(Culture and History of The Ancient Near East 67) Barbara Böck-The Healing Goddess Gula - Towards An Understanding of Ancient Babylonian Medicine-Brill Academic Publishers (2013)

The Healing Goddess Gula
Culture and History of the

Ancient Near East
Founding Editor
M.H.E. Weippert
Editor-in-Chief
Thomas Schneider
Editors
Eckart Frahm (Yale University)
W. Randall Garr (University of California, Santa Barbara)
B. Halpern (Pennsylvania State University)
Theo P.J. van den Hout (Oriental Institute)
Irene J. Winter (Harvard University)
VOLUME 67
The titles published in this series are listed at brill.com/chan

The Healing Goddess Gula
Towards an Understanding of
Ancient Babylonian Medicine
By
Barbara Bck
Leidenboston
2014
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To Erika and Franz Kcher
CONTENTS
Preface.................................................................................................................. ix
1 Introduction................................................................................................ 1
1.1 Presentation of the Study............................................................. 1
1.2 Scope and Structure of the Book............................................... 4
2 The Healing Goddess Gula: A Portrait................................................ 7

2.1 Gulas Position in the Pantheon and Her Appearance in
Literature........................................................................................... 7
2.2 Gula in the Life of the Ancient Mesopotamians................... 15
2.3 Gulas Dog......................................................................................... 38
3Gulas Hand in the Handbook of Diagnosis and Prognosis,

Sakikk.......................................................................................................... 45
3.1 Sakikk VI: 19.................................................................................... 49
3.2 Sakikk XII iv: 16.............................................................................. 50
3.3 Sakikk XIII i: 55............................................................................. 51
3.4 Sakikk XXXIII.................................................................................. 51
3.5 Sakikk XL......................................................................................... 62
3.6 Ninurtas Hands............................................................................. 69

4 Gula and Healing Spells.......................................................................... 77
4.1 Healing Spells Appealing to Gula.............................................. 78
4.2 Healing Spells Referring to Gula and Her Dog...................... 98
4.3 Incantations about Simmu, Skin Sore....................................... 109
4.4 Standard Formulas in Healing Spells Referring to Gula..... 113
4.5 The Metaphorical Language of Healing Spells....................... 115
5 Gulas Healing Plants................................................................................ 129

5.1 The Bunu Plant aka Lin Kalbi Plant................................. 131
5.2 The auntu Plant........................................................................... 158

6 The Cultural Setting of Ancient Babylonian Medicine.................. 165
6.1 The Healing Goddess in the Medical Literature:
A Recapitulation.............................................................................. 165
6.2Religion, Magic, Medicine............................................................ 176
viii contents
Bibliography....................................................................................................... 197
Index of Names and Subjects........................................................................ 211
Index of Words Discussed.............................................................................. 214
Incantation Incipits.......................................................................................... 215
Texts Cited.......................................................................................................... 216
PREFACE
As is well known, Franz Kcher was, up to the time of his death, pre-
paring the edition of the extant cuneiform text material dealing with
the Babylonian-Assyrian medical lore which was to appear in the series,
Die babylonisch-assyrische Medizin in Texten und Untersuchungen, which
he founded. The work is extensive including the editiones principes of
the plant encyclopaedia uru.an.na: matakal, named after its first line, the
(plant whose) place is in heaven: matakal, the plant descriptive text
ammu ikinu, On the appearance of the medicinal plant, vade mecum
texts or Lists of Simple Drugs, and all those medical prescriptions that rec-
ommend one single ingredient.
In the late 1990s F. Kcher entrusted me with the completion of his
lifetime project. Since his death in November 2002 I have not only been
revising and completing the various text editions but also adding a study
of the textual material which F. Kcher did not accomplish.1
In the course of this work I stumbled upon an intriguing line in one
of the cuneiform texts dealing with the use of medicinal plants when
employed as simple drugs, namely
u ab mu!-u ur.gi dnin.gi.zi.bar.ra
The plant, ab / bunu, its alternative name is Ninigizibaras dog.2
The present contribution grew out of the commentary to this very line
exploring the issue of the possible motivations for associating a plant
1To be published as F. Kcher & B. Bck, The Assyrian-Babylonian Drug Lore. J.V. Kin
nier Wilson refers in his contribution Notes on the Assyrian Pharmaceutical Series URU.
AN.NA: MATAKAL, JNES 64 (2005) p. 45 to a letter he received in June 1989 in which
F. Kcher writes, meine Gesundheit ist in der Tat nicht die beste (...) Trotzdem versuche
ich, meine Uru.an.na-Ausgabe fertigzustellen. Im Druck ist sie seit 1974! Indeed, many
parts of the uru.an.na text edition he refers to in this letter had already been typeset by
the Walter de Gruyter publishing house. However, F. Kchers access from the late 1980s
to the middle of the 1990s to the extensive cuneiform material of the Sippar and Babylon
collections housed in The British Museum forced him not only to completely revise the
uru.an.na edition but also to include new material and to excerpt from the medical pre
scriptions all those recipes that recommend simple drugs. He hoped that the cuneiform
medical texts from Sippar and Babylon would appear in volumes BAM VII and BAM VIII,
which explains, why he planned to publish the texts on medicinal plants in BAM IX. A final
study was envisaged to appear in BAM X.
2The text is BAM I 1 iii: 20. See also Chapter 5.1.1 The bunu plant.
x preface
with the healing goddess Gula (with whom the goddess Ninigizibara was
identified) and her dog. This entailed the question of the general impact
of Gula in Ancient Babylonian medical literature and prompted me to
examine the afflictions attributed to her as well as the range of diseases
that were cured with her plant(s).
I soon realised that the results of the research would throw a new light
on our understanding of the Ancient Mesopotamian system of medicine.
I therefore decided to present this work first, at the cost of delaying the
edition and study of the ancient Assyrian and Babylonian medical lore of
healing plants.
Since the present book is intimately linked with Franz Kchers edi-
tion of cuneiform medical and pharmacological texts it is dedicated to
his memory. Throughout more than ten years I have had the privilege of
conversing with Erika Kcher about the work her husband could not fin-
ish, and many other matters. Her constant interest and encouragement to
carry on with the enormous amount of material her husband had brought
together over fifty years have been very dear to me. This is why the book
is also dedicated to her.
I wish to thank the Trustees of The British Museum for the permis-
sion to study and publish texts here. I presented some of the preliminary
results in June 2011 in the lecture series Die Heilkunst des Alten Orients of
the Heidelberg excellence cluster Asia and Europe in a Global Context. I
would like to thank both organizers Professor Stefan M. Maul and Profes-
sor Joachim Friedrich Quack for their kind invitation to participate.
I wish to thank Professor Eckart Frahm for his friendly offer to publish
the present study in the series Culture & History of the Ancient Near East
and the editor-in-chief, Professor Thomas Schneider, for the acceptance.
Katelyn Chin and Rachel Crofut at Brill have been very patient with me
throughout the editing process.
I am indebted to Helen Richardson-Hewitt for correcting my English.
Ana Garca undertook very kindly the task of drawing the impression of
the cylinder seal BM WA 89846. My special thanks go to my husband,
Ignacio, for his critical, but caring, comments on my ideas.
The research carried out is part of the project FFI2011-23981 granted by
the Spanish Ministerio de Economa y Competetividad.
Barbara Bck
Madrid (CSIC), April 2013
CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
1.1Presentation of the Study
As the medical historian Vivian Nutton writes in his study on Greek

and Roman health systems History is an art of forgetting as well as of
remembrance.1 Indeed, what is basic to the study of ancient civilizations
is the reconstruction of the written word and, consequently, some con-
sideration of whether the available information has been deliberately
handed down or is due to random circumstances. When looking back
at the Ancient Babylonians we are faced with an arbitrary as well as an
erratic transmission of cuneiform documents: not every issue or aspect is
equally covered over the centuries. As a result, serious gaps in the trans-
mission can lead to a biased interpretation of the available evidence. In
addition, we should bear in mind that the Mesopotamian civilization was
basically an oral culture in which literacy was for considerable periods of
Ancient Mesopotamian history restricted to a small elite, with the result
that the corpus of the written documentation is only a small fraction of
the framework of Babylonian ideas and beliefs.2
Many aspects of medicine, in particular, the technical skills such as
setting bones or recognizing healing plants, were not subject to written
tradition but passed on from mouth to mouth over many generations.
Still, the corpus of Ancient Babylonian medicine that has survived until
today is impressive: more than one thousand texts written in cuneiform
and impressed on durable clay tablets are kept in the museum collections
worldwide. As we shall see, substantial parts of the written texts are only
fragmentarily preserved, which more often than not hampers a complete
understanding.
In spite of the number of texts, little is known about the belief system
of Ancient Mesopotamian healing. One of the main reasons is due to the
1See his Ancient Medicine, London New York 2004, p. 1.

2See for the discussion on literacy the contributions of C. Wilcke, Wer las und schrieb
in Babylonien und Assyrien? berlegungen zur Literalitt im Alten Zweistromland, Mnchen
2000 (= Bayerische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Phil.-hist. Kl. Sitzungsberichte 2000, Heft
6) and D. Charpin, Reading and Writing in Babylon, Cambridge London 2010.
2 chapter one
fact that merely 15% of the written documentation on Ancient Meso-

potamian medicine is available in up-dated translations;3 a substantial
number of the cuneiform material is edited in cuneiform autographs only.
Publications range from text critical editions, the study of illnesses, the
interpretation of incantations that are imbedded in medical recipes and
the analysis of the performance of rituals and rites of sympathetic magic,
to the discussion of the interrelationship between magic and ostensibly
medical-therapeutical cures.4 In this context also, discussions on the
responsibilities of the different healing practitioners and case studies of
diseases have been presented.
In this study, however, I have chosen a different approach to explore
another facet of the Ancient Babylonian idea of healing. I shall focus
on the healing goddess Gula and on what we may call her avatars, viz.
the healing plants that are associated with her. My aim is to elaborate
the different ideas of medicine and healing ranging from mythological-
religious beliefs and the concept of magic to natural explanations and
how they merge into each other. Originally, the Babylonian pantheon
included several independent healing goddesses who during the course
of the period from the third to the second millennium BC merged into the
figure of Gula.5 In order to introduce the goddess and characterize her all-
encompassing powers, I quote some lines from the well-known Gula Hymn
of Bullussa-rabi who put the following words into her mouth:
I am the physician, I know how to heal.
I take along all healing plants, I expel disease.
I am girded with a bag containing life-giving incantations.
I carry a scalpel for curing.
I am giving medication to people:
The pure bandage soothes the skin sore,
The soft poultice eases the sickness.
My very glance at the moribund revives him,
My mere words make the weak stand up.6
3This estimation is based on my ongoing study of the pertinent cuneiform material of

Ancient Babylonian medicine.
4See for a collection of the pertinent bibliography N.P. Heeel, Babylonisch-assyrische
Diagnostik, Mnster 2000 (= AOAT 43), pp. 385401 and Bibliographie zur altorien
talischen Medizin 2000 bis August 2005 (mit Nachtrgen aus frheren Jahren), JMC 6
(2005) pp. 3440.
5See for the discussion Chapter 2.1.
6See for the edition of the hymn W.G. Lambert, The Gula Hymn of Bullusa-rabi,
OrNS 36 (1967) pp. 105132; quoted are ll. 7987 for which see ibidem p. 120.
introduction 3
I am merciful; even from afar I am listening,

I bring back the moribund from the netherworld.
I am girded with a leather bag, I...a scalpel and a knife.
I am watching over the enfeebled, I examine the sick, I open the skin sore.
I am the Lady of Life:
I am the physician, I am the seeress, and I am the exorcist.7
We meet in this hymn Gula as a practical physician caring for the criti-
cally ill, prescribing healing plants, as a seeress who must know the course
and outcome of illness and as an exorcist whose healing spells support
the recovery of the sick and exorcize disease. Conspicuously, these three
domainstreatment with medicinal plants, diagnosis and prognosis of
disease and its magical manipulationare determinative for Ancient
Babylonian medicine and its literature. In fact, we could even classify
cuneiform medical works within these three spheres: the handbook of
medical prescriptions, umma amlu muau umma ukl If the top of a
mans head is hot,8 as well as the different handbooks on medicinal plants
give ample evidence of the knowledge of effective natural treatments;9
statements about diagnosis and prognosis were included in the handbook
Sakikk (sa.gig) Symptoms;10 and healing spells and magical cures that
entered the handbook of prescriptions. In this respect, the healing god-
dess embodies the sum of medical literature.
But does this literature refer back to Gula? What is her rle in the
handbook of diagnosis and prognosis? In what context does the goddess
appear in healing spells? And how do the handbooks on medicinal plants
relate to her?
7See ibidem, pp. 126128, ll. 178183.

8For a discussion of the sources for the reconstruction of this handbook see F. Kcher,
Sptbabylonische Texte aus Uruk, in: C. Habrich, F. Marguth & J.H. Wolf (eds.),
Medizinische Diagnostik in Geschichte und Gegenwart, Mnchen 1978, pp. 1722.
9No editio princeps is available yet. The edition of the pertinent cuneiform texts
is being prepared by B. Bck; see F. Kcher & B. Bck, The Assyrian-Babylonian Drug
Lore (forthcoming). For a short and up-dated description of the different handbooks see
B. Bck, Pharmakologische Texte, in: B. Janowski & D. Schwemer (eds.), Texte zur Hei
lkunde. Texte aus der Umwelt des Alten Testamentes, Neue Folge 5, Gtersloh 2010, 163168,
and B. Bck, Shaping Texts and Texts Genres: On the Drug Lore of Babylonian Practitio
ners of Medicine, in: I. Andorlini, D. Leith & A. Maravela (eds.), The Texts of the Medical
Professions in Antiquity: Genres and Purposes (Studies in Ancient Medicine), Leiden Boston
(in press).
10See the text critical editions of R. Labat, Trait akkadien de diagnostics et pronostics
mdicaux, Paris Leiden 1951, and N.P. Heeel, Babylonisch-assyrische Diagnostik.
4 chapter one
1.2Scope and Structure of the Book
I have structured the discussion around four main points: the healing god-
dess Gula in religious literature is discussed in Chapter Two; references to
her in the handbook of diagnosis and prognosis are analysed in Chapter
Three; healing spells that are addressed to the healing goddess are exam-
ined in Chapter Four; and the medicinal plants related to her are studied
in Chapter Five.
My aim in Chapter Two The Healing Goddess Gula: A Portrait is to delin-
eate an image of Gula by tracing those characteristic features of hers, which
are relevant for a better understanding of the later medical literature. The
chapter is divided into three sections; in 2.1 Gulas Position in the Pantheon
and Her Appearance in Literature I discuss the names given to the heal-
ing goddess. In a reflection of the political structure in Ur III times and
the Old Babylonian period with various city-states rivalling each other for
supremacy, each city had its own local pantheon. Consequently, the heal-
ing goddess was worshipped under different names. While this section
is designed merely to give an overview, the section, which follows forms
the core of Chapter Two. In 2.2 Gula in the Life of Ancient Mesopotamians
I analyse the characteristic aspects of the healing goddess. Sumerian lit-
erary compositions, namely hymns and letter prayers addressed to her,
form the starting-point for the discussion. In isolating five themes2.2.1
Knives, 2.2.3 Skin Sores, 2.2.4 The Body, 2.2.5 Midwifery, and 2.2.5. Namtar
and AsakkuI am composing an image of Gula (Ninisina), which survives
throughout the millennia and recurs in the distinct genres of first-
millennium cuneiform medical literature, jutting out like the tip of an
iceberg. It is in this section that I lay the foundation for the religious con-
cept of Ancient Babylonian medicine. In Chapter 2.3 I deal with the ani-
mal that is connected with Gula, namely a dog. Very much in the line of
the previous considerations I am interested in the reflection and impact
of this association in later medical literature.
Chapters Three, Four and Five are dedicated to the medical literature of
the first millennium BC proper and analyse the textual evidence for Gulas
appearance. In Chapter Three Gulas Hand in The Handbook of Diagno-
sis and Prognosis, Sakikk, I take a look at texts, which appear to bridge
the genres of medicine and divination. Formulated in the typical style of
divinatory literature, structured in apodosis and protasis, the handbook
gives quite a number of symptoms of illnesses some of which are attested
in medical prescriptions. However, the purpose of the handbook is not
to provide a medicament but to give information about the patients life
introduction 5
expectancy and/or to diagnose the supernatural cause responsible for the

symptoms. Characteristic of the latter is the attribution of an illness to the
hand of a deity or demon. I am focusing on those entries in which symp-
toms are associated with the healing goddess, and aiming to establish the
mythological-religious concept of the association of Gula with illnesses in
the handbook.
In Chapter IV Gula and Healing Spells I have brought together medi-
cal incantations that invoke or mention the healing goddess. Under the
nomenclature, medical incantations, I include spells and prayers that are
transmitted together with medical prescriptions and which were recited
during the preparation or administration of the medication. The chap-
ter has five parts: first, I present those incantations that directly address
the healing goddess, and in the second part, healing spells which refer to
her without directly invoking her are discussed. The third part deals with
incantations that are related to one of the afflictions which are attributed
to the healing goddess, namely skin sores. The aim is not only to show
how Gula features in these texts but also to study the immediate con-
text, namely, for which illness and its treatment the incantation was to
be recited. The chapter offers transliterations and translations of eleven
healing spells and includes partial translations of excerpts of incantations,
which mention the healing goddess. The following part, 4.4, contains a
short overview of Gulas appearance in standard formulas of healing
spells. In Chapter 4.5 I deal with the metaphorical language of healing
spells and apply, as an innovative approach in the study of cuneiform
texts, the theory of discourse metaphor as cognitive instrument to explain
pain, illness and treatment.
Chapter Five Gulas Healing Plants discusses two medicinal plants that
are associated with the healing goddess: bunu aka lin kalbi (dogs
tongue) and auntu. I highlight the use of each plant as a simple phar-
maceutical element, i.e. their employment as a single ingredient in medi-
cal prescriptions, thus elaborating on the respective plant profiles. The
reason for this choice is obvious: on the one hand, the approach enables
us to relate particular herbs with specific diseases and symptoms. Thus
I am excluding complex remedies since we do not know the criteria, if
they existed at all, for the combination of their ingredients.11 On the other
11See my reflections on combined remedies Medicinal Plants and Medicaments

Used for Conception, Abortion, and Fertility Control in Ancient Babylonia, JA 301 (2013)
p. 83.
6 chapter one
hand, the fact is stressed that Ancient Babylonian practitioners recognized

the existence of the medicinal properties of plants, whatever the origin of
this knowledge was. As shall be seen, the data I have analysed comes from
medical prescriptions, the Lists of Simple Drugs or vade mecum texts, and
the plant encyclopaedia, uru.an.na: matakal.
In Chapter Six The Cultural Setting of Ancient Babylonian Medicine,
I bring together all the threads of the previous discussions. Chapter 6.2
includes considerations on the interplay of medicine, religion, and magic
and discusses abracadabra spells as well as some metaphors that are char-
acteristic for exorcistic incantations; I am also addressing aspects of the
two principal medical practitioners, the ipu/mamau exorcist and
the as physician and their respective lore.
CHAPTER TWO
THE HEALING GODDESS GULA: A PORTRAIT
This is not a systematic survey of the goddess Gula and her cult but a study
of some facets of her character as healing goddess. Subsequently, we shall
deal with aspects that throw light on the motivation for her appearance in
cuneiform medical literature. There are various ways to characterize dei-
ties: I have chosen to deal first with Gulas position in the Babylonian pan-
theon; then I shall discuss the significance of the healing goddess for the
lives of the black-headed people and, finally, make some observations on
the association between her and the animal connected with her.
2.1Gulas Position in the Pantheon and Her Appearance

in Literature
If we were to rank Gulas position among the Babylonian deities on the

basis of theological lists such as the Great God List an : anum or the Canon-
ical Temple List we would certainly be surprised to see her mentioned,
though not in the last section, but towards the end. This is certainly due
to the internal organization of the god list that does not reflect entirely
the degree of supremacy; often spouses appear separated from each other
or from their entourage because of the insertion of divine sons, as is the
case with Enlil, Ninlil and Ninurta or Enki, Damkina and Marduk. Ninurta,
e.g. is dissociated from his manifold manifestations, among them Ningirsu
whose wife Baba (identified with Gula) commences the section on the
Healing Goddesses.1
As for an : anum the text starts with An and his family, followed by
Enlil and his court and Ninurta. The list moves on to the Mother God-
dess who is succeeded by Enki and his circle, including Marduk and Nab.
Next are mentioned Sn, ama, Adad and Itar. Then come manifesta-
tions of Ninurta: Lugalbanda, Lugal-Marrada, Zababa, Ura, and Ningirsu.
The list continues with Baba, Ningirsus wife who initiates the section of
the Healing Goddesses including Nintinuga, Ninkarak and, finally, Gula
1See the description of W.G. Lambert, Gtterlisten, in: E. Weidner & W. von Soden
(eds.), Reallexikon der Assyriologie und Vorderasiatischen Archologie 3/6, Berlin 1969,
pp. 475476.
8 chapter two
with her family.2 The section is followed by chthonic and netherworld dei-
ties including Tipak and Nergal. The last section gives additional names
of Marduk.3 The picture from temple lists is quite similar; as a matter of
fact, they are modelled on an : anum as A.R. George explains.4
Throughout this book the different manifestations of the Ancient Mes-
opotamian healing goddess are indiscriminately lumped together. The
main reason for this approach is due to the nature of the study, which is
to discuss aspects of the literary figure of the healing goddess and not of
her local cults.5 While quotidian documents of accounting and law from
Ur III times to the Old Babylonian period, following local customs, differ-
entiate usually between the various healing goddesses, even contempo-
rary literary compositions to some extent do not.6 However, to distinguish
more easily the different names of the healing goddess a cursory survey
is included.
2See for a discussion on the Healing Goddess in god lists Th. Richter, Untersuchungen
zu den lokalen Panthea Sd- und Mittelbabyloniens in altbabylonischer Zeit, Mnster 20042
(= AOAT 257), pp. 214225.
3See for the edition of the great god list, R.L. Litke, A Reconstruction of the Assyro-
Babylonian God-Lists, AN: dA-NU-UM and AN: ANU A AMLI, New Haven 1998.
4House Most High: The Temples of Ancient Mesopotamia, Winona Lake 1993, p. 6, refer
ring to previous discussions by B. Landsberger and W.L. Moran. He then goes on to list
the deities according to the temple register. If the Canonical Temple List were completely
preserved it presumably would have started with Anu. Enlil is preserved and his court in
Nippur together with Ninurta, followed by the Mother Goddess, and Ea, including Marduk
and Nab. The list continues with Sn, ama, Adad, Itar, and manifestations of Ninurta
such as Lugal-Marrada, Lugalbanda, Amurru, Tipak, Zababa, and Ningirsu. Then comes
Gula with her entourage in Isin; the list ends with Nergal and other chthonic gods and
goddesses.
5Detailed information about the local Babylonian panthea and the position and cult
of the healing goddess can be consulted in W. Sallabergers oeuvre Der kultische Kal
ender der Ur III Zeit, Berlin New York 1993, and in Th. Richters comprehensive Unter
suchungen zu den lokalen Panthea Sd- und Mittelbabyloniens in altbabylonischer Zeit.
See also the forthcoming article announced by J. Goodnick Westenholz, The Plethora
of Female Deities, in: J. Goodnick Westenholz & J. Asher-Greve, Goddesses in Context:
On Divine Powers, Roles, Relationships and Gender in Mesopotamian Textual and Visual
Sources, Fribourg, which deals with the syncretism of healing goddesses (as announced
in her contribution NinkarrakAn Akkadian Goddess in Sumerian Guise, in: D. She
hata, F. Weierhuser & K.V. Zand (eds.), Von Gttern und Menschen. Beitrge zu Literatur
und Geschichte des Alten Orients. Festschrift fr Brigitte Groneberg, Leiden Boston 2010
[= CM 41], p. 395 note 37).
6See for the syncretism of Ninisina and Gula in Old Babylonian times Th. Richter,
ibidem, p. 221 note 945. As for Nintinuga and Ninisina W. Sallaberger, ibidem, p. 154, has
shown that they had already in Ur III times been syncretized into one goddess; see also
his remarks on Ninisina and Gula from Nippur, pp. 153154. See also S. Tinney who points
out that in the Old Babylonian period the healing goddess is worshipped in Isin under
the name Ninisina, while she is called Nintinuga in Nippur; see his The Nippur Lament,
Philadelphia 1996 (= OPSNKF 16), p. 173.
the healing goddess gula: a portrait 9
First attestations for Gula, written dgu.la, come from Fara and Abu Sal-
abikh dating to the Early Dynastic Period (IIIa; ca. 26002450 BC).7 The
main cultic place for Gula in Ur III times was located in the city state of
Umma; however, the healing goddess was locally worshipped in other cit-
ies as well.8 As for the city of Isin, F.R. Kraus suspected that Gula or the
goddess Ninkarak might be hiding behind the name Ninisina (Lady of
Isin), which can be interpreted as both an epithet and a proper name.9
In the course of the period from the end of the third millennium to the
beginning of the second millennium BC several goddesses or main aspects
of them merged into Gula. Thus, in literary compositions from the middle
of the second to the first millennium BC Gula is usually worshipped under
several names. This is best illustrated in the hymn of a certain Bullussa-
rabi to the healing goddess Gula, which roughly dates between 1400
and 700 BC and a bilingual incantation or prayer addressed to Ninisina
attested in Old Babylonian times.10 The hymn to Gula mentions, among
other names, Nintinuga, Ninkarak, and Baba.11 The bilingual incanta-
tion is directed to Ninisina who in the Akkadian version appears as Gula
and Ninkarak; further names given are Nintinuga and Baba.12 There are
7See M. Krebernik, Die Gtterlisten aus Fara, ZA 76 (1986) p. 194 (Index); P. Mander,
Il pantheon di Abu-Salabikh. Contributo alla studio del pantheon sumerico arcaico, Napoli
1986, p. 37. For the internal dating of the Fara texts see M. Krebernik, Die Texte aus Fra
und Tell Ab alb, in: P. Attinger & M. Wfler (ed.), Mesopotamien. Spturuk-Zeit und
Fruhdynastische Zeit. Annherungen, 1, Freiburg/Schweiz Gttingen 1998 (= OBO 160/1),
pp. 257260.
8See W. Sallaberger, Der kultische Kalender der Ur III Zeit, pp. 8889, esp. pp. 153154.
Note that in documents referring to a journey of the healing goddess she is called Ninisina
from Umma in Puzri-Dagan, while documents from Nippur refer to her as Gula from
Umma. For her cult in Old Babylonian times in Nippur, Isin, Larsa, and Ur see Th. Richter,
Untersuchungen zu den lokalen Panthea Sd- und Mittelbabyloniens in altbabylonischer Zeit,
pp. 525526 (Katalog) and see Index.
9See F.R. Kraus, Nippur und Isin nach altbabylonischen Rechtsurkunden, JCS 3
(1951), pp. 6668.
10See for the edition and study of the hymn W.G. Lambert, The Gula Hymn of Bullusa-
rabi, pp. 105132; W.G. Lambert gives as date of the composition 1400700 BC (p. 109).
11I keep the traditional spelling of the goddess; for the reading Bau see G. Marchesi,
On the Divine Name dBA.U, OrNS 71 (2002) 161172. See for these names of the healing
goddess W.G. Lambert, ibidem, p. 109.
12According to an Old Babylonian catalogue of incipits the incantation was already
known in Old Babylonian times; see C. Wilcke, Sumerische literarische Texte in Maches
ter und Liverpool, AfO 24 (1973) pp. 1415. However, the extant text duplicates date to the
first millennium BC for which see the edition B. Bck, Das Handbuch Muuu Einreibung.
Eine Serie akkadischer und sumerischer Beschwrungen aus dem 1. Jt. v. Chr., Madrid 2007
(= BPOA 3), pp. 184189 (Muuu V/a) and p. 25 (on the age of the incantation).
10 chapter two
v arious first millennium literary compositions addressing Gula.13 So far

three prayers of the so-called uilla type are known to which a number of
fourteen other prayers and incantations can be added.14 In addition, there
are some lamentations directed to her, which have been transmitted from
the Old Babylonian period to the first third of the first millennium.15
The name Nintinuga (as well as the variant writing Nintiliuga) means
literally Lady who gives life to the dead.16 The main place of her worship
was the city of Nippur; her name appears as early as in Early Dynastic god
13First references to literary texts about the healing goddess were collected by J. Nikel,
Ein neuer Ninkarrak-Text, Paderborn 1918 (= Studien zur Geschichte und Kultur des Alter
tums X/1), pp. 2731; namely the uilla prayer BMS 6 and the Nineveh tablet K.232 pub
lished as ABRT II pl. 1618. C.J. Mullo-Weir in his Four Hymns to Gula, JRAS 1929, pp. 118
mentions the uilla prayers BMS 4 and 6, the bilingual incantation ABRT I 18, and the text
K.232. Though K.232 includes a rather long list of epithets of the healing goddess, the text
is not a Gula hymn. The beginning of the hymn, which has been restored through the
join with K.3371, begins with dlugal.dim.me.er.an.ki, an epithet of Marduk. R. Frankena
in his entry Gula in: E. Weidner & W. von Soden (eds.), Reallexikon der Assyriologie und
Vorderasiatischen Archologie 3/9, Berlin New York 1971, pp. 696697, adds the uilla
prayer fragment, BMS 34, LKA 19 (which duplicates BMS 4), and six further prayers and
incantations, namely KAR 73, LKA 17, 18, 20, 22 (which seems to be the same prayer as
BMS 34), and STT I 73. W.R. Mayer in his Untersuchungen zur Formensprache der babylo
nischen Gebetsbeschwrung, Rome 1976 (= StPohl SM 5), p. 387 gives a list of seven prayers:
the uilla prayers Gula 1a (BMS 6 with duplicates); Gula 1b (BMS 4); Gula 2 (BMS 34);
Gula 3, the uilla-like prayer LKA 20; and the incantations Gula 4 (KAR 73); Gula 5 (BAM
II 124 with duplicates, which is an incantation addressed to Ninisina); and Gula 6 (STT
I 73, which was recited in the context of an incubation ritual; see for the transliteration
E. Reiner, Fortune-Telling in Mesopotamia, JNES 19 [1960] pp. 3233, and for the study
of the text, i.e. the relevant lines, S.A.L. Butler, Dreams and Dream Rituals, Mnster 1998
[= AOAT 258] pp. 351352, pp. 364366).
14For the uilla prayers Gula 1a, Gula 1b, and Gula 2 see W.R. Mayer, ibidem, pp. 450
454 (Gula 1a) and pp. 455457 (Gula 1b) with previous literature; for Gula 2 see ibidem
p. 387. For Gula 1a see also A. Lenzi, Reading Akkadian Prayers and Hymns, Atlanta 2011,
pp. 243256. The present study deals with three incantations or prayers that are included
in the list of W.R. Mayer, namely Gula 3, Gula 4 (which are two incantations), and Gula 5,
and adds five new compositions addressed to the healing goddess.
15See the so-called Bala composition (the name derives from the accompanying
musical instrument, a lyre or a harp) Uruulake of Gula. The text is written in Emesal, a
Sumerian dialect used for lamentations, and is published by M.E. Cohen, The Canonical
Lamentations of Ancient Mesopotamia, Potomoc 1988, vol. I, pp. 253271. For the known
Eremma compositions (Sumerian em denotes a type of drum) see M.E. Cohen, Sumer
ian Hymnology: The Eremma, Cincinnati 1981, pp. 96103 and pp. 103106. Because of the
broken beginning of the second mentioned Eremma it is not clear whether it is identical
with the Eremma e zi g[ul.g]ul, which the catalogue text of the incipits of the Bala lam
entations attributes to the Uruulake of Gula (see M.E. Cohen, ibidem p. 43 l. 12).
16See for the name Nintilauga, the ancient learned etymology of the name Nintinuga, G.
Selz, Babilismus und die Gottheit dNindagar, in: O. Loretz (ed.), Ex Mesopotamia et Syria
Lux. Festschrift fr Manfried Dietrich, Mnster 2002 (= AOAT 281), p. 661.
lists and votive inscriptions,17 and her cult in Nippur is well attested in
Ur III and Old Babylonian times.18 As F.R. Kraus observes, names such as
Nintinuga that refer to the defining activities of a deity are characteristic
of minor gods which belong to divine entourages such as musicians or
shepherds.19 The goddess appears as an independent literary figure in a
Sumerian votive inscription usually referred to as A Dog for Nintinuga and
a Sumerian letter prayer written to her by Inanakam, both of which are
only known from Old Babylonian school exercise tablets.20
First attestations for the goddess Ninkarak come from the Early Dynas-
tic period.21 She is scarcely attested in Old Akkadian and Ur III times as
well as the Old Babylonian period.22 Her name is referred to in literary
bilingual texts of the first millennium as a counterpart to Ninisina,23 and
Ninisina is in god lists equated with her.24 Since it is furthermore not
17See M. Krebernik, Die Gtterlisten aus Fara, ZA 76 (1986) p. 187 SF 1 col. xx: 8, p. 190
SF 56: 18; see H. Steible, Die altsumerischen Bau- und Weihinschriften, Wiesbaden 1982 (=
FAOS V/2), pp. 228230 inscriptions AnNi pp. 35.
18See for the Ur III period W. Sallaberger, Der kultische Kalender der Ur III Zeit, pp. 100,
110, 140, 149; for an overview of Nintinugas cult at Nippur see Th. Richter, Untersuchungen
zu den lokalen Panthea Sd- und Mittelbabyloniens in altbabylonischer Zeit, pp. 110112.
19Nippur und Isin nach altbabylonischen Rechtsurkunden, p. 70.
20See for the edition of the text of the votive inscription F.A. Ali, Sumerian Letters:
Two Collections From the Old Babylonian Schools, University of Pennsylvania Ph.D. 1964,
pp. 144148; M. Civil, Le chien de Nintinugga, RA 63 (1969) p. 180 no. 14; and A. Kleiner
man, Education in Early 2nd Millennium BC Babylonia. The Sumerian Epistolary Miscellany,
Leiden Boston 2011 (= CM 42), pp. 174177. For the letter prayer see F.A. Ali, Sumerian
Letters: Two Collections From the Old Babylonian Schools, pp. 137143; B. Bck, Wenn du
zu Nintinuga gesprochen hast,..., AoF 23 (1996), pp. 511; W.H.Ph. Rmer, Miscellanea
Sumerologica V. Bittbrief einer Gelhmten um Genesung an die Gttin Nintinugga, in:
W. Sallaberger, K. Volk & A. Zgoll, Literatur, Politik and Recht in Mesopotamien, Wiesbaden
2003, pp. 237249; and A. Kleinerman, ibidem, pp. 171173.
21See the study of the goddess by J. Goodnick Westenholz, NinkarrakAn Akkadian
Goddess in Sumerian Guise, in: D. Shehata, F. Weierhuser & K.V. Zand (eds.), Von Gt
tern und Menschen. Beitrge zu Literatur und Geschichte des Alten Orients. Festschrift fr
Brigitte Groneberg, Leiden Boston 2010 (= CM 41), pp. 377405. I am very grateful to
reviewer B who pointed out to me this article.
22See for the references Th. Richter, Untersuchungen zu den lokalen Panthea Sd-
und Mittelbabyloniens in altbabylonischer Zeit, pp. 113114 revising the statement of F.R.
Kraus Nippur und Isin nach altbabylonischen Rechtsurkunden, p. 69 that the goddess
is not attested in administrative documents. See also J. Goodnick Westenholz, ibidem
pp. 379388.
23See F.R. Kraus, ibidem, p. 69; Th. Richter, ibidem, pp. 193194; see for an example
from Middle-Assyrian times K. Wagensonner, Nin-Isina(k)s Journey to Nippur: A Bilin
gual Divine Journey Revisited, WZKM 98 (2008) pp. 277294, esp. p. 286.
24See already F.R. Kraus, ibidem, p. 64; and see D.O. Edzard, Ninisina, in: D.O. Edzard
(ed.), Reallexikon der Assyriologie und Vorderasiatischen Archologie 9 5/6, Berlin New
York 2000, p. 387.
12 chapter two
evident whether the name Ninisina is a nomen or a cognomen F.R. Kraus

speculated that the actual goddess behind the name could be Ninkarak.25
Ninkarak, however, does not appear as an independent character in the
Sumerian and Akkadian literary tradition; but she is the healing goddess
invoked in the curse section of ammurabis law code.26 In all likelihood,
her name is of foreign origin.27
As her name Lady of Isin indicates, Ninisina was the patron deity of
the city.28 Her name is attested in god lists from the Early Dynastic period
onwards.29 First indications for her cult in Isin come from the Old Akka-
dian period.30 As goddess of Isin, which was the main seat of the kings
of the Isin dynasty, she assumed aspects of the goddess Inanna.31 This
partial syncretism between the two deities can be detected in various
ways: sometimes both goddesses share the same epithet (such as teltu) or
sometimes include the same deities in their respective entourages (such
as Ninigizibara).32 As she was the patron deity of a city, which was the
seat of a ruling dynasty, it does not come as a surprise that numerous
Sumerian literary compositions are addressed to her. In addition to seven
praise songs of Ninisina, three hymns to her have been handed down
which mention some of the Isin kings.33 As mentioned above, Ninisina
25Or Gula, see F.R. Kraus, ibidem, p. 70.

26See also D.O. Edzard, Die Mythologie der Sumerer und Akkader, in: H.W. Haussig
(ed.), Wrterbuch der Mythologie, Stuttgart 1961, p. 78.
27See J. Goodnick Westenholz, NinkarrakAn Akkadian Goddess in Sumerian Guise,
p. 381.
28See for the writing of the name, P. Steinkeller, A Note on the Reading of the Name
Isin, JCS 30 (1978) pp. 168169.
29See the references given by D.O. Edzard, Ninisina, p. 387.
30See B. Groneberg, Tiere als Symbole von Gttern in den frhen geschichtlichen
Epochen Mesopotamiens: Von der altsumerischen Zeit bis zum Ende der altbabylonischen
Zeit, in: Les animaux et les hommes dans le monde syro-msopotamien aux poques his
toriques (= Topoi suppl. 2), Paris 2000, p. 298 with further bibliography.
31See the discussion of Th. Richter, Untersuchungen zu den lokalen Panthea Sd- und
Mittelbabyloniens in altbabylonischer Zeit, pp. 519520.
32See my remarks in Chapter 4.1.2, commentary to line 7, and Chapter 5.1.
33The hymns to Ninisina are easily available through the ETCSL database (etcsl.orient.
ox.ac.uk, The Electronic Text Corpus of Sumerian Literature); see catalogue numbers 4.22.1.
4.22.6; and see the Ninisina hymn published by G. Zlyomi, Hymns to Ninisina and Ner
gal on the Tablets Ash 1911.235 and Ni 9672, in: H.D. Baker, E. Robson & G. Zlyomi
(eds.), Your Praise is Sweet. A Memorial Volume for Jeremy Black from Students, Colleagues
and Friends, London 2010, pp. 413420. For hymns to the goddess with reference to the
Isin kings Ibi-Erra, Iddin-Dagan, and Lipit-Etar respectively, see the catalogue numbers
2.5.1.4 (Ibi-Erra D), 2.5.3.4 (Iddin-Dagan D), and 2.5.5.5 (Lipit-Etar E).
was soon identified with Gula as stated in the hymn of king Ibi-Erra, the
first ruler of the Isin dynasty, to her: Pure Ninisina, Lady Gula.34 Another
Sumerian composition is the Letter Prayer of King Sin-Iddinam of Larsa
to the healing goddess, which formed part of the Old Babylonian school
curriculum.35 In the centuries, which followed, the goddess merged com-
pletely into Gula.
The other goddess who became synonymous with the healing goddess
was Baba or Bau.36 She was originally worshipped in Girsu and is, thus,
best known from the literature of Gudeas dynasty, especially from the
famous cylinders and statues of Gudea himself.37 Girsu remains also in
Ur III times one of the central place of the veneration of Baba.38 The syn-
cretism of Baba and Ninisina and hence with Gula is apparently based on
their common filiations and matrimonial alliances and took place after
the third dynasty of Ur.39 However, few proper names show that Baba
34The text (now Ibi-Erra D) has been referred to already by F.R. Kraus, Nippur
und Isin nach altbabylonischen Rechtsurkunden, p. 56. The editio princeps of the hymn
was produced by W.H.Ph. Rmer, Sumerische Knigshymnen der Isin-Zeit, Leiden 1965,
pp. 7782.
35See for the study and edition of the text W.W. Hallo, The Royal Correspondence of
Larsa, I. A Sumerian Prototype for the Prayer of Hezekiah?, in: B.L. Eichler, J.W. Heimer
dinger & .W. Sjberg (eds.), Kramer Anniversary Volume. Cuneiform Studies in Honor of
Samuel Noah Kramer, Neukirchen-Vluyn 1976 (= AOAT 25), pp. 209214; and N.M. Brisch,
Tradition and the Poetics of Innovation. Sumerian Court Literature of the Larsa Dynasty
(c. 20031763 BCE), Mnster 2007 (= AOAT 339), pp. 7577, pp. 142156.
36See for the discussion of the reading of the name G. Marchesi, On the Divine Name
dBA.U, OrNS 71 (2002) pp. 161172, and Th. Richter, Untersuchungen zu den lokalen
Panthea Sd- und Mittelbabyloniens in altbabylonischer Zeit, pp. 118119 note 526. While G.
Marchesi favours the reading, Bau (ba-u), Th. Richter prefers the spelling Baba (ba-ba),
which he bases on the reading of the god Abba/Abu. However, J. Peterson, Godlists from
Old Babylonian Nippur in the University Museum, Philadelphia, Mnster 2009 (= AOAT
362), pp. 4950, argues that a reading Abu (written ab.u) is preferable in view of the
etymology since the god is called lord of the plants (lugal u).
37See for the discussion of Baba A. Falkenstein, Die Inschriften von Gudea von Laga,
Roma 1966 (= AnOr 30), pp. 6367; for the literature of Gudea, see D.O. Edzard, Gudea and
His Dynasty (= RIME 3/1), Toronto London 1997. See for a study of the development of
the worship of Baba in Old Sumerian times G. Selz, Untersuchungen zur Gtterwelt des alt
sumerischen Stadtstaates von Laga, Philadelphia 1995 (= OPSNKF 13), pp. 102103, 296.
38See for the importance of her feast the discussion of W. Sallaberger, Der kultische
Kalender der Ur III Zeit, pp. 288291 and pp. 309310.
39See for the discussion Th. Richter, Untersuchungen zu den lokalen Panthea Sd-
und Mittelbabyloniens in altbabylonischer Zeit, pp. 514516; and M. Ceccarelli, Einige
Bemerkungen zum Synkretismus BaU/Ninisina, in: P. Negri Scafa & S. Viaggio (eds.), Dallo
Stirone al Tigri, dal Tevere allEufrate. Studi in onori de Claudio Saporetti, Roma 2009 (= AIO
477), pp. 3941.
14 chapter two
was attributed the status of a healing goddess as early as in Ur III times.40

As a result of the equation of Pabilsag, Ninisinas consort, with Ningirsu/
Ninurta, Babas spouse, both goddesses merged.41 In the Sumerian litera-
ture of the Old Babylonian period Baba then assumed the common epi-
thets of a healing goddess.42 Interestingly, in the great syncretistic hymn
KAR 109 from first-millennium Ashur it is Baba who in her aspect as heal-
ing goddess also merges into Itar.43
As a result of the syncretistic development, several consorts are attrib-
uted to Gula: Pabilsag, Ningirsu, and Ninurta.44 We have seen that in
Isin, Gula and Ninisina, whose consort was Pabilsag, had merged. In the
process of unifying the local pantheons divine pairs were identified with
their corresponding couples in other cities. As Pabilsag was considered
the son of the supreme god Enlil, other sons of Enlil such as Ningirsu
from Laga/Girsu, whose consort was Baba, and Ninurta from Nippur
were grouped together.45
40See M. Ceccarelli, ibidem, p. 39. He refers to the personal name, Baba-azu (Baba is
physician) and the field name, Baba-nin-azu (Baba, lady physician).
41See for a concise description of this process S. Tinney, The Nippur Lament,
pp. 172173.
42See Th. Richter, Untersuchungen zu den lokalen Panthea Sd- und Mittelbabyloniens
in altbabylonischer Zeit, p. 516; and M. Ceccarelli, Einige Bemerkungen zum Synkretis
mus BaU/Ninisina, pp. 3438. The main literary text witness is the hymn Ime-Dagan
B for which see the edition of W.H.Ph. Rmer, Sumerische Knigshymnen der Isin-Zeit,
pp. 236265.
43KAR 109 is joined with KAR 343; for the edition of the former text see E. Ebeling,
Quellen zur Kenntnis der babylonischen Religion, Leipzig 1918 (= MVAG 23), pp. 4952. See
for the temples of the healing goddess usually attributed to Gula, Enamtila and Esabad, ll.
17 and 19. The text is not only known from Ashur, see P.D. Gesche, Schulunterricht in Baby
lonien im ersten Jahrtausen v. Chr., Mnster 2001 (= AOAT 275), pp. 238239, who identifies
some sections of the school text BM 36333 as belonging to the composition. Apparently,
there are more unpublished duplicates of the text, see the remark by A.R. George, Babylo
nian Topographical Texts, Leuven 1992 (= OLA 40), p. 387 (commentary to ll. 1112) and see
for a partial transliteration of a few lines of the syncretistic hymn T. Oshima, Babylonian
Prayers to Marduk, Tbingen 2011 (= ORA 7), pp. 394395.
44There are more gods who appear as Gulas consorts but as I have restricted this sur
vey to Ninisina, Ninkarak, and Baba they are not taken into account here. See for additional
names the discussion by W.G. Lambert, The Gula hymn of Bullusa-rabi, pp. 109114. See
also the discussion of the appearance of the healing goddess in god lists by Th. Richter,
Untersuchungen zu den lokalen Panthea Sd- und Mittelbabyloniens in altbabylonischer Zeit,
pp. 214225.
45For a discussion of the family and entourage of the healing goddess in Nippur see
Th. Richter, ibidem, pp. 117122; for Isin see pp. 196197; for Larsa see pp. 361362; and for
Ur see pp. 466467.
2.2Gula in the Life of the Ancient Mesopotamians
As a healing goddess Gula is called the great physician,46 who revives

the dead,47 gives life,48 and cares for life.49 She does so with her incan-
tations to which Ancient Babylonians attributed the power of healing50
and with medicinal plants.51 Special emphasis was apparently laid on her
hands since she is named Mother with the soothing hand (ama.u.al.bi),
and Faithful hand of heaven (u.zi.an.na).52 Indeed, we find some refer-
ences to the work of her hands that motivated these titles. One of the
most extensive pieces of information about the rle of the healing goddess
comes from a Sumerian hymn to Ninisina, catalogued as Ninisina A.53 The
composition gives a vivid insight into the healing goddess activities.
46For the epithet asugallatu see e.g. the incantation I contemplated your countenance
studied in Chapter 4.1.3 (the term appears in the first text line).
47The expression muballiat mti is e.g. stated in the incantation Gula, great Lady who
dwells in the pure heavens line 2 for which see Chapter 4.1.5.
48For the epithet ndinat bali see e.g. the incantation [The intestines are persist
ently] massed together line 25 for which see Chapter 4.2.3.
49The phrase qiat napiti bali is attested e.g. in the bilingual incantation Gula,
august Ladywhen you descend from skys horizon line 20 for which see Chapter 4.1.2.
50For the expression tuduqqa bulluu see e.g. the incantation May they worship
Gula line 11 for which see Chapter 4.1.4.
51As stated in the Gula Hymn of Bullussarabi line 80 for which see W.G. Lambert, The
Gula Hymn of Bullusa-rabi, p. 120. As far as the Sumerian epithets of the figure of the
healing goddess are concerned, see the conclusions reached by E. Robson on the basis of
an ETCSL database search for the Sumerian terms a.zu (physician), im.mu (healer) and
iib (purification priest), Mesopotamian Medicine and Religion: Current Debates, New
Perspective, Religion Compass 2 (2008) pp. 467472.
52Amaualbi is according to the great god list an: Anum V: ll. 183, 189 one of the five
tutelary angubb deities associated with Gula, see R.L. Litke, A Reconstruction of the Assyro-
Babylonian God-Lists, AN: dA-NU-UM and AN: ANU A AMLI, p. 185. ualbi appears as
epithet of the goddess Baba, see W.H.Ph. Rmer, Sumerische Knigshymnen der Isin-Zeit,
p. 236 l. 7 (Ime-Dagan B; see also M.-C. Ludwig, Untersuchungen zu den Hymnen des Ime-
Dagan von Isin, Wiesbaden 1990 [= SANTAG 2], pp. 45). In later tradition ualbi belongs
as one of four udug spirits to Gulas entourage, see the great god list an: Anum chapter V
l. 175, for which see R.L. Litke, ibidem, p. 184.
53See the ETCSL database 4.22.1 (etcsl.orinst.ox.ac.uk); see also J. Black, G. Cunningham,
E. Robson & G. Zlyomi, The Literature of Ancient Sumer, Oxford 2004, pp. 254257, p. 359.
The hymn is classified in Sumerian as ir.gid.da, literally long song. For the genre which
seems to praise especially the martial aspects of deities see C. Wilcke, Formale Gesichts
punkte in der sumerischen Literatur, in: Sumeriological Studies in Honor of Thorkild Jacob
sen on His Seventieth Birthday June 7, Chicago 1975 (= AS 20), p. 287; M.C. Ludwig, ibidem,
pp. 3840; and D. Shehata, Musiker und ihr vokales Repertoire. Untersuchungen zu Inhalt
und Organisation von Musikerberufen und Liedgattungen in altbabylonischer Zeit, Gttin
gen 2009 (= GBAO 3), pp. 274278.
16 chapter two
17 tugbar.si.ge u im.ma.an.ti u im.gur.gur.re

