: The Mande
system of fadenya-badenya is structured so as to assure the prevalence of
badenya (1980, p. 23).[16] Based on my work in The Gambia, I argue that the
prevalence of baadinyaa is not assured as Bird and Kendall suggest. Rather,
performers actively cultivate baadinyaa in the face of the conflict and competition
that are also a part of social life.

While this article focuses on baadinyaa, the concept of faadinyaa provides an

important reminder of the prevalence of conflict, and associated emotions such as
anger and jealousy, in musical performance contexts. As music therapist Gary
Ansdell notes, musical community is a social process that involves recognising,
living, and working through periods of discrepancy, disunity and dissonance (each
of these being locally and culturally defined) (2014, p. 194). In health performance
participants must negotiate the tension between individual voices, difference, and
collective action in community.

Rather than solely an experience of social harmony, performers often find that their
musical abilities attract jealousy and malignant attention. For example, one popular
jali explained that she regularly lost opportunities to perform when rivals refused to
give out her number, or told people (incorrectly) that she was sick in hopes of
gaining performance opportunities for themselves. At the same time, musicians
frequently attributed their illnesses and injuries to jealous rivals employing sorcery
to undermine their performing careers. For example, a male jali dealing with a
chronic hand problem that prevented him from playing explained to me that it had
been caused by envious people wishing him harm. Competition is also evident in

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performance contexts themselves where performers of various kinds vie for

attention and monetary donations. One jali explained that people needed to know
when to sit down and let others receive recognition: Since the morning...you are
performing. If somebody comes with their band...You should sit down.[17]

The existence of competition and conflict alongside solidarity and harmony

characterizes many performance contexts in The Gambia (and elsewhere). Conflict
and competition, however, were seldom addressed directly in the songs I heard in
Gambian performance contexts, with the exception of historical references. As
noted above, participants in performances consistently emphasized baadinyaa as
a topic in songs, and as a goal of performance contexts more generally. More than
a natural consequence of musical performance, baadinyaa represents a resource
that performers draw on to manage conflict and promote social and emotional
health.

Baadinyaa and Health

As noted above, ideas about baadinyaa are also deeply imbricated with health
and healing. The Gambia is a medically pluralistic society in which people utilize a
variety of therapeutic options, including biomedicine, indigenous herbal medicines,
and spiritual treatments. In this predominately Muslim country, local therapeutic
practices in The Gambia frequently incorporate Islamic beliefs, and many of the
most sought-after practitioners are marabouts (moroolu, Mandinka), who are
Islamic scholars and teachers.

People make health care choices based on the options available to them as well
as ideas about the causes of different illnesses and the effectiveness of different
treatment options. For example, a jali friend whose performing career was
interrupted by an injury that did not respond to biomedical treatment attributed his
problem to witchcraft and sought help from a number of marabouts. In contrast, for
illnesses such as malaria, which is widely recognized as being caused by a
parasite spread by mosquitos, people are more likely to seek biomedical treatment.
These health care choices are also limited by the options available in a context of
severe immiseration. Many health posts are extremely understaffed and lack even
the most basic medicines and equipment.

According to Gambian conceptualizations, interpersonal conflict and jealousy are

important causes of health problems. A breakdown in baadinyaa can contribute to
health problems by making people vulnerable in various ways. People may fall
victim to the ill intent of witches, known as buwaalu or suutamoolu in Mandinka.
Furthermore, a breakdown in social support can negatively impact health by
causing psychological stress and decreasing individuals access to resources such
as nutritional food and health care.

A male jali performer explained that anger and other emotional responses to social
conflict, can produce psychological illness:

You see...some disagreements, some kinds of gossip, some kinds of sorrows,

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they bring sondomoo [heart/mind] illnesses onto people. You might see
somebody sitting there who has been separated from another person. They
are talking only to themself. They are talking, they are talking. You might say,
This person is angry. It is not just anger. Because some problems wound the
sondomoo. They are angry, but it is wounding their sondomoo. Us jali run
after that person to advise them, to beg them, to cause them to forgive...to
show them what anger does to a person. What will anger do to you? That is
all healing.[18] (Personal communication, June 2013)

According to the musicians and people living with chronic disease with whom I
worked, many illnesses have roots in social conflict and negative emotions such as
anger. Jali are particularly skilled in mediating between conflicting parties and
helping people to transform negative emotions and restore baadinyaa.

Although ideas about baadinyaa and health in The Gambia are to some extent
culturally specific, the connection between social, physical, and psychological
wellbeing is well established and more broadly applicable. Having stronger social
networks is associated with better physical and psychological health[19] (Butler &
Sbarra, 2013; Cacciopo & Cacciopo, 2014; Cornwell & Waite, 2009). Gary Ansdell
writes, our understanding of both illness and healing should include our ability to
imagine the network of connections of which a person is part, and how these
contribute to supporting or undermining the help they need to achieve a level of
wellbeing (Ansdell, 2014, p. 48). Understanding health performance in cultural
context demands a view of healing that goes beyond particular physical ailments to
consider the social contributors to ill health as well as the social and emotional
resources that promote resilience.

Jali Musicians, Anger, and Baadinyaa

Mandinka jali with whom I worked in The Gambia described their work as a form of
emotional intervention to manage jealousy and aggression, and to promote love
and baadinyaa. Tatadindin Jobarteh, a prominent jali renowned for his skill on the
kora (21-string bridge harp) explained:

In our jaliyaa tradition, if a problem enters the family, we the jali, if we are
aware, we get up quickly, to run, to go to those family members that have
sadness [kuyaa] between them, to talk between them, to talk between them,
to bring peace, to bring peace. Yes. To see who is in the right, to give that
person their due, to advise the one who has errored. That is our role. That is
the role of the jali. To bring peace that stays.[20] (Personal communication,
June 2013)

Jali have long played important roles as mediators and go-betweens. In working to
resolve conflicts, jali also draw on the concept of baadinyaa in order to remind
people that they must look beyond the details of a particular disagreement to think
of the good of the broader community.[21]

Tatadindin Jobarteh used specific examples to demonstrate the way music can

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help listeners to achieve emotional flexibility and transform emotions such as anger
and jealousy. In conversation with me in June 2013, he explained that the previous
week he had performed with his familys band in a nearby village. The Salam Band
is a popular group that incorporates traditional jali instruments such as the kora
and bala (xylophone with gourd resonators) alongside guitars, keyboard, drumset,
and Mandinka and Wolof drums.[22] The Salam Band performs regularly for all
kinds of events, including weddings, naming ceremonies, and festivals. After a
performance in the town of Brufut (Western Region) in June 2013, Jobarteh was
approached by a stranger who said that listening to the music had allowed him to
overcome a deep grievance and be reconciled with an estranged family member.

Jobarteh explained:

He said a very painful thing happened to him, but today, since I played at his
place, next to his compound, he said he was sitting in his house listening to
me. I played one song. Its a new song called Saba [Three]. I said the world
is three days. Yesterday and today. Tomorrow is in our ignorance, because
you dont know what will happen tomorrow, whether you will die, you dont
know. So I composed that song for that reason. This man came after the
program and called me.

He said to me, I have a pain, you know. My brother sold my compound and
went to Europe. He told me, He didnt say a thing to me. The compound that
I was depending on, he sold it and went to Europe. I have that pain here. I said
that tomorrow I would go to the jalango [fetish/idol]... and destroy him [i.e. Put
a curse on him]. But your song caused me to forgive.

I breathed...That day I breathed and breathed. I said, Eh, Allah. I said to him,
You were going to take him to the jalango to destroy him?

He told me, I swear to God, I was going to destroy him.

I said, Forgive.

He said to me, No, I have forgiven. Your song caused me to forgive. I forgave,
Tata. I swear to God.

I told him, No, forgiveness is good. You will not have a problem, just see.
Follow God. So he took out 100 dalasi and gave it to me. It was not long ago.
Last week.

The day before yesterday he called me. Yes. Because I gave him all my
contact information. He called me and said, You see forgiveness is good. He
said to me, My younger brother called me. Since he left he hadnt called me,
but yesterday he called.

I said to him, Eh! How is it?

He said to me, Yes, he found work now. He has work at a car tire-fixing place.
The place where they fix tires. Because that was his work here. So when he
went he looked for that work and he found it. He said to me, he promised me a
lot of money. He said he will send me one thousand euros. He said I must wait
a little because the work he has is a lot. Now he has four jobs. He packs

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fridges. They pay him for that. He is working in a shop and he is working at the
tire-fixing place. He has three jobs now. So he has money...He is hopeful...He
will send me money. He said I should buy a compound with a completed
house on it.

I said to him, Aah! Praise be to God.

He said...This music of yours saved me. It saved him. He said to me, If you
had not played here, I had said that in the morning when the sun came up I
would go...But your show here, that healed my heart/mind [sondomoo].