She takes a piece of cloth and wipes (the wound carefully) with it,
18 tugbar.si dig.dig.e im.ma.ak.e
She softens the wound dressing,
19 im.al.du.ga im.ku.ku.e
Makes comfortable the plaster to be put (on the wound).
20 mud lugud.e u im.u.ur.u.ur.re
She cleans the wound from blood and suppuration,
21 simx.simx.ma u kum mu.na.ak.e
And lays (her) warm hand on the severe wound.54
37 dnin.in.si.na.ke tu bi.in.du ba.sa
Ninisina recited the incantation and it turned out well.
38 i nun.e nam.ub ba.an.um
She recited the spell over the ghee,
39 bur gal.la.na ba.ni.in.de
Poured it into her great bowl
40 u e.da.na nam.ma.an.de
And brought it along with her soothing hands.55
54The cuneiform texts are published by E. Chiera, SRT 6 and 7. Quoted are SRT 6 i:
1721. The editio princeps was produced by W.H.Ph. Rmer, Beobachtungen zur Gttin
Nini(n)sina auf Grund von Quellen der Ur III-Zeit und der altbabylonischen Periode, in:
M. Dietrich & W. Rllig (eds.), Lin miturti: Festschrift Wolfram Freiherr von Soden zum
19.VI.1968 gewidmet von Schlern und Mitarbeitern, Neukirchen Vluyn 1969 (= AOAT 1),
pp. 284291; note that the continuous line numbers follow this edition. Another transla
tion and transliteration is offered in the ETCSL database 4.22.1. W.H.Ph. Rmer dealt with
the hymn again in his Hymnen und Klagelieder in sumerischer Sprache, Mnster 2001 (=
AOAT 276), pp. 107142. The present lines are difficult to understand; my translation dif
fers in some points from W.H.Ph. Rmers and the ETCSLs interpretation. W.H.Ph. Rmer
suggests in his first treatment of the passage that the bandage itself was manipulated
(l. 1719) er(?) nahm die Binde, wischt sie ab(?), seine(?) Binde behandelt(?) er(?) mit
l(?), den Ton(? ?), der darauf getan worden war(?), entfernt(? ?) er(?), see his 1969 con-
tribution, p. 285; similarly the rendering in ETCSL 4.22.1 he takes bandages and wipes
them; he treats the bandages with embrocation, and softens the plaster that had been put
on them. In his 2001 study, W.H.Ph. Rmer renders the lines differently, Sie nahm die
Binde, sie wird um (die Wunde) gewickelt werden, / die Binde mancht sie zu(??) einer sehr
weichen(??), / die erforderliche(?) Tonerde(?) ssst(??) sie, / nach Blut (und) Eiter streckt
sie die Hand aus(??), / an die bsen Wunden macht(?) sie die warme Hand heran, p. 116 ll.
1721. Because of the reference to blood and pus, which is to be removed from the wound,
I have interpreted simx.simx severe wound in l. 21 as direct object in the preceding lines
and not the bandage. If this interpretation is correct the paragraph describes the typical
treatment of skin sores, namely cleansing the wound, preparing the wound dressing, and
removing wound exudates.
55Quoted are SRT 6 i: 37ii: 2; the line numbers follow the edition of W.H.Ph. Rmer,
Beobachtungen zur Gttin Nini(n)sina auf Grund von Quellen der Ur III-Zeit und der
altbabylonischen Periode, pp. 284291.
We learn from the passages that the healing goddess laid hands on wounds
and that she had soothing hands.56 Not only were her hands soothing but
also the bandages she applied. The effect of her bandages seems to have
been central to her image since it is a recurrent theme in Sumerian literary
compositions and first-millennium healing incantations. In the Sumerian
Letter Prayer of Nannamansum Nannamansum addresses the healing god-
dess pure Ninisina who heals with a cooling dress;57 and the Gula Hymn
of Bulussa-rabi states my gentle bandage soothes the sick.58 Therefore
it does not come as a surprise that bandaging turned into the synonym
of healing, namely the healing of the as physician whose patron deity
the Ninisina / Gula was. In a passage from the Tukulti-Ninurta Epic we
learn that the cuneiform tablets belonging to the craft of the as phy-
sician, the astu, were characterized as npe namadti, undertaking
of bandages.59
The hymn to Ninisina (Ninisina A) is meaningful on other grounds too:
it refers to diseases and inflicted body parts the goddess treats, the knife
she uses, the demons she threatens, and mentions her rle as midwife
associating her thus with some of the activities of a mother goddess.
All these features are recurrent themes in the later medical literature
and incantations of the first millennium BC evidencing how deeply rooted
her conception was in the tradition of Ancient Babylonians. Some of these
aspects feature in the Sumerian Letter Prayer of Nannamansum to hera
genre, as the designation indicates, which uses the style of a letter but
56The Akkadian equivalent is the expression ina rabbtim qt with gentle hands or
ritt rabbtu gentle hands which is used to describe the healing aspect of gods; see the
attestations in CAD R 15 s.v. rabbu A a) and b). Note also the expression in the healing
incantation LB 1000 obv. 3: limidka dninkarak ina rabbtim qta May Ninkarak bandage
you with her gentle hands (the parallel texts, CT 42 32 obv. 8, has lirkuska); see for the
edition of both texts M.J. Geller & F.A.M. Wiggermann, Duplicating Akkadian Magic, in:
R.J. van der Spek (ed.), Studies in Ancient Near Eastern World View and Society, Bethesda
2008, 149160.
57TCL 16 60 obv. l. 6: ku dnin.i.si.in.na tugnig.la e.de ki.bi.e bi.ib.gi.gi. See
for the complete edition of the letter B. Bck, Untersuchungen zu den sumerischen Gottes
briefen, Berlin 1993 (unpub. MA thesis), pp. 6265. The text TCL 16 60 has been partially
studied by F.R. Kraus, Nippur und Isin nach altbabylonischen Rechtsurkunden, pp. 7778,
ll. 14, 67, 9; and W.H.Ph. Rmer, Beobachtungen zur Gttin Nini(n)sina auf Grund von
Quellen der Ur III-Zeit und der altbabylonischen Periode, p. 291, ll. 59.
58rabbu ind mara upaa, see W.G. Lambert, The Gula Hymn of Bullusa-rabi,
p. 120 l. 85.
59See for the passage W.G. Lambert, Three Unpublished Fragments of the Tukulti-
Ninurta Epic, AfO 18 (1957), p. 44, text BM 98730 rev. 8.
18 chapter two
is actually a prayer or petition;60 and in a votive inscription written on

a dog made of stone that is dedicated to the healing goddess Nintinuga,
called in the secondary literature A Dog for Nintinuga.61 These three liter-
ary Sumerian works from the Old Babylonian period are the starting-point
for studying some of the specific traits of the healing goddess, namely
the surgical instruments that characterize her, afflictions of the body and
demons which are associated with her, and her role as midwife.
2.2.1Knives
The healing goddess Ninisina checks the lancet and sharpens the scalpel
before treating the wound (simx, simmu).62 The Sumerian terms are bulug.
kig.gur (Akkadian masdaru) and giri.zal (Akkadian karzillu). The god-
dess and her knives must have been a standard image of her and a frighten-
ing one as well, as we read in one of the hymns praising king Iddin-Dagan
from Isin, Iddin-Dagan D; here the goddess uses the scalpel (giri.zal) and
the lancet (bulug.kig.gur), sharp as the claws of a lion to enter the flesh,
so that the black-headed people, a poetic designation of the Sumerian
60See for the study of the genre W.W. Hallo, Individual Prayer in Sumerian: The
Continuity of a Tradition, JAOS 88 (1968) pp. 7189; B. Bck, Wenn du zu Nintinugga
gesprochen hast.... Untersuchungen zu Aufbau, Inhalt, Sitz-im-Leben und Funktion sum
erischer Gottesbriefe, AoF 23 (1996) pp. 323; and see the remarks of A. Kleinerman,
Education in Early 2nd Millennium Babylonia, pp. 3537, 5455.
Often letter prayers are interpreted as mere fictional device, see E. Robson, Mesopota
mian Medicine and Religion: Current Debates, New Perspectives, p. 458. However, from
an Old Babylonian letter written by Warad-ilu to his father we learn 4 I am lying in
the swamps, 6 I am depressed, 5 weeping and crying 7 which has become pleasant to me.
8 During my journey [I have...] a letter to my lady Itar...(...) 16 May they let my lady
hear (the letter) and 18 let it be deposited 17 in the cella before Itar, ABB 6 135 rev. 48,
1618. While the Sumerian letter prayers preserved have their setting in the Old Babylo
nian school, the practice of writing letters of petition and depositing them in temples and
sanctuaries was actually carried out. Note in this context W.W. Hallo who mentions an
oral communication by Th. Jacobsen that a closed letter envelope with the inscription to
DN had been found near the fundament of a statue for a deity, see Individual Prayer in
Sumerian: The Continuity of a Tradition, JAOS 88 (1968) p. 88 note 74.
61Similarly to the letter prayers, the text of the inscription is known from school texts
only. The original piece has not been found; see for the edito princeps F.A. Ali, Sumerian
Letters: Two Collections From the Old Babylonian Schools, pp. 144148; M. Civil, Le chien
de Nintinugga, p. 180 no. 14; and A. Kleinerman, Education in Early 2nd Millennium BC
Babylonia, pp. 174177.
62SRT 6 i: 1011: bulug.kig.gur.ra igi mu.un.sig.ge / dnin.in.si.na.ke giri.zal.e u.sar
im.ma.ak.e.
people, are shaking with fear.63 Also healing spells refer to the menacing
aura of Gulas surgical instruments: in a first-millennium incantation to
be recited during the removal of foreign bodies from the eye the exorcist
speaks (go away) before the obsidian blade and the naglabu knife will
reach you!64 In an Old Babylonian incantation directed against the afflic-
tion of the musculoskeletal system, makadu, the same words are used for
expelling (go away) before the obsidian blade and the naglabu knife will
reach you!65 Interestingly, in yet another healing spell the affliction is not
only threatened with a masdaru lancet but also with a cautery.66
The attribution of the karzillu scalpel to the healing goddess is a clear
superposition from daily life. I should recall one of the paragraphs of
Hammurabis law code, which alludes to some of the activities of the as
physician: If a physician performed a difficult surgery with a bronze lan-
cet and thus healed the man.67
63See Iddin-Dagan D ll. 89 (OECT V 8 ll. 89): giri.zal bulug.kig.gur giri pirig.ga.
gin uzu e.a.zu.u / u sag ge su ma.ra.sag.sag.ge.
64The text is BAM VI 510 iv: 3738 // BAM VI 514 iv: 42: la-am ik-u-du-ki-na-i ur-ru
nag-la-bu / a dgu-la. See for the use of scalpels and knives in the treatment of eye diseases
the discussion of J.C. Fincke, Augenleiden nach keilschriftlichen Quellen. Untersuchungen
zur altorientalischen Medizin, Wrzburg 2000 (= Wrzburger medizinhistorische Forschun
gen 70), pp. 294297, esp. p. 297. See for a discussion of warning with Gulas scalpel in case
of eye diseases M.J. Geller, Ancient Babylonian Medicine. Theory and Practice, Chichester
2010, p. 92.
65The text is YOS XI 14 rev. 5: la-a-ma ik-u-du-ka u-ur-ru na-ag-la-bu [a d]gu-la. See
also N. Wasserman, On Leeches, Dogs, and Gods in Old Babylonian Medical Incantations,
RA 102 (2008) p. 11.
66This is mentioned in the text K.6057+ ii: 2223 (unpublished): [a]-a i-i-ka nak-mu-
u [...] / [a]-a i-i-ka mas-da-ra x [...], The cautery shall not come near to you...,
the lancet shall not approach you...! See for the discussion of the term nakm M. Stol,
Review of H. Avalos, Illness and Health Care in the Ancient Near East, BiOr 54 (1997)
p. 409 with previous literature. The name of the disease which is threatened is not pre
served; however, we may presume that the skin was afflicted since the text K.6057+ com
bines several incantations that are directed against simmu, skin sores. Note in this context
that cauterization was a common method in antiquity for treating e.g. abscesses. See for
the term masdaru the brief discussion of M. Stol, Remarks on Some Sumerograms and
Akkadian Words, in: M.T. Roth, W. Farber, M.W. Stolper & P. von Bechtolsheim (eds.),
Studies Presented to Robert D. Biggs, Chicago 2007 (= AS 27), p. 238.
67Quoted after the edition of M.T. Roth, Law Collections from Mesopotamia and Asia
Minor, Atlanta 19972, p. 123 paragraph 215: umma asm awlam simmam kabtam ina kar
zilli siparrim puma awlam ubtalli. Note that the expression simmam kabtam epum
is often understood literally as to make a serious wound, see e.g. the translation of
M.J. Geller, Ancient Babylonian Medicine. Theory and Practice, p. 58 if a physician made a
serious wound (CH 215); or J.C. Fincke in her study Spezialisierung und Differenzierung
im Bereich der altorientalischen Medizin, in: G.J. Selz, The Empirical Dimension of Ancient
Near Eastern Studies. Die empirische Dimension altorientalischer Forschungen, Wien 2011
(= WOO 6), rendering Wenn ein Arzt einem Patienten (lit.: Bger) mit einem bronzenen
Sklapell (lit.: Barbiermesser) eine schwere Wunde beibringt und den Patienten heilt
20 chapter two
The healing goddess is reputed to have used a number of different sur-

gical instruments as stated in the Gula Hymn of Bullussa-rabi: she carries
along a naglabu knife and a qupp lancet as well as a masdaru lancet.68
Unfortunately, we cannot further specify the surgical instruments used
but the Ancient Babylonians must have disposed of an ample variety of
fine instruments.69 As the archaeological findings from Babylon show
at least sixteen surgical instruments were unearthed in different areas
of the city, all approximately dating to the first millennium BC; among
them we find three scalpels made of bone, one long hook, and various
probes.70 Further evidence of surgical equipment, including drills, saws,
and mechanical cutters, comes from a small receipt for over twenty-three
bronze instruments which were manufactured for a physician.71
If we interpret the sequence of incidents in hymn Ninisina A as reflection
of an actual course of events a striking image of pre-surgical procedures
and preparations emerges.72 First the goddess dresses in a great robe
(tug gal), which as W.H.P. Rmer suggested could be a doctors overall.73
It is not known what kind of robe it was but Ninisina conspicuously wears
(p. 170 note 62). Compare the suggestion of CAD E 217b 2.(c) simmu to understand the
expression as idiomatic phrase translating to perform an operation(?).
68I carry a scalpel for curing, naku masdaru a almi (l. 82), I...a scalpel and a
knife, naglaba qupp...rku (l. 179); see for the edition of the hymn W.G. Lambert, The
Gula Hymn of Bullusa-rabi, pp. 105132.
69There are several texts that state how much these fine instruments weighed, namely
from 8 to 160 gr; see H. Waetzold, DUB.NAGAR in Ebla: Meiel, Steinmeisen, Beitel,
nicht Hammer, NABU 1995 no. 117, pp. 102104.
70See the catalogue Babylon. Wahrheit, Berlin 2008 (J. Marzahn & G. Schauerte, eds.),
fig. 302 on p. 414 and the description of K. Sternitzke, pp. 425427; see also K. Sternitzke,
Spatel, Sonde und Skalpell. Medizinische Instrumente im Archologischen Befund, in:
H. Baker, K. Kaniuth & A. Otto (eds.), Stories of Long Ago. Festschrift fr Michael D. Roaf,
Mnster 2012 (= AOAT 397), pp. 649666. See for surgical instruments probably used for
blood-letting the discussion of M. Stol, Old Babylonian Ophthalmology, in: M. Lebeau &
Ph. Talon (eds.), Reflets des deux fleuves, Leuven 1989 (= Akkadica Suppl. VI), p. 164.
71The text unearthed at Ebla and dating around the middle of the third millennium
BC has been published by A. Archi, List of Tools, in: M. Dietrich & O. Loretz (eds.), Vom
Alten Orient zum Alten Testament. Festschrift fr Freiherrn von Soden zum 85. Geburtstag
am 19. Juni 1993, Neukirchen Vluyn 1993 (= AOAT 240), pp. 710; and see the contribu
tion of F. DAgostino, Considerazioni sul medico eblaita ei suoi strumenti di lavoro, in:
P. Marrassini (ed.), Semitic and Assyriological Studies Presented to Pelio Fronzaroli by Pupils
and Colleagues, Wiesbaden 2003, pp. 136149.
72See for a general overview of the instruments and materials used for surgery the con
tribution of P.B. Adamson, Surgery in Ancient Mesopotamia, Medical History 35 (1991)
pp. 428435.
73Stated in SRT 6 i: 9: tug gal.e, for the interpretation as rztekittel?? see W.H.Ph.,
Rmer, Hymnen und Klagelieder in sumerischer Sprache, p. 122 commentary to AI9.
it also in another praise song, mentioning king Ibi-Erra of Isin.74 The

characterization great or big strikes one indeed as odd. The robe has spe-
cial decoration that cannot be further identified. Once dressed, she speaks
words of comfort and prepares the instruments to treat the wound. The
actual treatment is not explicitly stated in the hymn, only the preparation
of the bandage. But as is clear from the image of the scalpel and knife
that enter the flesh like a lions claw and from the aforementioned para-
graph in Codex ammurabi, the instrument was used to treat the wound,
whether to clean it or to open the skin for further operations.
In art, Gula is frequently shown holding a scalpel and another object.
On the basis of W.G. Lamberts interpretation of a passage in the Gula
Hymn of Bulussa-rabi D. Collon suggests that it might be a cuneiform tab-
let containing medical prescriptions.75 The crucial line was read naku
maaru a almi I carry documents of healing;76 however, as M. Stol
discussed we should rather understand naku masdaru a almi, mean-
ing, I carry the masdaru lancet for healing.77 This interpretation rules
out the translation documents and puts in doubt the identification of
the object the healing goddess holds in her hand. Taking into account the
literary tradition of hymns and prayers I would propose to identify this
object with her cooling or soothing bandage or even with a swab.
Also her son Damu was associated with a scalpel: in the so-called Gtter-
typentext, which gives a description of twenty-seven gods and Mischwesen
that supposedly decorated the walls of a temple in Kassite Babylon,78 he
is said to carry a karzillu knife.79
74The text STVC 61 obv. 5 states: tug.zu tug gal.la.am, your robe is a great robe,
see for the edition of Ibi-Erra D W.H.Ph. Rmer, Sumerische Knigshymnen der Isin-Zeit,
pp. 7782.
75See D. Collon, Iconographic Evidence for Some Mesopotamian Cult Statues, in:
B. Groneberg & H. Spiekermann (eds.), Die Welt der Gtterbilder, Berlin 2007 (=BZAW 376),
p. 69; see also her entry on Gula, in Iconography of Deities and Demons (pre-publication
from 1 July 2009; see www.religionswissenschaft.unizh.ch/idd). This interpretation is fol
lowed by N. Wasserman, On Leeches, Dogs, and Gods in Old Babylonian Medical Incanta
tion, p. 11 and M.J. Geller, Ancient Babylonian Medicine. Theory and Practice, p. 93.
76See W.G. Lambert, The Gula Hymn of Bullusa-rabi, p. 120 l. 82.
77See his Remarks on Some Sumerograms and Akkadian Words, p. 238. Note that
the term appears together with the karzillu knife in the incantation BAM VI 580 ii: 17 //
CTN IV 116 rev. 2021.
78See F.A.M. Wiggermann, The Mesopotamian Pandemonium, SMSR 77 (2011)
p. 298.
79See for the edition of the text F. Kcher, Der babylonische Gttertypentext, MIO 1
(1953) pp. 57107; col. i: 12 karzilla nai he carries a karzillu knife is quoted.
22 chapter two
Figure 1.BM WA 89846 (drawing by Ana Garca). The goddess Gula, facing right,
holds in her raised right hand a scalpel. The object in her extended left hand is
possibly a bandage or a swab. In front of her sits her symbolic animal, a dog. A
beardless worshipper faces both. Behind him is a tree; a goat or ibex standing on
its hind legs is feeding from its branches.
2.2.2Skin Sores
The motivation for the bond between the healing goddess and wounds
or skin sores is no longer obvious. The constancy of the association of
Sumerian simx or Akkadian simmu(m) with Ninisina, Nintinuga, Ninkarak
and Gula is nonetheless remarkable. In the Sumerian Letter Prayer of Nan-
namansum Nannamansum writes to Ninisina: The severe wound whose
cause remains darkno man knows it but pure Ninisina heals it with the
cooling bandage.80
The cooling bandage echoes her cooling and soothing hands. Also in the
votive inscription A Dog for Nintinuga it is the healing goddess who exam-
ines the very heart of the Asag-demon and the wound, (...) who knows
80The text is TCL 16 60 obv. ll. 56 simx.simx.ma ki ku.ku.ga.ba a.bi lu nu.zu /

ku dnin.i.si.in.na tugnig.la e17.de ki.bi.e bi.ib.g[i.g]i; see for the edition of the letter
prayer B. Bck, Untersuchungen zu den sumerischen Gottesbriefen, pp. 6263.
well what causes skin sores and the sick spots of painful afflictions.81 The
motif of the healing goddess threatening to inflict long-lasting wounds
whose nature physicians cannot diagnose is a common curse in royal
inscriptions and Middle Babylonian kudurrus.82 I recall from the curse
section of ammurabis law code the threat: May the goddess Ninkarak,
daughter of Anu who speaks in the Ekur in favour of me, cause a serious
disease (muram kabtam), the evil asakkum demon (asakkam lemnam)
and a severe skin sore (simmam maram) to break out upon his limbs
an affliction which cannot be soothed, which a physician can neither
diagnose nor ease with a bandage, which like the bite of death cannot
be expelled!83
The association of skin diseases and skin sores is echoed in the medi-
cal literature also. The handbook of diagnostics and prognostics, Sakikk,
attributes a number of skin diseases (e.g. smnu, a, adnu) and skin
sores or eruptions (tu and arriu) to the hand of Gula.84 As for the
chronological frame it should be added that although few written manu-
scripts of diagnostic and prognostic texts are preserved from the Middle
Babylonian period the contents of the handbook were certainly known.85
81See for the edition F.A. Ali, Sumerian Letters: Two Collections from the Old Babylonian
Schools, pp. 144148. Quoted are ll. 6 and 8 of the composite text: a.sag simx.ma a.be
bar a/ nig.ra.a.a du.ge zi.ir.ra ki gig.bi zu.zu. F.A. Ali and ETCSL translate the bitter /
virulent asag demon interpreting simx.ma as adjective; A. Kleinerman, Education in Early
2nd Millennium BC Babylonia, p. 174, interprets wounding asag-demon. PSD B s.v. bara
116a translates the expression as a genitive relation the asag demon of diseases. In view
of the concurrence of asakkum and simmum in texts such as ammurabis law code (li:
5253) I have interpreted the phrase as two independent entities.
82See for some examples CAD S 276a s.v. simmu. The skin sore is often said to be long-
lasting (lazzu) for which see the references under meaning 1.b).
83See for the text M.T. Roth, Law Collections from Mesopotamia and Asia Minor, pp. 139
140. The Sumerian equation of the expression simmum marum, namely simx.simx.ma,
appears in the hymn Ninisina A l. 21 and in the Sumerian Letter Prayer of Nannamansum to
Ninisina, TCL 16 60 obv. l. 5. The common motif of physicians who cannot diagnose disease
and whose bandages are not soothing can be found in the Sumerian Letter Prayer of King
Sin-Iddinam of Larsa to Ninisina, l. 26, for which see N.M. Brisch, Tradition and Poetics of
Innovation. Sumerian Court Literature of the Larsa Dynasty (c. 20031763 BCE), pp. 142, 152.
84Chapter XXXIII: 103105 for which see N.P. Heeel, Die babylonisch-assyrische Diag
nostik, pp. 357358. I shall discuss the reference to the hand of Gula in the Sakikk hand
book in Chapter 3.4.
85For the Middle Babylonian evidence see M.T. Rutz, Threads for Esagil-kn-apli.
The Medical Diagnostic-Prognostic Series in Middle Babylonian Nippur, ZA 101 (2011)
pp. 294308. Compare also Esagil-kn-aplis catalogue of the incipits of the handbook
Sakikk. He was active at the court of Adad-apla-iddina who reigned in the 11th century
BC (see the updated time chart of J.A. Brinkman in: A.L. Oppenheim, La antigua Meso
potamia. Retrato de una civilizacin extinguida, Madrid 2003, translated and updated by
I. Mrquez Rowe, p. 319).
24 chapter two
The best evidence for the book comes, however, from the libraries of the
first millennium BC.
The healing goddess and the theme of skin sores or wounds appear
again in medical incantations. An illustrative example comes from an as
yet unpublished collection of healing spells that are directed against simmu
wound and other diseases. The text K.6057+ from one of Ashurbanipals
libraries in Nineveh starts with the incantation There are many wounds
whose names I did not know.86 Another incantation in the same tablet
includes the statement: [Gula], they have named you great queen! Gula,
great physician...sinews. There are so many skin sores whose names
[I did not know].87 This association between healing goddess and wounds
is also discernible in a ritual to be performed in order to save infants from
supernatural attacks. Here the hand of Gula, together with the hands of
Lamatu, the adversary, and curse cause many skin sores.88
Gula is not the only deity who is associated with simmu. Also Asalui
appears in incantations that list all kinds of diseases in the context of
wounds. Interestingly, in a Middle Babylonian text from Ugarit, which brings
together various incantations, the exorcist addresses Asalui using the same
words there are so many skin sores whose names I did not know.89
2.2.3The Body
As we have seen the hymn to Ninisina characterizes the activities that
are specific to the healing goddess. We may therefore assume that the
ailments, demons and sick condition mentioned in the text fall likewise
86Col. i: 1 en si-im-mu ma--du u-mi-u-nu ul i-di; see for comments to this lines
B. Bck, Die Krankenmassage nach keilschriftlichen Quellen, Berlin 2002 (unpublished
habilitation), p. 149.
87K.6057+ col. ii: 3133 reads: [dgu-la ar-r]a-tum gal-tum na-bu-u [u-nu] / [dgu-la]
a-zu-gal-la-tu ma-na-na [...] / [si-im-mu m]a--du u-mi-u-nu [ul i-di].
88The expression is the same: simmu mad. The text is SpTU III 84 rev. 79/80: [di
lu ina ]u dgu-la lu ina u dlamati lu ina u gaba.ri lu ina u nam.erim / [x x x x x l]
u dumu.me u-tu lu simx.me-u ma--du dumu.me-u e-e-ri, [If from the] hand
of Gula, the hand of Lamatu or be it from the hand of the adversary or the hand of
curse / [...] the children are about to die, or their (the hands) wounds are too many: in
order to save his children. The passage is quoted again below in the context of Lamatu
in Chapter 2.3.
89RS 17.155 with duplicate RS 15.152, l. 16: ma--du si-im-mu mu.me-u-nu uli-de. The
text is published by J. Nougayrol, Ugaritica V, Paris 1968, pp. 3040; parts of the incanta
tion duplicate Muuu V/d for which see B. Bck, Das Handbuch Muuu, pp. 191196 (the
Ugarit tablet appears in the score text with the sigla U).
into her domain. A graphic account of the pains, which can befall man, is
included in ll. 3235 of the hymn Ninisina A.
32 a.gig libi.gig lu.lu.ra mu.[n]a.[ka]r.ra
Because of the illness of (his) belly and the illness of (his) sick intestines
that afflict the man
33 lu.lu.bi mu ki bil.gin i.im.bal.bal.e
This man writhes like a snake on burnt ground,
34 mu ki.u.a.gin e.na dag i.si.il.e
He hisses like a desert snake and
35 a.gu libi.gu bil.la.bi im.me
He is feverishly crying out: My belly! My intestines!90
Both belly and intestines were strongly associated with the healing god-
dess in the medical literature of the first millennium. As I discuss below in
Chapter 4 on the medicinal plants attributed to Gula, they were employed
to treat pains in the abdomen and troubles of the intestinal tract which are
precisely the symptoms that are associated with the hand of Gula accord-
ing to the handbook on the prognosis and diagnosis of disease, Sakikk.
In one of the entries it is stated: If his belly is seized and he cries Ouch!:
hand of Gula.91 This idea entered apparently medical prescriptions. In
one of the elaborate recommendations for severe digestive problems the
practitioner has to invoke Gula and Ninma to guarantee the efficacy
of his treatment.92 In a Middle Babylonian incantation from Ugarit that
combines gibberish words with a short Akkadian text Gula is invoked as
Lady of Life. Interestingly, according to its rubric the healing spell was to
be recited to stop diarrhoea, ka.inim.ma a.sur ku.ru.da.kam.93
The words a and libi are general terms referring to both an inter-
nal area of the body and an emotional state;94 in this regard they are
90The lines correspond to SRT 6 i: 3235.

91See my discussion in Chapter 3.3 Sakikk XIII i: 55.
92The prescription is BAM VI 579 iv: 3342; the goddesses appear in iv: 42: mu dgu-la
u dnin-ma ta-zak-kar you invoke Gula and Ninma.
93See for the text RS 25.456B the edition of D. Arnaud, Corpus des textes de bibliothque
de Ras Shamra Ougarit (19362000) en sumrien, babylonien et assyrien (= AuOr Suppl.
23), Barcelona 2007, pp. 9096. The incantation is preserved in obv. 22-rev. 1. The rubric
is preserved in rev. 2.
94See for a discussion of the terms libi and a in the construction with the respective
verbs bal and dab denoting expressions that refer to different stages of anger M. Jaques,
Le vocabulaire des sentiments dans les textes sumriens. Recherche sur le lexique sumrien et
akkadien, Mnster 2006 (= AOAT 332), pp. 9093 (libi...bal) and pp. 9395 (a...dab).
See also my contribution Die Hymne Ninisina A Z. 3042 mit einem Exkurs ber a
Bauch, Magen-Darm-Trakt als Sitz der Gefhle, Babel und Bibel, Annual of Ancient Near
Eastern, Old Testament, and Semitic Studies 8 (2013) (in press).
26 chapter two
a mbiguous. However, the meaning abdomen, belly of a is evident when

the term appears in the context of other inner organs.95 As for the mean-
ing of libi, an illustration as to its rendering is the description of Umul
(or Ugul), the poor helpless creature fashioned by Enki in the myth of
Enki and Ninma.96 The text starts with the head and goes body part by
body part down the torso: it could not breath (zi til.til), the ribs were
shaky (ti sur.sur), the lungs sick (mur gig.ga), the belly afflicted (a gig.ga)
and the intestines troubled (libi gig.ga).97 The lexical text List of Diseases
equates libi gig with the Akkadian term for colic of the gastrointestinal
tract, namely ks libbi.98
The other disease system that is associated with the healing goddess
is called in Sumerian, sa, usually rendered sinew, muscle, blood vessel.
Yet this translation does not seem to fully grasp the meaning of the term
if we turn to one of the descriptions in the votive inscription, A Dog
for Nintinuga. The healing goddess is said to be the one who chooses
between the sa of life and the sa of death, makes their joints good.99
Here a translation tendon / muscle / blood vessel of life is too narrow.
The Sumerian term sa refers to several physical objects: a bundle of
reeds (Akkadian kiu), a net (Akkadian tu), gut (Akkadian irru), and
sinew, muscle, and blood vessel (Akkadian ernu). Common to the dif-
ferent meanings is the concept of strings or cords, which in the case of a
net could be tied together. As a matter of fact, the votive inscription clearly
alludes to the joints of the body cords evoking the image of a neatly tied
net. The sa could be evil (Sumerian ul) as is stated in a medical incanta-
tion or sick (Sumerian gig).100 As for the latter, this is precisely the name
of the handbook of prognosis and diagnosis, Sakikk, which is a learned
95See the discussion of M. Stol, The Digestion of Food According to Babylonian

Sources, in: L. Battini & P. Villard (eds.), Mdecine et mdecins au Proche-Orient ancien,
Oxford 2006 (= BAR International Series 1528), p. 103.
96See for the social rle of Umul the interpretation of A. Westenholz, Enki and Ninma:
An Interpretation, in: W. Horowitz, U. Gabbay & F. Vukosavovic (eds.), A Woman of Valor:
Jerusalem Ancient Near Eastern Studies in Honor of Joan Goodnick Westenholz, Madrid 2010
(= BPOA 8), pp. 201204.
97See Enki and Ninma l. 89 (ETCSL c.1.1.2).
98See MSL IX p. 92 col. i: 1.
99See for the edition F.A. Ali, Sumerian Letters: Two Collections From the Old Babylo
nian Schools, pp. 144148; l. 7 is quoted: sa nam.ti.la sa nam.u.a.ka igi sag.sag nig.ke.
bi sa.ge; and A. Kleinerman, Education in Early 2nd Millennium BC Babylonia, p. 174.
100See B. Bck, Das keilschriftliche Handbuch Einreibung Muuu, Muuu VIII/c l. 97
p. 281. The Akkadian expression ernu lemnu is attested in the incantation Muuu IV/a
(see ibidem l. 29 p. 156); note that it seems to be explained by the following addition,
ernu napu a p broken cord of the feet.
loanword from Sumerian sa.gig, literally sick cords, usually rendered

symptoms. Since the handbook is about disease symptoms that affect
man, sa must be a generic term for the cord-like system of the body101 that
seemed to have been tied together like a net. This system consisted in ten-
dons, sinews, muscles, and blood vessels and was contrasted in Akkadian
literary texts with flesh (ru), a term that refers to the soft parts of the
body. Akkadian ernu was paralleled with body (zumru) and appears
to have been used per merismum and as metonymy for the whole body.102
Interestingly, in the dedicatory inscription, A Dog for Nintinuga, the state-
ment of sa is preceded by the reference to yet another body part the
healing goddess cares for: she keeps an eye on the bones.103 Taking the
different statements together on sa, flesh and bones, it becomes clear
that Ancient Mesopotamians had a tripartite concept of human anatomy
differentiating between a cord-like system of the body that was visualized
as a net, the soft parts of the body, and the skeleton.
That the strings fell into the domain of the healing goddess is cor-
roborated by two further attestations from literary texts. The first comes
from the bilingual incantation Ninisina, mother of the land (en dnin.
i.si.in ama kalam.ma.ke) which forms part of the incantation handbook
Muuu, Embrocation. Here, Damu, the son of the healing goddess is
described as the one who joins/strengthens the cut strings, lu ku.da
sa ru.ru.ke a ir-a-ni bat-qa i-ka-a-ru.104 Nearly the same epithet
is given to Nintinuga in the Sumerian letter prayer that Inanakam wrote
to her. She is the great relief bringer to the crippled (literally the great
joiner of the cut man), lu ku lu ku.bi ru.ru.gal.bi.me.en.105 We again
perceive the image of a net, this time broken since its strings are cut.
101See also A. Attia, A propos de la signification de ernu dans les textes mdicaux
msopotamiens: Une question danatomie, Histoire des sciences mdicales 33 (2000) p. 55.
102See attestations in CAD /II s.v. ernu pp. 309310.
103This is stated in l. 6: iri.pad.du igi bar.re, for which see F.A. Ali, Sumerian Letters:
Two Collections From the Old Babylonian Schools, p. 144; and A. Kleinerman, Education in
Early 2nd Millennium BC Babylonia, p. 174.
104See for the edition of the incantation (V/a, cited is l. 4), B. Bck, Das keilschriftliche
Handbuch Einreibung Muuu, pp. 184189 (transliteration), 208 (translation), 214 (com
mentary). For a meaning to give relief of the verb karu in a medical context see CAD
K 259b 1.e)3.
105See for the passage, B. Bck, Wenn du zu Nintinuga gesprochen hast,.... Unter
suchungen zu Aufbau, Inhalt, Sitz-im-Leben und Funktion sumerischer Gottesbriefe,
p. 8; and see W.H.Ph. Rmer, Miscellanea Sumerologica V. Bittbrief einer Gelhmten um
Genesung an die Gttin Nintinugga, p. 246 (commentary to line 9). W.H.Ph. Rmer reads
instead of ru.ru du.du with reference to AHw s.v. uklulu(m) 1264a and translates Ver
vollkommnerin. However, the verb uklulu(m) is not attested in the context of healing.
28 chapter two
The healing goddess or her son has to join or bind them together in order
to restore the net.
As shall be discussed below, there are a number of Sumerian disease
terms commencing with sa such as sa.gal (sagallu), sa.ke.sa (aau),
sa.ke (makadu), sa.ke.ke (uu), all denoting afflictions of the muscu-
loskeletal system which, as we have seen, was associated with the healing
goddess.106 This tradition can be traced from the early second millennium
down to the first millennium BC. The afflictions sagallu, makadu, and
uu, which is the name of the demon causing the makadu disease, are
often treated in combination with the recitation of healing spells that
invoke the healing goddess.107
However, Gula was not the only deity who was associated with the cur-
ing of the cord-like system of the body. The other god was Asalui; in
one of the medical incantations of the tablet K.6057+, which combines
several incantations to be recited for simmu, skin sore, their collaboration
is described as:
7Asalui recited his incantation of life,
8Gula relieved with her soothing hands,
9They both tear out the skin sores/diseases from his strings.108
It does not come as a surprise that the activities of the healing goddess
are attested together with the manipulations of the god of magic. This
division of labour between the two deities becomes a standard motif in
medical incantations and might actually stand for the two complemen-
tary arts in healing, namely iptu, magical art, and astu, healing craft.
Both gods appear again in one of the incantations included in the Maql,
Burning, compendium, a ritual handbook with incantations to ward off
the evil attacks of witchcraft. In one of the incantations the ritual expert
reassuringly tells his patient that he has anointed him with the pure oil of
Ea and Asalui and that he has calmed down the bad cords of his limbs
with the spell of Asalui and the soothing bandage of Gula.109 The god
of magic alone is referred to in an Old Babylonian incantation against
106See for the three sa-ke combinations MSL XVII p. 19, Erimu I: 268270.
107See Chapter 4.1.1.
108Quoted are iii: 79: 7 [i-n]am-di dasal-lu-i i-pat-su a ba-la-i 8 u-ap-a-a
dgu-la ina u.min-a a te-ni-i-ti 9 [s]im /gig.me i-na-as-sa-u ina sa.me-u.
x
109Paraphrasing Maql chapter VIII ll. 39, 4142 for which see T. Abusch & D. Schwe
mer, Das Abwehrzauber-Ritual Maql (Verbrennung), in: B. Janowsky & G. Wilhelm
(eds.), Omina, Orakel, Rituale und Beschwrungen, Gtersloh 2008 (= TUAT NF 4), pp. 169
170; and T. Abusch & D. Schwemer, The Chicago Maql Fragment (A 7876), Iraq 71
(2009), pp. 62, 67.
the consequences of breaking an oath which later was incorporated into

the first millennium BC handbook, Muuu, Embrocation. Here, Asalui
relieved his (the patients) cord-like system presumably with oil.110
Even if both, Gula and Asalui, seemed to have cured afflictions of the
skin and musculoskeletal systems of the body it is especially Gula who
in the religious realm is attached to them. As will be discussed in detail
below, one of her antagonists or rather unequal opponents is the Asag or
Asakku demon. This supernatural being, whose name served as a generic
term for disease was known for a variety of pains but particularly because
he twists the cords like clothing for a headdress.111 In addition, Asakku
was associated with severe skin wounds.
This combination of afflictions of the sa cord-like system of the body
and the skin is strangely mirrored in the Sumerian-Akkadian lexical tra-
dition. Both skin afflictions and diseases of the musculoskeletal system
are written in Sumerian with the sign sa. Compare the following sets of
lexical entries; the first is taken from the so-called Erimu List, the other
comes from the Antagal List. Both lexical works have in common that
they are structured acrographically, i.e. terms that start with the same
cuneiform signs are grouped together. The resulting sets of words come
from one semantic field including synonyms, homonyms or complemen-
tary concepts; they are organized primarily according to the entries in the
Akkadian column.112 In other words, terms that were considered to belong
together and were written with the same first cuneiform sign form little
units, usually consisting of three entries.
sa.ke.sa aau a disease of the joints
sa.ke makadu a disease of the joints
sa.ke.ke uu the name of the demon who causes makadu113
As for the Sumerian terms they combine sa cords with the verb ke to
bind and refer to different stages of bound or twisted cords.
sa.gu arsu itching
sa.gu.e ekketu scratching
sa.umbin.ak.ak ritu itch114
110See B. Bck, Das keilschriftliche Handbuch Einreibung Muuu, p. 234, l. 65: sa ni.
te.a.na mu.un.i.dub.dub.bu, ir-a-an ra-mi-ni-u u-ap-a (VI 65).
111See CT XVII 10: 5152; see for the restoration of the line CAD P 277a s.v. patinnu
(lexical section).
112See the description in MSL XIII pp. 34 and MSL XVII p. 3.
113Erimu I 268270 for which see MSL XVII p. 19.
114Antagal E iv: 67 for which see MSL XVII p. 212. For the term arsu see the brief dis
cussion of M. Stol, Remarks on Some Sumerograms and Akkadian Words, p. 235. Note that I
30 chapter two
The first two entries contain the verb gu to eat (said of pain) designating
a painful sa. The third entry could be literally translated as bringing the
fingernail to the sa. It is interesting to note that another lexical list gives for
the ekketu scratching the Sumerian equivalent su.gu painful su,115 which
seems to provide a more ready understanding of the Sumerian etymology
since the sign su can stand for body and, when read ku, for skin.
However, as we have discussed above, the Akkadian equivalent of
sa, namely ernu, is often used metonymically to denote the body. On
analysis of the lexical entries, it seems that on a cognitive level the sign
sa was not only a generic term for the cord-like system of the body but
also of what covered this system, viz. the skin. In this context, one of the
meanings of sa should be recalled, namely net (Akkadian tu). Although
neither the Akkadian term ernu nor the Sumerian sa is used as a desig-
nation for the skin it seems that the concept of a net as a covering entity
was present in the Sumerian designations for skin diseases.
2.2.4Midwifery
The hymn Ninisina A offers yet another facet of the healing goddess: she
was not only seen as a midwife but as a deity who caused fertility.
74 ar ki.sikil li.li ga.ga.de
To create for thousands of young women offspring,
75 baar.ra.ke si sa.e.de gi.dur ku5.de nam tar.re.de
To make thrive like a potter, to cut the umbilical cord, to determine
destinies,
76 giig nigin.gar.ra.ke sa.us.u.de / u us.u.de um.ki ra.ra.de
And to open the door to the Nigar chapel, to set aside the afterbirth,
77 dumu.lu ur.ra da an.ri.ri gu nun su.su.de
To lift the baby to the lap, to let it cry out loudly,
78 a ki.e ga.ga.de sag u bal ak.de
While holding it pointing (first) the belly to the ground and (then) turn-
ing the head upside down
79 nam.nu.u.gig zi ki.in.de
Performing the true office of a midwife.116
follow for the meaning itch for ritu the translation of CAD R 381b and not Rtung as
AHw 989b renders.
115Proto-Izi II 373 for which see MSL XIII p. 51.
116Quoted are SRT 6 iii: 16 // 7 ll. 1117a; the consecutive line counting follows the
edition of W.H.Ph. Rmer, Hymnen und Klagelieder in sumerischer Sprache, p. 113. The
second part of line 76 is difficult to understand. W.H.Ph. Rmer suggests the translation
die Ftusse zu richtiger Entwicklung gelangen zu lassen(?), Beobachtungen zur Gt
tin Nini(n)sina auf Grund von Quellen der Ur III-Zeit und der altbabylonischen Periode,
The first section of the paragraph (ll. 7475) refers to four phases in the
genesis and course of life: conception; development of the baby using the
image of a potter, which alludes to the creation of man from clay; birth;
and future destiny.117 The reference to Gula as a midwife is not an isolated
attestation and also mentioned in a slightly earlier composition, namely
an Ur III incantation that was recited to facilitate birth. Of interest are the
last two lines of the text: May Gula, the just administrator with meticu-
lous hands determine the destiny, once she has cut the umbilical cord!118
The idea of the healing goddess as responsible for ensuring fecundity
was not a simple abstract construction but echoes Ancient Mesopota-
mian cultic and religious reality. The best evidence comes from one of
the queens of the Ur III dynasty. When Kubtum, the wife of u-Suen,
penultimate king of the dynasty, was pregnant or had given birth she
offered lavish gifts to Gula and her assistant Nigar: a basket and a bucket
made of bronze and copper.119 Interestingly, the birth of the child was
furthermore commemorated with a so-called Balbale hymn to the god-
dess Baba.120 The conception of the healing goddess who guarantees preg-
nancy was still alive in late first-millennium Uruk. In one of the rituals
to assure fecundity and pregnancy, first libation and incense had to be
p. 295. In his edition Hymnen und Klagelieder in sumerischer Sprache, he translates

Missgeburten(??) zu verursachen(??), see p. 118 l. AIII3//B14. M. Stol, Birth in Babylonia
and the Bible. Its Mediterranean Setting, Groningen 2000 (= CM 14), p. 29, renders she
makes the malformed birth come out (?); ETCSL does not translate the expression. My
understanding is guided by W.H.Ph. Rmers commentary (p. 296 in his 1969 edition and
p. 134 in his 2001 treatment) who discusses the term um.ki.ra.ra which is equated with
ezbu, abandoned. He argues that ra.ra should express an activity. Thus, the indefinite
verbal form ra.ra.de is here taken to have the meaning ezbu, to leave, set aside. The
problem is that there is no other reference to this equation outside the Sumerian term
um.ki.ra.ra. In l. 79 I follow the suggestion of W.H.Ph. Rmer to understand ki.in as a syl-
labic writing of kig; see ibidem, Mnster 2001, p. 135.
117See M. Stol, ibidem, p. 78 about the mother goddess moulding man from clay; note
that according to an : anum the mother goddess is called nin baar Lady Potter, see R.L.
Litke, A Reconstruction of the Assyro-Babylonian God-Lists, AN: dA-NU-UM and AN: ANU
A AMLI, p. 69, l. 26.
118Stated in UM 2915367 ll. 4950 and the Old Babylonian text VAS 17 33 ll. 2526;
see for both texts the edition of J.J.A. van Dijk, Incantations accompagnant la naissance
de lhomme, OrNS 44 (1975) pp. 5365; see for text UM 2915367 also G. Cunningham,
Deliver Me From Evil. Mesopotamian Incantations 25001500 BC, Roma 1997 (= StPohl SM
17), pp. 6975.
119See F. Weierhuser, Die kniglichen Frauen der III. Dynastie von Ur, Gttingen 2008
(= GBAOB 1), pp. 157158. While F. Weierhuser interprets the bronze and copper utensils
as a gift in gratitude for a healthy birth, M. Widell suggests that they were intended to win
the divine aid so that Kubtum would become pregnant by u-Suen, see his Whos Who
in A balbale to Bau for u-Suen (u-Suen A), JNES 71 (2011), p. 300.
120See M. Widell, ibidem, pp. 289302.
32 chapter two
offered to Gula and then the goddess Ninkarak was invoked.121 Her rle
to assure pregnancy is possibly the reason why some curse formulas in
Middle Babylonian kudurrus occasionally request from to the healing
goddess to cause infertility by destroying or gathering up the seed: May
Ninurta, the king of heaven and earth, and Gula, the bride of the Eara
temple destroy his seed!122
The second section of the hymn Ninisina A gives a rare insight into the
activities of a midwife. After cutting the umbilical cord she was to deposit
the afterbirth. In the temples of both Gula and Inanna was a special cha-
pel intended for keeping placental expulsions, stillborn infants and the
unborn foetuses, if we take the name of the religious place Nigara liter-
ally, (House where) the afterbirth and foetus is deposited.123 The next
step was to assure that the baby would breath by turning it upside down
and making it cry out.124 The Sumerian term for midwife is nu.gig, which
is equated with the Akkadian qaditu, the sacred one. Both designations
are euphemistic since the midwife was the woman responsible of dispos-
ing of impure substances such as the blood, placenta and other tissue of
women in childbirth.125 Though not stated in the hymn to Ninisina, the
qaditu office also included the breast-feeding of babies126an activity
which is relevant for the discussion below of the rle of Gula and her
antagonist Lamatu and Gulas animal, the dog.
121See SpTU V 248 rev. 1217, pp. 59, 62. See for a discussion of the text J.A. Scurlock,
Translating Transfers in Ancient Mesopotamia, in: P. Mirecki & M. Meyer (eds.), Magic
and Ritual in the Ancient World, Leiden 2002, pp. 207223.
122See BBSt 6 ii: 39; see for more examples J. Goodnick Westenholz, NinkarrakAn
Akkadian Goddess in Sumerian Guise, p. 391.
123The chapel is attested various times, see A.R. George, House Most High: The Temples
of Ancient Mesopotamia, p. 133. Note that A.R. George translates the name House, estab
lished chamber, which is followed by N.M. Brisch, Tradition and Poetics of Innovation.
Sumerian Court Literature of the Larsa Dynasty (c. 20031763 BCE), p. 146, commentary
to l. 146. However, the term nigin/ni/nig is equated with Akkadian kbu foetus. For a
discussion of the chapel name see M. Stol, Birth in Babylonia and the Bible. Its Mediterra
nean Setting, p. 29. Th. Jacobsen suggested that the chapel served as a funeral site for dead
infants, prematurely born foetuses/infants, and the afterbirth in The Harps That Once...,
New Haven London 1987, p. 475 note 1. The name of the chapel is also mentioned in
the Letter prayer of King Sin-Iddinam of Larsa to Ninisina, see N.M. Brisch, ibidem pp. 142,
149 l. 7.
124I follow the interpretation of M. Stol, ibidem, pp. 112, 177.
125See for the impure connotations of the office which was attributed also to the god
dess Itar B. Groneberg, Aspekte der Gttlichkeit in Mesopotamien, in: R.G. Kratz &
H. Spieckermann (eds.), GtterbilderGottesbilderWeltbilder. Polytheismus und Mono
theismus in der Welt der Antike, Tbingen 2006, p. 158.
126See the discussion of M. Stol, Birth in Babylonia and the Bible. Its Mediterranean
Setting, pp. 185190.
The association of the healing goddess with midwifery and babies is of

importance for another reason: as will be discussed in Chapter 3.5 the diag-
nostic and prognostic handbook, Sakikk, devotes one chapter to infant
diseases. A well-known characteristic of the handbook is the attribution of
afflictions and pains to the hands of deities. Now, it is remarkable and has
so far not been explained that the majority of infant diseases are connected
with the hand of Gula.127 It is quite plausible that this attribution echoes
her image as midwife, guarantee of fecundity, and mother of the land.
The healing goddess was connected with the belly, sometimes in refer-
ence to the abdomen and intestines, sometimes as the seat of the womb.128
In the imaginative world of Ancient Mesopotamians the belly was a
dark place.129 The image was current for more than one millennium. It
occurs again in one of the medical incantations from first-millennium BC
Nineveh, which was intended to be recited during the treatment of pains
in the abdomen: Belly, oh belly! Dark is the belly, filled with the awe-
inspiring splendour like night.130
The concept of a dark belly is corroborated by the fact that two of the
medical incantations that accompanied medical recipes for colic and pains
in the belly are directed to the sun god, ama.131 The invocation of ama
127Namely, in ca. 33% of all the afflictions attributed to the supernatural realm in chap
ter XL of Sakikk. Gula appears twenty-one times, the personal god ten times, the daughter
of Anu eight times, Sn and Lamatu six times; see also Chapter 3.5.
128Note in this context the medical prescription BAM VI 579 iv: 3342 which recom
mends for the treatment of severe pains in the belly the preparation of a potion. Before
it is to be taken the practitioner had to invoke Gula and Ninma. It is possible that the
reason for the invocation of the mother goddess Ninma is this same association between
belly as seat of diseases and the foetus.
129This is stated in one of the Sumerian temple hymns praising the house of the mother
goddess Nintu stating that she is mother Nintu, the lady of creation who cares for the
belly, the dark place, (TCS III, TH no. 39) see M. Stol, Birth in Babylonia and the Bible. Its
Mediterranean Setting, p. 75. See for the motif of the belly as dark place also the collection
of attestation of M. Stol, The Digestion of Food According to Babylonian Sources, p. 115.
130BAM VI 574 iv: 24 states: en lib-bu lib-bu e-ki-il lib-bu gin mu-i-tim ma-li nam-
ri-ri. Quoted by M. Stol, ibidem, p. 115 with note 111.
131en am-m[u a lib]-bi ina kur-i a-i-ma, Incantation: The plant for the belly
grows in the mountain, which is BAM VI 574 iii: 3439 with the duplicates STT II 252
obv. 113 (for which see E. Reiner, Another Volume of Sultantepe Tablets, JNES 26 [1967]
pp. 191192), BAM VI 576 ii: 212; AO 7765 rev. 814 (for which see J. Nougayrol, Tab
lettes diverses de Muse du Louvre, RA 73 [1979] p. 69). The incantation was already
known in Old Babylonian times; see for the edition and study N. Veldhuis, The Heart
Grass and Related Matters, OLP 21 (1990) pp. 2744. Note, however, that N. Veldhuis
understands the term libbu as referring to the heart as the seat of the emotions and not
to the belly. The second incantation en a dutu ina kur-i, Incantation: The belly of
ama in the mountain is BAM VI 574 iii: 2331 with the duplicates YOS XI 11 ll. 19 and
YOS XI 12 ll. 115 (see for the YOS XI 11 and 12 N. Veldhuis, ibidem pp. 2744). A study of
34 chapter two
in healing spells is unusual since the sun god is commonly appealed to in

his function as judge. The rationale behind his appearance is evident: the
sun god was thought to bring light into the darkness of the belly.
As for the unborn baby, it was said to be the one who dwelt in the dark
chamber and was addressed in incantations as dweller in the dark.132
2.2.5Namtar and Asakku