I said to him, Yes, that is pain that pills cannot heal. Only music can heal it.
Allah helped you.[23]
(Tatadindin Jobarteh, personal communication, June 2013)

Jobartehs story ties together complex ideas about music as a form of healing that
helps manage emotions and steer people toward appropriate behavior defined in
religious[24] and relational terms. In Jobartehs story, the emotional impact of the
song performed next to the mans compound facilitated the process of forgiveness
that enabled the man to be reconciled with his younger brother. The emotional
impact of Jobartehs song (which I can only guess at based on his story) emerged
from the mans particular habitus of listening, shaped by his previous experiences,
social position, and individual preferences. Jobartehs story also raises many
questions regarding the ways in which musical performance influences emotional
transformation in ways that are both culturally specific and also more broadly
relevant.

Jobarteh explained that unresolved anger such as that experienced by the man
from Brufut can result in mental illness and chronic pain in the jusoo (liver/heart)
and the sondomoo (heart/mind). Though sondomoo is usually translated as
heart, it is used to refer not to the physical heart, but more broadly to a persons
emotional heart, mind, or whole being. Similarly, jusoo can refer to both the
physical and emotional heart or liver; it is also used with modifiers to describe a
persons character or mood. For example, the phrase a jusoo bota le, literally
her/his heart is gone, can be translated as s/he is angry. The phrase a jusoo
diyaata, literally her/his heart is sweet, can be used to refer to someone who is
generous or ambitious. Both the sondomoo and the jusoo represent social and
emotional aspects of self, which are not easily healed through biomedical
treatment (pills). In this area, musical interventions are particularly powerful.

Jobarteh elaborated on emotional ailments residing in the sondomoo and jusoo

as follows:

Anger can make a persons sondomoo crazy. Anger can make you stop
behaving like a human being and become like an animal. You will not be able
to feel sympathy. Some kinds of anger can do that...Our healing is also in that
area, to go to angry people who have conflict between them, to calm them
down. People who are doing something that they should not be doing, we
create an advice song for them, we play the music that can decrease the pain
in their sondomoo so that it does not rise up to the head [kungo].

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For some kinds of pain they will say, they have cancer, chronic cancer. Some
kind of pain can also become cancer.[25] They also become chronic. That is
pain that is in your jusoo. It is not a disease [saasaa]. That is pain. That is
sondomoo pain. It is chronic, it is chronic...it can make a good person into a
bad person. It can also make you an island because you will not trust anybody
anymore. You will not like people because...Your pain does not allow you to
cooperate with people because you have had this pain for a really long time.
Music can decrease that kind of pain.[26]
(Tatadindin Jobarteh, personal communication, June 2013)

Jobarteh recognizes that music cannot treat all illnesses; diseases like malaria
require other kinds of treatment such as pills. For ailments that have socio-
emotional roots, however, musical performance is often the most effective
treatment. In the Gambian context, the strong association of music with
baadinyaa, evident in lyrical references as well as discourse about music, primes
listeners and participants for particular kinds of emotional responses. Music can
serve as a flexibility primer that facilitates the transformation of painful emotions
such as anger, jealousy and grief, which reside in the sondomoo and jusoo, and
restore baadinyaa.

Musical Performance and Stigma

As noted above, health performance in The Gambia is not limited to music
performed by jali. Although caste identities continue to shape individuals
emotional expression and musical involvement, in contemporary Gambia people
are also challenging caste-based expectations and taking on new performance
roles that are not defined by hereditary restrictions. In this section I focus on the
popular songs of Fatou Ceesay, a female performer not from a jali background. I
got to know Ceesay through my work with the Allatentu Support Group for people
living with HIV/AIDS. Diagnosed with HIV in 2005, Fatou Ceesay released an
album with the Allatentu Support Band in 2006.[27] In addition to providing
information about HIV/AIDs prevention, Ceesays songs address the problem of
HIV-related stigma in The Gambia. Her songs have been used by members of the
Allatentu Support Group to help new members come to terms with their HIV
positive status.