Namtar and Asakku (or Asag in Sumerian) are both generic terms for
disease (and the demons who cause them). Namtar, destiny, is in
F.A.M. Wiggermanns words a disease (and death) that is decided by
the gods, part of the rightful cosmos in contrast to Asakku who rep-
resents what is not decided, disease that is not part of the rightful
cosmos, suitably translated as disorder.133 The aspect of uncontrolled
power seems to be the motivation for his name: the Sumerian term Asag
(written a.sag) literally means smashing force.134 As a contrasting and
complementing pair Namtar and Asakku are usually mentioned together
in incantations and literary works.135
As for the Namtar demon, we observe that in the incantation tradition
of the second and first millennium BC he remains a demon and disease
while in the mythological realm he develops an independent character
the first-millennium text is offered by E. Reiner, Your Thwarts in Pieces, Your Mooring
Rope Cut. Poetry from Babylonia and Assyria, Michigan 1985, 94100. Note that E. Reiner
interprets the term libbu as heart translating accordingly The Heart Grass.
132For the standard motif of the baby in the dark see the discussion of W. Farber,
Schlaf, Kindchen, Schlaf! Mesopotamische Baby-Beschwrungen und -Rituale, Winona Lake
1989, pp. 149150.
133Mesopotamian Protective Spirits. The Ritual Texts, Groningen 1992 (= CM 1), p. 162.
134See for the discussion of the name J.J.A. van Dijk, LUGAL UD ME-LM-bi NIR-L,
vol. I., Leiden 1983, pp. 1920.
135See CAD 247a s.v. namtaru 2.a) 1. See for the pair R. Borger, Die erste Teiltafel der
zi-p Beschwrungen (ASKT II), in: M. Dietrich & W. Rllig (eds.), Lin miturti: Fest
schrift Wolfram Freiherr von Soden zum 19.VI.1968 gewidmet von Schlern und Mitarbeitern,
Neukirchen Vluyn 1969 (= AOAT 1), p. 5 VIIIIX; or compare the composition Gilgame,
Enkidu and the Netherworld ll. 227, 235 (see for a translation P. Attinger, Bilgame, Enkidu
et le monde infernal (1.3.1), 20082009, up-dated 2012, retrieved from the web page of
his home institution http://www.arch.unibe.ch/content/e8254/e9161/e9186/1...). In a
sequence of demons Namtar and Asakku appear in the hymn Ninisina A l. 48 (SRT 6 ii:
10, for which see W.H.Ph. Rmer, Hymnen und Klagelieder in sumerischer Sprache, p. 112)
and in the Letter Prayer of Sin-iddinam to Utu both demons are said not to approach the
Elamites who are depicted as uncivilized people, l. 28 (for which see W.W. Hallo, The
Royal Correspondence of Larsa. II: The Appeal to Utu, pp. 95109).
and becomes a netherworld deity figuring as a vizier of Erekigal.136 In the

Sumerian Letter Prayer of the Scribe Nannamansum to Ninisina, the heal-
ing goddess is characterized as the one who heals man from the onrush-
ing Namtar demons who have set in the body of man and whom nobody
knows how to expel.137
More abundant is the information about the association of the Asakku
demon with the healing goddess. In the Sumerian Letter Prayer to Nintinuga,
Inanakam who is apparently crippled associates her affliction with the
activities of the Asakku, writing: If my lady answers favourably, she shall
tear out from my body the Asag demon that is present in my body. May
she heal my foot, then I shall be her servant maid!138 We have already
quoted the healing goddess curse in ammurabis law code. Asakku(m)
is listed together with muru(m) disease and simmu(m) wound as the
afflictions with which Ninkarak threatens any perjurer. The close bond
between simmu, Asakku and the healing goddess is also described in the
votive inscription, A Dog for Nintinuga, where it is said that the healing
goddess examines the very cause of Asakku and simmu wound.139
It seems then that the Asakku demon was associated with both afflic-
tions of the musculoskeletal system and skin sores which are precisely two
of the ailments that fall under the dominion of the healing goddess. This
interrelationship between goddess and demon does not come as a surprise
since in mythology it is precisely her consort Ninurta who defeats Asag /
Asakku as threatening cosmic demon Disorder.140 The composition that
describes the fight between them commences in Sumerian with lugal.e ud
136As a vizier of the netherworld Namtar appears in the literary text of the Vision of
the Netherworld by an Assyrian Crownprince for which see the edition of A. Livingstone,
Court Poetry and Literary Miscellanea, Helsinki 1989 (= SAA III), no. 32 pp. 6876 (Namtar
appears in rev. 2, p. 71).
137nam.tar ir.ru.u su lu.ka gal.la zi.ga nu.ub.zu. See for the study of TCL 16 60 l. 8
B. Bck, Untersuchungen zu den sumerischen Gottesbriefen, pp. 62, 65; and W.H.Ph. Rmer,
Miscellanea Sumerologica V. Bittbrief einer Gelhmten um Genesung an die Gttin Nin
tinugga, p. 291. The expression ir.ru.u is difficult to interpret. Rmer translates frchter
licher Schwei, suggesting that ru.u might stand for u. I have tentatively analysed ir.ru.
u as a plural form of the verb ir/ri/ru, Akkadian zqu.
138Quoted are ll. 2022: 20a.sag su.ga gal.la su.ga e.ta.an.zi 21ki.in.gub nam.ti.la.
ke giri.gu e.bi.ib.gub.be.en 22u ga.e geme.zu for which see B. Bck, Wenn du
zu Nintinuga gesprochen hast,.... Untersuchungen zu Aufbau, Inhalt, Sitz-im-Leben und
Funktion sumerischer Gottesbriefe, p. 10, and W.H.Ph. Rmer, ibidem, p. 243.
139a.sag simx.ma a.bi bar a; see the edition of F.A. Ali, Sumerian Letters: Two Col
lections From the Old Babylonian Schools, p. 144 l. 6; and A. Kleinerman, Education in Early
2nd Millennium BC Babylonia, p. 174.
140See for the expression F.A.M. Wiggermann, Mesopotamian Protective Spirits. The
Ritual Texts, p. 162.
36 chapter two
me.lam.bi nir.gal, Lord, storm whose splendour is forceful, also called

Ninurtas Exploits. It belongs to the few Sumerian literary works, which
have been handed down until the last third of the first millennium BC,141
and formed part of the Assyrian national Ninurta mythology.142
The ideational dimension of the demon and the healing goddess, and
furthermore its impact on medical ideas become more pronounced, when
the appearance of Asakku in the Ninurta myth, Ninurtas Exploits is taken
into consideration. The character of Asakku is multifaceted. J.J.A. van Dijk
stresses seven aspects of which two are particularly interesting for the
present discussion. The demons presence is described as
u.bu.bu.ul e.a.bi nu du.ga
bu-bu--tu a a-u-u la a-a-bu
a.gig.ga kir e.a.bi nu sig.ga
e-en-ni-tum a ina ap-pi a-[u-]u la dam-qu
A boil143 whose suppuration is unpleasant,
A skin eruption coming forth from the nose which is nasty.144
The characterization of Asag as a skin disease is striking not only because
the comparison is quite unusual and not otherwise attested for a demonic
power, but exactly corroborates the image which emerged from the con-
currence of demon and skin sores. It seems as if Ancient Mesopotamians
would have associated Asag / Asakku with skin afflictions.
The other aspect of the demon according to the myth concerns his
appearance as the north wind. The comparison of demons with winds is
a stereotyped clich in incantations but together with the comparison of
skin diseases it acquires an original significance. In l. 276 the myth states
mir mir.ra lil te im.gaz.za.ta ur tu mu.e.a.e
After the raging north wind (Asag) has beaten down everything into noth-
ing, that one will strike you (Ninurta).
141See for the Standard Babylonian and Late Babylonian manuscripts J.J.A. van Dijk,
LUGAL UD ME-LM-bi NIR-L, vol. II, Leiden 1983, pp. 1, 1923.
142See for the relationship between Ninurta and the Neo-Assyrian kings the discus
sion of S.M. Maul, Der assyrische Knig Hter der Weltordnung, in: K. Watanabe (ed.),
Priests and Officials in the Ancient Near East: Papers of the Second Colloquium on the Ancient
Near East (Mitaka, Tokyo), March 2224, 1996, Heidelberg 1999, pp. 208213.
143See for the term also the discussion of J.C. Fincke, Spezialisierung und Differen
zierung im Bereich der altorientalischen Medizin. Die Dermatologie am Beispiel der Symp
tome simm matqtu, kalmtu (matuqtu), kibu, kiatu und guritu, pp. 166168.
144See J.J.A. van Dijk, LUGAL UD ME-LM-bi NIR-L, vol. I., p. 85 ll. 268269.
The association of a storm wind with Asakku is known from the compen-
dium of incantations directed against the Grave Asakku demons, asag.
gig.ga.me: the Asakku blew against the man like wind,145 and appears
frequently in the udug.ul compendium directed against the evil Udug /
Utukku demons: Asakku who like a violent storm (mir) thrusts against
the earth.146 Interestingly, Ninisina herself is said, to sweep away man
like a violent storm (mir), which not only corroborates the specificity of
Asags description but also confirms the internal bond between goddess
and demon.147
The Sumerian term mir is ambiguous and can stand for both Akka-
dian me storm and itnu north wind.148 However, it seems that the
translation north wind for the Sumerian word is more appropriate if we
take into account that the bubutu boil is associated with the north. This
correspondence is particularly obvious in the Sumerian composition Lam-
entation over the Destruction of Ur when it states that god Enlil afflicted
those coming from the north with bubutu boils.149
Ancient Babylonians must have seen boils, pustules or carbuncles
and wind as a unitwhether or not the relationship was recognized as
coherent.150 Interestingly, both features appear together in the diagnos-
tic and prognostic handbook, Sakikk, in a medical recipe and a medical
commentary.151
145[a].sag lu.ra tumu.gin ba.an.ri, [a-sak-k]u a-na lu ki-ma a-a-ri i-ziq-ma; CT

XVII pl. 10 l. 4546.
146a.sag mir.gin ki.a mu.un.du..du, a-sak-ku ki-ma me-e-e ina ki-tim i-ta-ap-
pu-u; UET VI/2 392 l. 2 which constitutes the beginning of Udug.ul tablet III for which
see M.J. Geller, Evil Demons. Canonical Utukk Lemntu Incantations, Helsinki 2007
(= SAACT V), p. 100.
147mir.gin du / mir.du.gin ug.e; SRT 6 iv: 24 // SRT 7 l. 72, for which see W.H.P. Rmer,
Hymnen und Klagelieder in sumerischer Sprache, p. 116 (Ninisina A 134).
148See for a discussion F.A.M. Wiggermann, The Four Winds and the Origins of
Pazuzu, in: C. Wilcke (ed.) Das geistige Erfassen der Welt im Alten Orient. Sprache, Religion,
Kultur und Gesellschaft, Wiesbaden 2007, pp. 125165, esp. p. 129.
149See the edition of W.H.Ph. Rmer, Die Klage ber die Zerstrung von Ur, Mnster
2004; l. 260 is quoted, for which see p. 59 (transliteration), p. 98 (translation), and p. 140
(commentary).
150Also simmu, skin sore, was associated with the wind. According to fragment D of
the myth about the sage Adapa the south wind is said to inflict people with her blowing
causing simmu; see Sh. Izreel, Adapa and the South Wind. Language Has the Power of Life
and Death, Winona Lake 2001, p. 38 l. 1516.
151The entry on bubutu carbuncle is included in chapter XXXIII of Sakikk which deals
with the appearance of skin sores and afflictions of the skin; the same line is preserved in
a medical recipe that forms part of a larger tablet with treatments for skin sores and skin
diseases, namely BAM VI 580 vi: 8; and the medical commentary K.3526 rev. 8 quotes
exactly the same entry.
38 chapter two
di simx gar-u gin u.[bu].bu.ul pa-gar-u sa i-bi im [mu.ni]

If the sore looks like bubutu boil and his body is red: gale of wind is its
name.152
The Akkadian expression ibi ri gale of wind is equated with the Sum-
erian expression im/tumu.ri.a153 which are precisely the words of the
Sumerian description of the activities of the Asag demon according to the
handbook asag.gig.ga.me: tumu.gin ba.an.ri, he blew like a wind.154
2.3Gulas Dog
One of the most intriguing features of Gula is her connection with a dog.155
As for the rationale of this bond I. Fuhr suggested it was due to the heal-
ing effects of dogs licking wounds;156 Th. Jacobsen also adduced this as an
explanation.157 Indeed, clinical studies corroborate thelimitedeffect
of dog saliva in promoting healing and reducing bacterial contamination
of wounds through licking.158 It remains, however, open whether Ancient
Mesopotamians recognized these properties and did not interpret the
licking as a magical transference of disease from man to dog.159
152See for the Sakikk entry N.P. Heeel, Babylonisch-assyrische Diagnostik, p. 354 l. 26;
end of line restored with the help of the medical recipe BAM VI 580 vi: 8. Note that the
commentary K.3526 rev. 8 writes mu-u.
153See MSL XVII p. 209, Antagal E i: 17.
154See CT 17 pl. 10 l. 45.
155See for a possible rason detre for the association of goddess and animal the discus
sion in Chapter 4.5.
156For the association of dogs with healing in Classical antiquity see the discussion of
I. Fuhr Der Hund als Begleittier der Gttin Gula und anderer Heilgottheiten, in: Isin
In Bahryt I. Die Ergebnisse der Ausgrabungen 19731974, Mnchen 1977, pp. 139145.
Note that she refers to the catholic saints Sao Lzaro and St. Rochus. The latter saint is
also mentioned by N. Wasserman, On Leeches, Dogs, and Gods in Old Babylonian Medical
Incantations, p. 11 note 11.
157Quoted by W. Heimpel, Hund, in: D.O. Edzard (ed.), Reallexikon der Assyriologie
und Vorderasiatischen Archologie 4, Berlin New York 19721975, p. 496; and see also
D.O. Edzard, Ninisina, p. 388.
158See N. Benjamin, S. Pattullo, R. Weller, L. Smith & A. Ormerod, Wound Licking
and Nitric Oxide, The Lancet 349 (June 14, 1997) p. 1776 with further literature; see also
G. Hatfield, Dog, Encyclopedia of Folk Medicine, Santa Barbara 2000, pp. 122124 with
further bibliography.
159See V. Haas, Materia Magica et Medica Hethica. Ein Beitrag zur Heilkunde im
Alten Orient, Berlin New York 2003, p. 407, pp. 525529 316.1 (text examples); and cf.
B. Groneberg, Tiere als Symbole von Gttern in den frhen geschichtlichen Epochen
Mesopotamiens: Von der altsumerischen Zeit bis zum Ende der altbabylonischen Zeit,
Topoi Suppl. 2 (2000), p. 309.
The close relationship of goddess and her symbolic animal is wide-

spread in Ancient Mesopotamia and well attested in written and archaeo-
logical sources throughout two millennia.160 In an incompletely preserved
prayer to the goddess the negligence of a dog was severely punished by
Gula. Rather uniquely, the prayer tells us that not only dogs were pro-
tected but also cats.161 The text LKA 20 states how man could fall into
disgrace with Gula:162
8 [...] dan-na-at ma-gal uq-tal-lil a ana dgu-la x x [...]
9 [...igi]-ma pa-ni-u ana [nu z]u-e gar-un ur.gi gaz igi-ma pa-ni-u
[ana nu zu-e gar-un]
10 [ur.gi...]x igi-m[a p]a-ni-u ana nu zu-e gar-un ur.gi im-da-[a-u...]
11 [...]x-a-i-su-ma igi-ma pa-ni-u ana nu zu-e gar-[un...]
12 [...]x lasic iq-bir-ma i-mis-ma lu [...]
13 [...ur].gi im-da-a-u-ma la u-nak-kir-u-nu-t[i...]
14 [...igi-ma pa]-ni-u min sa.a gaz igi-ma pa-ni-u [...]
15 [...] igi-ma pa-ni-u min sa.a im-da-a-u-ma igi-ma [pa-ni-u...]
16 [...]x-a-i-su-ma igi-ma pa-ni-u min sa.a x x-ma la ri x [...]
17 [...] x-en-u im-da-a-u-ma igi-ma pa-ni-u la u-nak-ki-ir x [...]
8 ...is grave, he has shown great disrespect which before Gula...

9 [He saw...] but pretended not to notice it. He saw a wounded dog but he
pretended [not to notice it].
10 He saw [a...dog] but pretended not to notice it. The dogs [were] fighting...
11 [...they were wai]ling163 and he saw it but pretended not to notice it...
12 [He saw a dead? dog]164 but did not bury it and threw it to the ground...
160See the basic studies of B. Groneberg, ibidem, pp. 297304 (5. Der Hund der Gula);
and T. Ornan, The Goddess Gula and Her Dog, Israel Museum Studies in Archaeology 3
(2004), pp. 1330.
161The text LKA 20 has been quoted several times as the main witness to the close rela
tionship between Gula and her dog; the reference to cats in the same text has so far gone
unnoticed. K. van der Toorn was the first to draw attention to the difficult prayer, see Sin
and Sanction in Israel and Mesopotamia. A Comparative Study, Assen 1985, p. 26. His com
ments on the relation of dogs and Gula were included by H. Avalos in his Illness and Health
Care in the Ancient Near East: The Role of the Temple in Greece, Mesopotamia, and Israel,
Atlanta 1995 (= Harvard Semitic Museum Monographs 54) pp. 186187, and mentioned by
P. Attinger, La mdecine mesopotamienne, JMC 1112 (2008) p. 56.
162Because of the state of preservation of the text, transliteration and translation are
tentative. Lines 812 have been translated by K. van der Toorn, Sin and Sanction in Israel
and Mesopotamia. A Comparative Study, Assen 1985, p. 26 with note 223 on p. 168.
163Here and in l. 16 perhaps to CAD N/I 132b s.v. nasu B to sob, to lament, to wail.
Note, however, that the traces in the copy do not allow to restore [u-t]a/n]a-. Cf. the
translation (restored) of K. van der Toorn, ibidem, p. 26 dogs were figh[ting, crying and]
wailing.
164Tentatively restored because of the context. Cf. also the translation of K. van der
Toorn, ibidem, p. 26 [he saw a dead dog].
40 chapter two
13 ...the dogs were fighting but he did not remove them...

14 [He saw....] but pretended ditto (= not to notice it). He saw a wounded cat
but pretended [not to notice it].
15 He saw [...] but pretended ditto (= not to notice it). The cats were fighting and
he saw it but [pretended not to notice it].
16 ...they (cats) were wailing? and he saw it but pretended ditto (= not to notice
it). The cats...
17 ...were...they were fighting and he saw it but did not change his face...
The healing goddess is the only deity who appears to such an extent with
dogs.165 More specifically, incantations offer evidence for this relation-
ship, whether the healing goddess appears surrounded by puppies or is
addressed in the case of dog bites.166 From the humoristic piece about
Ninurta-pqidts dog bite we know that such wounds could be treated
in her temple in Isin.167
Because of this very link it is interesting to analyse some occurrences of
the dog in rituals and medical incantations. The first instance that comes
immediately to mind is the female demon Lamatu. Usually demons are
vaguely described in cuneiform literature but Lamatu is distinguished not
only by a distinctive iconography but also by the machinations specific
only to her. Ancient Babylonians visualized the demon as having a dogs
or donkeys teeth, the head of a lion and the talons of an eagle.168 In ico-
nography, i.e. on the numerous plaques that served as amulets to ward her
off, she appears together with objects that mark her: a comb and a spindle,
165I do exclude the four dogs of Marduk for which see R.L. Litke, A Reconstruction of
the Assyro-Babylonian God-Lists, AN: dA-NU-UM and AN: ANU A AMLI, p. 99 l. 275; and
the dogs of Ninkilim which are a metaphor for locusts and other field pests; see for the
latter A.R. George, The Dogs of Ninkilim: Magic Against Field Pests in Ancient Mesopo
tamia, in: H. Klengel & J. Renger (eds.), Landwirtschaft im Vorderen Orient, Berlin 1999,
pp. 291299, and A.R. George & Y. Taniguchi (with a contribution by M.J. Geller), The
Dogs of Ninkilim, Part Two: Babylonian Rituals to Counter Field Pests, Iraq 72 (2010)
p. 85 note 17. See for still another metaphorical use of Gulas dogs, namely for leeches, the
contribution of N. Wasserman, On Leeches, Dogs, and Gods in Old Babylonian Medical
Incantations, pp. 7188.
166See e.g. the incantations published by I.L. Finkel, On Some Dog, Snake and Scor
pion Incantations, in: T. Abusch & K. van der Toorn (eds.), Mesopotamian Magic. Tex
tual, Historical, and Interpretative Perspectives, Groningen 1999, pp. 219223, which are
discussed in Chapters 4.1.6 and 4.1.7. For an Old Babylonian incantation for dog bites
which mentions the healing goddess Ninkarak see W. Farber, Zur lteren akkadischen
Beschwrungsliteratur, ZA 71 (1981) p. 57 C) no. 31.
167See for the edition and discussion of the text A. Cavigneaux, Texte und Fragmente
aus Warka (32. Kampagne), BaM 10 (1979) pp. 111117, and A.R. George, Ninurta-Pqidts
Dog Bite, and Notes on Other Comic Tales, Iraq 55 (1993) pp. 6372.
168See W. Farber, Lamatu and the Dogs, Journal for Semitics 16 (2007) p. 639.
a puppy and a piglet, occasionally a scorpion, a snake and a donkeys leg.169

Lamatu appears as an all-destructive power attacking man, animal and
even plants;170 however, her speciality is killing babies.171
In one of the incantations to prevent her attacking a baby a pack of
Gulas hounds stands up to her: We are not just any dog, we are dogs of
Gula, poised to flay your face, tear your back to pieces, and lacerate your
ankles.172 On amulets she is usually shown with a dog and a pig jumping
up to her breast or even sucking at them.173 As W. Farber points out, one
might infer that, by having her suckle a dog and a pig, her deadly atten-
tion is directed away from humans.174 Recently, F.A.M. Wiggermann sug-
gested that the replacement of human babies by suckling animals, which
was thought to prevent Lamatu from killing the baby, might actually
reflect a custom known from other ancient and some traditional societies.
According to several ethnographic studies the breast-feeding of animals
by women reduced lactation after the death of the baby.175
Both interpretations are quite stimulating, particularly with regard to
another demon. The evil creature, Samana, whom Ancient Babylonians
visualized as a fierce dog, attacks very much in the manner of other
demons first wild and farm animals, then humans. He also approaches
babies: dumu.ga.ke ninda.gur.na ba.ni.gen.a.gin, as soon as (Samana)
has gone to the sucklings mash.176 The image seems to be that of a dog
snatching foodbut what is its significance?
169See for a discussion of the amulets F.A.M. Wiggermann Lamatu, Daughter of

Anu. A Profile, pp. 219224; and see the case study of W. Farber, TamariskenFibeln
Skolopender. Zur philologischen Deutung der Reiseszene auf neuassyrischen Lamatu-
Amuletten, in: F. Rochberg-Halton (ed.), Language, Literature, and History: Philological
and Historical Studies Presented to Erica Reiner, New Haven 1987 (= AOS 67), pp. 85105.
170See for a discussion of her activities W. Faber, LamatuAgent of a Specific Dis
ease or a Generic Destroyer of Health?, in: I.L. Finkel & M.J. Geller (eds.), Disease in Baby
lonia, Leiden Boston 2007, pp. 137145.
171As F.A.M. Wiggermann writes in his study Lamatu, Daughter of Anu. A Profile,
p. 224.
172I have followed the translation of W. Farber, Lamatu and the Dogs, p. 641. The
incantation is included in his Schlaf, Kindchen, Schlaf ! Mesopotamische Baby-Beschwrun
gen und -Rituale, as paragraph 34 pp. 103107; for ll. 1115 quoted here, see pp. 104105.
173See W. Farber, TamariskenFibelnSkolopender. Zur philologischen Deutung
der Reiseszene auf neuassyrischen Lamatu-Amuletten, pp. 8687.
174See W. Farber, Lamatu and the Dogs, p. 637.
175See F.A.M. Wiggermann, Dogs, Pigs, Lamatu, and the Breast-Feeding of Animals
by Women, in: D. Shehata, F. Weierhuser & K.V. Zand (eds.), Von Gttern und Menschen.
Beitrge zu Literatur und Geschichte des Alten Orients. Festschrift fr Brigitte Groneberg,
Leiden Boston 2010 (= CM 41), pp. 410411.
176The quotation is from the Ur III incantation AO 11276 obv. 11. J. Nougayrol in
his Conjuration ancienne contre Samana, Archiv Orientalni 17 (1949) p. 214 translates
42 chapter two
J. Nougayrol assumed that the baby was about to take his first step
in life, namely being weaned from the mother, and that the demon did
not let him eat his first food.177 In the light of the sequence of attacking,
first the food of the suckling, then the young womans breast and breast
milk,178 the image might allude to a different moment. In his study on the
Samana demon I.L. Finkel refers to an entry from the infant chapter of
the Sakikk handbook which, as he states, might point to the idea that
the affliction comes through the milk, since according to the incantations
Samana attacks women in the breast.179
di lu.tur a-u-u u sa-ma-ni dab-su ana tu-la-a e-a tu-na-kar-u u en
ub-di-um-ma ti
If either a disease or smnu disease attack a baby, you should change
him to a new breast, recite an incantation over him, then he shall recover.180
The entry of the Sakikk handbook suggests that the mothers milk was
poisoned so that the baby had to be given to a wet nurse. From an ide-
ational viewpoint Samana attacks the young womans breast contami-
nating the milk. The demon turns into mash and as such he reaches the
suckling in the shape of poisoned food.
le nourrisson, cest lui qui empche son sevrage which is followed by G. Cunningham,
Deliver me From Evil, p. 68 concerning (samana) which for the baby has hindered its wean
ing; differently I.L. Finkel, A Study in Scarlet: Incantations against Samana, in: S.M. Maul
(ed.), Festschrift fr Rykle Borger zu seinem 65. Geburtstag am 24. Mai 1994tikip santakki
mala bamu...(= CM 10), Groningen 1998, p. 74 when he carries off the suckling child
at his pap.
177Ibidem, p. 222.
178A recurrent motif in the Samana incantations is the attack on the young woman,
ki.sikil. It is, however, not well understood what the demon does. It approaches her gaba.
iti.iti which J. Nougayrol tentatively translates flux mensuel (ibidem, p. 214 l. 13), then her
breast (gaba; see I.L. Finkel, A Study in Scarlet: Incantations against Samana, p. 76 l. 8),
her milk (ga; see I.L. Finkel, ibidem, p. 79 l. 12), and her breast bone (gi.gaba, itiq irti; see
I.L. Finkel, ibidem, p. 88 l. 16). Note, that the Sumerian term ki.sikil does not necessarily
imply that the woman is a virgin: mother Baba is frequently called ki.sikil; see e.g. the
hymn Ime-Dagan B l. 30 for which see W.H.Ph. Rmer, Sumerische Knigshymnen der Isin-
Zeit, p. 37; or Ninurtas Exploits l. 674 for which see J.J.A. van Dijk, LUGAL UD ME-LM-bi
NIR-L, vol. II, p. 171.
179Ibidem, p. 90 fn. 32.
180See R. Labat, TDP XL: 38 (p. 222). Note, that in one of the incantations of Samana
the demon is compared to the a disease (see I.L. Finkel, ibidem, pp. 7980 l. 9). For the
association of Gula and her plants with a and smnu see below Chapters 5.1.1.6, 5.1.2.4,
5.1.2.8, 5.3.1, and 5.2.4.
The idea of poisonous mothers milk is then the ultimate raison dtre
for having dogs and pigs sucking on Lamatus breasts.181 Indeed, in one
of the incantations directed against her it is stated that, whomever she
suckles drops (dead)182 because her breasts are bathed with the milk
of death.183 As a counter image to Gula, Lamatu appears as midwife,
though as a false and treacherous one calling on people Bring yours sons
to me that I may suckle them, I will give your daughters my breast!184 Her
milk was deadly for the baby and was to be transferred to the two ani-
mals which according to Babylonian thought served as a container for
evil.185 This relation between Gula and Lamatu is probably the reason
for the association of their hands in a ritual which was performed to
ward off supernatural attacks on infants.186 Interestingly, in an Old Assyr-
ian incantation directed against Lamatu it is the healing goddess, under
the name Ninkarak, who is said to have cast the original spell against the
female demon.187
We may pursue the concept of Lamatu and the dogs even further:
according to ethnographic studies, F.A.M. Wiggermann states that the suck-
ling animals were obviously very small animals. This is exactly the image
we find in one of the incantations directed to Gula, en i-na e-gal-ma
181See for her venomous milk F.A.M. Wiggermann, Lamatu, Daughter of Anu. A
Profile, p. 231.
182See W. Farber, Lamatu and the Dogs, p. 636 with note 6.
183The milk of death is stated in the Ugarit incantation RS 25.420+ i: 5 published by
J. Nougayrol, Ugaritica VI, Paris 1969, p. 395. Note that J. Nougayrol reads...ba a mu-ti; I
owe the reference as well as the reading i-[iz]-ba to Ignacio Mrquez Rowe, see G. del
Olmo Lete with the collaboration of I. Mrquez Rowe, Incantation and Anti-Witchcraft
Texts from Ugarit (in press). See for the complete text line CAD R 114b s.v. ramku 3. a)-1
[iz]ba a mti rummuk irta.
184Ll. 120121 of the first chapter of the Lamatu handbook are quoted. The reference
is quoted by F.A.M. Wiggermann in his study Lamatu, Daughter of Anu. A Profile, p. 230
with note 91.
185For dogs see D. Schwemer, Abwehrzauber und Behexung. Studien zum Schadenzau
berglauben im Alten Mesopotamien, Wiesbaden 2007, p. 228; for the rle of the pig see M.
Stol, Epilepsy in Babylonia, Groningen 1993 (= CM 2), pp. 99101.
186See the text SpTU III 84 rev. 79/80: [di lu ina ]u dgu-la lu ina u dlamati lu ina
u gaba.ri lu ina u nam.erim / [x x x x x l]u dumu.me u-tu lu simx.me-u ma--du
dumu.me-u e-e-ri, [If from the] hand of Gula, the hand of Lamatu or be it from the
hand of the adversary or the hand of curse / [...] the children are about to die, or their
(the hands) wounds are too many: in order to save his children.
187See C. Michel, Une incantation paleo-assyrienne contre Lamatum, OrNS 66 (1997)
p. 60 l. 20. According to J. Goodnick Westenholz this the first attestation of Ninkaraks rle
in the corpus of Lamatu incantations, see NinkarrakAn Akkadian Goddess in Sumer
ian Guise, p. 388.
44 chapter two
a-bat dgu-la, Gula dwells in the Egalma temple.188 The healing goddess
is surrounded not by dogs but by puppies huddled together (ru-ub-bu-u
mi-ra-nu-u, l. 4). This picture is strikingly paralleled by archaeological
findings: in 1973 German excavators discovered in Isin in the complex of
the Gula temple thirty-three dog skeletons. The palaeo-zoological analysis
showed the following distribution in age: one stillbirth, fifteen puppies,
four young dogs of up to one year, four dogs between 1 and 1 years,
and nine adult animals.189
We do not know what happened in the temple of Gula at Isin but we
can imagine that the adult dogs were meant to lick the wounds of sick
people190 while the puppies were used as sucking animals. The bond
between Gula and Lamatu appears to be an antagonistic relationship of
the false and the true midwife and wet-nurse:191 Lamatu killing babies,
reducing thus mankind according to the composition of Atraasis where
she is mentioned under her by-name the exterminating one,192 and Gula
saving suckling babies with the help of her puppies, giving fertility to
women and serving as mid-wife. As for the latter, it might not come as a
surprise that one of the medicinal plants associated with the healing god-
dess was employed in medical recipes precisely to facilitate birth.193
188Published by I.L. Finkel On Some Dog, Snake and Scorpion Incantations, pp. 219
221, and see below Chapter 4.1.7.
189See J. Boessneck, Die Hundeskelette von In Bahryt (Isin) aus der Zeit um 1000
v. Chr., in: IsinIn Bahryt I. Die Ergebnisse der Ausgrabungen 19731974, Mnchen
1977, p. 101.
190See on the licking dogs D. Charpin, Zur Funktion mesopotamischer Tempel, in:
G.J. Selz, The Empirical Dimension of Ancient Near Eastern Studies. Die empirische Dimen
sion altorientalischer Forschungen, Wien 2011 (= WOO 6), p. 410.
191For the rle of Lamatu as qaditu midwife, see F.A.M. Wiggermann in his study
Lamatu, Daughter of Anu. A Profile, pp. 230231.
192The term pittu is quoted in Atra-asis III vii: 3 for which see W.G. Lambert &
A.R. Millard, Atra-ass. The Babylonian Story of the Flood, Oxford 1968, pp. 102103. See
for a discussion of the relation between Lamatu and Pittu F.A.M. Wiggermann, ibidem,
p. 225 with note 44.
193See below Chapter 5.1.2.9.
CHAPTER THREE
GulaS Hand in the Handbook of Diagnosis

and Prognosis, Sakikk
Based on the analysis of Sumerian literary compositions I have given in

the previous chapter a sketch of the different areas of authority Ancient
Babylonians ascribed to the healing goddess. I was able to show that there
existed a strong association between disorders of the digestive tract and
Ninisina; this connection seemed to have been based on analogical infer-
ence between the goddess and the belly as both the seat of disease and the
home of the baby. The belly was not the only body part that was linked
to Ninsina/Gula but also the skin as well as the cord-like system of the
body, Sumerian sa or Akkadian ernu. In this chapter and the following
Chapters Four and Five I will discuss how this conceptual framework was
developed in the medical literature of the first millennium BC presenting
the textual evidence.
Statements about diagnosis and prognosis of symptoms were collected
and systematically compiled into a handbook that was known under two
titles in Ancient Babylonia: the rather scholastic title sa.gig or Sakikk,
commonly rendered Symptoms, and the title taken from the incipit of the
first tablet Enma ana bt mari ipu illaku When the exorcist is on his
way to the house of the sick. Similarly to other works of the Babylonian
knowledge culture the majority of manuscripts of the Sakikk handbook
come from libraries that date from between the 8th and 3rd centuries BC.
Due to the publications of variously R. Labat, to whom we owe the editio
princeps of the handbook, M. Stol, who offered a case study of the chap-
ters dealing with epilepsy, N.P. Heeel, who revised, updated and ampli-
fied the material on diagnostic and prognostic texts, and J.A. Scurlock,
who analysed the symptoms together with the descriptions from medical
recipe texts in order to identify the Babylonian names of illnesses with
modern clinical pictures, we are well informed about the origin, contents
and function of Sakikk.1
1See R. Labat, Trait akkadien de diagnostics et pronostics mdicaux, Leiden Paris

1957 (abbreviated TDP); M. Stol, Epilepsy in Babylonia, Groningen 1993 (= CM 2);
46 chapter three
The handbook, which is referred to as Sakikk throughout the present

study, includes six major parts that are differently structured. The first
part, comprising two chapters, contains observations of ominous events
that occur to the exorcist on his way to his patient. It is the incipit of this
tablet which served as the title of the handbook and which the colophons
of the individual chapters quote.2 Part two is the heart of the handbook:
organized into twelve chapters and structured according to the scheme
a capite ad calcem,3 it includes a gamut of symptoms and their interpre-
tation. In part three with eleven chapters we find most of the symptoms
that are stated in the previous part, but now combined with the time and
duration of the affliction. Part four, comprising five chapters, deals with
epileptical strokes. A particular feature of two of the subchapters of this
part is the reference to various medico-magical recommendations.4 The
last part of the handbook incorporates afflictions of pregnant women and
babies; four of the chapters include observations on pregnant women that
have an impact on the gender and destiny of the future child and the final
chapter is about infant diseases.
A well-known characteristic feature of the entries is the division into
two parts, the protasis and the apodosis. The first part is formulated as a
conditional sentence and includes the symptoms, while the main clause
gives the prognosis and/or diagnosis of the symptoms. The prognoses
refer to the course and outcome of the affliction and are couched in ste-
reotyped phrases such as his affliction will last, his condition is critical,
N.P. Heeel, Babylonisch-assyrische Diagnostik, Mnster 2000 (= AOAT 43); and J.A. Scur
lock & B.R. Andersen, Diagnoses in Assyrian and Babylonian Medicine, Chicago 2005.
2See in the edition of N.P. Heeel, ibidem, e.g. p. 206 colophon A line 49, colophon B
line 40; p. 257 colophon A line 31; p. 312 colophon A line 82. Occasionally both titles are
quoted, see e.g. p. 344 colophon A line 19.
3This is a common structure; see e.g. the lexical texts ugu.mu My skull, reconstructed
by M. Civil and edited by B. Landsberger, MSL IX, pp. 4973; the handbook of physiogno
mic omens Alandimm Physique, for which see B. Bck, Die babylonisch-assyrische Mor
phoskopie, Wien 2000 (= AfO Beiheft 27), p. 1 with note 6. Also medical recipe texts are
structured from the upper head to the toe nails, see BAM VI 575 iv: 59. Some literary texts
follow the same structure, see e.g. the hymn Ludul bl nmeqi I shall praise the Lord of
wisdom: the text duplicate Si 55 published by W.G. Lambert, Babylonian Wisdom Litera
ture, Oxford 1960, pp. 5255, enumerates the diseases which have befallen the righteous
sufferer, afflicting head, eyes, ears, nose, lips, mouth, teeth, tongue, and throat; and see the
Sumerian literary composition Enki and Ninursaga in which the god Enki lists his pains:
head, nose, mouth, throat, arm, rips, and flanks; see for the edition of P. Attinger, Enki et
Ninhursaga, ZA 74 (1982) pp. 2830.
4See M. Stol, Epilepsy in Babylonia, pp. 8190, and N.P. Heeel, Babylonisch-assyrische
Diagnostik, pp. 318338.
handbook of diagnosis and prognosis, sakikk 47
he will recover or he will die.5 The diagnoses consist in the attribution

of the symptoms to the action of supernatural agents. Typical expres-
sions are hand of the deity NN or hand of the demon NN and seizure
of the deity NN / demon NN or touch of the deity NN / demon NN.6
Only in few cases is the actual name of a disease mentioned.7 It is still
not readily apparent how the Babylonian practitioner handled this data;
N.P. Heeel, following R.D. Biggs, argued that the exorcist used the infor-
mation to choose between the various rituals, incantations and prayers
with which he would address the supernatural force that was believed to
be the cause of disease.8 However, so far there is no evidence that would
corroborate this suggestion. Note that not all the entries are necessarily
based on actual observation but rather on deduction.9 It is noteworthy,
for example, that the first sixty-six entries of chapter XV of the handbook
are parallel to entries in chapters III to XIV, the only difference being the
addition if a man is already one day sick in chapter XV.10 Some entries
are clearly the result of associative work.11 In this regard, the handbook
Sakikk should not be understood per se as a collection of genuine obser-
vations made by the practitioner but as a handbook that was compiled of
information coming from very different sources.12
Among the many gods to which the Sakikk handbook attributes afflic-
tions is the healing goddess Gula. In order to create a context for her
appearance I have analysed the apodoses of the preserved parts of the
handbook.13 Together with the first two chapters of the handbook I have
not considered the four chapters on the course of pregnancy; the chapter
5See the description of N.P. Heeel, ibidem, pp. 6365.

6See ibidem, pp. 5354 and p. 55.
7E.g. the entries TDP p. 20 l. 31 (Sakikk III: 31), TDP p. 80 l. 11, 12 (Sakikk X: 10, 11)
which all give as diagnosis the term sa.dugud, aau, aau disease; or sa.gal, sagallu,
sagallu disease in TDP p. 140 l. 39 (Sakikk XIV iii: 39); or the kissatu disease which is e.g.
quoted in Sakikk XVI: 29 for which see the edition of N.P. Heeel, ibidem, p. 175.
8See R.D. Biggs, Medizin. A. In Mesopotamien, in: D.O. Edzard (ed.), Reallexikon der
Assyriologie und Vorderasiatischen Archologie 7 7/8, Berlin New York 1990, p. 624; and
N.P. Heeel, Babylonisch-assyrische Diagnostik, Mnster 2000 (= AOAT 43), pp. 8385.
9See for a list of entries, which are in all likelihood based on deduction, my contribu
tion Diagnose im Alten Mesopotamien. berlegungen zu Grenzen und Mglichkeiten der
Interpretation keilschriftlicher diagnostischer Texte, OLZ 104 (2009) pp. 391396.
10See N.P. Heeel, Babylonisch-assyrische Diagnostik, pp. 160161.
11See ibidem, p. 39.
12As already observed by the first editor of the handbook, R. Labat, Trait akkadien de
diagnostics et pronostics mdicaux, p. xxxii.
13The basis for this study are the editions of R. Labat, ibidem; M. Stol, Epilepsy in
Babylonia; N.P. Heeel, Babylonisch-assyrische Diagnostik; with important additions by
J.A. Scurlock & B.R. Andersen, Diagnoses in Assyrian and Babylonian Medicine. Cf. also the
48 chapter three
dealing with childrens diseases is treated separately. References to gods

and goddesses are included in 16% of the entries (Sakikk, chapters 335);
14% associate afflictions with demons. We observe that statements about
the course and outcome of disease predominate, at 44%. However, the
pattern that emerges from the chapter about infants is different: deities
are mentioned in 57% of the entries, demons in 21% and indications on
the course and outcome of disease amount to 36%. It should be noted
that quite a number of apodoses contain both, prognosis and diagnosis,
which is the reason why the total sum exceeds 100%. It is worth men-
tioning that the course or outcome of a disease is not dependent on the
influence of supernatural powers; thus the patient could either recover
or die from the hands, seizures or touches of gods and demons. While
the major part of the apodoses referring to adult man features statements
on the course and outcome of disease, the chapter on infants shows an
inverted picture.
The information is given in the form of a table:
Entries in Sakikk; Entries in Sakikk;

chapters 335 chapter 40
(adult man) (infant)
Gods and goddesses 16% 57%
Demons 14% 21%
Course and outcome of 44% 36%
disease
Among the symptoms of adult man that are associated with gods the heal-
ing goddess Gula appears in the second part of the handbook three times,
twice spelled me.me and once as Gula, and seven times in chapter XXXIII.
Compared to other divinities the healing goddess is hardly referred to.
Itar, for example, is mentioned more than seventy times, the sun god
ama as well as the twin gods Lugalgirra and Meslamtaea appear about
thirty times. Also the personal god of the patient is cited more than thirty
times and the moon god Sn about twenty times.
counting of the hands of gods, which N.P. Heeel offers in his edition on pp. 5354. He,
however, does not differentiate between adults and infants.
3.1Sakikk VI: 19
The first attestation comes from chapter six (part II) of the Sakikk hand-
book and is not completely understood. This part of the handbook is con-
cerned with symptoms of afflictions of the nose, nostrils, lips, and teeth.
The entry referring to the hand of Gula deals with the syndrome of blood
coming from nose, eyes and ears:
di ina kir4-u2 igi.ii-u2 u getug.ii-u2 mud di-ni gen-ku u dme.me
sig-su ki u2 nit ta at gam
If at once blood discharges from his nose, his eyes and his ears: the hand of
Gula hit him...he will die.14
Commentary
With the help of the duplicate BM 34071 obv. 3 the signs transliterated by
R. Labat as i su can now be read sig-su. I have left untranslated the part
of the apodosis stating ki u2 nit ta at. J.A. Scurlock suggests the reading
ki-u nit-ta-at and translates ...with him.15 As for the identification of
the symptoms, J.A. Scurlock and B.R. Andersen suggest that the entry may
describe a haemorrhagic viral infection, the patient had a clotting abnor-
mality causing this multifocal bleeding.16
No ancient commentary to explain this entry is preserved. Interest-
ingly, the expression of discharging blood from the eyes constructed with
the verb alku(m) to flow, to run is not attested in the symptom descrip-
tions of medical prescriptions. While blood coming from nose and ears is
often constructed with alku(m),17 for the eyes we usually find the verb
mal(m) to fill.18
14See for the edition of the text R. Labat, TDP, p. 56 l. 19. The line is restored with the
help of the duplicate BM 34071. A photograph of the text is published in J.A. Scurlock &
B.R. Andersen, Diagnoses in Assyrian and Babylonian Medicine, pl. 3.
15See J.A. Scurlock & B.R. Andersen, ibidem, p. 78 (3.239).
16See ibidem, note 237 on p. 695.
17See for the nose e.g. BAM V 461 iii: 14 or K.4782 i: 8; for the ear see e.g. BAM I 3 iv:
23 or CTN IV 113 ii: 21.
18See J.C. Fincke, Augenleiden nach keilschriftlichen Quellen. Untersuchungen zur alto
rientalischen Medizin, Wrzburg 2000 (= Wrzburger medizinhistorische Forschungen 70),
pp. 126128.
50 chapter three
3.2Sakikk XII iv: 16
This text passage, which comes from chapter 12 (part II), is again not
entirely clear. The tablet or chapter of the handbook deals with the torso
including symptoms that can occur in the chest, breast, kidneys, back-
bone, coccyx, hips, pelvis, and armpits:
di ur.kun-u2 gu7-u2 u dgu-la ana ni-ri il-ma nigin-u
If his pelvis hurts him: hand of Gula, he carries a yoke but it will turn away
from him.19
Commentary
The translation of the second part of the apodosis is more conjectural than
compelling; a somewhat similar expression is found in the following third
attestation for Gulass hand for which see below. J.A. Scurlock proposes
to read di ni-ri instead of ana ni-ri and translates the whole phrase if a
yoke-shaped lesion rises and curves round.20 I am reluctant to follow her
suggestion for two reasons: first, we would expect the nominative of nru,
and second, what seems to be according to J.A. Scurlocks interpretation
an explanatory addition to the first symptoms, is without parallel in the
Sakikk handbookexcept the similar expression in the third attestation
for Gulas hand which J.A. Scurlock understands in a similar way. More-
over, the pronominal suffix -u is left unexplained and is not translated.
However, my translation is also without parallel in the handbook. Note
that the entry was not explained in a commentary.21
19See for the edition TDP p. 108 l. 16.

20Diagnoses in Assyrian and Babylonian Medicine, pp. 226227 (10.102).
21Both N.P. Heeel, Babylonisch-assyrische Diagnostik, p. 144, and, following him,
E. Frahm, Babylonian and Assyrian Text Commentaries. Origins of Interpretation, Mnster
2011 (= GMTR 5), p. 225, refer to the commentary GCCI II 406. Difficulties arise from the
subscript in l. 11 of the commentary which identifies the preceding lines as belonging to
chapter XI of the handbook (see E. Frahm, p. 225). As R. Labat already stated in his TDP
p. 124, the commentary refers to several entries of chapter XIII of the Sakikk handbook,
namely ll. 79 of GCCI II 406 comment words of TDP p. 124 l. 18, 24, 25. One should add
that the commentarys first line refers to TDP p. 110 l. 12 and l. 10 to TDP p. 126 l. 43. After
the subscript the commentary gives words that seem to belong to chapters XII and XIV of
Sakikk (see E. Frahm, p. 225).
3.3Sakikk XIII i: 55
This part of the handbook is also concerned with the human torso. The
entries refer to afflictions of abdomen, belly, and intestines. The topic
treated is pains in the belly:
di a-u dab-[it-ma] u-a du.ga u dme.me ana ni-ri gu-u gar-ma
nigin
If his belly is seized [and] he cries Ouch!: hand of Gula...22
Commentary
I have already stated the problems involved in properly understanding
the second part of the apodosis. J.A. Scurlock offers the translation if a
yoke-shaped lesion is established on his neck and curves round.23 Again,
doubts arise as to the meaning of the explanatory addition. We would
expect a main clause following the dubious phrase, which is the reason
why J.A. Scurlock makes an amendment and adds freely hand of Gula.
The line is not commented on in any ancient commentary text.
The line seems to echo the description of a sick person in the hymn
Ninisina A which we discussed in the previous chapter. Here the healing
goddess approaches a man who is crying out in pain, My belly, my belly!24
Note that the same cry of pain is attested frequently in this chapter of
Sakikk but without reference to Gula. The deities mentioned are the per-
sonal god, the female demon Ardat lil, the Spirit-of-the-dead, ama, the
personified Curse, and Itar.25 However, in all cases the cry is not the only
symptom but it is accompanied by others, which seems to be the deter-
mining factor for the difference in attribution.
3.4Sakikk XXXIII
This chapter differs in structure and content from the rest of the handbook.
Quite unique is a concordance between disease names and the hands of
gods with which the chapter closes. This distinctive feature also seems to
22See TDP p. 116 l. 55; for the restored line see J.A. Scurlock & B.R. Andersen, Diagnoses
in Assyrian and Babylonian Medicine, p. 227 (10.103).
23Ibidem, p. 227 (10.103).
25See the list given by J.A. Scurlock & B.R. Andersen, Diagnoses in Assyrian and Baby
lonian Medicine, pp. 619620.
52 chapter three
have been recognized by Ancient Babylonians: in a catalogue text, which

gives in form of a table of contents the titles of all the chapters of the
handbook, chapter XXXIII appears twice. The original first line is men-
tioned with the words di simx gar-u the appearance of the skin sore
which belong together, as stated in the catalogue, with the closing section
sa-ma-nu u dgu-la smnu disease: hand of Gula.26 In the reconstruc-
tion of the chapter this entry corresponds to line 103.27
Chapter XXXIII is divided into five sections of unequal length. The first,
lines 170, deals with the description of the appearance of a number of
skin diseases.28 With few exceptions they are structured in the same way:29
first a characterization of the skin sore is given, and then the name of the
disease is stated, as in the following entry: if the afflicted area is hard,
placed on top of his flesh, and is again and again hot: its name is kirbnu
clod disease.30 This way of organization is without parallel in the Sakikk
handbook. The second section, lines 7174, is badly preserved, as is the
succeeding section, lines 7586. Both parts have in common that they
break the structure, instead of giving the disease name they refer to the
hands of the gods. The fourth part, lines 87102, contains a short descrip-
tion of symptoms which are identified with disease namesagain a fea-
ture only attested in this chapter. The last section, lines 103123, attributes
diseases to the hands of the gods. It is in this fifth section that the hand
of Gula appears.
The chapter stands out for still another feature which has so far gone
unnoticed: at least three of the sections seem to focus on the healing god-
dess. This is evident in section five which is headed by Gula. The first
seven entries of this part ascribe different diseases to her hand. Subse-
quently, the hand of Ninurta, her divine consort, is mentioned. Then
26di simx gar-u en sa-ma.nu u dme.me, (The section) If the skin sores looks like
until (the section) smnu skin affliction: hand of Gula. See for the text the edition of
I.L. Finkel, Adad-apla-iddina, Esagil-kn-apli, and the series sa.gig, in: E. Leichty, M. de J.
Ellis & P. Gerardi, A Scientific Humanist. Studies in Memory of Abraham Sachs, Philadelphia
1988 (= OPSNKF 9), p. 147, l. A 40 // B7.
27See N.P. Heeel, Babylonisch-assyrische Diagnostik, p. 357.
28There are few exceptions: miqtu stroke in lines 5354, gall demon in line 56, and
inna tri diarrhoea in lines 6566.
29Some entries start with the difficult to understand expression umma ina laktu
in his infancy which seems to refer to affliction the patient suffered when he was still
a baby. However, the verb following the expression is not clear. The phrase appears in
ll. 4447, 5153.
30See for the entry the edition of N.P. Heeel, Babylonisch-assyrische Diagnostik, p. 355,
line 39.
come the deities Marduk, Ea, ama, Itar und ulpaea. Strikingly, the
healing goddess who belongs to the deities mentioned less often in the
adult part of the Sakikk handbook heads the list. The goddess Itar who
appears more than seventy times is ranked sixth and the sun god ama
who is referred to more than thirty times is in fifth position. The list then
does not reflect the impact of divine appearance, so the principle behind
how it is organized should be sought on another level. I have stated in
the Chapter 2.2.2 that there is a strong affinity between skin sores and
the healing goddess. This association is well known from curse formulas.
Gula usually threatens perjurers, law-breakers and culprits to afflict them
with severe skin diseases.31 The generic term used is simmu, sore.32 One
of the rather detailed curses from ammurabis law collection, quoted
above, illustrates this:
May the goddess Ninkarak [later merged into Gula] (...) cause (...) a seri-
ous skin sore (simmam maram) to break out upon his limbsan affliction
which cannot be soothed, which a physician can neither diagnose nor ease
with a bandage, which like the bite of death cannot be expelled!33
The original motivation for this association between disease and the
healing goddess is no longer clear from the texts. In view of the theme
of skin sores in the first section (lines 164, 6770)34 and the skin dis-
ease, saarubb, which is referred to in the second section (lines 7174)
I would suggest that the reason for Gulas position at the head of the list
is precisely this close association. Support for the idea of connecting the
goddess with the diseases mentioned comes from the fourth section (lines
87102), which gives connections between symptoms and disease names.
The first disease is bunu (ll. 8791), which is followed by amurriqnu
(l. 92) and azu (l. 93), both terms for jaundice. As I discuss in Chap-
ter 5, these afflictions are all treated with medicinal plants that belong
to the healing goddess.35 The section also includes the diseases, aau
31The skin sores are usually said to be either long-lasting (lazzu) or proliferating
(arriu), see CAD S s.v. simmu 277b 1. b).
32See for this interpretation J.-M. Durand, Maladies et mdecins, ARM 26/1, Paris
1988, pp. 552553.
33See for the text M.T. Roth, Law Collections from Mesopotamia and Asia Minor, Atlanta
19972, pp. 139140. The Sumerian equivalent of the expression simmum marum, simx.simx.
ma, appears in the Sumerian Letter prayer of Nannamansum to Ninisina discussed in the
Chapter 2.2.2.
34The exceptions are lines 5354 (miqtu stroke), line 56 (gall demon), and lines
6566 (inna tri diarrhoea).
35See for bunu Chapter 5.1.1.2, and for jaundice Chapters 5.1.1.4 and 5.1.2.5.
54 chapter three
(ll. 9497), sagallu (l. 98), and makadu (ll. 99100) which designate afflic-
tions of the musculoskeletal system. Interestingly, they are all written logo-
graphically with the compound sa whose original meaning strings, cords
of the body I have discussed in the previous chapter.36 The term aau
corresponds to the logograms sa.dugud heavy string and sa.ke bound
string; sagallu is sa.gal great string and makadu can be written sa.gig
sick string or also sa.ke bound string.37 Both the diseases makadu
and sagallu are in healing spells directly related to the healing goddess,
which is discussed in Chapter 4.1.1. The last disease name mentioned is
kiatu/kissatu in lines 101102. The term denotes according to the sugges-
tion of J.A. Scurlock and B.R. Andersen myalgia, muscular pain.38 Similarly
to the disease aau there are no references that would associate the
healing goddess with the disease kissatu. However, from a commentary
text to one of the tablets of the Sakikk handbook we know that the name,
when written as a logogram, was spelled sa.gig sick cord, which brings
the disease close to the sa complex of afflictions.39
The seven attestations that refer to the hand of Gula form the begin-
ning of the last section of the chapter. Succinctly, the text reads:
103 sa-ma-nu [u] dgu-la [a]-u-u u d[gu-la]
104 i-i-tum u dgu-la x [...] u d[gu-la]
105 ar-ri-u u dgu-la [a-da-n]u u dg[u-la]
106 i-in-na-a ti-ri u dgu-la
smnu disease: hand of Gula; a disease : hand of Gula;
tu abscess : hand of Gula;...: hand of Gula;
arriu disease : hand of Gula; adnu disease : hand of Gula;
inna tri disease : hand of Gula.40

37See for the attestations the respective lexical sections in CAD /II 175a s.v. aau,
CAD S 21a s.v. sagallu, and CAD M/I 368a s.v. makadu.
38See Diagnoses in Assyrian and Babylonian Medicine, p. 667; the identification is
stated in lines 101 and 102. See also the discussion of J.C. Fincke, Spezialisierung und Dif
ferenzierung im Bereich der altorientalischen Medizin. Die Dermatologie am Beispiel der
Symptome simm matqtu, kalmtu (matuqtu), kibu, kiatu und guritu, pp. 176181;
J.C. Fincke argues that kissatu/giatu denotes not only a disease of the tendons but also
an affliction of the skin.
39The commentary GCCI II 406 includes in rev. l. 17 the explanation sa.gig: ki-is-sa-
tum; see for a brief discussion of the commentary E. Frahm, Babylonian and Assyrian Text
Commentaries. Origins of Interpretation, p. 225.
40Quoted according to the edition of N.P. Heeel, Babylonisch-assyrische Diagnostik,
pp. 357358.
The disease terms smnu, a, tu, arriu, and adnu denote afflictions
of the skin which have been summarized under the generic term simmu,
skin sore.41
3.4.1Sakikk XXXIII 103a: Smnu, an Affliction of the Skin

There are several suggestions as to which modern disease patterns the
term smnu could refer.42 One is provided by J.V. Kinnier Wilson who
proposed an identification with a fungal infection, namely mycetoma;43
and the other has been described by J.A. Scurlock & B. Andersen, inter-
preting the different cuneiform descriptions of the disease as referring to
wound and soft tissue infections, or to cellulitis.44 As F. Kcher has already
pointed out, there are only a few descriptions of the disease preserved;45
four come from chapter XXXIII of Sakikk and another one is recorded in
BAM V 494, a tablet with medical prescriptions for a variety of skin dis-
eases that afflict the head.46 They are discussed in the following.
Sakikk XXXIII: 23
di simx gar-u sa e-em mu-i u gen-ak sa-ma-nu [mu.ni]
If the skin sore is red, hot, inflamed, and skin flakes off : smnu is its
name.47
Commentary
The two key words are the Sumerian sign GIG and the logogram gar
which stands for Akkadian iknu. GIG can be read either gig disease
41For a discussion of simmu(m) as generic term for skin diseases see J.-M. Durand,
Maladies et mdecins, pp. 552553, see also the discussion of J.C. Fincke, Spezialis
ierung und Differenzierung im Bereich der altorientalischen Medizin. Die Dermatologie
am Beispiel der Symptome simm matqtu, kalmtu (matuqtu), kibu, kiatu und guritu,
pp. 170171.
42For a complete discussion see J.A. Scurlock & B.R. Andersen, Diagnoses in Assyrian
and Babylonian Medicine, p. 692 note. 176.
43See his article The smnu Disease in Babylonian Medicine, JNES 53 (1994)
pp. 111115.
44Diagnoses in Assyrian and Babylonian Medicine, pp. 6364; 66 (3.192).
45See his contribution Ein Text medizinischen Inhalts aus dem neubabylonischen
Grab 405, in: R.M. Boehmer, F. Pedde & B. Salje (eds.), Uruk. Die Grber, Mainz 1995
(= AUWE 10), p. 211, commentary to line 14.
46F. Kcher suggests in BAM V p. xxix that the tablet might have formed part of the
handbook of medical prescriptions. He attributes it either to the first section of the hand
book which deals with afflictions of the head or another partbadly preservedwhich
could have included skin diseases.
47See the edition of N.P. Heeel, Babylonisch-assyrische Diagnostik, p. 354.
56 chapter three
(Akkadian muru) or simx (Akkadian simmu), a general term for skin

sore.48 As most of the afflictions described in the first section of Sakikk
chapter XXXIII are skin diseases I have favoured the reading simx.49 Con-
cerning the Akkadian term iknu the dictionaries provide the meanings
outward appearance, shape, structure, CAD /II 436b, and Gestalt(ung),
Aussehen, Art, AHw 1235a meaning (C). The construction item ikinu,
item, its appearance, is the constituent feature of the three cuneiform
compendia ammu ikinu, On the appearance of the medicinal plant,
Abnu ikinu, On the appearance of the stone,50 and ru ikinu, On
the appearance of the serpent.51
It has been suggested that the literal meaning, external appearance,
would not fully express the semantic field of iknu. E. Reiner, inspired by
the use of Romance natura in Medieval texts that describe animals, pro-
posed to translate the Akkadian term with nature.52 Similarly, M.J. Geller
suggested the meaning nature, character comparing the semantic field of
the Akkadian term with the Greek word physis.53 Taking into account cer-
tain passages in the inscriptions of Sennacherib and Esarhaddon in which
the appearance of stones is linked to their magical function, J.N. Postgate
argues that iknu should also refer to the substance and function; accord-
ingly he translates nature.54 Also J.A. Scurlock in her translation of the
phrase favours nature, rendering the expression GIG ikinu, the nature
of the sore.55 By contrast, N.P. Heeel proposes in his study a transla-
tion Befund (diagnostic findings), an interpretation that is based on his
discussion of the expression ikin muri in non-medical texts which he
translates as the nature of the disease.56
48See J.M. Durand, Maladies et mdecins, pp. 552553.

49By contrast, N.P. Heeel Babylonisch-assyrische Diagnostik, pp. 359361, prefers the
reading gig and translates, accordingly, disease.
50Note that A. Schuster-Brandis in her edition of Abnu ikinu chooses the expression
der Stein dessen Gestaltung (folgendermaen ist), Steine als Schutz- und Heilmittel. Unter
suchungen zu ihrer Verwendung in der Beschwrungskunst Mesopotamiens im 1. Jt. v. Chr.,
Mnster 2008 (= AOAT 46), pp. 3439.
51See for the latter composition on serpents E. Reiner, Astral Magic in Babylonia, Phila
delphia 1995 (= TAPS 85/4), p. 29.
52Ibidem, p. 30.
53Ancient Babylonian Medicine. Theory and Practice, p. 20.
54See Mesopotamian Petrology: Stages in the Classification of the Material World,
Cambridge Archaeological Journal 7 (1997) p. 217; note, however, his remark that English
nature is not a true equivalent of iknu.
55See e.g. J.A. Scurlock & B.R. Andersen, Diagnoses in Assyrian and Babylonian Medi
cine, p. 224 (10.89, 10.90, 10.91).
56See Babylonisch-assyrische Diagnostik, p. 75, Wesen / Natur der Krankheit.
The translation nature would well express the system of double mean-
ings that is characteristic for Ancient Babylonian medicine. However, I
would suggest in the present context a narrow translation for iknu
because the descriptions of plants, stones, and skin sores refer princi-
pally to the external appearance. This meaning, I believe, is corroborated
by the structure of the entries of the plant descriptive text, ammu ikinu.
They consist of two parts: the first part, commencing with the expres-
sion ammu ikinu the plant, its appearance, contains the description
of the external features. First the general appearance of the plant is com-
pared to another plant which is then followed by other comparisons with
distinctive plant parts such as seed, fruit or root. The second part starts
with the formulation it is good for the disease... (ana...damiq) and
gives the instructions for the administration of the plant. For example:
The external appearance of the plant is like the plant alam. Its seed is
as red as abullu. This plant is called...It is good to remove paralysis. Dry
(and) crush it, annoint him with fine oil (mixed with the plant), [then he
shall recover].57 I believe the separation points to the fact that in this type
of descriptive texts Ancient Babylonians differentiated between physical
aspects and inherent functions.
In order to illustrate my point that iknu rather refers to what is physi-
cally perceived I shall quote three further examples. Note that I avoid the
literal reproduction of the u/na/simx gar-u gin, the plant / stone /
skin sore, its appearance is like, and paraphrase instead the plant /
stone / skin sore looks like. The first example comes from the ammu
ikinu handbook; the manuscript is KADP 33 rev. 8:
u gar-u gin u.lag.aa gurun-u sa u.bi ugi-u-ut ki mu-u
The medicinal plant looks like fields clod. Its fruit is red/brown. This plant
is called spittle of the ground.
The other example is from the compendium, Abnu ikinu l. 84:58
na gar-u gin kap-pi kal-lat dutu-i nadur.m[i.n]a.ban.da mu.[ni]
The stone looks like the wing of a dragonfly. Its name is turminaband.
57KADP 33 obv. 67: u gar-u gin7 u.am.a.ra numun-u gin7 a-bu-li-li sa5 u.bi
[u. mu.ni] / ana im-ma-te zi sig ad.a sud i.gi e-[su-ma ti-u]. See the edition of
the text F. Kcher & B. Bck, The Assyrian-Babylonian Drug Lore (forthcoming).
58See the edition of A. Schuster-Brandis, Steine als Schutz- und Heilmittel. Untersu
chungen zu ihrer Verwendung in der Beschwrungskunst Mesopotamiens im 1. Jt. v. Chr.,
pp. 3637.
58 chapter three
And the third example is taken from Sakikk XXXIII l. 6:

[di] simx gar-u gin u-ma pa-gar-u sa a-u-u m[ut-ta]p-ri-u mu.ni
If the skin sore looks like the (bite of) lice, and his body is red: flying a
disease is its name.
As for the verb alku, written gen-ak in the Sakikk line under discus-
sion, the translation skin flakes off is based on AHw s.v. alku(m) III.9)
32b sich abblttern (von Haut). W. von Soden refers here to idiomatic
expressions constructed with skin, hair or flesh. In the present line no
such grammatical object is given but since the context is about skin sores
the reference is implicit. J.A. Scurlock suggests the translation flows and
N.P. Heeel renders umherwandert.59
Sakikk XXXIII: 24
di simx gar-u sa lu kum.kum-im u i-ta-nar-ru sa-ma-nu [mu.ni]
If the skin sore is red, the patient suffers from bouts of fever and he is per-
sistently sick: smnu is the name (of the disease).60
Sakikk XXXIII: 25
di simx gar-u da-an tab x-ma ina igi-ka la i-na-a mid-ru kimin sa-ma-nu
[mu.ni]
If the skin sore feels hard, burns,...and does not come off when you exam-
ine it: midru ditto (= is its name), smnu is the name (of the disease).61
Commentary
I have read the expression ina igi-ka as ina amrka, literally when you
see it. The phrase appears at least in two letters in which a physician
(as) is sent for. The text RMA 18 rev. 56 states: lua.zu / lil-lik-ma li-mur-
u a physician should come and see him; and in ABL 341 lines 1113
(= SAA 16 26 pp. 2021) we read: lua.zu 1-en / lil-li-ka li-mur-i one physi-
cian shall come and see her. In both cases the connotation of the verb
amru is to undergo a medical check, which I have applied to the line
under discussion.
59See for the first J.A. Scurlock & B.R. Andersen, Diagnoses in Assyrian and Babylonian
Medicine, p. 62 (3.172), and for the second N.P. Heeel, Babylonisch-assyrische Diagnostik,
p. 360.
60See the edition of N.P. Heeel, ibidem, p. 354.
The correct meaning of the verb in is difficult to determine. As the

text is dealing with skin sores I have assumed that it refers to skin flakes
coming off; see for this meaning AHw s.v. nu(m) 761b sich lockern, sich
bewegen, and CAD N/II s.v. nu sub 2.b) 114b to be weakened, to become
shaky said of parts of the body. J.A. Scurlock translates the expression ina
amrka l in rather freely and does not respond to (your treatment).
N.P. Heeel renders it vor dir nicht zurckweicht.62
The disease term midru is further attested in the Nineveh tablet
K.6057+ which is a collection of healing spells for simmu skin sores. The
passage is badly damaged; col. ii: 6 mi-id-ru si-i-p[u...], midru, sweeping
attack....
BAM V 494 i: 35
If a persons head is afflicted with smnu: it is turning him red, is torn out
(i-na-sa) or calms down, then it extends (again).
Commentary
J.A. Scurlock translates the verb inassa it retracts.63 I have interpreted
the form as N stem innassa.
3.4.2Sakikk XXXIII 103b: A, an Affliction of the Skin

There are a number of references to this disease which are compiled and
discussed by J.A. Scurlock.64 Both J.A. Scurlock and B.R. Andersen pro-
pose that a was applied to any skin condition of non-venereal origin
that covers the entire body with characteristic lesions.65 It is, however,
noteworthy that the secondary symptoms of a (when mentioned) affect
mainly the head, face or eyes.66
62See for the first J.A. Scurlock & B.R. Andersen, Diagnoses in Assyrian and Babylonian
Medicine, p. 66 (3.192), and for the second N.P. Heeel, ibidem, p. 360.
63Ibidem, p. 63 (3.174).
64See ibidem, pp. 224226.
65Ibidem, p. 224.
66A translation of a sample of medical recipes for the treatment of the a disease
is offered by H. Scheyhing, Babylonisch-assyrische Krankheitstheorie. Korrelationen
zwischen medizinischen Diagnosen und therapeutischen Konzepten, WO 41 (2011), p. 102,
and see the collection of attestations pp. 104106.
60 chapter three
3.4.3Sakikk XXXIII 104: tu, an Affliction of the Skin

The designation tu is translated by the dictionaries of the Akkadian
language with abscess; see AHw 1106a A.1), CAD 218a 2.b). The term
is derived from the verb (w)a(m) to come forth. The word is attested
in an Old Babylonian letter from Mari. The passage in question refers to
an abscess which grows below the ear of a boy: aplnum uznu tum
im, below his ear an abscess has grown.67 The same text states that
tu(m) was understood by Ancient Babylonians as a form of simmu(m),
skin sore.68
3.4.4Sakikk XXXIII 105a: arriu, an Affliction of the Skin

The Akkadian term arriu is rendered sich ausbreitende (Wunde), pro-
liferating (said of skin sore); see AHw 1086, CAD 114b. On grounds of
form arriu is a parris-participle (see W. von Soden GAG 55m 20a II);
CAD, following AHw, interprets the term, which generally precedes Akka-
dian simmu, as an adjective, though in the discussion section of the entry
it is stated that the position is unusual. The present attestation, however,
suggests that arriu was used as a substantive; accordingly, I propose the
meaning the growing one. Note that the references in both dictionaries
of the Akkadian languages to the expression arriu simmu (lazzu) should
be accordingly corrected and translated the growing one, a (long-lasting)
skin sore. It seems as if simmu (lazzu) served as an explanatory apposi-
tion to arriu.
3.4.5Sakikk XXXIII 105b: adnuan Affliction of the Skin

The disease adnu has been recently treated by J.A. Scurlock and
B.R. Andersen.69 On the basis of the attestations they come to the con-
clusion that the Akkadian term also included plague. However, in an
earlier discussion F. Kcher argued that the identification with bubonic
plague is not beyond doubt.70 It should be noted that adnu is also
associated with the hand of Ninurta (Sakikk XXXIII: 106b) and to the
67See A. Finet, Les mdecins au royaume de Mari, AIPHOS 14 (1954/57), p. 131 l. 8; the
text is published in ARM XIV 3.
68See J.-M. Durand, Maladies et mdecins, p. 552.
69Diagnoses in Assyrian and Babylonian Medicine, pp. 7374.
70See Ein Text medizinischen Inhalts aus dem neubabylonischen Grab 405, in:
R.M. Boehmer, F. Pedde & B. Salje (eds.), Uruk. Die Grber, Mainz 1995 (= AUWE 10), p. 212
commentary to ll. 2932.
touch of Marduk and Ninurta (Sakikk XXXIII: 31). The disease is hom-
onymous with a mineral; both terms are understood by the CAD diction-
ary as two different words (see CAD /I 36a s.v. adnu A hematite and
CAD /I 38a s.v. adnu B (a disease)). Note that W. von Soden in AHw
1123a transcribes the disease name dnu and interprets this writing
as a variant spelling for the disease term dnu which denotes vertigo
(see AHw 1100b Schwindelanflle). Ancient Babylonians apparently
distinguished between these two diseases since they not only chose to
write them with two different Sumerian logograms, namely sa.ad.nim
for adnu and sa.nigin for idnu, but also treated them medically in
a different way.
I would propose that the name of the skin affliction is related to the
mineral adnu which has been identified with hematite or magnetite.71
Evidence which would support this suggestion comes from the descrip-
tion of the skin sore in Sakikk XXXIII: 29. It refers to the typical reddish
colouring of the mineral form of this iron oxide; the affliction is hard to
the touch and covered with red/rust-red streaks.72 Not only the colour but
also the criterion of hardness shows that Ancient Babylonians associated
the disease name with the stone.73 In the Sumerian literary composition,
Ninurtas Exploits, which relates the gods conquest of minerals, hematite
is included among those stones that did not oppose the god. In contrast to
the other formulations of addressing the stones, Ninurta speaks to adnu
(or naKA.gi.na) because of its hardness (Sumerian nam.kala.ga, Akkadian
danntu). The Akkadian term is derived from the verb dannu which is
precisely the one used to describe the skin affliction.74 In light of the Sum-
erian composition it appears then obvious that the skin affliction was also
associated with Ninurta. The juxtaposition of hard, hardness with the
reddish coloration of hematite to characterize the adnu disease points
again to the persistence of traditions, rooted in a distant past, which can
71See for a discussion of the mineral A. Schuster-Brandis, Steine als Schutz- und Heilmit
tel. Untersuchung zu ihrer Verwendung in der Beschwrungskunst Mesopotamiens im 1. Jt. v.
Chr., pp. 424425 with further bibliography.
72ana lapti dn tikp smti mali, see for the text N.P. Heeel, Babylonisch-assyrische
Diagnostik, p. 354.
73For the association of hematite with the administration of justice see J.N. Postgate,
Mesopotamian Petrology: Stages in the Classification of the Material World, pp. 216, 218
and note 46. The stone is said to be the beloved one of ama and as such functions like a
judge. The Sumerian spelling (KA.)gi.na to be true, to establish (in legal context) alludes
to this aspect.
74See for the text edition J.J.A. van Dijk, LUGAL UD ME-LM-bi NIR-GL, vol. II, p. 136
l. 498.
62 chapter three
be found in second millennium BC literary texts as well as in the medical

literature of the first millennium.
3.4.6Sakikk XXXIII 106a: inna triDiarrhoea Disorder

The term inna tri denotes a disorder of the digestive tract whose main
symptom is diarrhoea; see AHw 1103b, CAD 200b. Only a few medi-
cal prescriptions mention the term, usually in connection with other
symptoms.75 According to the Ninevite tablet BAM VI 543 which includes
recommendations for diseased teeth as well as afflictions of the mouth
and nasopharyngeal zone diarrhoea appears together with the descrip-
tion if ditto (= the lips of a man are...) and he voids blood, it has turned
into inna tri disorder.76 For this condition a combined treatment is
recommended, consisting first in the application of ghee to the diseased
spot and then, in broken context, in a medicament based on the so-called
white plant which is the byname of the resin of the arbatu tree. Another
prescription gives the symptom that the lungs (of a man) are affected;77
this corresponds well with the third attestation which states: If a man
has difficulty breathing, inna tri disorder, (and) burning heat (of the
belly)...78 The connection between lungs and difficulty breathing with
inna tri is especially noteworthy for two reasons: firstly, it throws light
on a short cuneiform text which associates disease with body organs.
According to this Late Babylonian medical text from Uruk Ancient Baby-
lonian practitioners believed that inna tri diarrhoea would eventually
come from the lungs.79 Secondly, the observation that digestive disorders
can be connected with difficulty breathing is included in one of the entries
on infant diseases in Sakikk XL: 97 for which see below.
3.5Sakikk XL
The hand of Gula is further attested in chapter XL of Sakikk which is

dedicated to infant diseases. In contrast to the other chapters of Sakikk
75There are two descriptions of inna tri in Sakikk XXXIII: 65, 66; both lines are
badly preserved. According to l. 66 one of the symptoms is he holds sweat.
76BAM VI 543 i: 53: di ki.min (= na nundum.me ku-...)-ma mud i-a-na-a ana
i-in-na-a ti-ri gur-um igi simx i.nun e.
77BAM I 66 rev. 18 // AMT 45,1 14: [...] mur.me gig-ma na.bi (variant na u) i-na-a
tu-ra.
78SpTU I 44 obv. 1: di na na-pi kir-u dugud i-in-[na-a] ti-ru i-mi u.[da...].
79SpTU I 43 rev. 25: kimin (= [ul-t]u a-e-e) i-in-na-a tir. The impact of this observa
tion for the overall interpretation of the Uruk text shall be discussed elsewhere.
which include only ten references to Gula, the indication of her hand
is quoted most often the infant chapter. She appears twenty-one times;80
compare this to the hand of Itar which is mentioned just three times,
the hand of Kbu which is referred to four times,81 or the hand of Sn
which is attested six times (twice we find the hand of Sn and Itar). The
hand of ama and the Twin gods is not recorded.
One of the entries of chapter XL identifies the symptoms attributed to
Gula with the so-called bunu disease. Many of the symptoms of this
disease point to diphtheria.82 It affects particularly infants, which is why
in modern times the disease received the designation strangling angel of
children. Sore throat, painful swallowing, fever, respiratory distress due to
swollen mucous membranes and a sweet smell coming from the mouth83
are some of the characteristic symptoms; in addition, infants suffer from
discharge of blood and pus, nausea, vomiting, headaches and chills.84
Some of the medical prescriptions dealing with the bunu disease
include incantations. Common to all is the leitmotif of a lion and a wolf
catching the throat and palate or head and nose:
80J.A. Scurlock discusses Gula separately as one of the goddesses who causes infant
diseases; see Diagnoses in Assyrian and Babylonian Medicine, pp. 509512. She includes
twenty-six references. However, four attestations do not belong to chapter XL, the chapter
of Sakikk dealing with infants, and in a further attestation the apodosis, which gives the
diagnosis, is broken (TDP p. 226 line 75).
81One of the gods of infant diseases is the personified stillbirth, Kbu, as J.A. Scurlock
analyses in ibidem, pp. 512514. It should be noted that out of the eighteen references she
discusses, only four attestations come from the infant chapter. The second most quoted
deity in connection with infant disease is therefore not Kbu, but the (personal) god
which is attested eleven times.
82See already F. Kcher, Sptbabylonische medizinische Texte aus Uruk, p. 20; the
suggestion is also followed by D. Cadelli, Lorsque linfant parat...malade, Ktma 22
(1997) p. 32. J.V. Kinnier Wilson suggested the identification with scorbutus (scurvy), see
his Organic Diseases of Ancient Mesopotamia, in: D. Brothwell & A.T. Sandison (eds.),
Diseases in Antiquity, Springfield 1967, pp. 193194. K. Volk in his study Kinderkrankheiten
nach der Darstellung babylonisch-assyrischer Keilschrifttexte, OrNS 68 (1999) pp. 2728,
follows the incorrect identification by the Akkadian dictionary, CAD B s.v. bunu pp. 350
351, with leprosy. J.A. Scurlock and B.R. Andersen distinguish between three separate dis
eases that were designated by the term bunu: diphtheria, oral infection with Herpex
simplex virus typ 1, and an anaerobic infection of the gingiva and throat, see Diagnoses in
Assyrian and Babylonian Medicine, p. 40. See also S. Salin, Una nota sui casi di bunu,
NABU 2010 no. 14.
83Note here the etymological meaning of the term which is a derivation of bau to
smell bad, which has been already stressed by F. Kcher, Saarubbzur Frage nach
der Lepra im alten Zweistromland, in: J.H. Wolf (ed.), AussatzLepraHansen-Krankheit.
Ein Menschheitsproblem im Wandel, Wrzburg 1986, p. 30.
84I have taken the symptoms from the MSD-Manual der Diagnostik und Therapie,
Mnchen Wien Baltimore 1988, p. 1694.
64 chapter three
Bunu is strong, like a lion it has caught the throat, like a wolf it has caught
the hard and soft palate, it has caught the tongue, it dwells in the windpipe
or
Strong is the seizure of bunu. Like a lion it has caught the head, like a wolf
it has caught the throat, it has caught the nose, it has caught the tongue, it
dwells between the teeth.85
The respective healing spells describe very graphically precisely the chok-
ing sensation, which the swelling of the afflicted parts causes.86
The following table includes the attestations that refer to the hand of
Gula and the bunu disease.87, 88
TDP XL Gulas hand bunu has seized (the infant)

5 his body is yellow, he does not
have fever, his temples are sunken,
his nose is stopped up and does
not produce mucus87
uzu.me-u ur-qa it-ta-du-u
kum la u-kal sag.ki.ii-u
ma-aq-tu ap-pi-u ma-gal i-si-ir
u-pa-i la i-[u
61 his body is dark (variant: is
sunken) and he is fumbling his
nose, his eyes are with tears88
uzu.me-u ge.me : ub-tu u
ap-pa-u uz-za-na-ar di-im-tum
ina igi.ii-u gen-ak
85See for both incantations H. Hunger, SpTU I 44. Quoted are rev. ll. 5557 and ll.
6566 on p. 52.
86I wish to thank Dr. H.J. Breimann from Mnster for the suggestion that the meta
phorical language expresses suffering very well.
87The disease name is written BI-LU which is explained in the commentary text to this
line, SpTU I 41 line 5, with the bunu disease. This identification is difficult, as K. Volk dis
cussed in his Kinderkrankheiten nach der Darstellung babylonisch-assyrischer Keilschrift
texte, p. 27 note 166, since in this line and in TDP p. 230 line 114 (in TDP p. 224 line 61
the verb is broken) BI-LU is constructed with a verbal form in plural: abtu theythe
BI-LU diseaseshave seized the infant; in contrast, bunu is always constructed with a
verbal form in the singular.
88The disease name is spelled BI-LU.
(cont.)
76 his body is yellow
uzu.me-u sig ub-u
77 his belly is yellow
a.me-u sig ub-u
78 his epigastrium protrudes
sag a-u za-qir
79 he has fever and intestinal cramps
kum tuku a.me-u eb-u
80 he has no fever and intestinal
cramps
kum nu tuku a.me-u eb-u
81 ...
ru-u-ud
82 he keeps turning round and is
upset89
it-ta-na-as-ar it-ta-na-as-la-a
83 he is persistently perturbed
lu.lu-a
84 he is persistently stretching (the
limbs) and his arms are turned
backwards
i-ta-na-ad-da-ad u a.ii-u gur-ra
85 one moment his body is feeble,
then he is fine
uzu.me-u za-mar i-a-u-u
za-mar i-al-li-mu
86 he is red and yellow
sa u sig
87 he is white and black
babbar u ge
89The text permits several interpretations; D. Cadelli suggests that the symptoms refer
to babies who se tournent sans cesse ou se retournent dans leur sommeil combining this
line with TDP p. 218 line 16 which refers to sleep, see her Lorsque linfant parat...mal
ade, p. 26. J.A. Scurlock renders if an infant is repeatedly (and) continually sick, see
Diagnoses in Assyrian and Babylonian Medicine, p. 510 (19.319).
66 chapter three
(cont.)
88 he is weak and strong
i-ba-a-i u i-kab-bir
89 he has fever and loses weight
kum tuku u uzu.me-u i-ma-u-u
90 he has burning fever
kum a-ri-i
91 his trachea is narrowed
ur-us-su a-niq
92 he is constipated and his body is
yellow
u-nap-paq u uzu.me-u sig
93 he is constipated, he does not
suckle at the breast and his body is
yellow
u-nap-paq ubur nu gu u su-u
sig
94 he is constipated and does not
suckle at the breast
u-nap-paq ubur nu gu
95 his intestines are cramped and his
anus is constipated
a.me-u eb-u u dur-u a-niq
96 his intestines are cramped and his body is yellow
a.me-u eb-u u su-u sig
97 his intestines are cramped and he
has difficulty breathing90
a.me-u eb-u u kir-u ka-bit
98 he persistently secretes saliva
il-la-tu-u gen.me-ka
99 his saliva contains blood
il-la-tu-u mud u-kal-la
90The translation is based on the complete expression napi appu kabit. Appar
ently, napi can be occasionally dropped as is evident from the variants for the title of the
sub-chapter of medical recipes dealing with afflictions of the upper respiratory tract; see
F. Kcher, BAM VI p. xxi with note 37.
(cont.)
100 the top of his head, his chest and
his back are hot
ugu-u gaba-su u a-al-la-u
kum.me
101 fever goes temporarily down and
his intestines are cramped
kum la a-a-a u a.me-u
eb-u
114 his cries die off and he does not
produce mucus91
ik-kil-la-u e-sir u-pa-i nu i-u
118 he is constipated and his body is
yellow
u-nap-paq u su-u sig
Some of the entries are a good illustration of one of the particular features
of the Sakikk handbook, viz. the fragmentation of a syndrome into single
symptoms; see e.g. the description in line 93 he is constipated, he does
not suckle and his body is yellow and compare the entries his body is
yellow in line 76 and he is constipated and his body is yellow in line 92.
The combination of single symptoms in order to reconstruct syndromes
was undertaken by J.A. Scurlock who was supported in this difficult task
by the physician B.R. Andersen.92 Both suggest that the entries in lines
75 to 96 could possibly be combined and interpreted as one single syn-
drome for which they propose the identification with visceral leishmania-
sis or kala-azar.93 Indeed, as they explain all the symptoms are consistent
with the symptoms of the clinical picture of visceral leishmaniasis. I am
no physician, nor do I intend to reject or correct this identification pro-
posal, but I would seriously question the potential arbitrariness of the
methodology.94 As a medical layperson I wonder whether other groupings
91The disease name is spelled BI-LU.

92See the description of the methodology in their Diagnoses in Assyrian and Babylo
nian Medicine, pp. xxxxii.
93Ibidem, p. 509.
94See for further remarks my review of their study, Diagnose im Alten Mesopotamien.
berlegungen zu Grenzen und Mglichkeiten der Interpretation keilschriftlicher diagnos
tischer Texte, pp. 381398.
68 chapter three
are equally possible. One could, e.g., combine and understand the symp-
toms of lines 7680 as referring to infant jaundice, lines 8285 as indicat-
ing pains, line 8687 as abnormal colouring which could be a symptom of
heart issues, lines 8891 as fever because of tonsillitis, and lines 9296 as
severe constipation. Other disease interpretations have been put forward
by D. Cadelli: e.g. line 78 could refer to a malformation of the skeletal
system and line 84 may indicate a neurological disorder.95
We learn from these entries that Gulas hand when observed in infants
was associated with constipation, the discoloration of the body, especially
yellow colouring, unusual behaviour on the part of the baby ( jumpy, per-
turbed, unnatural movement of legs and arms), changing body conditions,
and the bunu disease. The yellow discoloration possibly refers to the
Babylonian illness amurriqnu jaundice. Both afflictions were treated
with medicinal plants that are associated with the healing goddess Gula,
as is discussed in Chapter 5.96
Because of the preponderance of references to the hand of Gula in
chapter XL of the handbook, J.A. Scurlock characterizes Gula as the god-
dess of infants diseases.97 This observation would fit well into the image
of the healing goddess according to the hymn Ninisina A. The healing god-
dess is depicted as a midwife who lifts the newborn onto her lap and in
turning the baby upside down probably intends to prevent birth asphyxia.98
In addition, Gulas dog seemed to have played an important role in the
imagery used by Ancient Babylonians to deter the child-snatching female
demon Lamatu from attacking baby and mother.99 Although we can
detect a certain affinity of the healing goddess for infants, there are no
concrete texts that would corroborate a clear connection between her and
infants diseases.
It will be noted that there are no correspondences between Gulas
hands in chapter XL of Sakikk and her hands in the adult part. None of
the skin diseases enumerated in chapter XXXIII of the handbook appears
among the infants diseases; the same holds true for the symptoms of
discharging blood from nose, mouth and ears, and pains in the pelvis.
Although the adult and infant parts deal with aching belly or diarrhoea
disorders, the formulation in Akkadian is so different that it is difficult to
95See D. Cadelli, Lorsque linfant parat...malade, pp. 17 and 24.

96See for bunu Chapter 5.1.2, and for jaundice Chapters 5.1.4 and 5.2.5.
97Diagnoses in Assyrian and Babylonian Medicine, p. 509.
99See the discussion in Chapter 2.3.
make a comparison. From the use of Gulas avatar medicinal plants and
her appearance in healing spells discussed in Chapters 4 and 5 respec-
tively we learn that she was associated with the inside of belly and the
bunu disease.100
3.6Ninurtas Hands
We know that the god Ninurta shifted towards the realm of healing
because of his marital relation with the healing goddess.101 Although he
himself appears mainly in magical healing context,102 the divine couple
NinurtaGula became the standard gods the physicians at the Assyrian
royal court would invoke in the greeting section of the letters they wrote
to the kings Esarhaddon and Ashurbanipal.103
On analysing the hands of Gula I noticed that there is, though only in
a few cases, a certain analogy between the disorders associated with her
hand and with the hand of her divine consort. As I discuss in Chapter 5,
this partial correspondence can also be observed for Gulas plants which
are used to treat some of diseases attributed to Ninurtas hands.104
The statement u dma, qt dninurta is attested nine times; once the
touch of Ninurta (and Marduk) is mentioned.105 In her opus magnum
written together with B.R. Andersen J.A. Scurlock discusses the idea that
Ninurta is associated with the liver, jaundice and plagues.106
3.6.1Sakikk VII: 68 and Sakikk VII: 73

The first two attestations of Ninurtas hand come from tablet VII of the
handbook. The chapter is poorly preserved; all we know is that it dealt
100See for bunu the discussion in Chapter 5.1.2 and for afflictions located in the belly
Chapters 4.2.2, 4.2.3, 5.1.1.3, 5.1.2.7, and 5.2.3.
101See the remark of W.G. Lambert, The Gula Hymn of Bullusa-rabi, p. 110; and see
the detailed discussion of A. Annus, The God Ninurta in the Mythology and Royal Ideology
of Ancient Mesopotamia, Helsinki 2002 (= SAAS XIV), pp. 138145.
102See my brief description in Chapter 6.2.
103See e.g. the letters published in SAA X no. 254, nos. 315325, no. 329, no. 333 and
no. 334; see for a discussion A. Annus, The God Ninurta in the Mythology and Royal Ideology
of Ancient Mesopotamia, p. 142.
104See for an overview the table in Chapter 6.1.
105N.P. Heeel gives in Babylonisch-assyrische Diagnostik, p. 53 the number eight for
the hands of Ninurta. I suppose the disagreement lies in the reading of tablet XXXIII l. 107.
Following J.A. Scurlock (& B.R. Andersen), Diagnoses in Assyrian and Babylonian Medicine,
Ninurtas hand appears twice in this line, accordingly amounting to nine times in toto.
106See Ibidem, p. 456 19.99, p. 520 19.365; p. 571 Ap. 104106.
70 chapter three
with observations made of the patients tongue and mouth and his way
of talking; apparently, the exorcist also took his cries of pain into account
when establishing the graveness of the illness and its outcome.
VII: 68
di du-u kur.[kur-i]r kum ub.ub-su u dma ana u 10.[kam...]
If his diction is altered and he has persistently fever : Ninurtas hand;...on
the 10th day.107
In all likelihood, we have to restore the verbal form imt (written gam)
he will die after the span of time.
VII: 73
di du-[u kur.kur...]-lu u dma [...]
If his diction is [altered...] : Ninurtas hand...108
Not much can be derived from the entry. It is equally possible to under-
stand the sign lu as the particle l be it, or. J.A. Scurlock extrapolates the
correspondence of Ninurtas hand with liver diseases to the present text
line and attributes the altered speech by which she renders unintelligible
words to a liver failure because of alcohol.109 She brings together ll. 66
68 and 6973 which include spitting blood and swollen innards (l. 66),
meteorism and belching (l. 67), desire for beer or wine (l. 69, l. 70), groan-
ing (l. 71), and crying Ouch, my belly, ouch, my belly! (l. 72).110 However,
none of these entries is associated with the hand of a god. Common to all
is that the apodosis specifies the precise time of probable death.
The expression du-u kur.kur has been explained in the Late
Babylonian commentary from Uruk, SpTU I 32 rev. 7, by the verbal form
il-ta-na-an which is probably a mistake for iltani to be derived from an
B to be confused.111
3.6.2Sakikk IX: 6970

The third reference comes from chapter IX of Sakikk which contains
statements about the appearance of the patients face.
107See for the text edition TDP, p. 66.

109See together with B.R. Andersen, Diagnoses in Assyrian and Babylonian Medicine,
p. 595 and p. 521 19.367.
110See for the lines in question TDP, p. 66.
111 As suggested by H. Hunger, SpTU I p. 41 commentary to l. 7; the reference is also
included in CAD /I p. 366, lexical section.
di igi.me-u u igi.ii-u mu.me pi igi.ii-u sa im kir-u kum :

a-bit
ka.me-u ta-ba-ka nu zu-e gaba.ri sig-i u dma
If his face and eyes are inflamed, the border of his eye(lids) is red, the breath
of his nose is hot (variant: seized), he cannot pass water : the front is seized,
Ninurtas hand.112
Because of the reference to urinating J.A. Scurlock and B.R. Andersen
attribute the entry to kidney failure as a consequence of urinary tract
obstruction caused by trauma.113
3.6.3Sakikk XVII: 75
Chapter XVII of Sakikk focuses on the changing courses and develop-
ments of illnesses. The present line comes from a section of four entries
dealing with an affliction that lasts for one whole day.
di kal u-mi ti/tin-ma ina ge gig u.da gig-su u 27.kam u dma
If he is well during the day but sick in the night : tu fever is his disease
27 days : Ninurtas hand.114
Note that the preceding line gives the same diagnosis, tu, but reverses
day and night, if he is sick during the day but well at night : tu is his
disease. The reference to time is difficult to interpret. It is not evident
whether the span of time refers to the duration of the illness or whether
it turns after one month into the affliction Ninurtas hand. J.A. Scurlock
interprets the line that the patient has been sick already for a month.115
3.6.4Sakikk XVIII: 1516

As N.P. Heeel states, chapter XVIII deals with the body condition of
the patient.116 At least the first eight entriesour lines constitute entry
no. 9 of the chapterconcentrate on the body temperature, namely if
the patient is hot (m) or has no fever (umma la irai). Ll. 1516 are
112See for the text edition TDP, p. 78.

113Diagnoses in Assyrian and Babylonian Medicine, p. 106. I have followed this interpre
tation in my table in Chapter 6.1 focusing on the urinary tract obstruction.
114See for the text edition TDP, p. 164; and N.P. Heeel, Babylonisch-assyrische Diag
nostik, p. 202.
115Diagnoses in Assyrian and Babylonian Medicine, p. 571 Ap.104.
116Babylonisch-assyrische Diagnostik, p. 222.
72 chapter three
poorly preserved: in l. 15 there is space for at least three more symptoms,

only half of l. 16 is complete.
[di...ku]m-im igi.ii-u it-te-ni-ip-rik-ka-a
[...u] dma mu dam lu
[If the illness of his body...] is hot, his eyes are persistently crossed...Ninurtas
hand because of the mans wife.117
The reference to human wrongdoing, in this case adultery, is only ascribed
a few times to the wife of the patient.118
3.6.5Sakikk XXI: 67
Little is known of chapter XXI. With the help of a Late Babylonian com-
mentary the organizing principle of the chapter can be established, viz.
If all the veins of the sick man are all right, di gig nigin sa.me-u
silim-ma.119 The commentary belongs according to E. Frahms analysis
of this highly specialised literature to the tu 7c type which is about
lemmata, oral explanations, and (materials for) a questioning by a
(master-)scholar, relating to (tablet incipit).120
The line in question reads:
di ki.min-ma (= gig nigin sa.me-u silim-ma) mud ina kir-u gen-
ku-ma u u [ge...]
u dma bur-ma tin [...]
If all the veins of the sick man are all right but blood flows from his nose,
day and night...
Ninurtas hand; it will lift and he shall recover...121
117See for the text edition TDP, p. 170; and N.P. Heeel, ibidem, p. 218.
118M. Stol counts five attestations for the expression because of the wife of a man
following the hands of gods; once it is stated after the hand of ama, once after Ninurta
and three times after the god Ura, see Diagnosis and Therapy in Babylonian Medicine,
JEOL 32 (19911992) p. 44. Note that also the patient himself is said to have committed
adultery in approaching another mans wife. In Sakikk XVII 32 adultery is followed by
the hand of Ura.
119The text has been published by E. Leichty, Two Late Commentaries, AfO 24 (1973)
pp. 8286.
120Babylonian and Assyrian Text Commentaries. Origins of Interpretation, p. 54. See
for the commentary which was written by a Nippur scribe but found at Uruk ibidem,
pp. 226227.
121See for the text edition TDP, p. 238 (not assigned to a chapter of Sakikk); and
N.P. Heeel, Babylonisch-assyrische Diagnostik, p. 218.
3.6.6Sakikk XXXIII: 31 and Sakikk XXXIII: 106b

Both entries of chapter XXXIII deal with the adnu disease. I have
included also the attestation in XXXIII: 31, though it attributes the afflic-
tion not only to Ninurta but also to Marduk. In this entry adnu is not
associated with hands but with the touch of both gods.
XXXIII: 31
di simx gar-u gin na da-an qer-bi-nu-um-ma gal qer-bi-nu-um-ma
gen-ak il-u zi-a [gen.me] gub.g[ub-az]
la i-le--e a-da-nu mu.ni tag damar.utu u [dnin.urta]
If the skin sore is as hard as a stone, it is growing inside but is loose, he is
unable to lift, stand up, walk about or stand : adnu is its nametouch of
Marduk and Ninurta.122
The entry in Sakikk is paralleled by BAM IV 409 obv. 3236 as stated
by F. Kcher.123 J.A. Scurlock and B.R. Andersen interpret the symptoms
as plague; F. Kcher was diffident about this identification because the
classical symptoms of bubonic pest include enlarged lymph nodes which
are located in neck and armpit124 and the present description does not
seem to fit into the typical disease pattern. Crucial is the understanding
of the expression qer-bi-nu-um-ma gen-ak, literally it goes inside which
J.A. Scurlock translates it continually goes down inside.125 This transla-
tion assumes a Gtn stem of alku for which we would expect the logo-
graphic writing gen.me. However, it is difficult to establish the correct
interpretation of alku to go, to move, to be loose. Since both verbs rab
and alku denote movement and one of the characteristics of enlarged
(lymph) nodes caused by bubonic pest is precisely that they are immov-
able the identification of adnu with bubonic plague at least in this entry
should be questioned.
XXXIII: 106b
a-[da]-nu u dnin-[urta]
adnu disease : Ninurtas hand.126
122See for the text edition N.P. Heeel, ibidem, pp. 354355.
123Ein Text medizinischen Inhalts aus dem neubabylonischen Grab 405, pp. 206
207. For minor variants see ibidem.
124Ibidem, p. 212.
125Diagnoses in Assyrian and Babylonian Medicine, pp. 73, 3.226.
126See for the text edition N.P. Heeel, Babylonisch-assyrische Diagnostik, p. 358.
74 chapter three
This line is included in the last section of chapter XXXIII of Sakikk in

which disease names are associated with the hands of gods. According
to Sakikk XXXIII: 105 the adnu disease fell also under the authority of
Gula. See for the internal association between adnu and Ninurta the
discussion under 4.5. Sakikk XXXIII: 105 above.
3.6.7Sakikk XXXIII: 107a

ta-kal-tum u dnin-urta
Liver : Ninurtas hand.127
This entry breaks with the general structure of the section in which dis-
eases are associated with the hands of gods. Here an internal organ, the
liver, corresponds to the gods hand. Consequently, J.A. Scurlock argues in
her discussion on the aetiology of disease patterns that afflictions of the
liver were assigned to Ninurta. She proposes that the association between
the god and the internal organ might be based on a word play between
takaltu liver, the verb taklu to trust which is a common epithet of
Ninurta and the Sumerian logogram for weapon gitukul which alludes
to the gods nature as a warrior, hero-god and slayer of the Anz bird.128
3.6.8Sakikk XXXIII: 107b

a-[a-z]u u d[nin-urta]
azu jaundice : [Ninurtas] hand.129
Though the name of the god is restored, Ninurtas appearance is certainly
expected because of internal reasons: as J.A. Scurlock argues, he is associ-
ated with liver diseases and jaundice is considered to be an affliction of
the liver.130
I have summarized the diseases and symptoms attributed to Gula and
Ninurta in the form of a table. As mentioned above, there are only par-
tial overlaps. Most interesting is the juxtaposition of yellow discoloration
associated with Gula which is the main symptom of amurriqnu jaundice
and jaundice caused by the Azu catcher-demon which Ancient Baby-
lonians attributed to Ninurtas hand.131
127See for the text edition ibidem, p. 358.