HIV-related stigma represents a major challenge for the effective control of

HIV/AIDS in Africa (Airhihenbuwa, 2007; Agnarson et al., 2013; Ansari & Gaestel,
2010; Fetene & Mesfin, 2013; Turan & Nyblade, 2013). Former UNAIDS director,
Pieter Piot elaborated on the impact of stigma as follows:

HIV/AIDS-related stigma comes from the powerful combination of shame and

fear shame because the sex or drug injecting that transmit HIV are
surrounded by taboo and moral judgment, and fear because AIDS is relatively
new, and considered deadly. Responding to AIDS with blame, or abuse
towards people living with AIDS, simply forces the epidemic underground,
creating the ideal conditions for HIV to spread. The only way of making
progress against the epidemic is to replace shame with solidarity, and fear with
hope. (Quoted in UNAIDS, 2002, p. 7)

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Though more than a decade has passed since Peter Piot made this statement, my
experience working with people living with HIV/AIDS in The Gambia confirms that
stigma remains one of the greatest obstacles for successful prevention and care
programs.

People living with HIV/AIDS in The Gambia describe HIV-related stigma as a

breakdown in baadinyaa that is often more disruptive than the physical symptoms
of the disease itself. Stigma prevents many Gambians from participating in free
testing programs and prevents people from disclosing their HIV positive status to
their partners. People living with HIV/AIDS have been disowned by their families,
divorced by spouses, or thrown out of their houses, all as a result of the stigma
surrounding the disease.

One of the resources that people living with HIV/AIDS have used to address
stigma in The Gambia is musical performance. While the experiences of people
living with HIV/AIDS in The Gambia are unique,[28] important parallels exist with
musical responses to HIV-stigma elsewhere in Africa (see Barz, 2006; Barz &
Cohen, 2011). For example, Gregory Barz (2006) has shown that music has
played a central role in the movement to promote positive living and improve
wellbeing among people living with HIV/AIDS in Uganda. Members of the Allatentu
Support Group in The Gambia have also taken inspiration from the popular
Ugandan musician Philly Lutaaya who, like Fatou Ceesay, was open about his HIV
positive status.

On her album, titled Teriyaa (Friendship), Fatou Ceesay sings about her
experience as an HIV positive woman. She challenges the association of HIV/AIDS
with adultery and death, and emphasizes the support and care available to people
living with the disease. The title song Teriyaa has been particularly popular
among members of the Allatentu Support Group with whom I worked. Performed to
a reggae beat with Mandinka kutiro drums, the song emphasizes the importance
of maintaining caring relationships in the face of chronic disease:

Friendship, oh Teriyaa nna wo Teriyaa,

friendship is not an easy
thing
When she was not sick,
she was your friend
Now that she is HIV
positive, she is still your
friend
Teriyaa kanoo ma dii nna
wo Teriyaa
Kabiri ate ma kuura, ate
le mu i terimaa ti
Ni HIV ye a muta, hani bii i
terimaa le mu

Do not leave her, she is Kana a bula, hani bii i

your friend terimaa le mu
Do not throw her away, Kana a fayi, hani bii i terimaa
she is your friend le mu

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Myself, I am HIV I ka nte me je te, HIV le

positive
My husband does not
have it, and he did not
leave me
Women oh, I will advise
you
If your husbands have
this, do not leave them
And men also, if your
wives have this,
do not leave them, do
not leave them there
They are your wives,
your husbands
benna
Du n keema ma a soto,
adu a ma n bula
Koto musoolu wo m be ali
yamari la
Ni alila kewolu ye i soto,
ali kana i bula
Ni kewolu fana du, ni ila
musoolu ye i soto ali kana
i bula,
ali kana i tu jee
Ali futuu musoolu le mu, a
ni ali futuu kewolu le mu

Do not leave each other Ali kana oo tu jee

Friends also, do not Teroolu fana kana oo tu
leave each other jee

Friendship oh friendship Teriyaa nna wo Teriyaa,

is not an easy thing Teriyaa kanoo ma dii nna
wo Teriyaa.

The first words that Kumafolo meng fo ta ama

were used Wo le ye a too kuyaa
Gave it a bad name Doolu ko saatakuurao le
Some called it the mu
dying disease Doolu ko jenekuurao le mu
Some called it the Ani a ma naa wo la
adulterers disease
And it should not be
called by these names

An illness is simply an Kuurao mu kuurao le ti

illness

Fatou Ceesays song Teriyaa is consistent with the broader theme of loving
relationship prevalent in Mandinka songs. Ceesay challenges the listener to
maintain caring relationships even in the face of a stigmatized disease. By using
the medium of music, Ceesay adds power to her advocacy for the rights of people
living with HIV/AIDS and challenges the stigma associated with HIV/AIDS.
Ceesays music profoundly affected the self image of many people living with

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HIV/AIDS in The Gambia, as well as challenging the stereotypes and assumptions

of the wider public. One member of the Allatentu Support Group stated that the
Teriyaa album "has brought stigma down a lot." The President of the group
asserted, this cassette [Teriyaa] has caused baadinyaa to come properly. That is
a very important thing (personal communication, January 2013).