129See for the text edition N.P. Heeel, Babylonisch-assyrische Diagnostik, p. 358.
130See Diagnoses in Assyrian and Babylonian Medicine, p. 456 19.99, p. 520 19.365.
131See for this pair the discussion in Chapter 4.5.
Gulas hand Ninurtas hand

Sakikk VI: 19 Sakikk XXI: 67
Blood from nose, eyes and ears blood from nose
Sakikk IX: 6970
urinary retention
Sakikk XII iv: 16
pain in the pelvis
Sakikk XIII i: 55
belly is seized, Ouch! cries
Sakikk XVII: 75
tu fever
Sakikk XXXIII: 103a
smnu
Sakikk XXXIII: 103b
a
Sakikk XXXIII: 104
tu
Sakikk XXXIII: 105a
arriu
Sakikk XXXIII: 105b Sakikk XXXIII: 31, 106b
adnu adnu
Sakikk XXXIII: 106a
inna tri diarrhoea
Sakikk XL: 7880, 9296, 118
constipation
Sakikk XL: 5, 76, 77, 86, 9296, 118 Sakikk XXXIII: 107
yellow discoloration azu jaundice
Sakikk XL: 8990, 100 Sakikk VII: 68, XVIII: 1516
fever (kum) fever (kum)
Sakikk XL: 5, 61, 96114
bunu
Sakikk XL: 8285
unusual behaviour of the baby
Sakikk XXXIII: 107
liver
CHAPTER FOUR
GULA AND HEALING SPELLS
Under healing spells I understand those incantations that are either

embedded in medical prescriptions or referring to a medical context. The
usually short compositions are introduced with the Sumerian logogram
en (Akkadian iptu) which is conventionally translated incantation.
However, many of the incantations might be better considered as prayers
because of contents and style. Because of this observation it is assumed
that iptu / en does not necessarily refer to the nature of the composition
but rather to the form of a more or less standardized text that is part of
a given ritual.1 Healing spells are to be recited either during the prepara-
tion or the administration of a remedy. Typical expressions to indicate the
repetition are ipta tamannu (3 / 7 / 7 u 7.kam) you recite the incanta-
tion (three, seven, seven and seven times) or ipta ann tamannu you
recite the this incantation. Possibly depending on local traditions or
scribal preferences either the incipit of the spell is quoted, i.e. citing the
first words of text, or the incantation is written in extenso; in the latter
case the incantation is detached from the prescription by a dividing line.
Not all prescriptions contain incantations and often several incantations
refer to one and the same medical prescription.
We have no information as to whether incantations had to be recited
with a particular intonation; the verb used to designate the recital is man
(written logographically id) with the meaning to count, to recount events,
to recite, though manifold repetition and the use of gibberish words or
mumbo-jumbo suggest a rhythmical singsong.2 Few incantations had to
be whispered or murmured. The context in which the respective Akka-
dian verb luuu or the noun liu whisper is attested is quite circum-
scribed: if a patient were to suffer from an attack of the Spirit-of-the-dead,
the Eemmu ghost, who entered his victim through the ear according to
1See for this problem of nomenclature the discussion of E. Reiner in her contribution
First-Millennium Babylonian Literature, in: J. Boardman, I.E.S. Edwards, N.G.L. Hammond,
E. Sollberger & C.B.F. Walker, The Assyrian and Babylonian Empires and other States of the
Near East, from the Eighth to the Sixth Centuries B.C. (= Cambridge Ancient History Vol. III
part 2), Cambridge 1991, p. 309.
2The effect and function of mumbo-jumbo spells is discussed in Chapter 6.2.
78 chapter four
Ancient Babylonian thought, the incantation was to be whispered in his

right or left ear.3 Occasionally, incantations just had to be spoken aloud
using the verb to speak, to utter, to declare, Akkadian qab, usually writ-
ten logographically du.ga.4
Broadly speaking we may distinguish between universal healing incan-
tations that could be recited in different medical contexts and those used
for one or more rather defined settings.5 In the present chapter I have
brought together, to the best of my knowledge, the healing spells that
invoke the goddess or mention her. My aim is to study the medical con-
text and explore from another point of view the relationship between the
healing goddess and diseases. In Chapter 4.5 I discuss the function and
implication of healing spells; in applying the theory of discourse metaphor
I analyse the imagery of some healing spells to show how Ancient Baby-
lonians conceptualized pain and illness.6 Special emphasis is laid on the
metaphors that are linked to the healing goddess.
4.1Healing Spells Appealing to Gula
About 350 healing spells are included in the corpus of medical

prescriptions;7 only few of them address the healing goddess. In this sec-
tion I offer eight spells in transliteration and translation. The texts provide
a good insight into the typical characteristics of the corpus regarding style
and language. There are few more incantations directed to Gula but since
they are found in an unspecified medical context or have a religious set-
ting I have not taken them into consideration.8
3See e.g. BAM V 503 ii: 33: ina ge]tug zag-u li-i-u a whisper in his right ear;
or BAM V 503 ii: 36: ina getug g]ub-u li-i-u a whisper in his left ear. See for the
conception of the eemmu entering his victims bodies through the ear the discussion of
J.A. Scurlock, Magico-Medical Means of Treating Ghost-Induced Illnesses in Ancient Meso
potamia (= AMD 3), Leiden Boston 2006, p. 14.
4See e.g. BAM IV 322 rev. 54: ki-a-am du.ga thus you shall say.
5See my When You Perform the Ritual of Rubbing: On Medicine and Magic in Ancient
Mesopotamia, JNES 62 (2003) pp. 116; and my discussion of the spectrum of medical
contexts in Das keilschriftliche Handbuch Einreibung Muuu, pp. 4365, 7986.
6See also my discussion in Chapter 6.2.
7This preliminary number goes back to my compilation of incantations attested in
medical prescriptions.
8See for an incantation without specific medical context the composition Ninsina,
mother of the land! (en dnin.i.si.in.na ama kalam.ma.ke) for which see B. Bck, Das
keilschriftliche Handbuch Einreibung Muuu (V/a), p. 86; see for the edition pp. 184
189, 208 ll. 116. Two further incantations are attested in instructions on how to please
gods so that they intercede for the supplicant for his wellbeing. One spell is incompletely
gula and healing spells 79
The first incantation is Physician of the land, Ninisina (en da.zu kalam.
ma dnin.i.si.na); the composition combines a few lines of text written in
Sumerian with an Akkadian text that contains some gibberish words. The
incantation Lady Gulawhen you descend from skys horizon (en dgu-
la nin an.ta.gal an.ur.ta nam.ta.e, Chapter 4.1.2) is a Sumerian-Akkadian
bilingual, and six spells are entirely written in Akkadian (Chapter 4.1.38),
more precisely, in the Standard Babylonian dialect of Akkadian. Three of
the Akkadian spells (Chapters 4.1.68) are not embedded in medical pre-
scriptions; however, as in two of them ritual instructions are attached,
they are included here. The incantation Gula, physician of the people
(en dgula asti tenti, Chapter 4.1.8) seems to have been recited in a
rather open medical context. The reason for its inclusion here is twofold:
it not only adds data to the discussion of the relationship between the
deities Gula and Asalui but also offers a rather unusual glimpse into the
redaction work of incantations.
4.1.1Physician of the Land, Ninisina

The healing spell en da.zu kalam.ma dnin.i.si.na is so far attested in three
manuscripts; two of them have been unearthed in Ashur (BAM II 124 and
127) and one comes from Ashurbanipals library at Nineveh (K.2432+, CT
23 pl. 2). In tablet BAM II 127 the incantation is succeeded by another one
without a dividing line between them: uu is its name, makadu disease
is its alternative name (en uu umu makadu kinssu).9
A rubric indicating for which affliction both incantations had to be
recited, provides precious information about the medical context: ka.inim.
preserved and not fully understood; BAM IV 322 obv. 2627 // STT II 230 rev. 912: an-tum
gu-la al.ag.ag Goddess Gula.... The text mentions Nab and Tamtu who would inter
cede for the supplicant (BAM IV 322 obv. 18 // BAM IV 321 obv. 28: a-bu-ut un-ni-ni-u ana
a-ba-ti) so that his prayers would be heard (BAM IV 322 obv. 18 // BAM IV 321 obv. 28:
ni-i u.II-u ana ma-a-ri) and his god be pleased (BAM IV 322 obv. 19 // BAM IV 321 obv.
30: dingir-u ana ag-me). The incantation was to be recited over a salve with which the
temples and the forehead of the supplicant were to be anointed (described in BAM IV 322
obv. 2025). The other incantation is better preserved; BAM IV 322 rev. 7475: [an/bel]-
tum gu-la a.zu a ul zi.zi a.zu []e.en.ug.ga / bar.zu ed.de e.en.ku.[g]a e.
en.sikil.la e.en.dadag.ga, Goddess/Lady Gula, physician who removes evil! Your heart
shall be appeased, your mind calm down! May he be purified, may he be cleansed, may he
become bright! The prayer was to be recited over a little amulet after the supplicant had
bathed, was salved and fumigated (described in BAM IV 322 rev. 7374). Interestingly, it
is Gulas spouse Ninurta who is brought in to help the supplicant (BAM IV 322 rev. 71: ana
re-u-su a-la-ki), the text goes on with a prayer that everything the patient wished would
come true (BAM IV 322 rev. 72: mim-ma ma-la ina a-u it-mu-u a-ma-ri).
9See for the latter B. Bck, ibidem, pp. 290291, 304, ll. 153160a (incantation VIII/l).
80 chapter four
ma sa.[gal.la.k]am, Wording for the sagallu disease (BAM II 124 iv: 28).
Together with the term makadu the sagallu disease apparently denotes
afflictions that cause low back pain which can radiate to the ankles.10 As
discussed above, the attribution of musculoskeletal disorders to the heal-
ing goddess is a theme already current in Old Babylonian Sumerian reli-
gious compositions that echo in all likelihood a far older tradition.11
Transliteration and translation are offered here for the first time.
A VAT 8772 + 15549* BAM II 124

B VAT 11224* + 11705* BAM II 127
C K.2432 + S.1899 CT XXIII pl. 2
1A iii: 60 [ ] dnin.i.si.in.na ama aru

kal[am.
B obv. 1 [en d]a.zu kalam.ma dnin.i.si.[
C obv. 15 en da.zu kalam.ma dnin.i.si.in.[na.k]e ama aru
kalam.ma.me.en
2 A iii: 61 [ ] nin e.dub.ba

B obv. 2 [agri]g e.kur nin e.dub.ba
C obv. 15 agrig arali nin e.dub.ba
3 A iv: 1 [ ] nin sag.g[e.

B obv. 2 d?[
C obv. 16 [du.zi.?]gal.an.na nin sag.ge6.ga.ke4
4 A iv: 2 [ ] dkur.rib.b[a
B obv. 3 dura dagal.la dkur!.rib.ba za.ra x [
C obv. 17 [dura] dagal dkur.rib.ba za.ra [
5 A iv: 3/4 [ a]-gi nam-ri-ri a da-nu[m

/ [ -k]u-nu-i
B obv. 4 a da-num den-lil u de-a
i-ku-nu
C obv. 17 [ ] : an-e a-gi-e nam-ri-ri
6 A iv: 4 ri-e bara kur.kur dingir. m[e...] i-[na]-a-u-u

B obv. 4 ri-[
C obv. 18 [ ].me gal.mes i-na-a-u-u
10See for a discussion of the disease term J.A. Scurlock & B.R. Andersen, Diagnoses in
Assyrian and Babylonian Medicine, pp. 257258.
7 A iv: 4/5 igi-ki / [ -r]a u-bur e.gan.gan de-a za-ru-u a kur

B obv. 5 [ ] pa-ra u-bur e.gan.gan: d[e-a] za-ru-u [a
C obv. 18 igi! [
8 A iv: 6 [ -r]i-tum til-la-tum im.ma.an.ub

B obv. 6 [u]l-gi-ri-tum til-la-tum im.ma.an.ub
C obv. 19 [ ] x ul-gi-gi-tu
9 A iv: 7 [ ]-a u8 ina sig.i.a-a iir-a-an ina kib-ri-a

B obv. 6/7 ab [in]a si-a u8 ina sig.[ ] / iir-a-an ina kib-ri-a
C obv. 20 [ ] kib-ri-a
10 A iv: 8 [ -]u lid-di-ma pa-a-u li-i

B obv. 7 a i-na-u lid-di-ma pa-a[-
11 A iv: 9 [ ]-ma a nenni a nenni pa-rik-ta-u li-ir

B obv. 8 qi-ba-a-ma a nenni a nenni pa-rik-ta-u li-[
1Physician of the land, Ninisinayou are the merciful mother of the land!
2Housekeeper of the Ekur (variant: Netherworld), lady of the Edubba
temple,
3[Faithful], great [hand] of heaven, lady of the black-headed people,
4Ample earth, Ura, incomparable netherworld...
5...of heaven who carries the radiant crown with which the gods Anu, Enlil
and Ea bestowed her.
6The great gods raise the top of the sanctuary of the lands.
7Before you...is open; the green grass of the fieldEa, creator of the land,
8Recited (the words) ulgiritum tillatum.
9Cow with her horn, ewe with her wool, river of the netherworld, Iran, with
its shore
10Speak, (all of) you May the one who is growing tired throw it down, may
the one who is calm lift it up!
11So that the wrong done to NN, son of NN, may be righted!
Commentary
The Sumerian text lines are mostly epithets of the healing goddess. Some
of these bynames are well attested in hymns addressed to her.
l. 2:Text of manuscript C reads instead of e.kur, E.KUR.BAD, which
is read arali. The epithet agrig e.kur (housekeeper of the temple Ekur) is
ambiguous since e.kur can also be interpreted as a poetic description of
the netherworld. Note that the genitive marker ak is missing. The temple
name e.dub.ba can also be read e.kiib.ba for which see A.R. George,
House Most High, Winona Lake 1993, pp. 7879 no. 200.
82 chapter four
l. 3:For the restoration du.zi.gal.an.na cf. Gulas epithet du.zi.an.na in

the godlist KAV 46 obv. l. 19.
l. 4:The epithet dkur.rib.ba is attested as the byname of Gula in the
Marduk hymn K.232+ obv. l. 34; see for its identification as the Marduk
hymn the discussion in Chapter 2.1 note 13. The fragment preserving the
invocation of Gula has been transliterated and translated by C.J. Mullo-
Weir, Four Hymns to Gula, JRAS 1929, p. 11.
l. 7:I follow here the suggestion to interpret u-bur as abburu shoot,
stalk of reviewer B. The translation of e.gan.gan is tentative, the term
seems to be attested only in this text. As in l. 2, the genitive marker is
missing.
l. 8:The term tillatum can be translated, namely help, support.
However, as it is cited together with the unintelligible ulgigitu (variant
ulgiritum) I have interpreted both terms as abracadabra words. Probably
because of the intelligible tillatum the term ulgiritum has entered the dic-
tionaries of the Akkadian language, see AHw 1408a unb. Herkunft and
CAD U/W 72b (mng. unkn.).
l. 9:The bizarre images of cow, sheep and river are also included in the
short incantation en bir.ri.a bir.ri.a in K.2432 + S.1899 obv. 7 (CT XXIII
pl. 1). Note that this incantation is likewise to be recited for the sagallu
disease; see the rubric in l. 8: ka.inim.ma sa.gal.la.kam wording for
sagallu.
l. 10:I have followed the translation suggested by reviewer B.
4.1.2Gula, August LadyWhen You Descend from Skys Horizon

The Sumerian-Akkadian bilingual incantation en dgu-la nin an.ta.gal
an.ur.ta nam.ta.e is embedded in a medical prescription for urinary tract
diseases and was recited during the treatment. Both healing spell and pre-
scription have been recently treated by M.J. Geller in Renal and Rectal
Disease Texts (= BAM VII), Berlin 2005, pp. 9093 ll. 4459.
So far two manuscripts are known: one is from Nineveh, the other was
unearthed in Ashur. The latter text is a single tablet which includes two
spells addressed to Gula (see for this incantation I contemplated your
countenance Chapter 4.1.3); a medical context for the Ashur duplicate is
not given. There is no colophon; the text was found together with about
270 tablets on the plastered courtyard of the house of the family clan of
Baba-uma-ibni who served as exorcists in the Ashur temple.12 The Ashur
12See for the genealogical tree and the familys library, S.M. Maul, Die Tontafelbib
liothek aus dem sogenannten Haus des Beschwrungspriesters, Assur-Forschungen 1
(2010) pp. 189228.
tablet shows some epigraphic particularities which will be discussed in

the commentary below. The tablet from Ashurbanipals library at Nineveh
is written in the characteristic layout of the Ninevite handbook of medi-
cal prescriptions with two columns on each side with about 60 text lines
per column.
A K.4957+ BAM VII 9 text I i: 1940

B VAT 9024 KAR 73 rev. 128, BAM VII 10 text K plate 91013
1 A i: 19 en dgu-la nin an.ta.gal [an.u]r.ta n[am.t]a.e

2 A i: 20 dmin gaan gal-tum i[-tu i-id an]-e ina a-i-i-ki
3 A i: 21 digir.re.e.ne.[ke ad.gi.gi an.u]r.ta nam.ta.e

4 A i: 22 ma-li-kat [dingir.me i-tu i-id an-e] ina a-i-i-ki
5 A i: 23 ma.di d[ an.u]r.ta nam.ta.e

B rev. 1 [ ] traces [ ]
6 A i: 24 ti-[iz-qar-tu ] u-dam-ma-qu min
B rev. 2 [ ] ana lu re-e-ma tuku-u u-dam-ma-[qu] kimin
7 A i: 25 u.gi[n zalag an.u]r.ta nam.ta.e

B rev. 3 [ ] an.zeb e.ga an.ur.ta nam.ta.e
8 A i: 26 te-[ -t]i ma-gir-tu min
B rev. 4 [ ]-tu [ ] gin u-me u-pa-ta ma-gir-tu kimin
9 A i: 27
n[in e.u.me.a sikil ma.ke a.g]i.a den.lil.la ki.ag.ga
dutu.u18.lu
B rev. 5 [nin e.u.me.a sik]il ma.ke e.gi16.a den.lil.la ke4.ag.ga
dutu.u18.lu
10A i: 28 [gaan e-u-me-a sikil]-tu kal-lat den-lil na-ram-ti
dma
B rev. 6 [gaan] e-u-me-[a siki]l-tu ir-tu kal-lat dbad na-ram-tu
dnin-urta
11 A i: 29 ga[.e ] su.ud.da gu mu.ra.an.de

B rev. 7 ga.e ir d[gu.la a an] su.da gu mur.an.da
12 A i: 30 ana-k[u ] an-e ru-qu-ti al-si-ki
B rev. 8 a-na-k[u ir dgu-la ina qe]-reb an-e ru-qu-ti al-si-ki
13 A i: 31 dili.m[u ] du11.ga ga.e gi.tuku.ma.ab

B rev. 9 dili gub.[bu].da.a! gi.tuku.a ugu.na
14 A i: 32 e-[ -a]z-ki a-qab-bi i-man-ni ia-a-ti
B rev. 10 e-di -[i-ia] a-za-az-ki a-qab-bi i-man-ni a-a-i
13For obverse read reverse here, and for reverse read obverse.
84 chapter four
15 A i: 33 mu.u[d ] x igi.zu.e a.i gub.bu.da.a.mu

B rev. 11 mu.gig.ga.me.en [i]gi.zi.e a.a gub.ba.ad.mu
16 A i: 34 a[- ] ma-ar-ki az-ziz a-u-lap-ia
B rev. 12 a-u mar-a-ku-ma ma-ir-ki a-zi-iz a-u-la-a-pi-ia
17 A i: 35 g[al ] gig.ga ga.e dili.mu a.mu

B rev. 13 gal i.zu gig.ga ga.e dili.mu a.a.ad.mu
18 A i: 36 [ ] mur-i e-di-i-ia a-u-lap-ia
B rev. 14 ra-bi-ti mu-da-at mur-i e-di-i-ia a-u-la-a-pi-ia
19 A i: 37 [ na]m.ti.la ke za.e.me.en
B rev. 15 igi ma zi.ba nam.ti.la.ke za.a.me.en
20 A i: 38 [ na]-pi-ti ba-la-[i] at-ti-ma
B rev. 16 ru-ba-tu ir-tu qa-i-at na-pi-ti ba-la-i at-ti-ma
21 A i: 39 [ ar]u tuku.ma.ra.ab
B rev. 17 [ga]an.mu mu.[u]n?.du.a ug.ga aru tuku.ma.ra.ab
22A i: 40 [ ] re-e-ma ri-i-i
B rev. 18 [b]e-el-tu nu-i-ma re-e-mu ri-e-e
23 B rev. 19 [ ti.l]a gig nu.i.zu u.mu mu.ni.in.dab

24 B rev. 20 [mu]-e-zi-bat na-pi-ti mur-i la i-du-u qa-ti ab-ti
25 B rev. 21 en u.da ti.la.me.en u gul mu.un.ni.ga.ga

26 B rev. 22 a-di u-mu ba-la-ku lud-lul!-ki
27 B rev. 23 lu igi.du.a nam.dingir.zu e.e

28 B rev. 24 [a-mi]-ri li-ta-i-id dingir-ut-ki
29 B rev. 25 [en na]m.ti.la me.en nam.ma.zu.a du.ga

30 B rev. 26 [a-di ba]l-a-ku-ma nar-bi-ki lu-uq-bi
31 B rev. 27 [ga.e lu m]u.mu ir.zu ka.tar.zu e.me.en

32 B rev. 28 [a-na-ku a-i]-pu a-rad-ki da-lil-li!-ki lud-lul
12Gula, august Ladywhen you descend from heavens horizon,

34Counsellor of the godswhen you descend from heavens horizon,
56Supreme [Gula] who shows mercy with man and keeps him alivewhen
you descend from heavens horizon,
78Experienced one, as brilliant as daylight, favourable onewhen you
descend from heavens horizon,
910Lady of the Eumea temple, pure and supreme, Enlils daughter-in-law,
Ninurtas beloved!
1112I, servant of Gula, have called upon you amidst the distant heavens:
1314I stand alone before youI am speaking, listen to me!
1516Because I am sick I have stood up before youhelp me!
1718O Great one who understands sickness, I am alonehelp me!

1920You are the sublime princess who bestows life and wellbeing.
2122My Lady, calm down and have mercy!
23The one who saves life from unknown disease has taken my hand.
24You who saves life from unknown diseasetake my hand!
2526As long as I live I shall exalt you!
27May the one who sees (your deeds) extol your divinity!
28May the one who sees me extol your divinity!
2930As long as I live I shall sing your praise!
3132(And also) I, the exorcist, your servant, shall proclaim your glory!
Commentary
Only when it deviates from the Sumerian is the Akkadian text translated
as in ll. 24 and 28.
l. 6:The epithet Gula as the one who makes good is resumed by one
of the plants associated with her, namely the bunu plant which is said
to be kal damiq good for everything and mudammiq which makes good
(any diseases). See for the descriptive plant names the discussion in
Chapter 5.1.1.
l. 7:The epithet an.zb (Akkadian teltu) is used in the first place for
the goddess Itar; see CAD T s.v. tele b) pp. 327328.
l. 11, 15, 16:The Ashur manuscript shows some peculiar writings. In
his edition of the text Renal and Rectal Disease Texts (= BAM VII), Ber-
lin 2005, plate 9, M.J. Geller notes that the text was written by a poor
scribe because of the epigraphic errors. However, I would suggest that
these errors or unusual spellings could be explained on account of some
of the patterns characteristic for vowel harmony in the Assyrian dialect.
Note that these Assyriasms affected not only the Standard Babylonian
but also the Sumerian: see e.g. mur.an.da for mu.ra.an.d in l. 11; igi.zi.
for igi.zu. in l. 15; ma-ir-ki for maarki in l. 16.
l. 26: The form of the verbal adjective, ba-la-ku, is aberrant (meta
thesis); we would expect the regular form, as in l. 30, balku.
l. 31, 32:I presume that it is not the exorcist who is sick but the patient.
Accordingly, the scenario would be that first the patientprobably with
the exorcists helpwould address Gula. While the last line of the incan-
tation is clearly recited by the exorcist, at least lines 15 to 30 were sup-
posed to be spoken by the patient, either together with the exorcist or
repeating his words.
86 chapter four
4.1.3I Contemplated your Countenance and
4.1.4May they Worship Gula

So far the two incantations, en tamar panki and en ana dgula likrub,
are known from two manuscripts: one from Ashur and one from Nineveh.
While the Ninevite text distinguishes between two healing spells, the
Ashur tablet understands the incantations as one continuous text, which
is the reason why they are treated here together.
Indeed, also on grounds of form they are both closely linked: I contem
plated your countenance (en tamar panki) ends in a praise of Gula
using precative forms; the incantation May they worship Gula (en ana
dgula likrub) opens precisely with precative forms which gives the
impression of continuity. Also the theme is the same: a patient lifts a cup
with a healing potion from Gula.
Both incantations have recently been translated by M.J. Geller in his
edition Renal and Rectal Disease, pp. 9495 ll. 18. Again, the context
is the treatment of renal and anal diseases which are this time explicitly
stated in the incantation no. 3 en tamar panki: the so-called pardannu
disease, dissolving stone disease (aiu), discharge (mu), stricture as
well as dribbling of urine, a rectal disease and blood in the urine. Interest-
ingly, the incantation includes the administration of the proper remedy.
A VAT 9024 KAR 73 obv. 1532, BAM VII 10 text K plate 1014
B K.2960+ BAM VII 9b plate 7
1 A obv. 15 [e]n a-ta-mar pa-ne-e-k[i dgu-la a-s]u-gal-la-tu ir-tu
2 A obv. 16 x x [ ]-bat at-ti-ma u-ru-tu u-pu-tu
3 A obv. 17 eb-bi-ta a-t[a-mar a]m-mu an-na-a a-a ina igi-ki il-ku

B ii: 3 a-t[a-mar ]
4 A obv. 18 ina u-me an-ni-e [lu pa]r-dan-nu lu a-i-u lu mu-u

B ii: 4/5 ina u-mi an-ni-e [ ] / lu mu-u
5 A obv. 19 lu i-niq-tu l[u dur.gi]g lu ta-ti-ka-te a ka.me tuku-i

B ii: 5 lu dur.gig lu x.gig [ ]
14For obverse read reverse here, and for reverse read obverse.
6 A obv. 20 lu gin sin-ni-ti gi[tuk]ul sig-i lu mim-ma mur-u a

mar-a-ku-ma
7 A obv. 21 at-ti ti-de-e a-na-ku la i-du-u

B ii: 6 at-ti zu-u ana-ku nu zu
8 A obv. 21 am-mu an-na-a nag [i]na u.me an-ni-e lu-ub-lu lu-u-

lim lu-ri
B ii: 6/7 nag-ti [ ] / ina am-mi an-ni-e lu-ub-lu ina am-mi
an-n[i-e ]
9 A obv. 22 da-lil dingir-ti-[k]i gal-ti lud-lul

B ii: 8 da-li-li dingir-ti-ki gal-tum lud-lul [ ]
(line in manuscript B)
10 A obv. 23 a-na dgu-la li[k-r]u-bu du-li ub.me

B ii: 8 [en a]-na dgu-la lik-tar-ra-ba ka-li [ ]
11 A obv. 24 a tu.du.ga-u bul-lu-u u-tu-rat gal-at a-su-tu

B ii: 8/9 [ ]-du-qa-a u bul-lu-a [u- ] / a-sa-ta
12 A obv. 25 mu-bal-li-a-at dgu-la pa-li-asic!(a)

B ii: 9 mu-bal-li-a-at [ ]
13 A obv. 26 ina qi-bit dba-u u-ar-bi mu-a ana du un.me a-zak-kar

B ii: 10 [ ] u-ar-bi mu.ne ana kal un.me [ ]
14 A obv. 27 ina igi-a ki-i al-li-ka 3u tu-ad-bab-u ki.za.za
15 A obv. 28 []am15-mu an-na-a nag-ma ki.za.za ur.gin du.ga
16 A obv. 29 []a-mu ba-la-i a gaan-ia al-ta-ti a-na-ku
17 A obv. 30 [ ] x-ut u ab-ta-lu 3u du.ga-ma u-ka-na
18A obv. 31 [ ] x am-mu an-na-a nag.me-ma ti-u
1Incantation: I contemplated your countenance, Gula, sublime great physician.

2You are..., you are supreme, you are the brilliant one,
3You are pure. I have looked at this remedy which I am raising to you:
4From this day on, should I suffer from pardannu disease, aiu disease,
discharge,
15According to the copy of E. Ebeling; M.J. Geller copies the sign a (BAM VII pl. 10
rev. 14).
88 chapter four
5Stricture, rectal disease or dribbling of urine,

6Or should I (bleed) like a menstruating woman struck by a weapon, what-
ever disease
7You understand them, I do not understand them
8I shall drink this potion, I shall recover because of this potion, I shall get
well with this potion! I shall rejoice!
9I shall sing the praise of your great divinity!
10(Incantation:) May all the ends of the earth worship Gula

11Who surpasses all with (her) healing spell and cure! Great is the healing art
12With which Gula heals those who worship her!
13By the command of the goddess Baba I shall exalt her name among all the
people
14When I stand before her! You have the patient say this three times and he
shall bow down,
15Let him drink this potion, then he shall bow down again and say the
following:
16I have taken the healing potion of my Lady.
17I am...and now I am recovered, have him say this three times, and then
he shall bow down again.
18...he should keep on taking this medication, then he shall recover.
Commentary
l. 5:M.J. Geller suggests in Renal and Rectal Disease Texts, p. 94 l. 5 a
reading murub.gig. I would discard this reading because the sign as cop-
ied ends in one vertical wedge and not in a split vertical wedge as does
murub.
l. 8:Read in all likelihood in text A lu-ri at the end of the line; by
contrast, however, M.J. Geller, ibidem, p. 94 l. 7 text K suggests a reading
lu-si.sa.
l. 9:Read in text B da!-li-li and correct accordingly the reading pro-
posed by M.J. Geller, ibidem, p. 94 l. 8 text J lal i-li.
l. 17:We have already mentioned above that KAR 73 possibly displays
Assyrian spellings. To the list offered we can add u-ka-na for ukna.
4.1.5Gula, Great Lady who Dwells in the Pure Heavens

The short healing spell en dgula bltu rabtu ibat am ellti is so
far attested in three manuscripts which were all kept in Assurbanipals
library at Nineveh. One of the duplicates has been recently dealt with by
M.J. Geller in Renal and Rectal Disease Texts, p. 90 ll. 3940 (text I).
The incantation is further included in two rather large tablets listing

names for stones and other items which were to be worked into amulets.
Both texts BAM V 430 and BAM V 431 offer the incantation in extenso
as identified by the present author but do not indicate the condition for
which it had to be recited. The manuscript BAM VII 9 text I in which the
healing spell is preceded by a medical prescription against urethral stric-
ture, Akkadian iniqtu (see for the complete recommendation BAM VII 9
i: 3438), is different and corroborates the use of Gula incantations in the
context of renal diseases. The spell was to be recited three times.
A K. 9684+ BAM V 431 iii: 4753

B K.4164+ BAM V 430 iii: 4647
C K.4957+ BAM VII 9 text I i: 14-1616
1 A iii: 47 [en dg]u-la gaan gal-tum a-i-bat an-e ku.me

B iii: 46/47 en dg[u-la ] / a-i-b[at ]
C i: 14 en d[ ]
2 A iii: 48 [ -m]a dingir.ma

C i: 14 at-ti-ma dingir.ma
3 A iii: 49 [mu-b]al-li-at ad
C i: 14 mu-bal-li-a-at a[d]
4 A iii: 50 [ ina?] pi-ki a-ku-nu

C i: 15 am-m[u a
? -n]u
5 A iii: 51 [ -]u lib-lu

C i: 15 igi.bar-ma nag-u lib-l[u]
6 A iii: 52 [ -lu] l tu.en

C i: 16 [da-li-il/li? na]m.dingir-ti-ki gal-tum lid-lul tu.e[n]
1Incantation: Gula, great Lady who dwells in the pure heavens!

2You are Dingirma 3 who resurrects the dead.
4[This] potion [which] I have set down by your command,
5Look at it so that the one who drinks it recovers!
6He shall sing the [praise] of your great divinity! Wording of the incantation.
16See BAM VII pl. 4; according to M.J. Gellers line-count i: 3941.

90 chapter four
Commentary
The incantation in BAM VII 9 i: 3941 can now be restored with the help
of BAM V 430 and 431.
l. 46:The reading am-mu in l. 4 is suggested in view of the incanta-
tions en tamar panki (Chapter 4.1.3, ll. 3, 8) and en ana dgula likrub
(Chapter 4.1.4, ll. 15, 16, 18) which both refer to the medication as ammu.
There does not seem to be sufficient space in BAM VII 9 text I i: 15 to
restore am-m[u an-na-a a]. As the verbal form is a subjunctive we
expect the relative pronoun.
l. 5:I have understood the logogram igi.bar as an imperative form
from the verb palsu, namely naplis, which fits better the context. By
contrast, M.J. Geller who translates she noticed their, ibidem, p. 91 i: 40.
l. 6:The restoration follows the expression da-lil dingir-ti-ki gal-ti lud-
lul in the incantation en tamar panki (Chapter 4.1.3, l. 9).
4.1.6Gula, May they Worship you Forever

The incantation en dgula liktarrabki is known from a small tablet, which
was unearthed in Late Babylonian Ur. The spell includes some of the stan-
dard expressions and themes associated with the healing goddess such
as her epithets great physician, seeress and the one who gives life as
well as the ammu potion, which the patient has to take. As a new ele-
ment compared to the aforementioned compositions a reference to dog
bites is added. However, it is not evident that the spells were meant to be
used for treating dog bites. Though the text is not embedded in a medical
prescription, an instruction is attached according to which the patient
had to drink an actual potion over which the spell was to be recited three
times.
The editio princeps and study of this tablet have been produced by I.L.
Finkel, On Some Dog, Snake and Scorpion Incantations, in: T. Abusch &
K. van der Toorn (eds.), Mesopotamian Magic. Textual, Historical, and
Interpretative Perspectives, Groningen 1999, pp. 221223 (for the cunei-
form autograph see p. 244 fig. 4). The text contains a colophon stating that
the tablet belonged to a certain...-taqbi-lir, son of Sin-bl-umi.
U 30655
Obv.
1 [en a-na d]gu-la lik-tar-ra-b[u-ki]
2 zu.ku asx-sa-a-[ti]
3 [tu.du].ga u3 bul-lu-u
4 zu.ku5 mu-da-a-ti
5 [a]-sa-a-ti ba-ra-a-ti mu-bal-li-a-ti
6 dgu-la
7 a-na ma-ri-ka al-li-ka
8 ba-la-i al-te-bi a [x x]
9 am-mi ba-la-u a gaan-ia a[l-ta-ti]
10 am-mi al-qi u gi na gab-[...]
11 te-e e[n]
Rev.
12 du.du.du 3u tu ana ug[u]
13 unam-ru-qu ta-man-ni-m[a]
14 lu i-at-ti-ma i-ni-i-i[]
1 Incantation: Gula, may they worship you forever!

2 You are mindful about dog bites.
34 You know healing spells and cures for dog bites.
5 You are a physician, you are a seeress, you are the one who gives life.
6 Gula,
7 I have come before you:
8 I have enjoyed a long life which...
9 Now I have [drunken] the potion of life from my Lady,
10 I took the potion...
11 Wording of the incantation.
1213 Its accompanying instruction: Recite the spell three times over the nam-
ruqqu plant,
14 the man should drink it, then he will recover.
Commentary
The incantation is epigraphically difficult. I have followed almost all the
suggestions I.L. Finkel put forward.
l. 1:Note that it is possible to restore ana before dgula.
l. 2:The reading hasx has been suggested by I.L. Finkel, ibidem, in his
commentary on p. 222.
l. 13:As stated by I.L. Finkel, ibidem, on p. 222 the present lines are
parallel to the incantation en ana dgula likrub May they worship Gula,
Chapter 4.1.4, ll. 1012.
l. 8:I have derived altebi from eb. My rendering is based on the idi-
omatic expression bala eb to enjoy a long life, see AHw s.v. eb(m)
1207a 3)b). Compare for the present context the expression ana marka
allika bala lubi I have come to you so that I enjoy a long life! in the
prayer KAR 58 obv. 24 (see for the text the edition and study of W. Mayer,
92 chapter four
Untersuchungen zur Formensprache der babylonischen Gebetsbeschwrun-

gen, p. 483). By contrast, I.L. Finkel, ibidem, suggests the verb leb
(p. 223) to howl, groan, cry, CAD L s.v. 35a, translating I bemoaned(?) my
life which..., which I find less likely.
l. 9:I have restored the verb at in view of the incantation May they
worship Gula (Chapter 4.1.3, l. 16, KAR 73 obv. 29) which offers [a-m]u
ba-la-i a gaan-ia al-ta-ti a-na-ku; by contrast, I.L. Finkel, ibidem, sug-
gests the verb leq in parallel with l. 10 of the incantation.
l. 10:I have left the second half of the line untranslated; I.L. Finkel, ibi-
dem, proposes the translation and restoration I took up the drugs, the plant,
the wood, the stoneall [of them(?)] (see p. 222, commentary to l. 7).
l. 12:du.du.du is written for du.du.bi.
4.1.7Gula Dwells in the Egalma Temple

The incantation en ina egalma abat dgula preserved on a small tablet
has been published by I.L. Finkel in his contribution On Some Dog, Snake
and Scorpion Incantations, pp. 219221 (for the cuneiform handcopy see
p. 244 fig. 3).
In this incantation the relation between Gula and the medical context
is transparent: the spell refers to a dog bite and the ritual recommends its
treatment. These instructions consist of the magical manipulation of the
dog bite. However, since the substance which is applied to the wound,
namely clay, was medicinally used in antiquity for the treatment of exud-
ing wounds, we may also presume an actual natural effect of the cure.
The recommendation serves, thus, as another illustrative example for the
duality of Ancient Babylonian healing. So far no duplicates of the text
have been found.
BM 28944 I.L. Finkel, On Some Dog, Snake and Scorpion

Incantations, p. 244 fig. 3
Obv.
1 en i-na e.gal.ma.a
2 a-ba-at dgu-la
3 u ku-nu gigu.za-u
4 ru-ub-bu-u mi-ra-nu-u
5 i-i-i ur.gi it-ta-u-uk
6 a-me-lu tu.en
7 du.du.bi im ta-leq-qu
8 pa-ni si-im-mu tu-ar-ri
9 ur.gi ina a-bi te-ep-pu-u

10 ina i-ga-ri im.si.sa
Rev.
11 ina ma-ar dutu-i ta-ak-ka-an
12 en an-ni-tam 3u ana ugu id-nu
13 u ka-a-am ta-qab-bi um-ma
14 a-di i-A-lu ur.gi ib-ba-lu
15 ni-i-ik a-me-lu-tim-ma
1 Incantation: In the temple Egalma

2 Dwells the goddess Gula,
3 And well established is her throne;
4 Her puppies huddled against each other.
56 A dog jumped up and has bitten the man. Wording of the incantation.
7 Its ritual: You take clay,

8 You spread it over the wound.
9 You form a dog out of (the clay),
1011 You place it on a north wall exposed to sunlight.
12 You recite this incantation three times over it
13 And say the following:
14 As soon as the dog is dry,
15 The bite-wound of the man will be dried out!
Commentary
l. 7:We would expect the spelling ta-leq-qi.
l. 13:In contrast to I.L. Finkel who translates the line and thus you say
(as above) (p. 220) I prefer understanding umma as a particle to intro-
duce the following direct speech which is included in the succeeding lines
1415.
l. 14:The spelling i-A-lu should be corrected. I.L. Finkel suggests read-
ing i-al-lu and derives the form from the verb lu to exude (a liquid)
(p. 221). However, since lu with this meaning belongs to the mediae
verbs we would expect the form iillu. I would instead propose to read
i-tab-lu deriving the form from the verb ablu to dry, which fits the con-
text well. Note that the form ibbalu is in all likelihood not a plural; the /u/
can be explained as a redundant final vowel.
l. 1415:The magical manipulation of the wound is an illustrative case
of sympathetic magic. As the clay dries so the seemingly exuding wound
dries out. In addition to the similia similibus curantur principle this rite is
a typical example of the idea of transferring diseases to objects (transplan-
tatio morbi) in that the affliction of the bite is absorbed by clay.
94 chapter four
However, we should not rule out the possibility that the treatment
also had natural effects. For a better understanding of the use of clay
in this context it is interesting to note the details the Greek physician
Dioscorides gives in one of his five books about medicinal ingredients.
In his De materia medica he describes the use of clay-like minerals such
as ochre and diphrygos, literally twice baked clay. According to book V
chapter 93 ochre had antiseptic and absorbing properties and was used
to ease inflammations.17 As for the twice baked clay which Dioscorides
treats in book V chapter 103 he writes in paragraph 4 that it has astrin-
gent, cleaning and extremely drying properties and was employed to aid
the healing of abscesses.18
4.1.8Gula, Physician of the People

Similarly to the two previous incantations, the incantation en dgula asti
tenti has been written on small format tablets. I.L. Finkel suggests that
these tablets might have come from a teaching environment where they
were dictated, to train future practitioners.19
So far three manuscripts have been identified; all are published by
I.L. Finkel. The manuscript from Sippar, MM 86.11.130, appeared in vol-
ume II of the cuneiform texts kept at the Metropolitan Museum of Art,
CTMMA II, pp. 157159; and the two other duplicates which come from
Babylon are included as no. 45 in his contribution On Late Babylonian
Medical Training, in: A.R. George & I.L. Finkel (eds.), Wisdom, Gods
and Literature: Studies in Honour of W.G. Lambert, Winona Lake 2000,
pp. 200202.
Interestingly, the main part of the incantation duplicates exactly a pas-
sage from a spell directed to Marduk; namely lines 4 to 14 (lines 1517
contain one of the standard formulas of spells). This Marduk incantation
was included in the Muuu Embrocation handbook which combines
17See for the discussion that early man recognised the astringend and antiseptic
properties of ochre J. Velo, Ochre as Medicine: A Suggestion for the Interpretation of the
Archaeological Record, Current Anthropology 25/5 (1984) p. 674.
18See the edition of M. Aufmesser, Pedanius Dioscurides aus Anazarba. Fnf Bcher
ber die Heilkunde, Hildesheim 2002, p. 324 (V 93) and p. 328 (V 103, 4).
19See his contributions Documents of the Physician and Magician, in: I. Spar &
W.G. Lambert (eds.), Literary and Scholastic Texts of the First Millennium B.C., New York
2005, p. 157; and On Late Babylonian Medical Training, in: A.R. George & I.L. Finkel
(eds.), Wisdom, Gods and Literature: Studies in Honour of W.G. Lambert, Winona Lake 2000,
pp. 137223.
exorcistic and medical spells. The incantation is known from a number of

duplicates from Ashur, Nineveh, Sultantepe, Babylon and Uruk.20 While
in the Muuu version the god Marduk is addressed, the present text after
praising Gula invokes Asalui, Marduks alter ego.21
The Gula incantation appears to have been redacted in four blocks: first
the address (l. 1) and then three epithets which resemble in structure and
partially in wording the epithets in the Marduk composition. Compare
line 23 with Marduks bynames in Muuu IV/c l. 57:
Gula
tka bululipitka ulmema qt ubbalu almu ukun
your spell is lifeyour touch wellbeingwhere I lay hands, bestow health
Marduk
tu balutu almu22tu nina l i
his spell is lifehis spell is wellbeingnothing equals his spell
The third section of the Gula incantation runs almost parallel to Muuu
IV/c line 5863, the difference being the verbal forms: while the Muuu
text uses forms in the 3. Person sg., the Gula spell uses participles. This
part forms an independent spell within the Gula text. The last block, lines
1517, contains one of the standard exorcistic formulas.
It seems as if the Gula spell was modelled on the Muuu text or as if
both incantations used the same pool of stock phrases.
A MM 86.11.130 I.L. Finkel, CTMMA II 30

B BM 42454+ I.L. Finkel, On Late Babylonian
Medical Training, p. 201 fig. 55
C BM 42399 I.L. Finkel, On Late Babylonian
Medical Training, p. 201 fig. 56
D Muuu IV/c B. Bck, Das Handbuch Muuu, pp. 159160
(eclectic edition)
20See for the edition of the incantation B. Bck, Das keilschriftliche Handbuch
Einreibung Muuu, pp. 159160, 172.
21See for the relationship between Marduk and Asalui the brief discussion of
T. Oshima, Babylonian Prayers to Marduk (= ORA 7), Tbingen 2011, pp. 4247, which is
limited to the Old Babylonian period.
22The reading t (tu) comes from the Ashur duplicate, namely from the text fragment
VAT 10333 which S. Jakob recently joined with the text VAT 10392 published as BAM IV
338. I am very grateful to S. Jakob for having pointed out to me the join. He very kindly
sent me a photo of the new text; his study will appear in a future KAL volume. Read
accordingly in the fragment K.3428 rev. 2 (exemplar D in the Muuu text edition) tu.
96 chapter four
1 A obv. 1 en dgu-la a-sa-a-ti te-ni-e-e-ti

B obv. 1 en dgu-l [a ]-tum te-e-e-ti
C obv. 1 en dgu-la a-s[a-
2 A obv. 2 tu-ka bul-u li-pit-ka ul-me

B obv. 2 tu-ka bul-u [ -p]it-ka ul-mi
C obv. 2 [tu-k]a b[ul-]u li-[
3 A obv. 3 e-ma u.ii ub-ba-lu a-la-mu u-kun

B obv. 3 e-ma u.ii ub-ba-[l]u a-la-mu u-kun
C obv. 3 [ -m]a u.ii ub-ba-lu [
4 A obv. 4 dasal-lu-i mu-bal-li ad

B obv. 4 dasal-lu-i mu-bal-li ad
C obv. 4 [d]asal-lu-i mu-ba[l-
D 58 damar.utu ina qi-bi-ti-ka i-bal-lu ad
5 A obv. 5 mu-pa-a-i-i mar-a mu-al-liq lem-nu

B obv. 5 mu-pa-a-i-ru mar-a mu-al-liq lem-nu
C obv. 5 mu-pa-a-i-i mar-a [
D 58/59 i-pa-a-a-a lugig / i-al-liq ul
6 A obv. 6 mu-da-ap-pi-ir nam-ta-ri

B obv. 6 mu-da-ap-pi-ir nam-tar-ri
C obv. 6 mu-da-ap-pi-ir n[am-
D 59 ud-da-ap-pir dnam.tar
7 A obv. 7 a-a-a-u a-a-a-i m[ur-u]

B obv. 7/8 a-a-a-u a-a-a-i-u / [mu]r-u
C obv. 7/8 a-a-au a-a-a-[ ] / mur-u
D 60 [mur-u?] a-a-[a-]u [a-a-a-i]-um
8 A obv. 7 mi-it-ti ra-pa-d[u...]

B obv. 8 [ ]-ti ra-pa-ad-du
C obv. 8 mi-it-tu[m
D 60 mi-it-tum ra-pa-du
9 A rev. 1 e-im-mu a ina su [lu dumu dingir-u]

B obv. 9 gedim a ina s[u] lu dum[u ]
C obv. 9/10 gedim a ina su l[u] / [du]mu dingir-u
D 60/61 e-em-mu / [...] dalad lem-nu lil.la a ina su [lu] dumu
dingir-u
10A rev. 2 ba-u-u ina igi te-e a d[tu-tu]

B obv. 10/11 ba-u-u [ ] / a dtu-t[u ]
C obv. 10/11 ba-[u- ] / ina igi te-e a d[
D 61/62 ba-u-u / ina igi te-e a dtu-tu
11 A rev. 3 li-su-u li-re-e-q[u]

B rev. 12 li-re-e-[ ]
C rev. 12 lis-su-u li-r[e-
D 62 li-is-su-u li-re-qu
12 A rev. 4 li-id-dap-pi-ru lit-te-e-su

B rev. 13 li-dadap-[ ]-r[u ]
C rev. 13 li-dadap-pi-r[u
D 62 lid-da-pi-ru li-tal-k[u]
13 A rev. 5 gidim.dub zi an.na e.pa

B rev. 14 hul.dub [z]i an.na e.pa
C rev. 14 ul.dub z[i
D 63 [ma.u]l.dub zi an.na e.pa
14 A rev. 6 zi ki.a. e.pa

B rev. 15 zi ki.a. e.pa
C rev. 15 [(x x x) z]i [
D 63 zi ki.a e.pa
15 A rev. 7 eme ul.gal bar.e e.em.su
16 B rev. 16 ul ni an-e lu-u tam-ma-a-ta

C rev. 16 [ ]
17 B rev. 17 ul ni ki-lam lu-u tam-ma-a-ta

C rev. 17 [ k]i-t[i l]u-u [
1 Incantation: O Gula, you are the physician of the people,

2 Your healing spell means life, your touch well-being:
3 Wherever I lay hands, bestow health!
4 O Asalui, who revives the dead,
5 Who calms the sick, who destroys evil,
6 Who fights back the Namtaru demon,
7 May the peeping ayyu and ayyu demons, disease,
8 Stroke, rapdu disease,...
9 The ghost that was within the body of a man, son of his god,
1011Leave in the face of the spell of Tutu! May they be distant,
12 May they be averted, may they be far away!
13 Scapegoat, be conjured by heaven,
14 Be conjured by earth!
15 May the evil tongue step aside!
16 Evil, be conjured by heaven,
17 Be conjured by earth!
98 chapter four
Commentary
l. 6:Correct the reading lem-nu-tu a-ab-u in B. Bck, ibidem, p. 159 l.
59 to lem-nu ud-da-ap-pir.
l. 13:Text manuscripts B and C write ul.dub which I.L. Finkel in
his commentary interprets as ultupp, a mace held by the exorcist (with
reference to F.A.M. Wiggermann, Mesopotamian Protective Spirits, p. 68);
the term can also denote a demon. As for the weapon the attestations
quoted by F.A.M. Wiggermann appear to have a determinative hinting at
their material, either na for stone or gi for wood. Neither manuscript B
or C preserves a determinative, which would perhaps indicate the demon.
The Muuu manuscript is restored but because of the available space a
reading ma.ul.dub is more likely. See for the use of the term in the
standard formula ma.ul.dub zi an.na e.pa zi ki.a e.pa the discus-
sion by A. Cavigneaux, MA.UL.DUB.BA, in: U. Finkbeiner, R.D. Ditt-
mann & H. Hauptmann (eds.), Beitrge zur Kulturgeschichte Vorderasiens.
Festschrift fr Rainer Michael Boehmer, Mainz 1996 pp. 5367.
4.2Healing Spells Referring to Gula and Her Dog
Although Gula was the patron deity of healing, only a relatively small
number of incantations directly address her. By contrast, many healing
spells conclude with a standard formula which involves her and her son
Damu normally in company with the gods of magic Ea and his son Asalui
and the goddess Ningirim who was considered the Lady of incantations
of old.23 Two of these standard formulas are briefly commented on at the
close of the chapter.
Occasionally, the healing goddess makes her appearance in a secondary
role or simply as a background actor in incantations that are principally
directed against other agents. The collection of incantations against the
demon Samana illustrates best this silent role. The evil Samana was imag-
ined as a hound which belonged to Enlil, Enki and his consort, and also
to two manifestations of the healing goddess. Though not explicitly stated
in this corpus of incantations, Samana was associated with the smnu
23See for the role of Ninigirima the entry of M. Krebernik Nin-girima. I. Beschwrungs
gttin, in: D.O. Edzard (ed.), Reallexikon der Assyriologie und Vorderasiatischen Archolo
gie 9 5/6, Berlin New York 2000, pp. 363367.
disease which Ancient Babylonians, in turn, attributed to the hand of

Gula.24
The aim of this section is then to bring together medical incantations
in which the ideational dimension of the healing goddess materializes in
an actual setting of disease or healing. In addition to the Samana incanta-
tions four more scenarios are presented which I consider representative
of the image and the competencies Ancient Babylonians ascribed to their
healing goddess, namely two incantations concerning afflictions of the
belly, one spell about demonic agents, and a set of incantations concern-
ing simmu skin wounds.
4.2.1Incantations Directed Against the Demon Samana

The healing goddess dog belongs to one of the constituent themes and
motifs of the group of incantations that are directed against the demon
Samana. The demon is the namesake for the smnu disease, which we
discussed in Chapter Three on the Sakikk handbook of prognosis and
diagnosis.25 He is spelled in Sumerian nim.nim, which is also the logo-
graphic writing of Akkadian smnu. The oldest incantations against the
demon are written in Sumerian and date to the end of the third millen-
nium; however, most of the material comes from first-millennium texts,
which consist not only of Sumerian monolingual incantations but also
bilingual Akkadian-Sumerian as well as Akkadian spells. Finally the mate-
rial was compiled to make a compendium.
It was J. Nougayrol who first presented in an article a study and edi-
tion of the relevant text material; see his Conjuration ancienne contre
Samana, Archiv Orientalni 17/2 (1949) pp. 213226; further discussions
and editions of new textual material have been published by I.L. Finkel,
A Study in Scarlet: Incantations against Samana, in: S.M. Maul (ed.), Fest-
schrift fr Rykle Borger zu seinem 65. Geburtstag am 24.Mai 1994, Gronin-
gen 1998, pp. 71106.
The Samana incantations describe the demon as a chimera, a Mis-
chwesen with the mouth of a lion (ka pirig.ga), the teeth of a dragon
(zu mu uumgal), the claws of an eagle (ur.re ri.in.na) and the tail of
a scorpion (kun al.lu).26 However, the overall visualization was that of a
24See the discussion in Chapter 3.4.1.