In 2012-2013, I attended several support group meetings where, alongside

seasoned members, new members watched the Teriyaa music videos for the first
time. Experienced members explained to the newer ones that Fatou Ceesay was a
former member of Allatentu. The video sparked conversations about HIV-related
stigma and helped members to come to terms with their HIV positive diagnosis.
One young woman explained,

Teriyaa made me think. When I first came [to the Allatentu Support Group], I
came confused. I didnt have time for people...I would be sitting by myself...If
someone talked...it went in here [one ear] and out here [the other]...But one
day, I was just sitting, they put this Teriyaa cassette there. I listened until
Teriyaa finished. They said the woman who sang Teriyaa, she had the
disease... Just listening to Teriyaa. I completely forgot [worries]...at that time I
would sit at home [by myself]...but since I listened to this Teriyaa, it completely
took my mind off this diseaseTeriyaa is the reason we dont worry about this
disease anymore. Our medicine, that is important. If we dont have that, that
will be a problem for us, but we get medicine. Teriyaa has made us forget the
disease now.[29] (Personal communication, August 20, 2013)

Though the idea that Teriyaa has made us forget the disease now might suggest
a denial of the challenges associated with living with a life-threatening disease, this
young womans testimony must be understood within the context of HIV-related
stigma in The Gambia. The Teriyaa album helped her to manage the shame and
anxiety she felt living with a stigmatized chronic disease and create positive
relationships with fellow group members. As this members testimony shows, even
for members who joined the support group after Ceesays death in 2007, the
Teriyaa album continues to powerfully affect their self-image and understanding of
how to live well with the disease.

The experiences of Allatentu members demonstrate both the profound social

disruption caused by disease-related stigma, and the role of musical performance
in facilitating emotional flexibility, transforming negative identities and promoting
baadinyaa. Kari Batt-Rawden, Susan Trythall, and Tia DeNora (2007) write,
Illness is often estranging: it partitions friends and loved ones and sequesters
the sick from their everyday life worlds and social networks. This sequestering
is spatial but it is also temporal; it divides the sick individual from the ongoing
social times and thus from the opportunity of sharing and shaping those times
in the flux of the here-and-nowIllness imperils our ability to make,
communicate and share meaning, pleasure, and emotion...Participating in
culture whether through consumption or production is, we believe, the
means through which we connect with others, the way we tell each other that
we are not alone but together. (Batt-Rawden, Trythall, & DeNora, 2007, p. 66)

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The experience of living with a stigmatized chronic disease frequently disrupts

social support networks and can result in isolation, anxiety, and fear. Musical
performance can promote social connection and emotional resilience, and thereby
improve wellbeing (Ansdell, 2014; Pavlicevic & Fouche, 2014). In the Gambian
context, the strong association of music with baadinyaa, evident in lyrical
references as well as discourse about music, primes listeners and participants for
particular kinds of emotional responses. Musical performance can serve as a
flexibility primer that enables performers and listeners to adjust their response to
chronic disease from anxiety and fear, to care and hope.

Conclusion
Biomedical research has tended to identify disease in relation to particular parts of
the body or mind of an individual (Scheper-Hughes & Lock, 1987, p. 21).
Understanding music as a flexibility primer, however, demands a more holistic
perspective that recognizes the way social, emotional, and spiritual aspects of
experience affect healing (Koen et al., 2008; Ansdell, 2014). As Marina Roseman
writes, When healers heal, they bring together a multiplicity of lifes intertwined
strands. Those strands converge in the music, dance, drama, poetic texts, and
other techniques of performing and visual arts they use to reach their therapeutic
ends (2008, p. 18). Not confined to a simple physiological process, the
transformational potential of health performance depends upon the weaving
together of different strands, or different ways of knowing and being.

In this article I have examined relationships between musical performance,

emotion and health in The Gambia. The central concept of baadinyaa, which is a
prominent theme both in Mandinka songs and in discourse about music and
health, highlights the social and emotional aspects of music, health and healing.
Just as the root causes of health problems may lie in social and emotional
disruption, processes of healing through musical performance are similarly social
and emotional in nature. Not an inherent feature of performance, emotional
responses are shaped by identity, social position and power relationships, as well
as individual experience and preferences. In the face of conflict and stigma,
performers such as Tatadindin Jobarteh and Fatou Ceesay use musical
performance, and its association with baadinyaa, as a resource to address
negative emotions such as anger and anxiety and thereby promote healing.