26This description is preserved in the Ur III incantation AO 11276 for which see I.L.
Finkel A Study in Scarlet: Incantations against Samana, pp. 7274; passages from ll. 25
are quoted.
100 chapter four
dog. According to the bilingual Sumerian-Akkadian incantation en nim.

nim u u Incantation: Samana with fierce paw27 the demon is called
the fierce dog of Enlil (ur u den.lil.la.ke, kalbu ezzu denlil), vicious
dog of Enki/Ea (ur zu ku.da den.ki.ga.ke, kalbu munaiku a dea), lion
of Damgalnuna/Damkina (ur.ma ddam.gal.nun.na.ke, nu a ddam-
kina), blood-spilling dog of Ninisina (ur mud dub.dub dnin.i.si.in.ke,
kalbu tbik dmi a dninisina), and blood-drinking dog of Nintinuga (ur
mud na.na dnin.tin.ug.ga, kalbu t dmi a dNintinuga). J. Nougayrol
and I.L. Finkel characterized the demon as flux rouge and Red Evil
respectively on the basis of the association with blood mentioned in the
incantations and the connection with smu red or smu to be red.28
Of relevance for our present discussion is the fact that the Samana
demon was also said to cause a disease, namely the so-called a disease.29
Interestingly, both a disease and smnu disease appear together in
chapter XL of the Sakikk handbook on infants diseases. The text states
in l. 38:
di lutur a-u-u u sa-ma-ni dab-su-ma ana tu-la-a e-sa tu-na-kar-u-ma
u en ub-um-ma ti
If an a and smnu disease have seized an infant, then you make him
change to the other breast and then recite an incantation over him, then
he shall recover.30
In addition the demon seems to have affected the intestinal tract. The
expression stated in one of the incantations is obscure (u.tar.e a.gal.na
27See for the edition of I.L. Finkel, ibidem, pp. 8792; ll. 26 are quoted here.
28See J. Nougayrol, Conjuration ancienne contre Samana, pp. 215216; and I.L. Finkel,
ibidem, p. 72. For the derivation of the disease term from smu red see J.V. Kinnier
Wilson, The Smnu Disease in Babylonian Medicine, JNES 53 (1994) p. 112 referring to
a suggestion by F. Kcher.
29As stated in the incantation sa.ma.na u us, HS 1555+1587 obv. l. 9 for which see
I.L. Finkel, ibidem, pp. 7881.
Note that Damu, son of the healing goddess, was said to heal two diseases, diu head dis
ease / headache and a; see the incantation Muuu IV/a l. 7 (B. Bck, Das keilschriftliche
Handbuch Einreibung Muuu, p. 150) with the Old Babylonian forerunner, LB 1000 obv.
l. 4: dda-mu li-is-s-u di-a-a-am u a-i!-a-am a zum-ri-ka, May Damu remove diu and
a from your body! (for which see also the edition of M.J. Geller & F.A.M. Wiggermann,
Duplicating Akkadian Magic, in: R.J. van der Spek (ed.), Studies in Ancient Near Eastern
World View and Society, Bethesda 2008, p. 153).
30As R. Labat, TDP, p. 222 note 388 remarks this line might very well reflect the state
ment in one of the Samana incantations (6 NT 145 obv. 11), namely cest (smnu) que du
nourrisson empche la sevrage. The Sakikk passage is also quoted by I.L. Finkel, ibidem,
p. 90 note 32.
ba.ni.na), he has...of his intestines affected.31 The translation suggested

here is taken from the List of Diseases which equates the expression a
a.gal x.se.ke with Akkadian miqit irrim, hernia, intestinal prolapse.32
4.2.2The River has Burst (its Banks)

The incantation en batqat nru is included in a collection of healing
spells which are directed against pains in the body, hips and feet.33 So
far the present healing spell is preserved in the manuscript BM 98584 +
98589 + K.5461a, a four-column tablet which comes from one of Ashurba-
nipals libraries in Nineveh. The incantation has been recently translated
by M.J. Geller.34 According to the rubric Ancient Babylonians considered
the spell as wording for diarrhoea. The instructions recommend the con-
coction of pills, which the patient had to take. Their manufacture is one
of the themes in the healing spell, depicting Gula as an active physician
who produces precisely pills for diarrhoea.
The transliteration of the incantation and the instructions for its recita-
tion are published here for the first time.
BM 98584 + 98589 + K.5461a

Rev. col. iii (collated)
4 en bat-qat i ur-d[a-a]t a-tap-pu
5 ina illu gap-i ib-ba-[tiq] bit-qu
6 a dug nam-zi-ti ma-qit bu-ru-us-su
7 a nenni a nenni ma-qit ir-ra-u ma-ki-lu ul i-[i]
8 i-mur-u-ma abgal dingir.me dama[r.utu]
31In HS 1555+1587 obv. l. 10 for which see I.L. Finkel, ibidem, pp. 7881. In his com
mentary Finkel states that bilingual incantations translate the Sumerian with Akkadian
apru thigh or aplu upper or inner thigh which are the common equations for ha.
gal in lexical lists; see CAD /I 480a s.v. apru A. He then proposes to provisionally under
stand the term as emu abdomen. Unfortunately, he does not explain the reason for his
translation.
32See for additions to the edition of Lists of Diseases A.D. Kilmer in: B. Landsberger
& M. Civil (eds.), The Series HAR-ra = ubullu Tablet XV and Related Texts. With Addi
tions and Corrections to MSL II, III, V and VII (= MSL IX), Roma 1967, p. 79 l. 170. See also
A.L. Oppenheims unfinished essay Man and Nature in Mesopotamian Civilization, Dic
tionary of Scientific Biography XV, Supplement 1, New York 1978, p. 645a.
33See for the healing spells in the context of afflictions of the legs my discussion in Das
keilschriftliche Handbuch Einreibung Muuu, pp. 56, 60, 61; three of the incantations in
BM 98584+ are included in the Muuu handbook as VIII/l,m, VIII/p, VIII/q; see for the
incantation VIII/p ibidem pp. 295, 305 ll. 179180b.
34See his contribution Nieren-, Darm- und Afterkrankheiten, in B. Janowski &
D. Schwemer (eds.), Texte zur Heilkunde. Texte aus der Umwelt des Alten Testamentes
(= TUAT), Neue Folge 5, Gtersloh 2010, pp. 6465.
102 chapter four
9 a-na de-a ad-u a-mat u-a-tu i-qab-b[i]

10 a-bi bat-qat i ur-da-at a-tap-p[u]
11 ina illu gap-i ib-ba-tiq bi[t-q]u
12 a dugnam-zi-ti ma-qit bu-ru-us-su
13 a nenni a nenni ma-qit ir-ra-u ma-ki-lu ul i-i
14 [a]l-kam-ma a-lik ma-ri damar.utu
15 ki-ka lu zi-u 7 zik-ri dingir.me kala.me
16 dalad a e za-bi-lu ku-du-ru
17 dnin.girim mu-tir-rat bu-ru-us-su
18 dgu-la ra-pi-ik bappir numun babbar.isar isic.udu ina izi li-ab-i-il
19 i-na pi-i i lim-qut u-tuk-ki
20 ina ka a-tap-pi lid-du-u a-u-ul-tum
21 ina ka bit-qa lit-bu-ku a-bi-tum
22 dnin.girim a nam-zi-ti li-tir bu-ru-us-su
23 dgu-la ku-pa-tin-nu a ra-pi-qi li-kap-pit-ma
24 [nenni a] nenni li-a-kil-ma ir-ra-[u] li-in-ni-pe-ma
25 [ li-i]-kun
26 [en ul ia-ut-tu en de-a u dasal-lu-i]
27 [en dda-mu u dgu-la]
28 [e]n dnin.girim en en tu.en
29 ka.inim.ma a.si.sa.ke
30 du.du.bi i.udu ellag udu nita

31 a ina mun nu ub-u bappir luka.tin.na numun babbar.isar
32 ki zid tara-bak 15 ku-pa-tin-ni tu-kap-pat
33 e-ma ku-pa-tin-ni en id-[m]a ul-lat-ma ina-e
4Incantation: The river has burst (its bank), the canal overflowed,
5The sluice has been breached by an enormous flood.
6The stopper of the mashing tub has popped open,
7The intestines of NN, son of NN, are bulging outthere is no holding
back.
8The wise among the gods, Marduk, saw this
9And brought this case before his father Ea:
10My father, the river has burst (its bank), the canal overflowed,
11The sluice has been breached by an enormous flood.
12The stopper of the mashing tub has popped open,
13The intestines of NN, son of NN, flow outthere is no holding back.
14Go, Marduk, my son!
15With you together shall stand up the seven mighty gods,
16The protective god of the house, the carrier of the basket to carry earth and
bricks, and
17The goddess Ningirim who replaces the stopper.
18May Gula cook a mash of beer bread, seed of the pappar plant and suet
over the fire!
19May a reed bundle fall into the river mouth!

20May they throw aultu grass into the canal mouth!
21May they fill with rushes the opening of the sluice!
22May Ningirim replace the mashing tubs stopper!
23May Gula produce pills from the mash!
24May she administer them to [NN, son] of NN so that his intestines shall be
restored again!
25...may she put...!
26[This is not my incantation, it is the incantation of Ea and Asalui,]
27[It is the incantation of Damu and Gula,]
28[It is the incantation] of Ningirim, lady of incantation. Wording of the
incantation.
29Healing spell for diarrhoea.
30 Its ritual: You prepare a mash from mutton suet

31Which has not been preserved in salt, beer bread from the brewer, and seed
from the pappar plant
32Together with flour. You produce 15 pills from it,
33With every pill you recite the incantation. He shall swallow them and then
he shall recover.
Commentary
l. 4:M.J. Geller in his Nieren-, Darm- und Afterkrankheiten, in B. Janowski
& D. Schwemer (eds.), Texte zur Heilkunde. Texte aus der Umwelt des Alten
Testamentes (= TUAT), Neue Folge 5, Gtersloh 2010, p. 65, translates the
first words of the incantation der Flu ist abgeschnitten. The translation
here, namely the opposite meaning to burst of batqu said of water-
courses, follows AHw s.v. batqu(m) p. 114b G 4)-d). Since the context of
the incantation is severe diarrhoea this rendering seems to fit better into
the image of discharging water and other liquids.
l. 7:The expression maqit irrau certainly refers to the medical condi-
tion of miqit irr hernia, intestinal prolapse for which see CAD M s.v. miqtu
mng. 1.b) p. 104a (without translation) or AHw s.v. miqtu 657b 7.a) Darm-
lhmung. There are only a few medical prescriptions that refer to this
affliction; unfortunately, they do not give a description of the symptoms.
See for some recommendations the text published by M.J. Geller, Renal
and Rectal Disease Texts, 9 text J iv: 2-8, I iv: 21-27, pp. 100101.35 The
35Further medical recommendations for miqit irr can be found on the text MS 4575
from the Schyen collection for which see CDLI no. P253648.
104 chapter four
prescriptions for miqit irr are here inserted into the section of prescrip-
tions for treating the penis and testicles if both are discharging fluids.
The images of the stopper of the mashing tub popping open, the river
bursting its banks and the overflowing canal as well as the exclamation
that there is no holding back speak for a medical condition which is
accompanied by dysentery. This is supported by the rubric of the incanta-
tion, ka.inim.ma a.si.sa.ke. The term a.si.sa refers to bowel move-
ment and diarrhoea; see CAD E 356a mng. 4. suru. In view of this diverse
information miqit irr refers in all likelihood to diarrhoea. The imagery
used in this healing spell is discussed in Chapter 4.5.
l. 18:The dictionaries offer for the technical terms rabku, rapqu
and rabku the following translations: Absud (AHw s.v. rabku 935a)
or decoction (CAD R s.v. rabku 20a) and Absud herstellen (AHw s.v.
rabku(m) 933a) or to decoct, to make an infusion (CAD R s.v. rabku
8a). This meaning is difficult to apply when a mass of certain consist-
ency is described which is then further processed into solid medications;
see my contribution On Medical Technology in Ancient Mesopotamia,
in: A. Attia & G. Buisson (eds.), Advances in Mesopotamian Medicine from
Hammurabi to Hippocrates, Leiden Boston 2009, p. 116. A study about
poultices will appear elsewhere. Note, however, that CAD R 20b s.v. rabku
provides the meaning mash.
l. 2627:The restoration follows the well-known standard phrase in
medical incantations.
l. 30:For the use of mutton suet in the production of pills and supposi-
tories, see my discussion in On Medical Technology in Ancient Mesopo-
tamia, pp. 124127. Interestingly, we learn from the incantation that suet
was usually preserved in salt.
4.2.3[The Intestines? are Persistently] Massed Together, the Stomach

is Twisted
So far only one manuscript preserves the incantation [en a.me? itt]
anapar zr karu, namely the first chapter of the section about If a man
suffers from sulu cough (and) it turns into colic (umma amlu sala
maru ana ks libbi itr). The editio princeps of the Ninevite tablet K.191+
was produced by F. Kchler;36 a new copy with further joins was pre-
sented by F. Kcher as BAM VI 574.
36Beitrge zur Kenntnis der assyrisch-babylonischen Medizin, Leipzig 1904, pp. 113,
62101.
The incantation was to be recited in the case of colic of the digestive

tract (ks libbi). The restoration of the incipit of the incantation is tenta-
tive. The transliteration and translation are published here for the first
time.
K.191+ BAM VI 574

Obv. col. ii
21 [en a.me? i]t-ta-nap-a!-ru zi-ir kar-i a.nigin ku-u-u-ru [...]

22 [space for 45 signs] x ek-le-ta ki-i me-e i-ri-ti a-la-pa-a na-du-u
igi.me-u
23 [a-ar e]din e-di-ip na-di i-ta-naq-qi-u edin ma-la-a igi.me-u
24 e-t[a-n]a-ba-la a-pa-tu-u i-ta-na-pa-a ki-ma ku.me it-ta-nak-bir
ki-ma mu
25 e-m[ur-m]a dgu-la na-di-na-at ba-la-i nam.lu.u.lu ina e dasal-lu-i
u-bil e-lu
26 d[ba]d re-mi-nu-u ip-pa-lis-su-ma gi-a-ma ti-u e-lu
27 um-ma im ina dur lu-i um-ma gi-a-tu ina nap-a-ti li-e-i tu.en
28 k[a.in]im.ma ana ki-is a id-nu
21[Incantation: The intestines are persistently] massed together, the stomach

is twisted, the bowels are tied together...
22...darkness. His face is covered with algae like water from a ditch.
23Wind of the desert is blown (into him), is poured (into him). He is persis-
tently shedding them (tears) because his eyes are filled with desert.
24His lips are persistently dry; he is persistently flicking like a fish, he is per-
sistently puffed up like a snake.
25Gula, the one who bestows life on mankind saw this and brought the young
man to the house of Asalui.
26Enlil, the compassionate, looked at him: belch and recover, young man!.
27If it is wind, let it break through the anusif it is a belch, let it be emitted
from the throat!
Commentary
l. 21:The restoration of the incipit is provisional; I follow the suggestion
of CAD Z s.v. zar B 73a mng. b) that the first readable signs should be
understood as a Ntn present tense verbal form. However, after collation I
would suggest, instead of the form ittanapar, the form ittanapar as a
passive meaning of paru CAD P 27b mng. 3. to mass(?), to contract(?)
which is used in the context of marks on the liver. Since the verbal form
requires a plural noun and the context is about parts of the intestines,
106 chapter four
I tentatively suggest restoring the logogram a.me (Akkadian irr or

qerb).
l. 23: The verb ittanaqqu is here interpreted as referring to the shed-
ding of tears. The usual construction is with dmtu tear which is missing
here; however, the rendering suggested here is based on the next stanza
which refers to the eyes, namely to the desert which is filling the eyes.
l. 24: The comparison of the patient to a fish flicking his tail and espe-
cially to a serpent recalls a passage from Ninisina A, a hymn in which a
man with pains in the belly and intestines moves like a desert snake on
burnt ground; see for a discussion Chapter 4.5.
l. 27: The expression plays on the standardized formula kma ri ina
uburri kma giti ina napati a to come forth like wind from the anus,
like a belch from the throat for which see B. Bck, Das keilschriftliche
Handbuch Einreibung Muuu, p. 219 commentary to ll. 5762. The
phrase was already recurrent in Sumerian incantations, see for the expres-
sion bulu.gin e.sil.e im.gin gu.du.a.ni.ta e.em.ma.ra.e.de in an Old
Babylonian incantation against bile, P. Michalowski, Carminative Magic:
Towards an Understanding of Sumerian Poetics, ZA 71 (1981) p. 16.
4.2.4ama, Supreme Judge

The incantation en dama dayynu ru which is addressed to ama
and Nintinuga is preserved in two manuscripts: AO 17656 published by
J. Nougayrol37 (duplicate A) and BAM VI 531, identified by the present
author, which comes from one of the Nineveh libraries.38 No strict medi-
cal context is preserved except for the instruction to recite the spell over
the effigy of a worm. The incantation adds a new facet to the healing
goddess who is here addressed under the name Nintinuga. One of her
bynames is noteworthy: the one who is able to heal bound intestines,
which explicitly states her association with afflictions of the digestive
tract. Her appearance together with the sun god is a new element, as is
the context of the worm. Because of the instructions and the demonic
diseases enumerated, the worm is understood as a supernatural power
rather than a natural cause of disease.39
37Textes et documents figurs, RA 41 (1947) pp. 31, 4142.

38A new translation of AO 17656 following J. Nougayrols is published by M.J. Geller,
Ancient Babylonian Medicine. Theory and Practice, p. 33.
39See my remarks in Chapter 6.2.
A AO 17656 J. Nougayrol, Textes et documents figurs, RA 41 (1947)

p. 31
B K.3484 BAM VI 534
1 A obv. 1 en dutu en di.ku i-i-ri a an-e u ki-tim

B i: 3 [...]utu di.ku an-e [...]
2 A obv. 2 dnin-tin-ug-ga gaan mu-bal-li-at u

B i: 4 [d]nin-tin-ug-ga a-z[u-gal-la-tu...
3 A obv. 3 a ir-ri a-ta-pi-ri bul-lu-u i-li-u-u

B i: 5 a ir-ri u a-ta-p[i-ri...]
4 A obv. 4 an-u dal-pu u-nu-u a-me-lu

B i: 6 an-u dal-pu [...]
5 A obv. 5 ina su-u gal-ma gig di-u la-ma-tum

B i: 7 ib-ba-i-ma ina a-u g[ig...]
6 A obv. 6 a-a-zu bi-bi-i-ti u mar.gal

B i: 8 ur-ba-tu
7 A obv. 7 mu-ab-bi-at kal-la zu-mur lu

B i: 8 mu-a-[...]
8 A rev. 1 ina qi-bit didim dutu damar.utu

B i: 9 ina qi-bit de-[a...]
9 A rev. 2 u dnin-tin-ug-{ga} lit-ta-i gig

B i: 10 dnin-tin-ug-g[a...]
10 A rev. 3 di-u la-ma--tum a-a-zu bi-bi-i-ti
11 A rev. 4 u mar.gal a ina zu-mur-u ba-u-u
12 A rev. 5 lit-ta-i-ma lu lib-lu

B i: 11 gal li[b-lu
13 A rev. 67 en dda-mu dme.me u dingir.ma / te en
14 A rev. 89 en an-nit ana ugu tam!-il a mar.gal / id-nu

B i: 12 ka.inim.ma ana ug[u...]
1Incantation: ama, lord, supreme judge of heaven and earth,

2Nintinuga, lady who revives the dead
108 chapter four
3Who is able to heal the bound intestines!

4(This) man is exhausted, depressed and weary.
5In his body are sickness, diu disease, Lamatu,
6Azu catcher-demon, bibitu demon, and a worm
7Which destroys the whole body of the man.
8By the command of Ea, ama, Marduk
9And Nintinuga, be expelled sickness,
10Diu disease, Lamatu, Azu catcher-demon, bibitu demon,
11And a worm which is in his body!
12Be expelled so that the man may live!
13Incantation of Damu, Gula and Dingirma. Wording of the incantation.
14You recite this incantation over the effigy of the worm.
Commentary
The translation follows manuscript A. Note the slight variations in manu-
script B: in l. 1 the epithet blu is dropped; in l. 2 the epithet great physi-
cian is included; in l. 5 the logogram gal is spelled out providing the
reading of the verbal form; instead of the body, the belly is affected; ll.
1011 are dropped; in l. 12 the meaning of gal great or to make great is
not clear; l. 13 is missing; l. 14 gives the rubric of the incantation which
seems to be parallel to the instruction given in manuscript B.
l. 3:J. Nougayrol, Textes et documents figurs, p. 41, reads a lugal-
ri. The second sign of the line can indeed be mistaken for lugal. How-
ever, in view of the duplicate, a reading ir is beyond doubt. Note that
M.J. Geller follows J. Nougayrols reading translating kings and servants,
Ancient Babylonian Medicine. Theory and Practice, p. 33. Interestingly, the
line appears in the medical commentary BAM IV 401 which gives explana-
tions for some terms that occur in the chapter on If a mans intestines are
inflamed (di a.me-u mu.me-u). BAM IV 401 rev. 2729 reads: 27
a ir-ri a-ta-pi-ru bul-lu-[u i-le--u] 28 a-ta-pi-ru : it-pu-ru : ki-i-
u-ru 29 da-da-ru : it-pu-ru : da-da-ru ki-i-[u-ru]. The editio princeps of
the text was produced by V. Scheil, Fragments et syllabaires assyriens,
ZA 10 (1895) pp. 194197 (copy), 202207.40 V. Scheil derives the spell-
ing ir-ri not from irr intestines but irr coloquinth. Accordingly, he
interprets the terms itpuru, kiuru and daddaru as plant designations of
40E. Frahm gives a short description of the text in his Babylonian and Assyrian Text
Commentaries, pp. 236237 (7.4.2.3. Comm. 1) suggesting that the commentary came from
Nippur.
which only the latter is attested as name. CAD K s.v. kiuru 445a suggests
another interpretation understanding da-da-ru not as an Akkadian word
but as the Sumerian da.da.ru which would explain the correspondence
with the Akkadian forms itpuru attired with and kiuru girded. As for
atapiru the commentary offers the explanations itpuru and kiuru of
which kiuru would fit best into the context of intestines. Note that CAD
A/II s.v. atapiru e) 474b quotes the incantation translating servants. If
we take into consideration the explanation with kiuru the expression is
almost parallel to the previous incantation BAM VI 574 ii: 21 (no. 3) which
reads a.nigin ku-u-u-ru.
With the help of the medical commentary we can now better place
the fragment BAM VI 534 which must belong to the chapter on intestinal
diseases and not as F. Kcher suggested in BAM VI p. xvii to the treatment
of inflictions of the mouth.
l. 4:The sequence of the adjectives anu, dalpu, and nuu is rather
typical of the intercession part of uila prayers for which see W.R. Mayer,
Untersuchungen zur Formensprache der babylonischen Gebetsbeschwrung,
pp. 7072.
l. 5:A reading simx, simmu skin sore for gig is equally possible, espe-
cially since the healing goddess threatens in curses to inflict skin sores.
l. 6:For the term bibitu, bibtu see CAD B 219b a disease, perhaps a
chill. The appearance of urbatu worm might be at first sight surprising.
However, at least one medical prescription gives as the cause for inflamed
intestines, tapeworm infestation, namely BAM II 159 ii: 20 which starts
di na a.me-u mu.me-u if a mans intestines are inflamed and
gives the diagnosis na.bi ur-b[a-tu gig] this man suffers from tapeworm
(ii: 22). Note also the nine recommendations for tapeworms in BAM II 159
ii: 2548. However, as I have discussed in Chapter 6.2 the context here
suggests understanding urbatu as a demonic power.
l. 14:I suggest to read tam-il instead of J. Nougayrols reading ma-
il in Textes et documents figurs, p. 41. M.J. Geller, Ancient Babylonian
Medicine. Theory and Practice, p. 33, leaves the last line untranslated.
4.3Incantations about Simmu, Skin Sore
It might not come as a surprise that the healing goddess appears in a

group of spells for simmu, skin sore, wound. One of the main sources
is the Nineveh tablet K.6057+7928+7954+82323,47+82522,539+83
118,506, which still preserves parts of six incantations of which at least
110 chapter four
four deal with simmu.41 The leitmotif in two incantations is the presum-
ably desperate exclamation of the exorcist there are so many simmu
woundsI did not (even) know their names!42 An edition of the com-
plete text goes beyond the scope of the present study; here I present for
the first time one of the incantations in transliteration and translation.
The incantation [en e-n]u-ma da-nu ir-u-u transfers the setting into
mythical times when the god Anu created the world and when the great
gods determined the destinies. It was then that the gods chose Gula as
the great physician.
The first part of the second incantation is lost; when the text begins
Gula has already entered the scene. She appears together with Asalui
both caring for the simmu wounds which afflict the cord-like system
(sa, ernu) of the sufferer.
K.6057+ ii: 2941 (unpubl.)43

29 [en e-n]u-ma da-nu ir-u-u [ki-tim]
30 [dingir.(me)? ga]l?.me i-i-mu i-mat ma-[a-ti]
31 [dgu-la? a]r-ra-tum gal-tum na-bu-u [u-nu?]
32 [dgu-la] a-zu-gal-la-tu ma-na-na [...]
33 [si-im-mu m]a-a-du u-mi-u-nu [ul i-di]
34 [im-ta-na-a]q-qu-tu ki-ma mi-iq-ti
35 [ib-ta-na-ar-ri]-qu [k]i-ma nim.gir
36 [...k]i-ma la-a-mi
37 [...] u a-u-u ki-ma am-mi
38 [...gir]-gi-u a-mur-ri-qa-nu a-a-zu
39 [...-tu]m ki-is-sa-tu i-a-tu
40 [...i]-du-u lim-ur-ka
41 [en ul ia-ut-tu-un] en de-a u dasal-lu-i
29Incantation: When god Anu impregnated [earth] and

30[The great gods] had determined the destiny for the [land],
31They appointed [Gula], the great lady,
32[Gula], the great physician...the sinews...
33There are so many wounds[I did not know] their names!
34[Again and again] they fall down like a collapse,
35[Again and again they] strike like lightning,
41My hand copy of the text dates to October 1999.

42K.6057+ i: 1: en si-im-mu ma-a-du u-mi-u-nu ul i-di; probably again preserved in
ii: 33: [si-im-mu m]a-a-du u-mi-u-nu u[l i-di].
43A photograph of the text is available in The British Museum research web page on
the Library of Ashurbanipal.
36...like embers.
37...and they have come forth like a weed:
38...girgiu disease, amurriqnu jaundice, Azu catcher-demon,
39..., kissatu disease, fire,
40....which I did [not] knowmay she take (them) from you!
41[The incantation is not mine], it is the incantation of Ea and Asalui.
Commentary
l. 29:The restoration follows the common phrase occasionally used to
introduce incantations for which see CAD R s.v. re 253a mng. 2.a).
l. 30:There is sufficient space in the gap at the beginning of the line to
restore two or three signs.
l. 3132:Because of the epithet asugallatu great physician it is likely
to restore the name of Gula.
l. 33:The line is restored on the basis of the first incantation in
K.6057+ which commences with this phrase. Note that the expression
is also attested in a Middle Babylonian incantation from Ugarit which
is directed against a large number of diseases, namely the text RS 17.155
with the duplicate RS 15.152 line 16. The Ugarit tablet was published by
J. Nougayrol in Ugaritica V, Paris 1968, pp. 2940. A re-edition of the text
was presented by D. Arnaud in his Corpus des textes de bibliothque de
Ras ShamraOugarit (19362000) en sumrien, babylonien et assyrien
(= AuOr Suppl. 23), Sabadell 2007, pp. 7788. This incantation runs par-
tially parallel to one of the spells incorporated in the Muuu handbook
(V/d); see B. Bck, Das keilschriftliche Handbuch Einreibung Muuu, pp.
191196 ll. 3037 and 3968 (duplicate U).
l. 35:The beginning of the line was restored following the pattern of
the figura etymologica in the previous line. For the use of the expression
kma birqi barqu in similes see the references quoted under CAD B s.v.
barqu p. 104 mng. 1. 3.
l. 40:I have tentatively understood the first part of the line as a relative
clause referring to the exorcist, restoring [...a la i-]du-u.
As I discussed in Chapters 2.2.2 and 2.2.3, the association of the healing

goddess with the medical concept of the cord-like system of a mans body
(sa, ernu) and simmu skin wounds goes back to Sumerian compositions
from the Old Babylonian period. There are several first-millennium B.C.
healing spells which still reflect this concept and hence attest to its per-
sistence, though the setting has changed. In accordance with a different
112 chapter four
religious explanatory model the healing goddess appears now often

together with Asalui to treat both wounds and afflictions of the cord-
like system. In the conceptual world the ultimate responsibility for simmu
has passed to the gods Anu or Ea. From an incantation included in an
apotropaic Namburbi ritual we learn that it is the god of magic, Ea, who
tears out the bad wound (nsi simmi lemni).44 Anu and the great gods
are mentioned in one of the other main sources for medical prescriptions
and healing incantations concerning simmu, namely BAM VI 580 from
Ashurbanipals libraries and its duplicate CTN IV 116 from the temple of
Nab in Nimrud.45 Because of the state of preservation the incantation
is not fully understood. When the broken text begins, the afflictions of a
young man and a young woman are described (fatal chills and fire)46 of
which only the moon god Sn takes notice.47 He addresses the gods Enlil,
Ea and Dingirma saying we (the great gods) have established in the land
simmu wound; since we created mankind we have tied to it death and life.
Anu created you, all kinds of simmu, so that you would seize the body of
god and man.48 Some instances later Gula, installed as the physician of
the great gods appears with her ...of life, her knife and her scalpel.49
While in this spell the healing goddess seems to be the only one to treat
the wound, in another text which was written on the reverse of K.6057+
she and Asalui are collaborating.50
44The text is published by E. Ebeling, Beitrge zur Kenntnis der Beschwrungsserie

Namburbi, RA 50 (1956) p. 23 l. 14.
45See for a partial treatment of both texts the contribution of M.J. Geller, Fragments of
Magic, Medicine, and Mythology from Nimrud, BSOAS 63 (2000) pp. 336339.
46See for deadly chills BAM VI 580 ii: 3 // CTN IV 116 rev. 7: ur-ba-am mu-ta; for fire
see BAM VI 580 ii: 4 // CTN IV 116 rev. 8: i-a-tu. See M.J. Geller, ibidem, pp. 337338.
47BAM VI 580 ii: 6 // CTN IV 116 rev. 11: i-mur-u dsuen e-da-nu-[u-u]. See M.J.
Geller, ibidem, pp. 337338.
48BAM VI 580 ii: 9-12 // CTN IV 116 rev. 1416: ni-ku-un(variant: -um)-ma i-na ma-a-
ti sim-mi / ta a-me-lu-ti ni-ib-na-a mu(variant adds: -u)-ta ba-la-a ni-ir-ku-sa it-ti-[u] /
sim-ma variant: -mu) ka-la-ma da-nu (variant adds: -um) ib-ni-ka zu-um-ri dingir u lu
ta-a-bat. See M.J. Geller, ibidem, pp. 337338.
49BAM VI 580 ii: 16-17 // CTN IV 116 rev. 2021: [...dgu-l]a a-su-ut dingir.dingir gal.
gal (variant: dingir.me[ gal.me] / [...] a ba-la-i kar-zil-ki u mas-dar-ki. Note that I
follow the suggestion of M. Stol, Remarks on Some Sumerograms and Akkadian Words,
in: M.T. Roth, W. Farber, M.W. Stolper & P. von Bechtolsheim (eds.), Studies Presented to
Robert D. Biggs, Chicago 2007 (= AS 27), p. 238, and read mas-dar-ki your scalpel instead
of M.J. Gellers reading ma-ar-ki your prescription (see ibidem, pp. 337338).
K.6057+ iii: 110 (unpubl.)

1 [(x)] x x dgu-la a-sa-a[t...]
2 e-mu-ru-ma mar-a u-pa-a-i-a [...]
3 [di?]-a-am51 ma-ka-du ki-is-sa-tum [...]
4 []u-u sa-ma-nu gir-gi-i a-mur-ri-q[a-nu...]
5 [i]m-ma-tum im-mat uzu.me a-na-du a-a-a-[u]
6 u mim-ma lem-nu mu-ab-bi-tum a-me-lu-ti
7 [i-n]am-di dasal-lu-i i-pat-su a ba-la-i
8 u-ap-a-a dgu-la ina u.ii-a a te-ni-i-u
9 [gi]g/[si]mx.me i-na-as-sa-u ina sa.me-u
10 [a-n]am-di-ku-nu-i52 en i-pat ba-la-i
1...Gula, physician of...

2Who saw (him/it) and calmed down the sick...
3Diu disease, makadu disease, kissatu disease,...
4uu demon, smnu disease, girgiu disease, amurriqnu jaundice,...
5Paralysis, paralysis of the flesh, andu disease, aau disease,
6And anything evil which has seized mankind!
7Asalui recited his incantation of life,
8Gula relieved with her soothing hands.
9They both tear out the wounds / diseases from his strings.
10I recite the incantation Incantation of life over you.
4.4Standard Formulas in Healing Spells Referring to Gula
At first glance the number of healing spells appealing directly to Gula is

surprising. Only very few incantations address her, even though she is said
in the Gula Hymn of Bullussa-rabi to carry incantations with her in a
leather pouch.53 However, Gula appears far more often in a standard for-
mula which closes many healing spells and which is put into the mouth
of the exorcist:
iptu ul yattun ipat dea u dasalui
ipat ddamu u dgula
51Tentatively restored on the basis of the Old Babylonian spelling of the disease. How
ever, the usual spelling in first millennium incantations is di--u/i.
52I have restored a first person singular verb form in view of the similar incantation
en anamdka ipta ridat kal marti I recite the incantation over you which drives
away any sick forms for which see my edition Das keilschriftliche Handbuch Einreibung
Muuu, pp. 147158, 170171.
53ezku tukkanna a ipat bali, see for the edition W.G. Lambert, The Gula Hymn
of Bullusa-rabi, pp. 120121, l. 81.
114 chapter four
ipat dningirim blet ipti

unu iqbnimma anku uanni
This is not my incantation, it is the incantation of Ea and Asalui,
It is the incantation of Damu and Gula,
It is the incantation of Ningirim, lady of incantation.
They have told it to me and I repeat it.54
I have quoted the long version; often the final sentence is dropped or the
epithet of Ningirim, who is according to older traditions the divinity of
exorcism, is missing. The primary purpose of the standard formula is to
add divine authority to the efficacy of the spell.
Some healing spells conclude with a telling sentence that is written
in the first person and was spoken by the sick person himself or the
exorcist.
dgula bulluma qta/qstki leq
Gula, cure (me/him) and accept the/your present!55
Occasionally reference is made to the fact that the practitioner himself
received a present or his fee.56 This indication is included in a Middle
Babylonian incantation that was unearthed at Ugarit: May the expert
receive the present!57
We do not know to what present the patient refers; however, it is note-
worthy that the words of appeal and the offer of a present were addressed
only to the healing goddess. It is possible, though cannot be corroborated
by any data, that the confirmation of paying Gula with a present actu-
ally refers to the ex voto offerings found in her temples. Both in Aqar
Quf and Isin numerous dog figurines and clay models of body parts were
unearthed.58 Many of the human figurines seem to point to specific body
54See e.g. BAM II 124 iv: 2326; BAM II 128 iv: 1823.
55See e.g. AMT 93,3 obv. 11 (spelled qi-i-tu le-qi-e leaves no doubt that the form is
an imperative 2. sg. fem.) or see e.g. for the variant your present BAM VI 510 iii: 5 (spelled
nig.ba-ki ti-i).
56For a discussion of the term qtu which should be rather understood as fee see
M.J. Geller, Ancient Babylonian Medicine. Theory and Practice, pp. 9394.
57RS 20.06 l. 13: dumu um.mi.a.me nig.ba li-im-ur. See for the editio princeps J. Nou
gayrol in Ugaritica V, Paris 1968, pp. 6465.
58See H. Avalos, Illness and health care in the Ancient Near East: The role of the temple
in Greece, Mesopotamia, and Israel, Atlanta 1995 (= Harvard Semitic Museum Monographs
54) pp. 209210; and A. Spycket, Ex voto msopotamiens du IIe millnaire av. J.-C., in:
. Tunca (ed.), De la Babylonie Syrie en passant par Mari: Mlanges offerts Monsieur J.-R.
Kupper loccasion de son 70e anniversaire, Lige 1990, pp. 7986 and pls. 13.
parts, namely the back, belly, mouth, throat, head and eyes, as if indicat-
ing the location of the affliction.59
To conclude this chapter I would like to draw attention to the main
aspects of how Gula appeared in healing spells stressing their persistance
and prevalence. She was considered the mother of the people, the great
physician and a seeress. In some incantations puppies, dogs and dog bites
are associated with her. A closer link seemed to have existed between the
healing goddess and the Samana demon. The demon, in turn, was said to
cause the so-called a disease and, though in a difficult context, intesti-
nal troubles. In addition, Samana affected the suckling baby so that the
mother had to change breasts, as is stated in one of the entries in the
Sakikk handbook. It seems as if in this association the image of her as a
midwife and nurse would be echoed. In one instance we learn that Gula
herself produced medicaments, namely in the case of diarrhoea; her affin-
ity to afflictions of the belly is evident in other healing spells as well. The
concept eventually materialized into the byname the one who is able to
heal bound intestines. Also the idea of associating diseases of the diges-
tive tract to the healing goddess was already fully elaborated in Sumer-
ian hymns. The same holds true for her connection to both simmu skin
wound and the cord-like system of the body. Equally long-lasting is her
appearance with a knife and scalpel, which she uses for medical treat-
ments as well as to threaten diseases and their demonic agents. Finally,
as the all-encompassing healing goddess she receives votive offerings for
her cures.
4.5The Metaphorical Language of Healing Spells
So far metaphors have been interpreted as a poetic or rhetoric device or

have been understood in a literal sense as referring to the aetiology of
diseases.60 Here I will choose a new and innovative approach. I will not
59See M. Haussperger, Die mesopotamische Medizin und ihre rzte aus heutiger
Sicht, ZA 87 (1997) pp. 205206.
60See for the use of metaphors and/or similes as literary forms e.g. J. Black, Reading
Sumerian Poetry, London 1998, pp. 1619; M.P. Streck, Die Bildersprache der akkadischen
Epik, Mnster 1999 (= AOAT 264), pp. 167193, 207213; N. Wasserman, Style and Form in
Old-Babylonian Literary Texts, Leiden Boston 2003 (= CM 27) pp. 99156; B.R. Foster,
Before the Muses. An Anthology of Akkadian Literature, Bethesda 20053, p. 18. For the inter
pretation of metaphors as referring to the aetiology of diseases see T.J. Collins, Natural
Illness in Babylonian Medical Incantations, Chicago 1999 (unpublished PhD thesis); for
116 chapter four
use the term metaphor in the traditional view as a figure of style, but as it
is applied in the conceptual and discourse metaphor theory.
In their influential and now classic contribution Metaphors We Live By
the linguist G. Lakoff and the philosopher M. Johnson argue that metaphors
are the key to giving an adequate account of understanding.61 Originat-
ing in the cultural and physical experience, metaphors have, according
to this view, a deep impact on the way we conceptualize the world; their
primary function is to explain one experience in terms of another.62 The
theory defines a metaphor by understanding one conceptual domain,
the target concept, in terms of another conceptual domain, the source
concept (I follow the convention to indicate conceptual domains,
source concepts and metaphors in small caps). love, for example, can be
explained in terms of magic. In the conceptual metaphor love is magic
the source concept magic is mapped onto the target concept love. The
metaphor is reflected in language using expressions such as She cast her
spell over me. The magic is gone. I was spellbound. She had me hypnotized.
He has me in a trance. I was entranced by him. I am charmed by her. She
is bewitching.63
The theory of conceptual metaphor was further elaborated;64 one of
the most compelling critiques includes the view that G. Lakoffs and
M. Johnsons model does not account for cultural differences. Thus, in
recent years a new type of study emerged dealing with discourse metaphor.
While in conceptual metaphors the source domain can be very abstract
correlating between sensori-motor experience and subjective judgement
(e.g. the primary metaphors knowing is seeing, affection is warmth,
or important is big), the source domain of discourse metaphor usually
forms part of a common cultural space and is often concrete and material
or otherwise tangible (e.g. the body is a container or revolution is a
storm). The salient feature of metaphors, which makes the application
of the explanatory model so appropriate for the interpretation of healing
spells, is that they are used as a heuristic tool for exploring something
critical remarks of this interpretation see M.J. Geller, Incantations within Akkadian Medi
cal Texts, in: G. Leick (ed.), The Babylonian World, London 2007, pp. 389399.
61Chicago London, preface of the 1980 edition.
62Conceptual Metaphor in Everyday Language, Journal of Philosophy 77 (1980) p. 454;
Metaphors We Live By, Chicago London 2003 (2nd edition with a new afterword), p. 5.
63Metaphors We Live By, Chicago London 2003, p. 49.
64See G. Lakoff & M. Johnson, Philosophy in the Flesh. The Embodied Mind and its Chal
lenge to Western Thought, Chicago 1999.
that goes beyond normal comprehension and which is directly threaten-

ing health, wellbeing or survival.65
As a matter of fact, the fundamental relevance of metaphor in medi-
cal encounters was soon recognized.66 One of the major groundbreaking
contributions is G.W. van Rijn-van Tongerens study Metaphors in Medi-
cal Texts that focuses on the kind of metaphors that are used to struc-
ture medical concepts and on the function of metaphorical expressions
in present-day medical texts.67 Her research centres on the metaphors
of cancer and tumours identifying them as surface representation of an
underlying system. Metaphors have an enormous explanatory capacity;
this is the reason why they are especially important for making the patient
understand his/her illness and the course it takes. In order to stress the
impact of images G.W. van Rijn-van Tongeren argues that metaphorical
thinking can often lead to major scientific discoveries. As an example she
refers to William Harveys explanation of how blood goes through the body
at a high rate, first introduced in 1628: it is flowing in a circle suggesting
a circular movementhence blood circulationwhich was proven only
much later by the existence of capillaries.68
One of the most common modern medical metaphors is treating ill-

ness is fighting a war.69 Modern physicians often use military images
in their jargon, talking about fighting disease, developing strategies, body
defence, heart attack, aggressive treatments, or killer cells. Other well-
known modern metaphors include medicine is a detective story or
illness is a puzzle to be solved, in which the medical doctor has to find
clues and searches for the correct diagnosis, or he is suspicious about sin-
ister diseases, and the body is a machine.70 Not only physicians but also
patients would use the same language describing the heart as a ticker or
65See for an overview R.M. Frank, The Language-Organism-Species Analogy: A Com

plex Adaptive System Approach to Shifting Perspectives on Language, in: R.M. Frank,
R. Dirven, T. Zienke & E. Bernrdez (eds.), Body, Language and Mind. Vol. 2, Sociocultural
Situatedness, Berlin 2008, pp. 215262.
66See e.g. the contribution of A.H. Carter & L.B. McCullough, Metaphors, Language, and
Medicine, Soundings 72 (1989) pp. 7164. For a discussion of the topic see S. Fleischman,
Language and Medicine, in: D. Schriffin, D. Tannen & H.E. Hamilton (eds.), The Hand
book of Discourse Analysis, Oxford 2001, pp. 470502.
67Amsterdam 1997.
68Ibidem, p. 14.
69For this terminology see G. Lakoff, J. Espenson & A. Schwartz, Master Metaphor List,
Berkeley 1991 (2nd edition), p. 176.
70See P. Hodgkin, Medicine is War: And Other Medical Metaphors, British Medical
Journal 29 (1985) pp. 2128.
118 chapter four
battery or referring to the body as an engine. Plumbing with its pipes,

pressure, flushing and draining system appears as a common image of
the body.71
By explaining disease with technical terms using familiar metaphors
from daily life the practitioner transforms the diffuse subjective experi-
ence of suffering into something specific, palpable, and more tangible.
The patient can understand the disease better and is able to take an emo-
tional distance from his pain by translating his suffering experience into
a mechanistic image.
Having outlined the theoretical frame, I am now able to address the ques-
tion of what kind of images are used to structure the concept of disease
in incantations and more specifically to what semantic fields these meta-
phors belong. In order to find out how concepts of diseasethe target
domainare structured, we have to determine the source domain. When
we have established these donor fields we will be able to formulate the
functioning and dynamics of the metaphor. This analysis enables us to
investigate to which extent metaphors in incantations can be related
to the concept of disease and which aspects of medical reality are high-
lighted. In my discussion I also include those similes that are related to
metaphors. I follow here the distinction of W. Croft and D.A. Cruse who
speak of literal similes or statements of similarity and metaphorical
similes or simply similes.72 The difference is that metaphorical similes
can be easily transformed into metaphors by dropping the indicator like
without any great change in meaning, while literal similes do not cor-
respond to metaphors.73
A comprehensive study of the imagery used in incantations is beyond
the scope of the present contribution.74 My aim is to focus the discussion
71See C.G. Helman, Culture, Health and Illness, Oxford 1994, p. 25.
72Cognitive Linguistics, Cambridge 2004, pp. 211216. See for the blurring of metaphor
and simile in Sumerian literary texts the remarks of J. Black, Reading Sumerian Poetry,
pp. 1619.
73To illustrate the difference I refer to two examples given by W. Cruse and D.A. Croft:
the statement John is like a lion is a metaphorical simile which can be transformed into
the metaphor John is a lion. Compare in contrast the literal simile nectarines are like
peaches which does not mean nectarines are peaches; see Cognitive Linguistics, Cam
bridge 2004, p. 211.
74I am preparing a separate study of the imagery of medical incantations. See for a
philological oriented study of Akkadian figurative language listing tenor and vehicle (or
Bildempfnger and Bildspender corresponding to target and donor respectively) N. Wasser
man, Style and Form in Old-Babylonian Literary Texts, pp. 99156, and M.P. Streck, Die
Bildersprache der akkadischen Epik, Mnster 1999 (= AOAT 264), pp. 167193, 207213.
mainly on two examples coming from exorcistic incantations and healing

spells respectively. This case study will have a direct impact on our under-
standing of the essential formulation of healing craft and magic art.75
We can observe that healing spells usually draw upon images from salient
features or objects of the environment. landscape and animal belong to
the most prominent source domains or donor fields; here we can further
distinguish between sea river pond, on the one hand and wild ani-
mals and domestic animals on the other. Just to illustrate Let us begin
with some examples of the source domain landscape:
In some incantations that were recited in the context of easing birth, the
belly of a pregnant woman is compared to an ocean in which the foetus
is imagined as a boat that had to reach the harbour.76 The belly becomes
an entity and turns into an independent place of action. The concept of
the foetus as a boat complies with the harbour scenery. The image of the
ocean corresponds exactly to the notionor should we say theoryof
conception in which the semen is usually expressed with terms for water
or other fluids and is poured into the waters of intercourse.77 The recur-
rence of water metaphors gives an idea of the kind of constituent water is
in the cognitive landscape of Ancient Babylonians. In an Old Babylonian
incantation from Sippar the belly is visualized as a pond; fish inhabit its
waters but cannot escape. The whole image is used to explain severe trou-
bles caused by constipation.78 This source domain, which interestingly
targets the two ideational realms of the healing goddess, namely the belly
as the place of the unborn baby and as the seat of digestive troubles, was
abandoned in first-millennium incantations in favour of river metaphors.
Commonly, we find intestinal troubles and digestive disorders compared
with overflowing or breached riverbanks.79 However, the image was not

76For the metaphor of sea and boat see J.J.A. van Dijk, Incantations accompagnant
la naissance de lhomme, OrNS 44 (1975), pp. 7375; for the motif of the boat see also
the discussion of M. Stol, Birth in Babylonia and the Bible. Its Mediterranean Setting, pp.
6263 and see my comments in Proverbs 30: 1819 in the Light of Ancient Mesopotamian
Cuneiform Texts, Sefarad 69 (2009) pp. 272274.
77See for the expressions nlu fluid (semen), re to pour out, ritu offspring,
semen (literally what is poured out), and a water, M. Stol, ibidem, pp. 45.
78See for the incantation A. Cavigneaux & F.N.H. Al-Rawi, Charmes de Sippar et
de Nippur, in: H. Gasche, M. Tanret, C. Janssen & A. Degraeve (eds.), Cinquante-deux
reflexions sur le Proche-Orient ancien offertes en hommages Lon De Meyer, Leuven 1994
(= MHEO II), pp. 8285 section A rev. ll. 1640.
79See the incantation discussed below.
120 chapter four
restricted to this specific disease complex but was also used to describe
the unnatural flow of blood and tears.80
The encounter with wild animals is another experience that served as a

donor field for metaphors; the target here is pain. It is important to note
that the images were rather stable and could not be used arbitrarily for
any sensation of pain. The arrest of breathing caused by suffocating, the
bunu disease, which covers the clinical picture of diphtheria, was com-
pared to an attack by a lion or a wolf. Healing spells frequently describe
the sensation of the arrest as like a lion it caught the throat, like a wolf
it caught the larynx.81 The metaphor used for pains affecting teeth and
gums which were compared to a gnawing worm is very specific.82
The examples may suffice to give a general idea of metaphors in heal-
ing spells. We can observe that the imagery was often embedded in mini-
narratives or historiolae that are so characteristic of this genre. In order
to illustrate my point I shall deal with the metaphor the belly is a con-
tainer and the body is a landscape.83 Incantations that are recited in
the context of serious digestive troubles often use the concept of the belly
as a closed container like the following text:84
The belly of the sick is covered like a box,
It is like the water of a river without a current,
It is like the water of a well, which does not flow.
It is covered like a fermenting vat,
Food and drink do not enter.
God Marduk saw this
And addressed his father Ea:
My father, the belly of the sick is covered like a box
80See the incantation SpTU IV 129 rev. col. vi: 1127 which was to be recited in the
context of nose bleeding. According to rev. col. vi: 2022 the flow of liquid is said to be
like an irrigated field whose dikes cannot keep the irrigation water, like a mashing tub
whose stopper cannot stop (the liquid), like a leather waterskin whose band is not strong
enough (to close it) and whose ligament is not reliable (to hold it together).
81 See for the line of text H. Hunger, SpTU I 44 l. 55, p. 52, 54.
82For a discussion of the tooth worm historiola see M. Dietrich, Der unheilbringende
Wurm. Beschwrung gegen den Zahnwurm (CT 17, 50), in: S. Graziani (ed.), Studi sul
vicino oriente antico dedicati alla memoria di Luigi Cagni, Napoli 2000, pp. 209220.
83Incantations dealing with the image of the intestines as watercourses and the inside
as a fermenting brewing vat have been brought together by M. Stol; see The Digestion of
Food According to Babylonian Sources, in: L. Battini & P. Villard, Mdecine et mdecins au
Proche-Orient ancien, Oxford 2006 (= BAR International Series 1528), p. 115.
84CT IV 8a (collated); ll. 134 have been translated by B.R. Foster, Before The Muses,
vol. I, p. 121 (no. II.19). For a transliteration of the complete text see B.B. Sullivan, Sumerian
and Akkadian Sentence Structure in Old Babylonian Literary Bilingual Texts, microfilm of
PhD thesis, Ann Arbor 1980 (unpublished PhD dissertation), pp. 131134.
It is like the water of a river without a current,

It is like the water of a well, which does not flow.
It is covered like a fermenting vat,
Food and drink do not enter.
Ea answers Marduk:
All what I know also you know.
Be it a man, an ox or a sheep:
As soon as you have...a lump of salt and lung (plant),
Shall the excrements leave through his anus!
May it leave like a belch!
Get out like wind from the anus!
The concept of the belly as fermenting vat can be found again in a very
short incantation that starts The belly is a fermenting vat.85 Still pertain-
ing to the conceptual metaphor the belly is a container are two further
images: the belly is a dark place;86 and the belly has no windows in the
middleno one can lean out of them.87 When the intestine canals were
blocked up and needed to be repaired, two deities were asked for help:
whom should I send to the canal inspectors of your belly? May they bring
along spades made of silver and shovels made of gold! May they open
the canals, may they open the branch canals! May they escape, may they
come forth the excrements!88
In the present incantation, The belly of the sick is covered like a box
(CT IV no. 8a), the conceptual metaphors the belly is a container and
the body is a landscape serve to describe the blockage of the intestines
(constipation): the belly is a closed box and a covered fermenting vat used
for beer brewing; the water of the river and the well does not move to
drain off. Both conceptual metaphors are also used to describe the direct
opposite of constipation, diarrhoea. In the incantation against diarrhoea,
The river has burst (its banks), the canal overflowed, with which I
dealt above in Chapter 4.2.2, the vat stands for a container that opens
85BAM VI 574 iii: 54: en a nam-zi-tum.