Notes
[1] All interviews were translated from the original Mandinka by the author.
Transcriptions of Mandinka texts (included in endnotes) follow the conventions
established in A Practical Orthography of Gambian Mandinka (WEC, 1988), with
the omission of tone markings for readability.

[2] Baadinyaa, haani moolu kono, a ka jaatakendeya sabatindi je...Wo

damma fao kaanta le. Wo le ye a tinna...a ye nafaa soto...nna dookuwo le
mu.

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[3] The smallest country on the African mainland, The Gambia is divided into five
regions and one city (Banjul). The Gambia is entirely surrounded by Senegal
except for the Atlantic coast to the West, and the two countries share important
cultural and linguistic commonalities. The Gambian population is over ninety
percent Sunni Muslim, with a significant Christian minority. Major ethnic groups
include the Mandinka, who make up thirty-six percent of the population, as well as
Fulbe (Tukulor, Fula, Peul), Wolof, Jola (Diola, Karoninka), and Serahuli (Soninke)
(Gambia Bureau of Statistics, 2003).

[4] The term Mandinka refers both to the most widely spoken language in The
Gambia and the largest ethnic group in the country. Mandinka share common
linguistic and cultural practices with other Mande groups in West Africa. Although I
focus on Mandinka speakers, the word baadinyaa has also been incorporated into
other local languages such as Jola. Because of the longstanding close interaction
between ethnic groups in The Gambia, much linguistic and cultural exchange has
occurred. In many parts of the country, people from different ethnic groups live in
close proximity and intermarriage is common.

[5] Ni tantao be keeri, ali si oo kanu...kambe, a si dung ali teema, alila

sioyaa si beteyaa, alila baadinyaa si beteyaa, sondomoolu si oo kanu...Ni
i ye a tara ite kili be siiri i be i mira la, a ka kuura jamaa le wuluu. Niyo
ma lafi detoo. Ni a deteta doro, a fele a ye problemo naati.

[6] Because of widespread cultural exchange between ethnic groups in The

Gambia, many of the themes addressed in this article have broader relevance and
are not specific to the Mandinka.

[7] The Mande cultural area consists of the former Mali Empire of the thirteenth-
fifteenth centuries, spanning the countries of Senegal, Gambia, Mali, Guinea,
Guinea-Bissau, Ivory Coast and Burkina Faso (Diawara, 1997).

[8] Though occupational specializations exist among groups found throughout

West Africa, specific nyamaaloo categories and specializations (referred to by
different names) vary by region and ethnic group.

[9] Griot is a French-derived term of uncertain origin, see Charry (2000) for
discussion.

[10] Though I am focusing on jali and other griots, other nyamaaloo groups are
similarly expected to be more expressive and boisterous.

[11] Eh, kanoo, baadinyaa naata kanoo le kamma, baadinyaa naata kanoo le
kamma oh, sioyaa fana mu kanoo le ti.

[12] Mandinka language experts Muhammadou Bah, Sarjo Dumbuya, and Adama
Njie advised me on this translation of baadinyaa.

[13] No relation to the popular singer Fatou Ceesay whose songs are discussed
later in this article.

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[14] Sioyaa fana mu baadinyaa le ti. Wo le ye a tinna fao i ka a laa

denkiloo to...Haani ni i ni moo ma wuluu fere...Ni ite ye nte kanu, nte
a ite kanu, a ka muta ko ite ye nte la family bee kanu. Kodi? Nte fana a
ite la family bee kanu. Kanoo, badinyaa, wo bee kili. Ni i ni moo kanuta
doro, ali baadinyaata.

[15] Badenya and fadenya are the Bambara equivalents of the Mandinka
baadinyaa and faadinyaa. Bambara is a Mande language closely related to
Mandinka.

[16] See Charry (2000) for a discussion of how the concepts of badenya and
fadenya help shape musical development and creative expression among the
Maninka.

[17] Kabiri somandaa...i te be jaliyaa la...ni moo naata ni ala band...i

anta sii la.