86As for darkness see the incantation BAM VI 574 ii: 22; for the belly as a dark place
see the incantation BAM VI 574 iv: 24 en lib-bu lib-bu e-ki-il lib-bu gin mu-i-tim Belly,
belly! The belly is dark (filled with the awe-inspiring splendour) like night. The meta
phor was already used in Old Babylonian times for which see the text VAS 17 9 (l. 2 is
parallel), see the edition of T.J. Collins, Natural Illness in Babylonian Medical Incantations,
pp. 154155 (Belly 18).
87This is stated in the already quoted incantation BAM VI 574 iv: 25: [i-n]a qab-li-ti ul
i-u a-pa-tu-ma ul u-ar-u ma-am-ma and see the Old Babylonian incantation VAS 17
(NF 1) 9 l. 4: a-na a-ap-ti-u ma-am-ma u-ul [u-a-ar].
88See for the formula W. Farber, Mannam lupur ana Enkidu: Some New Thoughts
about an Old Motif, JNES 49 (1990) pp. 319321.
122 chapter four
because of overpressure and the river refers to flooding. We read that the
canal overflowed and broke the sluice and that the stopper of the mashing
tub for beer popped open. All these images illustrate yet another feature
of conceptual metaphors: they are taken from daily life experiences. As
is well known, controlling the flow and the direction of water from the
river, building canals, ditches and sluices, or draining swampy lands were
a constant preoccupation in Ancient Mesopotamia. Not only the concern
of proper irrigation but also the references to the production of beer, the
characteristic national drink of Ancient Mesopotamians,89 show that
metaphors or metaphorical similes are culture-specific. Indeed, it is diffi-
cult to imagine that we could find in the Ancient Babylonian text sources
the conceptual metaphor illness is imbalance, which is so characteristic
of Greek medicine and its theory of humours.
Metaphors help not only illustrate graphically pains but also mapping
physiological body functions. One of the afflictions for which the healing
goddess cared was pain in belly and intestines, as we learn from the Sumer-
ian hymn Ninisina A (ll. 3235).90 The image used to visualize the painful
convulsions of the sick is that of a snake which wriggles on burnt ground:
Because of the illness of (his) belly (a) and the illness of (his) sick intes-
tines (libi) which afflict the man
This man writhes like a snake on burnt ground (mu ki.bil.gin),
Hisses like a desert snake (mu ki.u.a.gin) and
He is feverishly crying out: My belly (a.gu)! My intestines (libi.gu)!91
The motivation for the use of the image snake on burnt ground becomes
evident when we take a closer look at a Sumerian incantation, which pro-
vides the respective medical context. The healing spell opens with the
following words:
It is bile (ze). It broke through the earth like a green plant (u.im.gin ki
mu.un.dar),
Like a she-goat (uz) it raised its head.
89For the brewing of beer see L.F. Hartman & A.L. Oppenheim, On Beer and Brewing
Techniques in Ancient Mesopotamia According to the XXIIIrd Tablet of the Series AR.ra =
ubullu, Baltimore 1950 (= JAOS Suppl. 10); and see P. Damerow, Sumerian Beer: The
Origins of Brewing Technology in Ancient Mesopotamia, CDLJ 2012: 2. For the aspect of
a national symbol see I. Mrquez Rowe, Pain, bire et la culture dUruk. De Gilgamesh au
bl bord biseaut, in: D.A. Barreyra Fracaroli & G. del Olme Lete (eds.), Reconstruyendo
el Pasado Remoto. Estudios sobre el Prximo Oriente Antiguo en homenaje a Jorge R. Silva
Castillo (= AuOr Supplementa 25), Sabadell Barcelona 2009, pp. 135145.
91SRT 6 i: 3235.
Like a he-goat (ma) and a she-goat (uz) it has white spots,92

Like a water snake (mu.a.gin) it slickers the tongue,
Like a snake of burnt ground (mu ki.bil.la.gin) it spits out its venom.93
The incantation was to be recited together with four other healing spells
during the treatment of biliary afflictions; the symptoms range from jaun-
dice, acid belching, pains in the epigastrium and vomiting to the Azu
catcher-demon (who causes jaundice), digestive troubles and fever.94 The
prescription which is directly preceding the incantations was meant for
the case: If a man suffers on an empty stomach from piercing pain in
his epigastrium, his belly is persistently hot (to the touch), and he has
acid belchingthis man suffers from pittu and dugnu.95 The first
affliction (pittu), which is also a byname of the female demon Lamatu,
refers to bile liquid, and the second term (dugnu) indicates severe dys-
pepsia with diarrhoea.96 I would suggest that the use of the same image,
the snake on burnt ground, to describe a comparable medical context
points to the following interpretation: the man in the Ninisina A hymn
wriggles like a snake on burnt ground because he suffers from bile. Sup-
port for this understanding comes from lexical texts which equate the
Sumerian expression ki.bil, literally scorched / burnt place, with Akka-
dian imtu heartburn alluding to an affliction of the bile.97 I would like
to elaborate on the imagery of bile in the healing incantations that are
incorporated in the medical text on biliary afflictions (BAM VI 578). The
Sumerian incantation It is bile. It broke through the earth like a green
plant (in BAM VI 578 ii: 2938) appears together with four more spells
of which two are better preserved. The immediately succeeding incanta-
tion is Bile, bile, bile! All destroying bile! (BAM VI 578 ii: 3944) after
which follows the spell Yellow is the she-goat, yellow is her kid (BAM VI
578 ii: 4549). The incantation Bile, bile, bile (martu martu martu)! All
destroying bile (martu pi[ttu])! refers with the characterization of bile
92See PSD B 23 s.v. babbar 2; the verb used is il which I understand as equivalent for
na A 2e) to bear wool, bristles (said of animals), CAD N/II 95a.
93See the edition of P. Michalowski, Carminative Magic: Towards an Understanding
of Sumerian Poetics, pp. 1318 with previous literature.
94See for amurriqnu e.g. BAM VI 578 i: 70, iii: 4, 6 (written sig.sig); for acid belching
e.g. i: 1; for pains in the epigastrium e.g. i: 1, ii: 20; for vomiting e.g. i: 1, 27, 47; for Azu
e.g. iv: 28, 30, 31; for digestive troubles e.g. i: 28, 38; for fever of the belly e.g. ii: 20.
95BAM VI 578 ii: 2022.
96See M. Stol, The Digestion of Food According to Babylonian Sources, p. 111.
97See for the lexical attestations CAD 193a s.v. imtu. Note that the term appears
together with neml throat which indicates the place of burning. For the translation see
AHw s.v. imtu 347b, meaning 4).
124 chapter four
as destroying clearly to the disease caused by the bile liquid, pittu. The
term is explained in a Late Babylonian medical text with bile (martu)
itself. As stated in the same text both are said to come from the mouth.98
This localization of bile corresponds to the place of heartburn (ki.bil),
namely the throat (neml). Bile, bile, bile! All destroying bile! uses as
image a yellow heron that is wading probably through the marshes.99 Of
relevance for the present discussion is not only that the heron is a swamp
bird, which evokes indirectly the image of wetlands, but also the colour
term yellow. The same colour forms the leitmotif of the healing spell
Yellow is the she-goat, yellow is her kid. I quote the first lines:
Yellow is the goat, yellow is her kid,
Yellow is her shepherd, yellow is her shepherd boy.
In the yellow meadow she eats yellow grass,
From the yellow stream she drinks yellow water.100
The spell resumes the image of the goat from the Sumerian incantation
It is bile. It broke through the earth like a green plant. It has been put
forward that the motivation for associating the Sumerian terms ze, uz,
ma and sig was based on phonological grounds. The repetitive use of
sibilants might have captured the hissing sound of a snake and the term
for snakes themselves (mu).101 I would prefer an alternative explana-
tion, which rests on the colour term sig or arqu that stands for yellow
and green. As mentioned above, two of the afflictions in the medical
text BAM VI 578 refer to the symptom of jaundice, which Ancient Baby-
lonians understood as disease proper: amurriqnu and Azu catcher-
demon. The first designation is actually derived from the colour term
yellow-green and the second refers to the demon, which was believed
to cause jaundice. As is well known, one of the characteristic symptoms
of jaundice in man is the yellow staining of the whites of the eyes. It will
come as no surprise that the eyes were the first body part in which also
Ancient Babylonians observed jaundice. It is interesting that they did not
make a difference between detecting amurriqnu or the catcher-demon
98SpTU I 43 obv. 12.

99BAM VI 578 ii: 40: mar-tu gin ki.sag.salmuen sig it-ta-na-al-lak a-n[a appari],
bile walks about like a yellow heron through [the marshes].
100BAM VI 578 ii: 4546. See for the study the incantation B. Bck, Babylonische Divi
nation und Magie als Ausdruck der Denkstrukturen des altmesopotamischen Menschen,
in: J. Renger (ed.), Babylon: Focus mesopotamischer Geschichte, Wiege frher Gelehrsamkeit,
Mythos in der Moderne, Saarbrcken 1999, pp. 420421.
101See P. Michalowski, Carminative Magic: Towards an Understanding of Sumerian
Poetics, pp. 5, 7, 10.
itself in the eyes.102 I would suggest that this typical symptom gave rise
to the association with goat and heron. Both animals share a common
physical feature: the natural and most common colour of their eyes is
yellow-green. Another poetic transformation of the colour leitmotif is the
comparison of bile with greenery, as stated in the Sumerian incantation
It is bile. It broke through the earth like a green plant. The same image
and interestingly also the same words are used to describe the origin of
the Azu catcher-demon. In one of the incantations incorporated in the
urpu handbook the evil power is described in the following way:
du.du u.im.gin ki.a mu.un.d[ar]
a-a-zu ki-ma ur-qi-ti er-i-ta i-pi-[i]
Azu was breaking through the earth like a green plant.103
While the Sumerian term for green plant is not related etymologically to
a colour term, the Akkadian urqtu is a derivative of arqu yellow-green.
In order to close the discussion of the associative chain I should add that
yellow-green is precisely the colour of bile and its liquid. In medical pre-
scriptions bile, amurriqnu jaundice and the Azu catcher-demon
were seen as a unit.104 It is generally assumed that jaundice caused by
the Azu demon would be a more severe symptom than amurriqnu;105
however, both are treated with exactly the same medications and both can
lead to death.106 As I have argued in Chapter Three Ancient Babylonians
102Sakikk XXIII: 19. The filling of the eyes with Azu is further attested in some
medical recipes, BAM I 92 iii: 11 or BAM VI 578 iv: 43 for which see J.A. Scurlock and
B.R. Andersen Diagnoses in Assyrian and Babylonian Medicine, pp. 138139 (6.116, 6.118).
103See the edition of E. Reiner, urpu. A Collection of Sumerian and Akkadian Incanta
tions, Graz 1958 (= AfO Beiheft 11), tablet VII ll. 56, p. 36.
104See for this correspondence J.A. Scurlock, Diagnoses in Assyrian and Babylonian
Medicine, p. 138.
105See R. Labat, TDP, pp. 178179 note 315; P.B. Adamson, An Assessment of some
Akkadian Medical Terms, RA 87 (1993) pp. 153159. By contrast see J.A. Scurlock and
B.R. Andersen who suggest that Azu refers to simply jaundice while amurriqnu means
jaundice and bloating or wasting, ibidem, p. 138; cf. also their critique of P.B. Adamsons
interpretation on p. 705 note 127.
106Medical recipes against jaundice can be found in the text BAM VI 578 iii: 4iv: 46.
BAM VI 578 iv: 46 states that the as should not approach the patient since he would die
of Azu. Also amurriqnu was lethal, see BAM VI 578 iii: 5. According to BAM VI 578 iii:
7 the patient would die of amurriqnu. Medications for amurriqnu include potions with
the following ingredients which are also attested for Azu: the patient has to drink in
beer buru juniper (BAM VI 578 iii: 8, amurriqnu; iv: 28, Azu), kikkirnu plant (BAM
VI 578 iii: 8, amurriqnu; iv: 28, Azu), lung plant (BAM VI 578 iii: 22, amurriqnu;
iv: 29, Azu), liquorice root (BAM VI 578 iii: 15, amurriqnu; iv: 30, Azu), kurkn
plant (BAM VI 578 iii: 10, amurriqnu; iv: 36, Azu), or bitter plant (BAM VI 578 iii: 8,
126 chapter four
attributed amurriqnu to the hand of Gula, while the Azu demon was
associated with the hand of Gulas divine consort, Ninurta.107
So far we have established the motivation for connecting the healing
goddess with the associative chain snake on burnt groundbilegoat,
heron, green plantsbiliary afflictions. In what follows I would like to
draw attention to yet another element to which the images implicitly
refer, namely water. The Sumerian incantation It is bile. It broke through
the earth like a green plant mentions a water snake; the spell of the yel-
low goat includes the image of the animal drinking yellow water from
a yellow stream; and the heron of the healing spell Bile, bile, bile! All
destroying bile! evokes the wetland. I would suggest that these images
were not used at random but were motivated by the relation between the
healing goddess and water in the body. Sumerian literary texts usually
connect the term ze with the image of a snake, which spits poison, to
express the feeling of fury and anger.108 But in three cases bile is associ-
ated with water: it is likened to an overflowing river filling the intestines
of the enemy, described as a flood, and in the third text its amount is com-
pared to abundant water. It is particularly striking that the association
bileabundant water filling the intestines is attested within the con-
text of the healing goddess and her inner circle, namely her divine consort
Ninurta and his antagonist Anz. In the Sumerian poem of Ninurtas fight
against the Asag demon, Ninurtas exploits, the rage of the god is described
with the following words:
The lord made poisonous gall (u ze) run against the rebel lands,
Wherever he went, bile (ze) followed him and filled their intestines (libi),
So that he rose like a swelled river drowning the enemies.109
We learn that bile fills first the intestines and, consequently, the river
level rises. The image of the rising rivers recalls the metaphorical concept
in some medical incantations, which is used to describe the digestive sys-
tem. The association between bile and flood is further attested in one of
amurriqnu; iv: 29, Azu). Note also the prescription of a bath, a tested medication, for
both Azu and amurriqnu in BAM II 186 obv. 11.
107See for a recapitulation of the discussion Chapter 6.1.
108See the discussion of P. Michalowski, Carminative Magic: Towards an Understand
ing of Sumerian Poetics, p. 10; and M. Jaques, Le vocabulaire des sentiments dans les textes
sumriens, Mnster 2006 (= AOAT 332), pp. 181182.
109Ll. 106108 (only the Sumerian text is quoted): en.e ki.bal.e u ze.a i.ni.in.de /
du.ni ze mu.un.us libi sumur mu.un.tag / i ma.gin mi.ni.ib.be i.ur.ru gu erim.
e for which see the edition of J.J. van Dijk, LUGAL UD ME-LM-bi NIR-L, vol. II,
pp. 6061.
the hymns of Iddin-Dagan, namely in his Song to Ninisina (Iddin-Dagan D).

In one of the sections of the hymn the healing goddess is described when
she is furious:
Like an overwhelming flood she directs her spewed-out bile against the
enemy.110
Another reference to water and bile is included in the description of
the mighty Anz bird, which becomes in the Akkadian literary tradition
Ninurtas adversary. The following description comes from the Sumerian
composition of Lugalbanda and the Anz Bird:
He (Anz) poured out his bile as if it were ten gur ( 3,000 l) of water.111
The association of bile with the accumulation of water, I would suggest,
points to two Ancient Mesopotamian ideas of the body: one is that bile was
believed to cause, regulate or distribute abundant water in the body; and
the other is that abundant water in the intestines was believed to cause
severe troubles. This interpretation would explain not only why afflictions
of bile and digestive problems like diarrhoea are associated with each
other and appeared together in medical prescriptions and why both were
consequently attributed to the healing goddess, but also why in medical
incantations the image of flooded rivers and overflowing canals was used
to describe troubles of the intestinal tract.112 I mentioned above that it is
assumed that metaphors in medical texts are often related or leading to
specific treatments.113 In this respect, I would propose that the Ancient
Mesopotamian idea of the physiological function of the bile is one of the
reasons why many medical prescriptions from first millennium BC for the
110L. 38: [a].gi uru.gin zi guru.a gu erim.e bi.ib.ri, for which see the edition
of O.R. Gurney & S.N. Kramer, OECT V 8, Oxford 1976, p. 20 (transliteration) and 21
(translation).
111L. 67: a 10 gur.am ze.bi mu.un.de, for which see the text edition of C. Wilcke, Das
Lugalbandaepos, Wiesbaden 1969, p. 98. See for a study of the composition, J. Black, Read-
ing Sumerian Poetry, pp. 58110.
112Note in this context the Sumerian hymn to Gula/Ninisina, Ash 1911.235 // Ni 9672
ll. 1820, which depicts the healing goddess as supervisor of the canal system of the
Emi-tummal: Gula was given the lapis-lazuli measuring rod and measuring line for the
accountancy of levees and ditches belonging to the Emi-tummal by Enlil and Ninlil, fol
lowing the translation of G. Zlyomi, Hymns to Ninisina and Nergal on the Tablets Ash
1911.235 and Ni 9672, in: H.D. Baker, E. Robson & G. Zlyomi (eds.), Your Praise is Sweet.
A Memorial Volume for Jeremy Black from Students, Colleagues and Friends, London 2010,
p. 419.
113See for the correspondence of metaphors in exorcistic incantations with ritual
actions the discussion in Chapter 6.2.
128 chapter four
treatment of jaundice (and other biliary afflictions) recommend usually

liquid and laxative medicaments.114 We could accordingly understand the
treatment as supporting the function of the bile in properly distributing
and filtering excess liquid out of the body.
114As already stated by R. Labat in his entry Gallenkrankheit, Gelbsucht, in: E. Ebeling
(ed.), Reallexikon der Assyriologie 3/2, Berlin 1959, pp. 134135, esp. p. 135.
chapter five
Gulas healing plants
In Chapter Three I have outlined the symptoms and diseases which the
Sakikk handbook ascribed to the hand of Gula. Among these ailments
are the skin afflictions smnu, a, tu, arriu and adnu; severe
digestive troubles such as inna tri, diarrhoea and pains in the belly; an
unusual discharge of blood from nose, eyes and ears; and pains in the pel-
vis. Further afflictions taken from the chapter on infants diseases include
bunu, yellow discolouration of the skin (jaundice); digestive disorders
(constipation and cramps); cramps in the belly accompanied by fever; and
unusual behaviour of the baby. In Chapter Four I have discussed heal-
ing spells that refer to Gula. We could detect in the healing spells and
their medical setting a correspondence between the healing goddess and
disorders of the digestive tract, renal diseases, problems of the musculo-
skeletal system, skin sores, and dog bites. Analysing some of the salient
metaphors used to describe afflictions that are attributed to the healing
goddess I have suggested that Gula was associated with the regulation of
excess body liquid.
In this chapter we enter the ancient world of plants, which is as fasci-
nating as it is difficult to grasp. More than one thousand medicinal plant
terms are known from Mesopotamian texts. Similarly to other traditional
societies and cultures, the terminology for plants was not standardized
with the effect that a plant had more than one name: common alternative
designations, names in foreign languages, or special names known only to
practitioners. This seemingly infinite number of names constitutes one of
the most salient problems to understand Ancient Babylonian medicine
and was one of which Ancient Babylonian practitioners were well aware
of too. In order to cope with the evergrowing corpus of plant names they
collected all the names in a specialized compendium which was called
after its incipit uru.an.na : matakal, Plant whose place is in heaven (cor-
responds to the plant) matakal. So far nearly fifty manuscripts of differ-
ent editions of the plant lexicon are known. The handbook is organized
in two columns, which are divided in paragraphs of different length, each
130 chapter five
referring to one and the same medicinal plant under its various names.1
Further important information for the use of healing plants comes from
medical recommendations and the Lists of Simple Drugs. These Lists were
in all likelihood used as a guidebook how to employ medicinal plants.
There is no ancient title preserved for this genre nor do we know the
extent of the handbook. In outward appearance the tablets are organized
in lists divided in up to three columns. The first column gives the Akka-
dian name of the medicinal plant used as simple drug and the second,
the indication for which disease the plant is employed. The third column
gives information about the preparation and administration of the plant
remedy.
As will be observed from my discussion, the information provided by
the uru.an.na handbook, the Lists of Simple Drugs and medical recom-
mendations is much the same complementing each other; the only differ-
ence consists in a different formulation.2
Ancient Mesopotamian culture has not produced mythological nar-
ratives that would associate plants with deities comparable to and so
characteristic for Ancient Greece.3 Rather, the connection of plants with
the divine realm was considered an esoteric knowledge.4 It might, thus,
come as no surprise that the information about the attribution of medici-
nal plants to the healing goddess comes from the specialized literature
Ancient Babylonian practitioners had at their disposal, namely the uru.
an.na handbook and the Lists of Simple Drugs. Entries from both works
are the key to relate three plant names with the healing goddess: bunu,
lin kalbi and auntu. The uru.an.na handbook permits us to establish
that the names bunu and lin kalbi refer to the same medicinal plant.
In this chapter I study the therapeutic indications of the two plants associ-
ated with Gula. My aim is to show that there is a correspondence between
Gulas avatar plants and the afflictions associated with her. The chapter
is structured in two parts in which I discuss the uses of the two healing
plants when used as single ingredient or simple drug. All texts and text
1See for a description my contribution Shaping Texts and Texts Genres: On the Drug
Lore of Babylonian Practitioners of Medicine, (in press).
2See for a discussion that these text genres share the same pool of information
ibidem.
3I refer e.g. to the myth about the nymph Daphne and her metamorphosis into a laurel
tree in order to escape from Apollon or the story of Narkissos, the self-absorbed young
man who converted into a narcissus flower.
4I am referring to some explanatory texts which give correspondences between ritual
plants and gods; see for this genre A. Livingstone, Mystical and Mythological Explanatory
Works of Assyrian and Babylonian Scholars, Oxford 1986, pp. 175187, especially p. 181.
gulas healing plants 131
passages are included in F. Kcher & B. Bck, The Assyrian-Babylonian

Drug Lore (forthcoming).
5.1The Bunu Plant aka Lin Kalbi Plant
5.1.1Bunu Plant
The present study was prompted by an entry in one of the manuscripts of
the Lists of Simple Drugs which reads as follows:
u ab mu!-u ur.gi dnin.gi.zi.bar.ra mu tu u e-pi
ina ka.sag u i.gi sag.u i-at-ti
The plant ab / bunu, its alternative name is Ninigizibaras dog....
broken.
He drinks it repeatedly in best-quality beer and oil.5
The goddess Ninigizibara is hardly known; her descriptive name can be
translated as Well-regarded lady.6 She belonged to the entourage of
Inanna and served her as a harp goddess.7 According to another tradi-
tion, the one from which Bullussa-rabis elaborated hymn to the healing
goddess draws and which is relevant for the present passage, she was one
of the manifestations of Gula.8
This manuscript of the Lists of Simple Drugs is not the only text that pre-
serves the alternative name of the bunu plant. Also the encyclopaedic
compendium uru.an.na: matakal includes an entry with the same
5The text is BAM I 1 iii: 2021.

6See for the structure of the name G.J. Selz, The Holy Drum, the Spear, and the Harp,
in: I.L. Finkel & M.J. Geller (eds.), Sumerian Gods and Their Presentations, Groningen 1997
(= CM 7), p. 202 note 221.
7According to the great god list an: Anum iv: 73 dnin.igi.zi.ba.ra is called bala dinanna,
see for the text R.L. Litke, A Reconstruction of the Assyro-Babylonian God-Lists, AN: dA-NU-
UM and AN: ANU A AMLI, p. 153. See also W. Heimpel, Ninigizibara I und II, in: D.O.
Edzard (ed.), Reallexikon der Assyriologie und Vorderasiatischesn Archologie 9 5/6, Berlin
New York 2000, pp. 382384.
8See W.G. Lambert, The Gula Hymn of Bullusa-rabi, p. 109 and p. 120 (l. 91). W.Heim
pel in his entry on Ninigizibara, ibidem, p. 384, remarks about the relation between the
two goddesses that it seems impossible to find a common denominator with the harp
goddess of Inanna beyond the common name. However, we can observe certain syncre
tistic developments between Itar and Baba (who is syncretised with Gula) as is evident
in the great hymn to Itar, KAR 109+ (and duplicates). Gula, on the other hand, could
be addressed with epithets usually employed to refer to Itar; see e.g. the incantation
addressed to Gula, KAR 73 obv. 3 which mentions the epithet an.zeb, teltu experienced.
See for the use of the epithet in apposition to the divine name Itar CAD T s.v. teleu b) and
c) pp. 327328. The incantation is dealt with in Chapter 4.1.2. In this regard it cannot be
ruled out that both Ninigizibaras were the same goddess.
132 chapter five
i nformation, using a different formulation in that the name of the healing

goddess is spelled dme.me:9
u ab u bunu
u ur.gi dme.me u min
The (Sumerian) plant ab stands for the (Akkadian) plant bunu.
The plant Gulas dog is the same plant.
This equivalent is given for a third time in a medical prescription, namely
in the fragmentary text AMT 19,7 from one of the libraries of Ashurbanipal
in Nineveh. The reference is in all likelihood a quotation from the Lists of
Simple Drugs or the uru.an.na handbook since medical prescriptions only
rarely refer to alternative or other special names of healing plants. Line 4
is poorly preserved:
[...] u ab a ur.gi dgu-[la mu.ni...]
...the bunu plant whose [name is also] Gulas dog.
The plant handbook uru.an.na dedicates one section to bunu which
gives in addition to the mystical designation Gulas dog other common
and foreign names as well as a descriptive name. The passage comes from
the second chapter of uru.an.na; the line numbers correspond to the
forthcoming edition of F. Kcher and myself.
108 [u] ab u du.a.bi sig
109 u ab u bu---nu
110 u ur.gi7 dme.me u min
111 u qar-bu-u u min
112 u kir4.ab u min
113 u ar-me-da u min
114 u a-ra-la-a u min
115 u ar-i-bu u min
116 u pi-ri-du-lu-u u min
117 [u] x x x tam-ilx (li) u qar! (text: am)-[b]u-u
118 u x x [x x]-ri mu-u u bu-[-a-nu]
119 u bu--a-nu u du sig5
120 [u ki.min] u a-mu sig.me
The first line explains the Sumerian plant name ab as medicinal plant
that is good for everything. The Sumerian term is then in l. 109 equated
with the proper Akkadian name of the plant, namely bunu. In l. 110 the
mystical name referring to the animal of the healing goddess is given. The
9The lines quoted are from tablet II ll. 109110; see for the edition F. Kcher & B.Bck,
The Assyrian-Babylonian Drug Lore (forthcoming).
qarbuu plant in l. 111 only appears in this section of uru.an.na and seems
to be another name for the same plant. The logographic spelling kir4.ab
in l. 112 stands for the disease bunu, homonymous with the plant name.
The plant is, however, commonly spelled with the logogram ab, which
turns the spelling with kir into a sophisticated writing. The plant name
armdu in l. 113 is again only attested in the uru.an.na handbook. The
succeeding lines 114116 give names in other languages as evident from
the respective word formations. Usually, a reference to the foreign lan-
guage in question would be attached but is missing here. It is reasonable
to assume that the terms stand for the corresponding Kassite, Aramaic,
and urrian name. The beginning of l. 117 is poorly preserved; it should
mention a plant term, which is said to be similar to the qarbuu plant.
In l. 118 yet another name is listed which is equated to the bunu plant;
what can be read means ...is its name. L. 119 repeats the information
of l. 108. L. 120 which closes the section contains another example for
scholarly writing: the logogram sig.me is used for the expected spelling
sig.me.10 The meaning is similarly to the first line of the section. Instead
of the explanation du.a.bi sig to be read kal damiq it is good for every-
thing the alternative formulation sig.me is given which stands possibly
for Akkadian mudammiqu, (plant) which makes feel good.
This descriptive name is in accordance with the image of Gula as all-
encompassing healing goddess turning bunu into a panacea. In spite of
this classification, the plant had quite a specific profile as the following
discussion of its therapeutic indications in medical prescriptions and in
the Lists of Simple Drugs will show.
5.1.1.1Fever, Blurred Vision, Blood in the Eyes

The first attestation comes from the first chapter of the handbook on
medical prescriptions known by the title umma amlu muau umma
ukl If the top of a mans head is hot.11 The recommendation in question
is rather elaborate and inserted in a section on various simple drugs. Here
as in the following quotes from medical prescriptions I first give the line
that contains the description of the symptoms and then add the actual
10This alternative spelling is frequently used in other specialized texts on plant lore
like the handbook ammu ikinu, On the appearance of the medicinal plant. Some of its
manuscripts use instead of the rather long sign sig the shorter sign sig; see e.g. KADP 33
obv. 7, 9, 11 or KADP 34b rev. 5.
11See the edition of M. Worthington, Edition of UGU 1, JMC 5 (2005), pp. 643.
134 chapter five
prescription in which the preparation and administration of the medici-

nal plants is stated.
BAM V 480 ii: 12, 15
12 [di na sag.du-s]u kum tuku-ma igi.min-u i-bar-ru-ra mud
u-kal-la
15 1/3 sila u.ab ina ga sila-a sar-ab ki.min (= la-ma u 3.kam nu
du)
If a mans head is hot and then his eyes are blurred (and) contain blood:
You knead 1/3 sila (ca. 333 grams) of the bunu plant with milk (to a firm
mass), you shave him and apply a bandage and then he should not take
it off for 3 days.
The prescription recommends the preparation of a poultice based on milk
and the bunu plant. Though not explicitly stated the mass had to be
spread on a cloth which is the item that is applied or bound around the
head to cover the inflamed area. No reference is made to where the ban-
dage had to be placed or what effect was desired.
For a discussion of the term barru to be blurred see the study of J.C.
Fincke, Augenleiden nach keilschriftlichen Quellen. Untersuchungen zur
altorientalischen Medizin, Wrzburg 2000 (= Wrzburger medizinhisto-
rische Forschungen 70), pp. 8691.
5.1.1.2Bunu Disease
BAM VI 543 ii: 24, 38 // BM 66560 rev. 7 // SpTU I 44 obv. 16

di na kir-u kum il-la-tu-u gen-ku bu--a-na dab-su
u.ab sud min (= ina ka nag buru-ma ina-e)
If a mans nose is hot, he secretes saliva: the bunu disease has seized
him.
You crush the bunu plant, and let him drink it with beer; he should
vomit and then he shall recover.
SpTU I 44 obv. 2023
This prescription is rather elaborate and recommends a combined
treatment of the bunu disease. The plant bunu forms part of the con-
cluding action; the complete prescription is quoted:
20 di [na ap]-pa-u u ka-u bu-u-a-nu dab-it tug2gada ta-ap-pir lal
sud [im].saar.[na.kur.ra]
21 tu-l[a]-am a-na na-ir-ri-u ta-[sa]-an-ni u.imbirida im.saar.[na.
kur.r]a sud tug2[gada...]
22 t[u]-la-am kir-u u ka-u en mud igi ta-kar u [3.kam] an-nam

du-u [u 4.kam]
23 u.ab sig-su tu-as-sa a.me ti-qe 2 gin i.gi ana [a]-[u-n]u
i.i nu pa-tan <nag-u-ma> tu-a-r[a-u-ma ina-e]
If bunu has seized a mans nose and mouth: fray a piece of linen, sprinkle
honey on it,
set aside alum; then insert (the linen) into his nostrils. Crush the nn plant
and alum, a linen cloth...
remove it. Then rub his nose and mouth until blood is to be seen. Do this
over three days; [on the fourth day]
you squeeze out fresh bunu plant, take the juice, mix it with 2 shekels
(ca. 16.6 grams) fine oil, let him drink it on an empty stomach, then let him
vomit, and then he shall recover.
Due to the damaged state of preservation the recommendation is not
entirely understood. It seems that after the initial treatment of putting
linen into the nostrils, a second piece of linen carrying another mixture
had to be introduced.
BAM VI 543 ii: 46, 47 // BM 66560 rev. 8
di lu bu--a-nu (dab-su)
u.ab ina i u ka (nag)
If the bunu disease has seized a man:
Give him the bunu plant in oil and beer to drink.12
BAM VI 543 iii: 5354
ka.inim.ma bu--a-nu dab-su
du.du.bi u.ab ad.a sud ina i.gi [u k]a nag-ma ina-[e]
Incantation for the bunu disease has seized (man):
Its ritual: You crush the bunu plant, let him drink it with fine oil and
beer, and then he shall recover.
The four prescriptions give the same preparation form: a potion with beer,
and the mixtures of water with fine oil and beer with oil as carrier sub-
stances. Only the first two prescriptions specify the effect of the potion,
which is to provoke purging through the mouth. These recommendations
are also more elaborate in style and give some symptoms of the bunu
disease. One gets the impression that the last two prescriptions are indeed
short versions. Though the desired effect of the medicament in both short
12The edition of the text BM 66560 is included in F. Kcher & B. Bck, The Assyrian-
Babylonian Drug Lore (forthcoming).
136 chapter five
indications is not explicitly stated we might assume that they were meant
to work in exactly the same way as recommended in the longer versions.
The two symptoms mentioned of the bunu disease, i.e. a hot nose and
secreting saliva, refer only to one spectrum of the affliction. The disease
can provoke several severe conditions. J.A. Scurlock and B.R. Andersen
distinguish between three types of bunu according to the main seat of
the disease, namely diphtheria, which affects tonsils, pharynx, and nose,
herpetic stomatitis which causes blisters, and Vincentss angina which
is an acute illness of the gums accompanied by fever.13 The symptom of
salivation of the mouth is one of the symptoms of the disease which J.A.
Scurlock and B.R. Andersen identify as herpetic stomatitis.14
Though the bunu disease appears only in the chapter on infants dis-
eases and not in other chapters of the Sakikk handbook, the correspon-
dence between both the bunu disease as the hand of Gula and the
bunu plant as Gulas herb is definite.
BAM IV 379 iv: 18
Another symptom mentioned together with bunu is gau, a kind of
cough, which J.A. Scurlock and B.R. Andersen identify as a brassy cough.15
The use of the bunu plant for this condition is referred to in the present
manuscript of the Lists of Simple Drugs.
u.ab u kal sig mu.ni u bu--a-ni u ga-a-i zi-i
ina i.gi u ka nag-ma ina-e
The bunu plant, plant which is good for everything is its alternative
name. To remove bunu disease and gau cough.
Let him drink it with fine oil and beer, then he shall recover.
The entry includes a reference to the plants alternative name already dis-
cussed. According to the disease description J.A. Scurlock and B.R. Ander-
sen put forward, bunu can be identified here with diphtheria.16
5.1.1.3Afflictions Located in the Belly

I have included in this section the symptom of pains in the belly and the
Akkadian expression ta ami he burns with heat. Ancient Babylonians
used this phrase to describe diseases that would cause a hot belly.

14Ibidem, p. 41 examples 3.6466.
15Ibidem, p. 178.
16Note that they did not include the present text. For diphtheria see ibidem,
pp.4042.
Often, medical prescriptions just refer to pain such as the following

prescription.
BAM VI 574 ii: 2, 4
di [na ]a-u gu-u
u.ab ina ka <nag>
If a man suffers from pains in his belly:
give him the bunu plant in beer to drink.
There is no indication as to the effect of the ingestion of the bunu
plant. We do not know whether purging was sought or whether the potion
had a relieving effect. The symptom of pain in the belly appears in the
Sakikk handbook as one of the afflictions attributed to the healing god-
dess. Though the formulation is different, the meaning is the same: di
a-u dab-su-ma u-a du.ga u dme.me, If his belly is seized and he
cries Ouch!: hand of Gula (chapter XIII i: 55). Compare in the context
of pains in the belly the statements in the infant chapter of the Sakikk
handbook: here a bloated epigastrium and various forms of intestinal
cramps are associated with Gula.17
BAM II 146 obv. 1011
There are several expressions for fever or the impression of heat to the
touch in Akkadian.18 The expression ta ami, literally he burns with
heat, refers to illnesses located in the belly and was an accompanying
symptom of various digestive disorders. J.A. Scurlock and B.R. Andersen
have proposed to identify the term tu with enteric fever and dehydration.19
In the handbook of medical prescriptions, symptoms of ta ami are
included in the chapter on colics of the digestive tract.20
di na u.da [tab.ba ana gig-su la] gid.da u.ab
sig-su [...] u 3.kam la.la
If a man burns with heat, in order not to prolong his illness:
...fresh bunu...during three days you bandage him.
17See Chapter 3.5.

18See the contribution of M. Stol, Fevers in Babylonia, in: I.L. Finkel & M.J. Geller
(eds.), Disease in Babylonia, Leiden 2007, pp. 139; and see also the entry of R. Labat on
Fieber, in: E. Ebeling (ed.), Reallexikon der Assyriologie 3/1, Berlin 1957, p. 61.
20See B. Bck, Innere Krankheiten, in: B. Janowski & D. Schwemer (eds.), Texte zur
Heilkunde, Gtersloh 2010 (= TUAT NF 5), p. 70.
138 chapter five
Note that the medical prescription in the following line, BAM II 146 obv.
14, specifies the belly as the body part which is hot; this additional infor-
mation corroborates the idea that the present prescription in BAM II 146
obv. 1011 refers to the belly too. Our prescription would then recom-
mend bandaging the belly. The medical recipe recalls the prescription
for the bunu disease that affects the temporal arteries causing blurred
vision (discussed above under 5.1.1.1). Also in this recommendation the
poultice prescribed seems to have served to calm down the fever.
5.1.1.4Liver Diseases and Jaundice

According to modern clinical findings jaundice is considered a subcat-
egory of liver disease.21 This is the reason why I have brought together
both afflictions, though in the Ancient Babylonian handbook of medical
prescriptions they are treated separately.
Unfortunately, the prescription for liver diseases is not fully preserved.
Only few signs belonging to the part of the symptom description can be
read:
BAM I 92 ii: 22, iii: 9 // CT 51 197 ii: 5
di na tun.gig [...u]-kal ka- x [x (x)]
(ki.min) u.ab (variant: u du.a.bi sig) sud ina ka.sag min (variant:
nu pa-tan nag-ma t[i-u])
If a man, liver disease...keeps...
Crush the bunu plant (variant: the plant that is good for everything),
let him drink it in best-quality beer on an empty stomach, then he shall
recover.
As M. Stol has recently discussed, the logogram tun, Akkadian takltu
is closely related to digestion and refers to the liver;22 and J.A. Scurlock
and B.R. Andersen include the expression tun.gig in their chapter on
liver diseases.23 There are no indications whether the remedy was used
to provoke vomiting and to get rid of the disease in a mechanical magical
way or whether the potion had soothing properties. Note that the hand
of Ninurta, Gulas divine consort, was associated with the liver.24
21See M. Haussperger, Einige medizinische Anmerkungen zum Text BAM 393, in:
H.Gasche & B. Hrouda (eds.), Histoire, arts de lespace et industrie de la terre. Etudes offertes
en hommage Agns Spycket, Paris 1996 (= Civilisations du Proche-Orient, Serie I: Archae
ologie et Environnement 3), p. 130.
22See The Digestion of Food According to Babylonian Sources, pp. 107110.
BAM VI 578 iv: 17

di na igi.min-u a-mur-ri-qa-nu diri u.ab sud ina ka nag-ma ina-e
If a mans eyes are full with jaundice: Crush the bunu plant, let him
drink it with beer and then he shall recover.
One of the characteristic symptoms of jaundice is the yellow discolor-
ation of the eyes; in addition, prescriptions mention yellow discoloration
of the body and face and wasting of the body.25 The medical prescrip-
tion recommends a potion, and again, there are no indications as to the
desired effect of the medication.
We recall that one of the symptoms attributed to Gulas hand in the
Sakikk handbook, namely in the chapter on infants diseases, is the yel-
low discolouration of the body.26 In addition, her consort, Ninurta, was
associated with jaundice caused by the so-called Azu catcher-demon.27
For the link between afflictions of the biliary and the healing goddess see
the discussion in Chapter 4.5.
5.1.1.5Pregnant Women
One prescription in the context of womens diseases refers to the use of
the bunu plant. Unfortunately, the symptoms are not preserved, only
parts of the administration form.
BAM III 241 ii: 11
ki.min u.ab ina ka.gestin ta-ma-a-[a...
Ditto: Beat the bunu plant with kurunnu wine...
5.1.1.6A Disease
The indication that the bunu plant was used as a simple drug to treat the
a disease is stated in one manuscript of the Lists of Simple Drugs. The
section that refers to our plant is quite exceptional because it breaks with
the common structure of the text. Usually in each line of text only one
drug is listed to which a reference to the disease treated and the applica-
tion method used is attached. In this case, bunu appears in a row with
25In BAM VI 578 iv: 16 we read that a mans body is yellow (na su-u sig); yellow face
(pa-nu-u sig) and wasting body (i-at uzu) are stated in BAM VI 578 iii: 7.
26See Chapter 3.5.
140 chapter five
five other plant names. No disease is stated but the context strongly sug-
gests a.
BAM I 1 ii: 78
u im.gur.gur im.li u.ab.du u.dnin.urta u.ab u numun
u.qut[ra]28
sud! u.i.a e ina i.gi ub ina izi eg-al kum-su sag-su e.me
The medicinal drug kukru, buru juniper, kammantu, nikiptu, bunu, the
medicinal drug seed of qutratu/qutru.
Crush, add these drugs to fine oil, let it heat up over fire, anoint his head
repeatedly when still hot.
The prescription recommends a salve that has to be frequently applied to
the head, which is the seat of the a skin disease. The entry is another
example for the correspondence of a disease attributed to Gulas hand
and the treatment with a medicinal plant that is associated to her. Note
that according to one of the incantations directed against Samana the
demon is said to provoke a disease.29
5.1.2Lin Kalbi Plant

Precious information about the lin kalbi plant, literally dogs tongue,
comes from the third chapter of the pharmacological handbook uru.
an.na : matakal. This part is worthy of note since it includes a list of cor-
respondences between medicinal substances and their respective coded
terms or esoteric names. It was F. Kcher who drew attention to this
issue in his discussion of the use of a logographic writing that belongs to
the particular features of the chapter.30 While the first two chapters of
uru.an.na have before every drug name the word u that serves in some
cases as a determinative and in others simply as an entry marker with the
meaning medicinal substance, the third tablet introduces the terms in
the second column with the Sumerian sign dili. F. Kcher suggested that
the logogram stands for Akkadian piritu secret and would then, accord-
ingly, indicate that the name of the plant that would follow the sign was
encoded. The first entry of chapter three reads:
u u-u-um dili kun dnin.kilim
Medicinal drug: u (liquorice)coded name: tail of a mongoose.
28For the reading of the diri compositum written with the signs KI.dIKUR see the
lexical list diri : atru IV: 9, for which see M. Civil, MSL XV, p. 150.
30See Ein Text medizinischen Inhalts aus dem neubabylonischen Grab 405, p. 204.
The third chapter of uru.an.na : matakal (l. 9) includes also the plant
dogs tongue.
u bu--a-nu dili eme ur.gi
Medicinal drug: bunucoded name: dogs tongue.31
In contrast to the first entry of the chapter about liquorice and tail of a
mongoose the motivation for the codification of bunu as dogs tongue
is transparent. Considering the mystical byname of the bunu plant,
Gulas dog, the name dogs tongue is a metonymic derivation.
Our plant had more than these two names. According to entries in two
of the manuscripts of the uru.an.na handbook, lin kalbi was also known
under the Sumerian name gidir.sipa (ai r), shepherds crook.
KADP 2 v: 4042
am-mu ina mu-i-u mu.dim.gurun.na
ra-ab-u : u nig.gidir eme.ur.gi mu-u
a-na a.zi.ga sig sud ina i e-u
Plant on whose (leaves) lizards gather : shepherds crook, its name is dogs
tongue. It is good for potency (problems); crush it, rub him with oil.
Similar information is given in the text KADP 4 rev. 3637. A particular
characteristic of this text is formed by the many glosses to explain the
pronunciation of Sumerian logograms or their translation into Akkadian.
Curiously, some of the Sumerian plant names are glossed with the Akka-
dian word umeru to indicate that the name is written in the Sumerian
language. All these features suggest that the tablet was written by an inex-
perienced scribe. As far as its contents are concerned it is very close to the
previous text KADP 2.
u ina ugu-u mu.dim.gurun.na ir!-tab-bi-[u] u nig.gi-d[ir]sipau-me-rum
u emex-x.ur.giu-me-rum mu.ni ana munussin-ni-tu nula u.tu sig da-me-iq
Plant on whose (leaves) lizards usually gather : shepherds crook, dogs
tongue is its name. It is good for women who cannot give birth.
The plant shepherds crook, in turn, corresponds to the plant azall which
was its common Akkadian equivalent according in the lexical list ar.ra =
ubullu. In addition, the Sumerian term was translated into Akkadian
31See for the edition of the text F. Kcher & B. Bck, The Assyrian-Babylonian Drug
Lore (forthcoming).
142 chapter five
ai r.32 I understand that both names are alternative terms for lin
kalbi. This is why I have included the references to azall and gidir.sipa
(ai r) in the section about the lin kalbi plant.
5.1.2.1Coughing
5.1.2.1.1Productive Cough, Sulu
There are two attestations for the use of lin kalbi as a simple drug to
remove sulu. J.A. Scurlock and B.R. Andersen propose to identify the Akka-
dian term with barking cough;33 sulu should refer to a non-productive
dry cough as is very clear in one of the prescriptions.34 However, the
term used in the prescription on which they base their argumentation
is not the noun sulu but the verb salu in D-stem. The meaning is to
cough and is attested for both productive and non-productive coughs.35
F. Kcher proposed the translation productive cough (schleimiger Aus-
wurf) as a symptom of bronchial diseases, which I have followed here.36
Both attestations are included in the same cuneiform tablet containing
medical prescriptions for sulu.
AMT 80,1 i: 13 // BAM VI 548 i: 13 // AMT 49,1 iv: 11
di na su-a-lam gig ana a-a-i
ueme ur.gi sig tu-as-sa [x x a] gazi.sar a-la-a-ti (: qa-la-ti) ana a
ub(-di) i.i nag-ma
[lu ina ka]-u lu ina dur-u i-a-a-a-am-ma ti-u
If a man suffers from productive sulu coughin order to tear it out:
You squeeze out dogs tongue,...you add [water from] crushed (variant:
roasted) kas plant to it, you mix it, let him drink it and then
it shall be torn out either through his [mouth] or his anus.
32See for chapter XVII of ar.ra = ubullu MSL X, Rome 1970, by B. Landsberger and
E. Reiner with the collaboration of M. Civil. The section ll. 105109 on p. 86 deals with
ai r and azall.
33See their Diagnoses in Assyrian and Babylonian Medicine, p. 178. J.A. Scurlock and
B.R. Andersen argue on p. 711 note 51 that sulu is rather a sign and not a specific disease
as put forward by J.V. Kinnier Wilson. He suggested an identification with pneumonic
plague or tuberculosis, Organic Diseases in Ancient Mesopotamia, in: D. Brothwell & A.T.
Sandison (eds.), Diseases in Antiquity: A Survey of the Diseases, Injuries and Surgery of Early
Populations, Springfield 1997, pp. 199200.
34See J.A. Scurlock & B.R. Andersen, ibidem, p. 179 example 8.70; and see the discus
sion on pp. 688689 note 86.
35See the attestations given in CAD S p. 1 meaning b).
36See BAM VI p. xxvii to no. 574.
AMT 80,1 i: 8 // BAM VI 548 i: 8

[di n]a su-a-lam gig
ueme ur.gi sig-su gin lu.ub.sar eg.ga
[ki] ga ku.ku u i al-i i.i nu pa-tan nag-ma ti
If a man suffers from productive sulu cough:
You bring to boil fresh dogs tongue as if it were a laptu turnip,
mix it with sweet milk and pressed oil, let him drink it on an empty stom-
ach, then he shall recover.
The first medical recipe indicates the effect of the medication: purging
through the mouth or anus in order to remove the cough from the body.
As I shall discuss elsewhere, purging is not the only way to expel diseases
from the body. What may be happening here is the possible overlap
between the mechanical-magical removal of disease and purging as an
effective healing therapy. Bronchitisone of the diseases indicated by the
expectoration of phlegm, suluis still nowadays treated with medici-
nal plants that serve as emetics. Interestingly, the juice of the fresh plant
is used. This is reminiscent of the preparation of the bunu plant to
treat the bunu disease, where the fresh plant had to be squeezed. The
extracted juice was to be mixed with oil and served as an emetic.37
The second prescription also recommends the use of fresh lin kalbi
plant. No reference to the effect of the potion is given. The expression to
heat up like a laptu turnip must refer to a particular method of prepara-
tion. As far as I can see it is only attested on one other occasion in medical
texts. In BAM VI 574 i: 48 the practitioner has to heat up the irr plant with
broad leaves like a laptu turnip; the verb used here is salqu not balu.
In the collection of culinary recipes published and studied by J. Bottro
there is one recipe that the editor calls (cultivated) turnip;38 described is
the preparation of a soup without meat. As J. Bottro remarks, not all the
information one would expect is included in the culinary recipe.39 The first
step in preparing laptu was to boil water (m tukn, you put the water on
to boil) and then to add the turnips together with spices. Though dogs
tongue was not the ingredient for a soup it is evident that the comparison
with laptu rests on the fact that the root of the plant was used. It must
37See above Chapter 5.1.1.2, second text example.

38See J. Bottro, Textes Culinaires Msopotamiens, Winona Lake 1995 (= Mesopotamian
Civilizations 6), pp. 5657 XXXV 7173.
39He misses in the present case the expression ana diqri tukammas you bring (the
ingredients) together in a bowl with a round bottom (ibidem, p. 57 commentary to
l.7273).
144 chapter five
have been of a similar shape, size or texture to a turnip, otherwise it is dif-

ficult to understand why it would be boiled like laptu. It is also possible,
though I believe less likely, that the corresponding preparation method
refers to a particular type of earthenware or a specific cooking pot, or to
the fact that the drug had to be added to boiling water.
BAM I 1 ii: 35
u eme ur.[gi u] ki.min (= su-a-lim) a.me-u ur-at nag
Drug: Dogs tonguedrug for ditto (= productive sulu cough)squeeze
out its juice, give to drink.
5.1.2.1.2au Cough
The Akkadian language has several terms for coughing such as au,
gau, ganu, guubu or a. The onomatopoeic formation suggests
that the words imitate the sound they describe. In his entry on Husten
R. Labat interprets au as toux expectorante;40 by contrast, J.A. Scurlock
and B.R. Andersen base their identification of au as bloody sputum
on the meaning of the verb a to cough up.41 Since the verb is used
with and without blood I prefer to leave the term au untranslated.42
BAM I 1 ii: 45
u eme ur.gi u a-i a.me-u ur-at na nag
Drug: Dogs tonguedrug for au coughsqueeze out its juice, have
the man drink it.
5.1.2.1.3Sulu Cough and au Cough

According to an entry in one manuscript of the Lists of Simple Drugs the lin
kalbi plant could be used for both forms of bronchial expectorations.
STT I 92 ii: 14
u eme ur.gi gal u min (= su-a-lim) u a-a-i a.me-u ur-at n[a
nag]
Drug: Big dogs tonguedrug for sulu cough and au coughsqueeze
out its juice, have the man drink it.
40In: D.O. Edzard (ed.), Reallexikon der Assyriologie 4, Berlin New York 19721975,
p. 523.
41Diagnoses in Assyrian and Babylonian Medicine, pp. 688689 note 86; and see the
example 8.93 on p. 183.
42See the attestations given in CAD s.v. ha p. 30b.
Again, the juice of the squeezed root is recommended. Whether or not

the effect was to provoke purging as attested in the medical prescription
discussed above under 5.1.2.1.1 for sulu cough, remains open. So far there
are no references that would associate coughing with the hand of Gula.
5.1.2.2Stones in the Renal System

One of the common troubles of the renal system is caused from blockages
of the urinary tract.43 Ancient Babylonians noted that the pains could
radiate towards abdomen, flanks or groin; other symptoms included blood
in the urine.44 So far four recipes are attested for the use of lin kalbi as
a simple drug in the context of renal diseases. The first recipe is meant to
discharge stones; the second prescription describes stones in the urinary
tract. The other two examples are poorly preserved.
BAM IV 396 ii: 1315
ki 3 (= na x na a mu [...] ka-u na ub-a na.bi [x x x])45 ueme
ur.gi ad.du ta-sak
ina ka.sag tar-sa-an ina ul tu-bat
ba-lu pa-tan nag-ma i-n[e-e]
Third instance (= if a man...kidney stones are discharged with his urine,
this man...): Dry dogss tongue, crush it,
soak it in best-quality beer, let it macerate over night under the stars,
let him drink it on an empty stomach, then he will recover.
The term rasnu/ranu to soak, to soften and the indication that the
potion has to mature overnight point to maceration as the method of
preparation.46
BAM IV 396
iii: 7 ki 5 (= ii: 25 di na na gig)
ueme ur.gi a ina zi-ka dutu [nu igi du]
iii: 8 ad.du ta-sak ana ka lukurun.na [ub-di]
iii: 9 ina ul tu-bat ba-lum pa-tan [nag-ma i-ne-e]
43See for the edition of diseases affecting the urinary system M.J. Geller, Renal and Rec
tal Disease Texts; and cf. my review of the book, Babylonisch-assyrische Medizin in Texten
und Untersuchungen: Erkrankungen des uro-genitalen Traktes, des Enddarmes und des
Anus, WZKM 98 (2008) pp. 295346.
44See e.g. BAM VII 2 ii: 2228; 3 ii: 2134; 4 i: 112; BAM I 113 l. 35.
45See for the symptoms BAM VII 1 ii: 1 (p. 34).
46See B. Bck, On Medical Technology in Ancient Mesopotamia, pp. 112114 with a
discussion of previous studies.
146 chapter five
Fifth instance (= if a man suffers from a stone):

Dry dogs tongue which is [not exposed] to the sun when pulling out,
crush it, [add] it to brewers beer,
let it macerate overnight under the stars, let him drink it on an empty
stomach, [then he will recover].
For the precaution of not exposing the drug to sunlight, see the discussion
in Chapter 5.1.3 below. As far as I can see, only roots of medicinal plants
had to be kept away from direct sunlight. Though not stated, the potion in
this and the former prescription was administered to cause micturition.
BAM VII 16 i: 17-18
[di na...g]ig numun u.ur.gi ad.a gaz
[...] ti-u
[If a man suffers from...]: Dry seed of dogs tongue, crush it,
...then he will recover.47
BAM VII 3 ii: 1214
di ki.min i.gi sag i.gi bar.ga te.bi i.i
ueme ur.gi sud ana a ub ina ul tu-bat
ina e-rim nu pa-tan nag-ma ti
If ditto: Mix best-quality oil together with pressed oil,
crush dogs tongue, add it (to the oil),48 let it macerate overnight under
the stars,
let him drink it in the morning, then he shall recover.
So far no correspondence is attested between problems of the urinary
tract, especially stones, and the hand of Gula. However, the idea that the
healing goddess is associated with these troubles is clearly stated in one
of the few healing incantations addressing: I contemplated your counte-
nance, en tamar panki, mentions six conditions which were believed
to be cured with Gulas potion: the so-called pardannu disease, dissolving
stone disease (aiu), discharge (mu), stricture (iniqtu), as well as
dribbling of urine (tattikte a nti), rectal disease (muru uburri) and
47Correct M.J. Gellers line numbering, Renal and Rectal Disease Texts, p. 118; ti-u is
written at the end of line i: 18, not line i: 17.
48Correct M.J. Gellers translation of ana libbi(a) tanaddi(ub) apply it to the shank
(of his penis) (ibidem p. 59). The formulation is a common expression which is often used
to indicate that solid ingredients had to be added to a liquid solvent. See also my remarks
Babylonisch-assyrische Medizin in Texten und Untersuchungen: Erkrankungen des uro-
genitalen Traktes, des Enddarmes und des Anus, p. 322.
blood in the urine (paraphrased as bleeding like a woman struck by a

weapon).49
5.1.2.3Erectile Dysfunction
One of the medical recipes prescribing lin kalbi is included in the collec-
tion of incantations and magical as well as therapeutical cures to assure
a mans sexual desire and erectile function, which was known in Ancient
Mesopotamia by the title a.zi.ga, literally lifting the interior. The editio
princeps of the relevant text material was produced by R.D. Biggs.50 Some
of the physical causes of erectile dysfunction are venereal diseases such as
gonorrhoea, which was connected with the loss of potency.51 The Babylo-
nian term that includes this sexually transmitted disease, namely mu,
appears in the above-mentioned healing spell I contemplated your coun-
tenance, en tamar panki, viz. mu discharge. The word refers accord-
ing to the medical prescription, BAM I 112 i: 17-19, to the discharge of
pus.52 If we now interpret the present medical recommendation as deal-
ing with an erectile dysfunction caused by mu, we can again detect the
ideational dimension of Gula.
The same indication of potency problems is attested for the alternative
names of lin kalbi, namely shepherds crook and azall.
KUB IV 48 ii: 12
di ki.min (= lu a.zi.ga ina itibar.zag til)
ueme ur.gi tu-ba-al? x [...]
nag-u-ma a.zi.ga tuku-[i]
If ditto (= a mans erection stops in the month of Nisannu):
Dry? dogs tongue...,
let him drink it, then he will get potency.
KADP 2 v: 4042
According to the uru.an.na : matakal handbook of medicinal plants
lin kalbi was considered one of the principal simple drugs for prob-
lems of male potency. The handbook gives not only the name lin kalbi
49See for the incantation Chapter 4.1.3.