[18] I si a je...sonko doo be jee, fitino doo be jee, kuyaa doo be jee, a ka
sondomoo kuurango samba nang moo kang. I si a jee, moo si tara siiring, a
ye a tara a ning moo bota nyoo la, a be diyaamu la a fango la a damma. A
be diyaamu la, a be diyaamu la. I si a fo, kari be kamfaaring ne. A manke
kamfaa damma ti de. Because kuu le be keering meng i ye a long ko, a ning
a sondomoo le be, a be a sondomoo barama kang. Yes. A kamfaata, bari a
be a sondomoo barama kang. Ntolu jaloolu ka bori wo mari le nooma, ka i
yaamari, ka i daani, ka i saabarindi, ka i yaamari, ka i daani, ka i sabarindi,
ka i yitandi ila kaamfa ka mune ke moo la. kaamfa be i ke la nyaadii le? wo
bee mu jaaraloo le ti.

[19] See Roth (2014) for discussion of badenya relationships as social security in
urban Burkina Faso.

[20] Wo le ye a tinna ntolu la, nna jaliyaa cosaanoo kono, ning problemo
dunta family to, ntolu jaloolu, ning nga kalamuta, n ka tariyaa ka wuli, ka bori,
ka taa ka wo family nying, kuyaa be meng teema, ka diyaamu i teema, ka
diyaamu i teema, ka peace naati, ka peace naati. Yes. Ka je, meng taa mu
boloo ti, ka ala boloo dii ala, meng boyi ta, nga yaamari. Wo le mu ntolu la
role le ti. Jaloolu la role mu wo le ti. Ka peace sabatindi.

[21] See Hoffman and Kone (2000) and Conrad and Frank (1995) for related
discussion of griots and mediation among Mande groups.

[22] Among the Mandinka, drums are not traditionally considered a jali instrument.

[23] Kewo doo naata n ka, a ko, kuu dimindi baa le keta ala bari, bii,
kabiri n playta a yaa, ila koridaa dala, a ko a ma taa dulaa to, a ko a be
siiri ala buo kono, a be n lamoyi la. a julu doo kosi, julu kutoo le mu...
Saba. n ka fo a ye, Saba. Kili, ali a kili kili, fula, n kana fula fula,
saba, n kana oo saban saba. N ko duniyaa mu tili saba le ti. Kunu ani

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bii. Saama be ntolu be kumpo le to. because i ma a lo saama mune be ke

la, fo saama i be faa la, you dont know... So a wo juloo teyi wo le kamma.
Keendio i a naata, after programo a ye n kumandi. A ko e, nte ni pain
le be oo la you know. Nna brother wo le ye nna koridaa waafi, a taata
Europe. A ko e, a ma fe fo e, nna koridaa m be jiikiri me ma, a ye
waafi, a taata Europe. Ani wo la pain be oo la ja. N ko saama m be a
samba la jalao to, m be a samba la jalao to, ka destroy. Bari ila i juloo...
n yamfata. a n henda, Anna wo luo n hendanta, a n henda, n ko eh,
Allah. N ko a ye ko, i be a samba la jalao to, ka destroy? a ko e ko,
bililai wadilai, m be a destroy la. N ko a ye, i sabari. A ko e, no, n
sabarata. Ila i juloo fao ye n sabarindi. N sabarata, Tata. Bililai wadilai, a
ye kali. A ko e, n sabarata. N ko a ye, no, sabaroo, a beteyaata le...kuu te
ke ila, a jiibe doro, ani Allah bula oola. So a naata a ye dalasi kemoo
bondi a ye a dii nna, a ye n soo ala. A ma mee. Last week. Yes... So, n
naata. Kunuko, a ye n kumandi. Because a nna contactolu bee dii ala, a
ye n kumandi, a ko e ko, i ye a je sabaro beteyaata le. N ko a ye ko,
Yeah? a ko e ko, n dooma, a ye n kumandi. Kabiri a taata a ma
kumandi. But kunu a ye n kumandi. N ko a ye ko, eh! A be aadii le? a ko
e, yes, a ye dookuwo soto saayi. A ye dookuwo soto moto siba
dadaadulaa. I ka motoolu sio dadaa daame. Because wo le mu ate fao la
dookuwo ti ja. So kabiri a taata a ye wo dookuwo ini, a naata a soto. A
ko e, a ye n promise kodi baa la. A ko a be euro wuli kili kii la e. A ko
bari a a soo domandi, because a ye dookuwo me soto a siyaata baake,
saayi a ka dookunaani ke. A ka fridge-packo ke, i ka joo wo la, a ka
dookuwo ke magasin doo to, a ka dookuwo ke moto si dadaa dulaa. Oh. A
ye dookuwo saba soto saayi. So kodoo be a bulu. A si kodoo soto noo le.
Jikoo be ala. A ko a so. Kari fula a be wo le dookuula, a be kodoo kii la nna,
a ko a koridaa loori bandio sa. N ko a ye, aah! Alhamdililai! a ko, ni i
ye a tara nte, a ko, ila i musiko a ye n save la. A ye ate save. A ko e ni
i ye a tara i ma play nu ja te nu, somandaa ni faanoo keta, nte ko n
ka taa. A ko e, bari ila play ja, wo ye, a ye n sondomoo heal. N ko a ye,
yes, wo le mu pain ti me i ye a lo ko, borikesoo te wo jaara noo la, musiko
doro ne si wo jaara noo. Allah fao le ye i deema doro.

[24] The Gambian population is over ninety percent Muslim. Ideas about music,
emotion, and morality, are shaped by religious beliefs in this predominately Muslim
context. While musicians (both male and female) must negotiate their performance
practice in relation to religious expectations, most people do not consider musical
performance to be incompatible with Muslim beliefs and practices. Furthermore,
musicians such as Jobarteh use their performances to express religious devotion.

[25] Although he was speaking in Mandinka, Jobarteh used the English word
cancer to refer to a serious chronic illness.

[26] Kamfaa si moo sondomoo aameo le. Kaamfa si bondi noo

hadamadiyaa plaaso to like daafeo ti. I te balafaa soto noo la. Kaamfa doo
be jee wo le ka wo le ke. Wo le ye a tinna ntolu jaloolu fana, ni a lo ko,

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kaamfa be dulaa kari to, n ka wuli, a taa, a wolu teema fo, kaamfa ye me
je a ye ba. Jamaano ye sumuyaa...ntolu fana la jaaraloo be wo le bundaa
to, ka taa moo kaamfa too ka mennu i ye a lo ko i dunta oo la, ka i
tenkundi. Moolu mennu i ye a lo ko i be kuu ka me manke siloo ti, a
yaamari juloo teyi iye, a kosi iye pur i ye a moyi, pur i ye wo yaamaroo noo
ka. Ani mennu i ye a lo ko sondomoo dimio be ila, a musiko play, n ka
me ke musiko, n si musiko play me si wo sondomoo dimio i jiindi, a
kana sele i kuo la. Katu dimio doo be jee, i be a je la i be a fo la ko,
cancer le be ala, chronic cancer. Dimio doo be jee, wo fana ka ke cancer
ti. Wo fana ka chronic. Wo le mu pain ti me i ye a lo ko a be ila jusoo
kono, a manke saasaa ti. Wo mu pain le ti. Jusoo la pain le mu wo ti. A ka
chronic, a ka chronic...a si mookendoo fao ke moojawo ti. A si i ke island ti
fana, bayi i te laa la moo la kotenke. I te lafi la moo la because, a manke ko
me ite le ma lafi moo la because dimio me be i bala, wo le ma lafi pur i
ni moo ye cooperate, because a dimio meeta i bala baake. Musiko ka wo
dimio siifa le jiindi.

[27] Fatou Ceesay passed away in 2007. The Allatentu Support Group for people
living with HIV/AIDS released a remix of her album in 2010 in collaboration with
popular performer Jaliba Kuyateh. The author performed with Fatou Ceesay and
the Allatentu Support Band as keyboardist and backup vocalist.

[28] For a discussion of the Gambian President Yahya Jammehs HIV/AIDS

treatment program, and the experience of people living with HIV/AIDS in The
Gambia, see Cassidy and Leach (2009) and Nyanzi (2012).

[29] Teriyaa le ye n miirandi. Nna naa folo, wo waatoo n confusirio naata. N

ni moolu buka taim soto...ni moo ye diamu...a ka du ja a ye funti
ja...bari lu kili doro, m be siiri doro, i ye i Teriyaa kaseto ke jee. a
a lamoyi fo Teriyaa banta. I ko, musundio me ka Teriyaa laa, ate le ye
saasaa soto...Biri a i Teriyaa wo lamoyi, a ye n hakiloo bondi saasaa
fao ka ne fere. Teriyaa le ye a tinna ntolu buka saasaa mira kotenke. Nna
booroo, wo le kumayaata. Ni ma a soto, wo le be ke la m bulu problemo ti,
bari booroo n ka wo soto. Teriyaa ye ntolu inandi saasaa la saayi.

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