50A.ZI.GA: Ancient Mesopotamian Potency Incantations, Locust Valley 1967 (= TCS II).
51See ibidem, p. 3.
52The text states as the main symptom: lugud gi-na-a ina gi-u gin-ak (i: 18) pus
excretes constantly from his penis. The recipe has been discussed by R.D. Biggs, ibidem,
p. 3 note 16. For a recent translation see M.J. Geller Renal and Rectal Disease Texts, no. 4
col. i: 1719, pp. 6465.
148 chapter five
but also the plants alternative name gidir.sipa (ai r). Note that the
method of application is different.
am-mu ina mu-i-u mu.dim.gurun.na
ra-ab-u : u nig.gidir eme.ur.gi mu-u
a-na a.zi.ga sig sud ina i e-u
Plant on whose (leaves) lizards
gather : shepherds crook, its name is dogs tongue.
It is good for potency (problems); crush it, rub him with oil.
5.1.2.4A Disease
So far no medical prescription attests to the use of dogs tongue to treat
the a disease. Precious information comes from one manuscript of the
Lists of Simple Drugs which states that the seed and the root of the plant
were administered. Unfortunately, the indication for the methods of prep-
aration and administration is no longer preserved.
BAM V 426 ii: 17, 24
u suu eme ur.gi [u a-i-i...]
[u] numun eme u[r.gi u a-i-i...]
Drug: Root of dogs tongue[drug for a...]
[Drug]: Seed of dogs tongue[drug for a...].
5.1.2.5Jaundice
There are five attestations of the use of lin kalbi as a simple drug in the
treatment of jaundice. Three come from medical recommendations and
two are included in manuscripts of the Lists of Simple Drugs. As already
stated, amurriqnu jaundice belongs to those symptoms that are attrib-
uted to Gulas hand. Gulas consort, Ninurta, in turn, was associated with
jaundice caused by the Azu catcher-demon.53
BM 38583 rev. 4
di ki.min (= na a-mur-ri-qa-na gig) suu ueme ur.gi ina [ka nag]
If ditto (= a man suffers from jaundice): [Let him drink] the root of dogs
tongue with [beer].
53See Chapters 3.6.8 and 4.5.

No indications for the preparation of the drug are given. The method of
application is the same as for the bunu plant in the prescription BAM
VI 578 iv: 17: If a mans eyes are full with jaundice: Crush the bunu
plant, let him drink it with beer, then he shall recover (u.ab sud ina
ka nag-ma ina-e).54
Only half of the Late Babylonian tablet BM 38583 from Babylon is pre-
served. The remaining recommendations share a striking feature: they all
give simple drugs, namely for the smnu disease, jaundice (amurriqnu)
and stones in the renal system. The combination of afflictions is quite
peculiar because all are associated with the healing goddess.
BAM VI 578 iii: 7, 23

This tablet forms the third chapter of the sub-series If a man is sick of
sulu expectoration (umma amlu sula maru).55 The recommendation
to use lin kalbi is preserved in two prescriptions.
di na su-u sig pa-nu-u sig i-at uzu tuku-a a-mur-ri-qa-nu mu.ni
suu ueme ur.gi sud ina ka nag
If a mans body is yellow, his face is yellow, and he suffers from a wasting
body: jaundice is its name.
Crush the root of dogs tongue, let him drink it with beer.
The entire section about jaundice with the symptoms of the yellow discol-
oration of the body and face and the reference to wasting flesh includes
recipes prescribing simple drugs. The formulation is quite concise, gener-
ally just referring to crushing and drinking.
The plant lin kalbi aka bunu appears again under the name shep-
herds crook in BAM VI 578 iii: 21: u nig.gidir sasud ina ka nag,
Crush the red shepherds crook plant, let him drink it with beer.
BAM VI 578 iv: 17, 19

The third attestation for jaundice comes from a set of prescriptions,
which also include the recommendation of a potion of the bunu plant
(BAM VI 578 iv: 17).56 Note that in the present case a different method of
preparation is recommended.
54See Chapter 5.1.1.4, second text example.

55See F. Kcher, BAM VI, p. xxxix no. 578. For a recent translation of some of the pre
scriptions of this chapter see B. Bck, Innere Krankheiten, pp. 7578.
56See Chapter 5.1.1.4, second text example.
150 chapter five
di na igi.min-u a-mur-ri-qa-nu diri

(di) suu ueme ur.gi tu-bal ta-sak ina ka tara-a-an nag-ma ina-e
If a mans eyes are full with jaundice:
Dry the root of dogs tongue, crush it, soak it in beer, let him drink it, then
he shall recover.
While the prescription for the bunu plant points to a potion to which
the plant is simply added, the present recipe suggests the ingestion of the
extract that is produced from the liquid in which the drug had to be kept.
The term to designate this process, ranu/rasnu to soak, to soften is
often used in the context of a maceration.57 The indicative expression for
this preparation method you let it stay overnight is missing here but it
is clear from the method of application, to drink, that a liquid had to be
taken.
BAM I 1 ii: 6061 // V. Scheil, Un document mdical assyrien, RA 13 (1916)

p. 37 rev. 3258
The use of lin kalbi for jaundice in medical prescriptions is confirmed
by two entries in manuscripts of the Lists of Simple Drugs. Babylonian
practitioners ascribed to quite a number of medicinal plants properties
to cure from jaundice for which see BAM I 1 ii: 5659.
u suu eme.ur.gi u min (= a-mur-ri-qa-ni/nu) [...]
ta-na-pal a.me-u [ur-at nag]
Drug: Root of dogs tonguedrug for ditto (= jaundice)...
you dig it out, [squeeze] its juice, [let the patient drink it].
In all likelihood we can restore the end of BAM I 1 ii: 60 (a) ina naska
dami l imur(u) it should not be exposed it to sunlight when you pull
it out which is the usual precaution taken for gathering the root of lin
kalbi. There is no room for this phrase in the text published by V. Scheil.
For the restoration of BAM I 1 ii: 61 and V. Scheil, RA 13 (1916) p. 37 rev.
32 see the therapeutic indication of the root of dogs tongue for ahhu
and sulu expectoration in the text STT I 92 ii: 14, another manuscript of
the Lists of Simple Drugs.59 It is interesting that the root could be used
both dried and fresh as the present prescription implies, in contrast to
57See B. Bck, On Medical Technology in Ancient Mesopotamia, p. 114.

58Substitute reverse for obverse and vice versa in V. Scheils copy.
59See for the text Chapter 5.1.2.1.3.
the aforementioned recipe, BAM VI 578 iv: 19, which first recommends
drying the plant part.
5.1.2.6Fever, Throbbing Temple, Blurred Vision, Shedding Tears

The lin kalbi plant appears in a recipe from the first chapter of the hand-
book umma amlu muau umma ukl If the top of a mans head is
hot. The preparation was rather elaborate.
BAM V 480 i: 13, ii: 23
i: 1 di na ugu-u kum u-kal sa zi sag.ki tuku-ma igi.min-u i-dak
i: 2 igi.min-u bir-ra-tam i-pi-tam i-i-tam mur-din-na gu-qa-na a-a-a
i: 3 u er ub.ub-a
ii: 2 numun [u]eme ur.gi sig-su tu-as-sa a-u ana dugbur.zi ur-at
en ad.du gar-an
ii: 3 u4-[m]a i-tab-lu ina i saar.urudu sud mar
If the top of a mans head is hot, he has throbbing temples and his eyes
are affected, his eyes are blurred60 with a film, a cloud, haziness, rose or
guqnu worm, and they are persistently shedding tears:
You grind seed of fresh dogs tongue, you extract its juice in a bowl, allow
to dry.61 As soon as it is dry, you crush verdigris in oil, apply it (to his
eyes).
J.C. Fincke in her study on eye diseases explains that the symptoms men-
tioned here form part of the syndrome of Arteritis temporalis,62 literally
inflammation of the temporal arteries. The disease begins with symp-
toms similar to a cold, namely a mild fever and a persistent headache.
The first-mentioned symptom of mild fever or a hot head is in all likeli-
hood the reason for the inclusion of the prescription in this part of the
handbook and not in the chapters dealing with afflictions of the eye-sight
proper. Other indications include inflammation and swelling of the arter-
ies, especially those of the temples; at a later stage blurred vision and tem-
porary blindness can occur.
The treatment consists of applying a salve to the eyes. As is evident, the
desired effect was to ease the haziness. The medicament can only have
afforded temporary relief.
60See for the discussion of the term J.C. Fincke, Augenleiden nach keilschriftlichen
Quellen. Untersuchungen zur altorientalischen Medizin, pp. 9698.
61Literally you place it until it dries.
62J.C. Fincke, Augenleiden nach keilschriftlichen Quellen. Untersuchungen zur altorien
talischen Medizin, p. 80 and 139 sub III.B.38.j).
152 chapter five
5.1.2.7Afflictions Located in the Belly

There are many prescriptions that refer to excessive wind in the belly,
stomach or in the small and large intestines.63 Trapped intestinal gas
causes abdominal pains and bloating which form one of the most com-
mon digestive problems of man. While the clinical condition nowadays
does not receive much attention, Ancient Babylonian practitioners took
wind as a severe problem and a symptom of further diseases which they
did not only combat with natural therapies but also with the recitation of
healing spells.
The present recommendation is included in the second chapter of the
sub-series If a man is sick of sulu expectoration (umma amlu sula
maru).64
BAM VI 575 iii: 2526 // BAM II 158 iv: 1417
di na im ina a-u U-sa-na-ur ana ti-u
suu ueme ur.gi a ina zi-ka dutu nu igi.bi
ad.a sud ina ka.sag nu pa-tan nag t[i]
If wind keeps moving around in a mans bellyto heal him:
You dry the root of dogs tongue which is not exposed to the sun when
you pull it out,
crush it, let him drink it on an empty stomach with best-quality beer, then
he shall recover.
See for the discussion of the indication that the root had to be protected
from direct sunlight the discussion under 5.1.3 below.
5.1.2.8Smnu Disease
So far one medical prescription refers to the use of lin kalbi in the treat-
ment of the smnu disease. The tablet in question was already quoted
for the use of dogs tongue for amurriqnu jaundice.65 The disease itself
is stated in BM 38583 obv. 3.
63See e.g. the recommendations in BAM VI 574 i: 2644, ii: 1527; BAM VI 575 ii: 1765,
iii: 2536; BAM VI 578 iii: 45; BAM VI 579 iv: 3342.
64See F. Kcher, BAM VI, p. xxviii no. 575. For a recent translation of some of the pre
scriptions of this chapter see B. Bck, Innere Krankheiten, pp. 7374.
65See 5.1.2.6, first text example.
BM 38583 obv. 7
di ki.min (= na sa-ma-nam gig) suu ueme ur.gi ina gu-u gar-[an]
If ditto (= a man suffers from the smnu disease): Apply root of dogs
tongue to his neck.66
No indications for the preparation of the medicinal drug are given nor
details whether it was to be applied as a poultice or with a bandage. Nei-
ther does the recipe include any indication of how long the medicament
had to be used. As is evident from the place of administration the patient
must have suffered from a cutaneous infection in the area of the neck.
However, another explanation based on the ideational level of the dis-
ease and the demon Samana appears to be equally possible. The reference
to the neck might allude to the spot where the demon imagined as the
blood-drinking dog of Nintinuga had bitten the patient. This aspect is
further discussed below under the use of lin kalbi for dog bites.67
5.1.2.9Pregnant Women
There are many remedies that promised relief from pains occurring dur-
ing childbirth.68 One of them recommends the use of dogs tongue as is
stated in a medical prescription, an entry in one manuscript of the Lists
of Simple Drugs, and in an entry in the uru.an.na : matakal handbook of
medicinal plants.
BAM III 248 iv: 13, 21
di munus u.tu-ma u-tap-iq
ueme ur.gi ki.min (= sud ina ka la pa-tan nag-ma ar-i u.tu)
If a woman is giving birth and she has labour pains:
Dogs tongue ditto (= crush it, let her drink it with beer on an empty stom-
ach, then she shall quickly deliver).
It is attractive to connect the purging or discharging effect of lin kalbi
when prescribed for the productive sulu cough or for stones in the renal
66The text is included in F. Kcher & B. Bck, The Assyrian-Babylonian Drug Lore
(forthcoming).
67See Chapter 5.1.2.10.
68See for some of the plants the discussion of M. Stol, Birth in Babylonia and the Bible:
Its Mediterranean Setting, pp. 5254. See also my contribution, Medicinal Plants and
Medicaments Used for Conception, Abortion, and Fertility Control in Ancient Babylonia,
JA 301 (2013) pp. 7196. See for a study of labour pains in medical incantations M. Stol,
ibidem pp. 129134.
154 chapter five
system with the present recommendation for facilitating birth. Perhaps

we can grasp here one of the ideas Babylonian practitioners had about the
mechanism of the drug action of dogs tongue, viz. to expel.
KADP 4 rev. 3637

The other attestation comes from one of the manuscripts of the uru.
an.na handbook.69
u ina ugu-u mu.dim.gurun.na ir!-tab-bi-[u] u nig.gi-d[ir]sipau-me-rum
u emex-x.ur.giu-me-rum mu.ni ana munussin-ni-tu nula u.tu sigda-me-iq
Plant on whose (leaves) lizards usually gather : shepherds crook,
dogs tongue is its name. It is good for women who cannot give birth.
BAM IV 381 iii: 2526
Dogs tongue appears twice in broken context in one manuscript of
the Lists of Simple Drugs. Apparently, Ancient Babylonian practitioners
considered both the entire plant and its root medicinal.
[u eme ur].gi u munus.la.[ra.a...]
[u suu eme ur].gi u ki.min (= munus.la.[ra.a]) [...]
Drug: dogs tonguedrug for a woman in labour...
Drug: root of dogs tonguedrug for ditto (= drug for a woman in
labour)...
Unfortunately, neither the method of preparation nor of administration
is completely preserved. The preceding lines mention drug(s) for keeping
semen (iv: 910), drug(s) for a woman who cannot get pregnant (iv: 11),
drug(s) for an infertile woman (iv: 1213), and drug(s) for a woman who
suffers from natu bleeding (iv: 14).70
5.1.2.10Animal Bites: Dog and Serpent

It may not come as a surprise that dogs tongue belonged to the sim-
ple drugs with which Ancient Babylonian practitioners treated wounds
caused by dog bites or dog and snake bites. Relevant information comes
from one manuscript of the Lists of Simple Drugs and the uru.an.na :
matakal handbook.
69See for a description of the text above, Chapter 5.2.

70See for a discussion of the whole section M. Stol, Birth in Babylonia and the Bible: Its
Mediterranean Setting, pp. 5254.
STT I 92 i: 3
u eme ur.gi u zu u[r.gi ina gu-u la-du]71
Drug: Dogs tonguedrug for dog biteto bandage his neck.
The section about dog bites in this manuscript of Lists of Simple Drugs
includes three more entries, mentioning illru or akir, the seed of
buinnu, and a mixture of bitumen and tallow.72 It is interesting that
illru/akir as well as the seed of buinnu had to be applied directly to the
injured area, which is expressed as ana pn(igi) niki(zu) amdu(la-
[du]) to bandage the area of the bite. The mixture of bitumen and tal-
low was smeared directly onto the wound, ana pn(igi) simmi(simx)
itakkunu(gar.gar)-ma [...], to frequently apply to the surface of the skin
wound.
In the light of these methods of application the recommendation for
lin kalbi to bandage the neck sounds odd. It is certainly possible that the
dog bite may have been located at the neck; however, another explana-
tion seems to be likewise plausible, especially when taking into account
the aforementioned case in which lin kalbi had to be applied to the neck
for treating the smnu disease.73 Both indications have in common that
they were attributed to a dog: while in the present entry the dog is real,
the causal relationship between the animal and the smnu skin disease
is based on an ideational level. As already discussed, the demon Samana
was visualized as fierce dog.74 In one of the oldest incantations directed
against the demon it is addressed in Sumerian as gu sur den.ki.ka, liter-
ally neck-twister / neck-strangler of god Enki.75 Blending this image from
the mythological realm into the medical recommendation I would suggest
71Restored with the help of unpublished duplicates for which see the edition of
F. Kcher & B. Bck, The Assyrian-Babylonian Drug Lore (forthcoming).
72STT I 92 i: 14 and unpublished duplicates.
73See above 5.1.2.8.
74See Chapter 2.3.
75The interpretation of J. Nougayrol to understand the bird name gu.urmuen, torcol
dEnki should be discarded; see Conjuration ancienne contre Samana, p. 214 and for his
commentary to the line pp. 218219. A translation which fits better the context of a dog
was suggested by I.L. Finkel who translates neck-slicer of Enki, A Study in Scarlet: Incan
tations against Samana, p. 74; unfortunately, I.L. Finkel does not include a commentary
to his translation. Note that the similar Samana incantation HS 1555+1587 writes ur gu.
su den.ki.ka. which M.J. Geller translates shaggy dog of Enki; see J.J.A. van Dijk & M.J.
Geller, Ur III Incantations From the Frau Professor Hilprecht-Collection, Jena, Wiesbaden
2003, p. 27 and p. 28 (commentary). With respect to the latter incantation, I would suggest
correcting the reading su and read instead sur.
156 chapter five
that the neck was treated because it was the spot where the savage mythi-
cal hound had strangled his victim. Nonetheless, not all prescriptions rec-
ommend the treatment of the neck as the next attestion shows.
STT I 92 i: 11
u eme ur.gi u zu mu [u ur.gi lu u-ku-lu u nag-u]76
Drug: Dogs tonguedrug for snake and dog biteto let the man eat
and drink it.
KADP 4 obv. 16
The compilers of the encyclopaedic handbook uru.an.na : matakal
understood dogs tongue as the principal medicinal plant to treat snake
bites. The section on the lin kalbi plant that is included in the first chap-
ter opens with the following equation:
351 u mu u eme [ur.gi]
Snake drug : the medicinal plant dogs tongue.77
STT I 94 obv. 19
This attestation is for shepherds crook which is one of the many
names of the bunu aka lin kalbi plant. The name is clearly motivated
by the specific growth and appearance of the plant which looked in the
eyes of Ancient Mesopotamians like the long staff of a shepherd. There are
no explanations that would associate this name with the healing goddess.
The plant is mentioned in a remarkable text which gives correspondences
between names for snakes and various medicinal plants.
[suu] u gidir.lusipa [u] mu.igi.ii.gun
[Root] of shepherds crook[drug] for the snake multicoloured eye.78
76See for the edition of the text and the duplicates to restore the text F. Kcher &
B. Bck, The Assyrian-Babylonian Drug Lore (forthcoming).
77See for the edition of the text F. Kcher & B. Bck, ibidem. For duplicates see
ibidem.
78For barma in or mu.igi.gun see R. Pientka-Hinz list of serpent names, Schlange.
A., in: M.P. Streck (ed.), Reallexikon der Assyriologie und Vorderasiatischen Altertumskunde
12 3/4, Berlin New York 2009, p. 205. Note, however, that she did not take into consid
eration the present text.
5.1.3Remarks on the Bunu aka Lin Kalbi Plant

The name bunu is derived from the root bau to stink, smell badly
emphasizing one of the salient features of the plant, namely its odour. The
term is homonymous with the disease name bunu, which suggests that
a characteristic smell was also indicative for the disease and that the plant
bunu was considered its principal healing plant. The alternative name
lin kalbi was possibly motivated by the esoteric name of the bunu
plant, Gulas dog. The name itself is a rather common term in other lan-
guages, referring to Cynoglossum officinale: Latin Cynoglossum, English
hounds tongue, German hundszunge, French langue de chien, or Turk-
ish kpek dili. Its motivation is beyond doubt, as already Pliny the Elder
explains, cynoglossus caninam linguam imitata, the plant imitatesin
shape and softnessthe tongue of a dog.79 The leaves of the plant were
big enough so that lizards could bask on them in the sun. The German
Botanist and Physician Hieronymus Bock (*1498, 1554) mentions in his
New Kreutterbuch von underscheydt, wrckung und namen der kreutter so
in Teutschen landen wachsen80 another name for hundszunge which he
explains as a simple derivation, namely German hundskraut and hunds-
wurtzel. He argues that these alternative names indicate that the leaves
and flowers of hundszunge smelled as unpleasant as a dog, adding the
motivation of odour to the characteristics of shape and touch.81 In one of
the entries of the plant description text ammu ikinu the leaves of lin
kalbi are mentioned. They are said to be wide open and red.82 The red
colour of the plant was apparently so characteristic that the uru.an.na :
matakal handbook gives for the alternative designation shepherds crook
(gidir.sipa) also the name red plant, which refers in all likelihood to the
colour of its flowers.83 The name gidir.sipa (ai r) points to another
feature, namely the size and shape of the plant. As the discussion of the
79Quoted after the edition of W.H.S. Jones, Pliny. Natural History VII, Books XXIVXVII,
London 1966, pp. 194195, book 25, section 81.
80Straburg 1551, p. 88.
81Di gewch mit stengel, kraut und blumen stincken und grunzen [bel riechen]
wie die hund stincken, daher es wol des geruchs halben Hundskraut oder Hundswurtzel
heien mag, H. Bock, ibidem, p. 88.
82See CTN IV 196 iii: 9// BAM IV 379 ii: 13: ne-pal-ka-a u sa5. The text and a new
cuneiform autograph of CTN IV 196 are included in F. Kcher & B. Bck, The Assyrian-
Babylonian Drug Lore (forthcoming).
83See e.g. the uru.an.na : matakal manuscript KADP 1 i: 18; see in addition the medi
cal prescription BAM VI 578 iii: 21 in which shepherds crook is specified as red.
158 chapter five
relevant references to its use shows, seed and especially the root were
believed to have medicinal properties. Some prescriptions stress the pre-
caution that had to be taken when pulling out the root stating it does
not have to see the sun.84 According to the interpretation E. Reiner put
forward the expression alludes to the nighttime which was considered a
propitious moment for picking up.85 When the powers of the night were
sought we find, however, rather a reference to the role of stars.86 Because
of statements concerning the importance of freshly harvested plants in
medical prescriptions I believe it is reasonable to assume that Ancient
Babylonian practitioner knew by experience how to use best raw medici-
nal plant material.87 I would therefore suggest that the root was not to
be exposed to direct sunlight because its properties were thought to
diminish.88
The description as a plant with unpleasant smell, the red colour (of the
flowers?), the coarse tongue-shaped leaves and the name dogs tongue,
which is used to designate the plant Cynoglossum officinale in languages
belonging to different family branches such as Latin and Turkish suggest
that the same plant is meant with Akkadian bunu aka lin kalbi.89
5.2The auntu Plant
While both bunu and the lin kalbi plant are associated with Gula by
means of metonymy through the name Gulas dog, the auntu plant is
directly connected with the healing goddess. The second chapter of the
uru.an.na handbook about medicinal plant terms equates the drug of
Gula with the auntu plant:
84Note that the same precaution had to be taken when picking the root of the pill
plant (u.nam.tar), baltu thorny plant (gi.di), white baltu (gi.di), and agu thorny
plant (gi.kii); see for references E. Reiner, Astral Magic in Babylonia, pp. 3637 with
notes 149150.
85See ibidem, pp. 3637.
86See ibidem, pp. 1518, 48.
87See for the indication of freshness the attestations in AHw 1471b s.v. (w)arqtu.
88Compare the modern WHO Guidelines on Good Agricultural and Collection Practices
(GACP) for Medicinal Plants p. 17, which mentions that prior to processing, the medicinal
plant materials should be protected from rain, moisture and any other conditions that
might cause deterioration. Medicinal plant materials should be exposed to direct sunlight
only where there is a specific need for this mode of drying.
89See for the identification R. Campbell Thompson, A Dictionary of Assyrian Botany,
London 1949, p. 26. For a full discussion of bunu aka lin kalbi see my Therapeutic
Properties and Uses of Cynoglossum officinale and Related Species in the Ancient Babylo
nian Medical Tradition (in preparation).
42a u dgu-la u a-u-un-tu90

So far five different indications for the plant are attested, namely smnu
disease, an affliction called bibirru, imi ti fever, a disease, and to
scare away wild animals from the house.
The term auntu has many variants: it appears to be a short version of
the terms auimtu, auitu, and auutu; different spellings are aumtu,
atu, auttu, uuntu, uimtu, and uittu.91 R. Campbell Thompson in
his A Dictionary of Assyrian Botany suggested that the name derived from
the verb (w)a(m) to leave, to depart, to go out and referred to what
goes forth, i.e. excreta, and proposed the identification with manna.92
Manna is a sweet substance, which some trees exudate after incision by
a scaly insect into the bark of the tree during dry and warm weather. The
insects feed on various trees such as tamarisk, ash, larch, olive, and camel
thorn.93 The exudation is used as sweet and sweetener throughout the
Middle East;94 it serves in traditional medicine as gentle laxative, espe-
cially when a soft stool is required in the case of haemorrhoids.95 How-
ever, because of references to the use of the leaf of auntu in cuneiform
medical recipes as well as indications that it is to be used in its fresh,
green state the identification with manna should be discarded.96
5.2.1Smnu Disease
Information about the auntu plant comes from the uru.an.na : matakal
handbook, which considered the drug as one of the principal simples
for the affliction, and a number of manuscripts of Lists of Simple Drugs.
The plant was mixed with oil with which the affected area had to be
anointed.
90The present line numbering follows the edition of the text in F. Kcher & B. Bck,
91See for some of these spellings CAD s.v. aumtu p. 116, and AHw s.v. am/untu p.
1087a.
92London 1949, p. 278.
93See the discussion of C.C. Townsend in: C.C. Townsend & E. Guest, Flora of Iraq III,
Baghdad 1974, pp. 496499.
94See B. Grami, Gaz of Khunsar: The Manna of Persia, Economic Botany 52 (1998)
183191.
95H.N. Moldenke & A.L. Moldenke, Plants of the Bible, Waltham 1952, pp. 125128; B.-E.
van Wyk & M. Wink, Medicinal Plants of the World, Portland 2005, p. 147.
96See for the plant in its green state AMT 88,2 obv. 7: ua-u-un-tu sig-su; the leaf of
auntu is used in BAM III 228 obv. 7: pa gia-u-un-tu.
160 chapter five
uru.an.na Chapter II
42 u [a-mi] sa-ma-ni u a-u-un-tu
Drug for smnu : the plant auntu.97
KADP 1 v: 15 // BAM I 1 ii: 19 // CT XIV pl. 41 Rm. 362 l. 6
Information about the use of auntu as a single ingredient for the
treatment of the smnu disease was included in three manuscripts of
Lists of Simple Drugs.
[u a-u-um]-tu u s[a-ma-ni] za-ku ina i.gi e[]
Drug: auntudrug for smnuto crush, to anoint with fine oil.
u a-u-um-tu u nim.nim u.bi.a.am (= sud ina i.gi e)
Drug: auntudrug for smnuditto (= to crush, to anoint with fine
oil).
[u a-u-un-t]u u sa-ma-ni zi-[(i)] pa-u ina i.gi u [...]
[Drug: aun]tudrug to tear out smnuto squeeze, to...with fine oil
and...
5.2.2Bibir(r)u Disease
The so-called bibirru disease is only attested once in a medical context,
namely in the second chapter of uru.an.na : matakal.98
286 u a-u-un-tu u a-mu bi-bir-ru
Drug auntu : drug: medicinal plant for bibir(r)u.99
98Note that the reference to the term in the medical prescription BAM IV 393 rev. 19
in CAD B 219b and AHw 124b should be deleted as stated by W. von Soden in his Berich
tigungen und Nachtrge in AHw III 1548a s.v. bibirru. Note that the reading R. Campbell
Thompson, A Dictionary of Assyrian Botany, p. 275, provides, a-mu bir-bir-ru, is to be
corrected.
5.2.3Afflictions Located in the Belly

Burning fever (imi ti, ta ami) was also an indication for which
the bunu plant was employed.100 As for auntu, precious informa-
tion comes again from the Lists of Simple Drugs and from a medical pre-
scription. Similarly to the treatment of the smnu disease the plant was
mixed with oil and then applied to the affected area. According to one
entry in a manuscript of the Lists of Simple Drugs a combined cure was
recommended which consisted not only in applying enriched oil but
also in taking a potion with auntu. As is evident from one of the refer-
ences, burning fever was understood as a symptom of severe digestive
problems.
BAM I 1 i: 49 // BAM V 422 iii: 2

The entry on auntu can be found in two manuscripts of the Lists of
Simple Drugs.
u a-u-um-tu u tab u.da ina ka sag nag ina i.gi e.me
Drug: aumtudrug for burning feverto let drink it with best-quality
beer, to anoint repeatedly with fine oil.
u a-u-tu u a-mi min (= tab u.da)
Drug: auntudrug: medicinal plant for ditto (= burning fever).
BAM II 146 obv. 15, 18
Again, we can observe that the same information about the use and
indication of medicinal plants has entered both the Lists of Simple Drugs
and medical prescriptions which points to the close relation of these two
medical text genres.
di na [e-ta a]-mi-i
ua-[u]-tam sud ana a i.gi ub e-su-ma ti
If a man is burning of fever: crush auntu, add it to fine oil, anoint him with
(the ointment), then he shall recover.
The prescription is included in a collection of nineteen prescriptions treat-
ing fever as one of the symptoms of severe digestive disorders. Still pre-
served on the obverse of the tablet BAM II 146 are three recipes for imi
ti (obv. 813), one explicitly for imi ti of the belly (obv. 14), and six
for ta ami (obv. 1524). On the reverse follow detailed descriptions

162 chapter five
of other accompanying symptoms such as hairs standing on end, vertigo,

cough and diarrhoea.101 In addition, the text includes a prescription for
wind in the belly.102
5.2.4A Disease
As a plant of Gula, auntu was also employed for the a disease, which
is one of the afflictions that are attributed to the healing goddess.103 So far
no medical prescriptions have been preserved but precious information
is included in two manuscripts of the Lists of Simple Drugs providing the
same information.
BAM I 1 ii: 3 and BAM V 426 ii: 34
u a-u-um-tu u a-i-i [u.bi.a.am]
Drug: aumtudrug for the a diseaseditto.
u a-u-un-tu u a-[i-i...]
Drug: auntudrug for the a disease...
5.2.5Wild Animals
The use of auntu to scare off wild animals is striking. There are several
plants, as reported by A. Al-Rawi and H.L. Chakravarty that were used
traditionally in Iraq as insect repellent such as Achillea santolina (yarrow)
or Chrysanthemum cinerariaefolium (Pyrethrum), but none of the plants
in their study is reported to have been used against wild animals.104
KADP 1 v: 15, 16, 17 and BAM IV 379 iv: 2021

[u a-u-um-t]u u nig.ki.a ina e na nu gal za-ku ana [a ub]
e na su-lu-u
101Rev. 311 with the symptoms sig sag.du-u gub.gub-az the hair of his head per
sistently stands on end, igi.me-[u nigin.me-du] (restored with the help of BAM II 145
obv. 2) he has persistently vertigo, [su-a-la]m tuku.tuku-i (restored with the help of
BAM II 145 obv. 6), he suffers persistently from sulu expectoration, ri-d[u-ut ir-r]i gig
(restored with the help of BAM II 145 obv. 10) he is sick with sequence of intestines.
102Rev. 30 [di na] im i-bi-su-ma [if a man:] wind has stricken him.
103See Chapter 3.4.2 and the discussion in Chapter 2.3 on the relationship between the
demon Samana and a.
104See their Medicinal Plants of Iraq, Ministry of Agriculture and Irrigation, State Board
for Agricultural and Water Resources Research, National Herbarium of Iraq, Baghdad 1964.
For Achillea santolina see p. 8, for Chrysanthemum cinerariaefolium Vis. see p. 25.
[Drug: aumt]udrug to prevent herds of wild animals appearing in a

mans houseto squeeze, [to add to water], to sprinkle the mans house.
[u.nim.nim] ua-u-un-ti mu.ni <u> nam-ma-ti ina e lu nu tuku-u.
me ina a.me ub-di e sud
[Drug for smnu disease]: auntu is its namedrug to prevent herds
of wild animals entering a mans houseto add to water, to sprinkle the
mans house.
Again, two explanations are possible, one referring to the smell of the
plant, which was so unpleasant that it repelled the animals and another
one, related to the ideational level. The use of Gulas plant auntu could
have been motivated by the association with her dog; accordingly, the
plant would turn into an actual animal which as guard dog or sheep dog
would keep (wild) animals away.105
105See also the discussion in Chapter 6.1.

chapter six
The Cultural Setting of Ancient Babylonian Medicine
6.1.The Healing Goddess in the Medical Literature:

A Recapitulation
Ancient Mesopotamian culture had its proper system of beliefs to explain

what caused illness, how it could be cured and who should be involved
in the process of treatment. In the present study I have presented one
of the underlying cultural beliefs, namely the one which was related to
the healing goddess. Gula (or Ninisina) was associated with a number of
afflictions; also parts of the human body were attributed to her. She was
believed to be responsible for skin sores (simx, simmu) which she treated
with one of her surgical instruments.1 The scalpel was so characteristic
that it turnedtogether with her animal, the doginto one of the dis-
tinctive attributes with which the goddess could be easily distinguished
in iconography.2 I have reflected on the connotation of Sumerian sa as
general term for the cord-like system of the body and on lexical affini-
ties between terms for skin diseases and afflictions of the musculoskeletal
system.3 It is possible, but difficult to confirm, that these affinities are the
raison dtre for the association of diseases of the musculoskeletal system
with the healing goddess. The religious conceptualization of the goddess
as midwife gave rise to the correspondence between her and the belly as
place of the unborn baby.4 I have suggested that especially afflictions of
the gastrointestinal tract, namely those caused by the dysfunction of the
biliary system, were associated with the goddess.5
Beliefs are the foundation for healing practices. My initial question
was whether the medical literature proper would echo the conception of
the healing goddess as she is described in religious texts. For carrying out
this research I have divided the body of medical writing into three parts:
diagnostic and prognostic texts which were compiled into the handbook
1See Chapter 2.2.2.

2See Chapter 2.2.1.
3See Chapter 2.2.3.
4See Chapter 2.2.4.
5See Chapter 4.5.
166 chapter six
Sakikk, incantations embedded in medical prescriptions or referring to a

medical context, and medical prescriptions recommending healing plants
that allude to the healing goddess. These three parts correspond to the
two principal category groups of first millennium cuneiform medical liter-
ature: following the distinction of A.L. Oppenheim, the handbook Sakikk
would belong to the scientific school since it formed part of the lore the
ipu, as the scholar, exorcist and conjurer, had to master.6 Indeed, the
handbook is the result of a large-scale development rooted in observed
facts as well as abstraction to associate symptoms with supernatural
agents under whose authority the diseases were believed to fall or to give
an estimate of the chances of survival.7 The other group is formed by texts
that relate to the actual practice of medicine that consisted in both the
administration of medicaments and the recitation of incantations. In this
regard, the study has set out to examine in which way the belief in or the
idea of Gula was manifest in medical theory8 and healing practices.
The esoteric plant name referring to the healing goddess, Ninigizibaras

dog, a byname of the bunu plant, was the starting point for this study
and provided the basis for connecting Gula with a healing plant. As I have
discussed in Chapter Five, two plants were associated with the tutelary
deity of medicine: bunu, aka dogs tongue, lin kalbi, and auntu.9
The name bunu itself is homonymous with the bunu disease; the
term is derived from the root bau, to smell badly, to stink. The moti-
vation for the name is not only based on the physical perception of smell
but can also be sought in the phenomenon of homonymy with a disease:
the plant is named after the bunu disease because it was considered
the principal medicinal plant to treat the disease. The term lin kalbi is
an alternative name for bunu; in fact, it was understood as its secret
or coded name in the uru.an.na encyclopaedia on medicinal plants.10
I have discussed that the motivation for the name lin kalbi is in all likeli-
hood twofold: it might refer to a characteristic formation or consistence
of the leaves and it could also refer to the smell.11 Taking into account
the byname Gulas dog of the bunu plant, the name lin kalbi dogs
tongue acquires a religious character because it alludes to the animal of
6Ancient Mesopotamia. Portrait of a Dead Civilization, Chicago 1974, p. 296.

7See Chapter 3, introductory part.
8See for the use of the term theory below, Chapter 6.2, pp. 194195.
9See Chapters 5.1 and 5.2.
the cultural setting of ancient babylonian medicine 167
the healing goddess. Theplant bunu had still two more names, gidir.
sipa (ai r), shepherds crook, and azall; both names are devoid of
any religious connotations. The indication that the plant auntu belonged
to the realm of Gula was provided by an entry in the second chapter of
uru.an.na, which offered the byname Gulas plant.12 Would it not be for
the bynames, Gulas/Ninigizibaras dog and Gulas plant, we would be
unable to attribute bunu aka lin kalbi (dogs tongue) and auntu to
the healing goddess.
The corpus of medical prescriptions, the Lists of Simple Drugs and the
handbook uru.an.na provide a variety of therapeutic indications for the
bunu plant. It was used to treat the syndrome of fever (kum, ummu),
blurred vision and blood in the eyes, for bunu disease, gau cough,
pains in the belly, diseases affecting the liver, amurriqnu jaundice, fever
(ta ami), giving birth, and a disease.13 Last, the plant was considered
a panacea that was good for any disease; this characterization is in accord
with the epithets of the healing goddess as great physician, capable to
cure any disease. The name lin kalbi appears in the treatment of the
syndrome of fever (kum, ummu), throbbing temple, blurred vision and
tears, of sulu and gau cough, wind in the intestines, amurriqnu jaun-
dice, labour pains, problems of potency, a disease, stones obstructing
the urinary tract, smnu disease, and bites of dogs and serpents.14 There
is no entire agreement of indications between the therapeutic indications
of bunu and lin kalbi, which might be due to issues of transmission
and tradition. The corpus of medical prescriptions and the Lists of Sim-
ple Drugs are not completely preserved which would account for missing
therapeutic indications. On the other hand, the use of different names
of the same plant could be interpreted as reflecting the different medi-
cal condition to be treated. For example, dog bites were cured with lin
kalbi.15 To the best of my knowledge, no prescriptions or other references
are preserved that would mention the name bunu in the context of dog
bites. A possible reason for the preference of the name lin kalbi over
bunu could be the well-known magical similia principle: because of
the belief in the magical power of names dogs tongue was better suited
for treating dog bites. Similarly, the smna skin disease, which is associ-
ated with the demon Samana whom Babylonians visualized as a vicious
12See Chapter 5.2.

168 chapter six
hound, was cured with dogs tongue.16 It seems as if Ancient Babylonian

practitioners believed that in these cases the plant bunu would be more
efficacious when using its byname dogs tongue (lin kalbi). The thera
peutic indications given for the plant names gidir.sipa (ai r) and
azall, namely problems of potency, fit well into the general picture of
the different uses of the plant.17 Gidir.sipa (atti r) was in addition used
to treat makadu, a disease of the musculoskeletal system.18
The spectrum of uses of the auntu plant is more restricted: it was
prescribed in case of fever (imi ti and ta ami), a disease, smnu
disease, and bibirru disease, and was believed to repel wild animals.19
Again, it is possible to understand why the plant was recommended for
the smnu disease and used to scare away animals if we take into consid-
eration the ideational level to which its byname alludes: as Gulas plant
auntu might play upon the image of Gulas dog barking at or chasing
away possible predators.20 A similar explanation can be given for the rec-
ommendation of the bunu plant for the bunu disease when consider-
ing its name Gulas dog. We know from healing spells that the suffering
the bunu disease caused was associated with the attacks of lions and
wolves.21 The recommendation of the bunu plant could be interpreted
symbolically as Gulas dog warding off the attack of wild animals. Accord-
ing to this interpretation the plant of the healing goddess turns into a
watchdog or guard dog. Although speculative, this duality may provide
the ultimate rason detre for the association of Gula with a dog: the idea of
protection. This explanation would fit well into the picture we gain, even
if partial, from the position and use of dogs in Ancient Mesopotamian
society:22 be it as guard dog to protect the high military from the attack
of enemies,23 or as apotropaic being whose effigy was buried in thresholds
and corners of temples and palaces to ward off the attack of supernatural
evil powers.24

18See BAM I 1 i: 37; restored with the help of duplicates for which see F. Kcher &
B.Bck, The Assyrian-Babylonian Drug Lore.
19See Chapter 5.2.
21See Chapter 4.5.
22See for an overview W. Heimpel, Hund, pp. 494496.
23See the discussion of Ch. Tsouparopoulou, The K-9 Corps of the Third Dynasty of
Ur: The Dog Handlers at Drehem and the Army, ZA 102 (2012) pp. 1011.
24See Ch. E. Watanabe, Animal Symbolism in Mesopotamia, Wien 2002 (= WOO 1),
p.120.
Due to the information provided by the uru.an.na handbook and the

Lists of Simple Drugs on the alternative names of the plants bunu and
auntu, I have been able to correlate diseases and symptoms in medical
prescriptions with the healing goddess. Since my aim was to determine
the prevalence of the concept of Gula in medical literature I analysed the
references to the goddess in the handbook of diagnostics and prognos-
tics, Sakikk, which was the product of the scientific school of medicine.
In Chapter Three I have discussed symptoms and syndromes that were
attributed to the hand of Gula. Because of the shift of Gulas divine con-
sort, Ninurta, towards the realm of healing, I have included the hand of
Ninurta in the study.25 Gulas hand in adult man was associated with
fever (kum, ummu), unusual discharge of blood from mouth, nose and
ear, pains in the belly so that the patient cries Ouch!, pains in the flanks,
the a diseases and a number of skin afflictions, namely smnu, adnu,
tu, and arriu.26 A noticeable number of symptoms of infant diseases
were also attributed to Gulas hand among which constipation, diarrhoea,
bunu disease and the yellow discolouration of the infants body stand
out. As a matter of fact, the references in the infant chapter of Sakikk to
Gula are so predominant that the goddess becomes the main protagonist
of infants diseases.27 Ninurtas hand was connected with fever (kum,
ummu), blood coming from the nose, jaundice caused by the Azu
catcher-demon, fever (tu), obstruction of the urinary tract, and the skin
disease adnu. In addition, the god was associated with the liver.28 The
rationale of some of the attributions of afflictions to both deities could
be traced back to ideas that are evident in Sumerian religious and liter-
ary compositions, like pains in the belly, jaundice as dysfunction of the
bile, afflictions of the skin (especially smnu and adnu), and infants
diseases.29 To the best of my knowledge, no reference is made to the hand
of Gula in medical prescriptions. There is, however, one attestation in a
ritual, which was to be performed in order to ward off the attacks of the
female demon Lamatu. According to the ritual instructions a figurine of
the so-called robber had to be made; this robber was released either by
the hand of Gula, the hand of Lamatu, the hand of the adversary or
25See Chapter 3.6.

26See Chapters 3.13.4.
27See Chapter 3.5.
29See for pains in the belly Chapter 2.2.3, for jaundice Chapter 4.5, for smnu Chap
ter2.3, and for adnu Chapter 3.4.5.
170 chapter six
the hand of curse. The robber is said to be the one who time and again
carries off the offspring of NN, daughter of NN, (and) feeds it, who year
after year makes cry the midwife and moan the wet nurse.30
Perhaps more revealing is the correlation between the symptoms and
diseases attributed to Gulas and Ninurtas hand and those that were
treated with the healing plants of Gula. The bunu plant was prescribed
for the bunu disease, pains in the belly, liver diseases, jaundice, fever
(ta ami), and the a disease.31 Under the name of lin kalbi the
plant was used to treat wind in the intestines, which led to constipa-
tion and severe pains in the belly, and to cure jaundice, a disease,
stones obstructing the urinary tract, and the skin affliction smnu.32 The
auntu plant was thought to be efficacious for fever (imi ti and ta
ami), a disease and smnu disease.33 Only for few symptoms and
diseases, namely blood coming from mouth, nose and ear, pains in the
flanks, and for the skin afflictions adnu, tu and arriu, corresponding
prescriptions referring to Gulas plants are missing. The majority of cases
that were attributed to the hand of Gula and Ninurta were treated with
the healing goddess plants.
The question that inevitably begs to be asked is whether the healing
plants were used out of religious motivations or because of their medici-
nal properties. Before answering this question I would like to raise some
general considerations. The knowledge of the use of healing plants goes
back to the dawn of mankind. One of the earliest evidence for the close
relationship of man and plants in the Near East comes from Middle Pal-
aeolithic Shanidar IV, a cave located in the valley of the Great Zab in the
Bradsot Mountain of the Zagros.34 The Neanderthal flower burial found
in the cave, dating back to 60,000 BC, provided striking pollen clusters
which have been identified with medicinal plants. It has been postulated
that the plants were not left at random, indicating that Neanderthal peo-
ple were aware of at least some of their specific medicinal properties.35
30The text is SpTU III 84; see for the ritual rev. 7997.
33See Chapter 5.2.
34See R.S. Solecki, Shanidar Cave: A Paleolithic Site in Northern Iraq, Annual Report
of the Smithsonian Institution 1954, pp. 389425.
35See for a discussion of the medicinal properties of the plants taking into account the
epistemological problem whether the plants had been chosen intentionally or incidentally
J. Lietava, Medicinal Plants in a Middle Paleolithic Grave Shanidar IV?, Journal for Eth
nopharmacology 35 (1992) pp. 263266 with further bibliographic references.
Initially, knowledge about the usefulness of plants, acquired by trial and

error, travelled by word-of-mouth from one generation to the next. In this
way, a large body of traditional knowledge was created, tied to the local
flora. The number and size of cuneiform pharmaceutical handbooks in
Ancient Mesopotamia provides the best evidence for the importance of
plants in the treatment of human ailments. The experience with plants
was sandwiched with magical and religious observances. However, con-
cerning the motivation for the recommendation of bunu aka lin kalbi
and auntu, I would suggest that they were believed to be efficacious
because of their medicinal properties, and that the religious concept
modelled on the healing goddess was grafted upon themprobably to
ensure and enhance their efficacy. This interpretation is supported by the
fact that the designations Gulas plant and Gulas dog for auntu and
bunu respectively are not used alone but appear always in apposition to
the principal name. This evidence suggests that the connection with the
religious sphere was a secondary development.
Before dealing with the reflection of the beliefs about the healing god-
dess in medical incantations I would like to add an observation on the
expression hand of the deity NN in the handbook of prognostics and
diagnostics, Sakikk. Several interpretations have been put forward as to
its meaning. J.V. Kinnier Wilson suggested that the hands expressed the
idea of both disease and punishment.36 K. van der Toorn presumed that
the expression was meant to localize the source of the signs rather than
to give a definite answer concerning the nature and cause of the disease.37
H.Avalos argued that the hand of god constructions might describe
illness in particular that was somehow of special interest to the god.38
J.A. Scurlock and B.R. Andersen interpret the hands as causal agents of
diseases.39 Studying three particular designations for diseases, N.P. Heeel
concludes that it is likely that the expressions hand of the god, the god-
dess and the ghost sometimes denote a disease and sometimes the divine
sender of the disease.40 As for the function of this construction, R.D.
Biggs, H. Avalos, and N.P. Heeel proposed that the name of the divine
power behind the disease enabled the practitioner to address appropriate
36See his Medicine in the Land and Times of the Old Testament, in: T. Ishida (ed.),
Studies in the Period of David and Solomon, Winona Lake 1982, p. 349.
37See his Sin and Sanction in Israel and Mesopotamia, p. 199 note 304.
38Illness and Health Care in the Ancient Near East, p. 134.
39Diagnoses in Assyrian and Babylonian Medicine, passim (see e.g. p. 430).
40The Hands of the Gods, in: I.L. Finkel & M.J. Geller (eds.), Disease in Babylonia
(= CM 36), Leiden Boston 2007, p. 125.
172 chapter six
prayers to the god in question.41 With regard to Gulas and Ninurtas hand
another interpretation is possible: in these cases the expression was pos-
sibly meant not only to identify the deity under whose authority diseases
or symptoms fell, but also to associate the hand with the appropriate
healing plants for curing. Since there seems to be no similar correlations
between deities and healing plants, I am reluctant to extrapolate from the
evidence discussed for Gulas hand that the Sakikk handbook served to
name both the supernatural controller of diseases and their proper healing
cure. Yet, I believe the analogy between diseases under Gulas authority
and her avatar plants is significant for our understanding of the formation
of Sakikk and its structural elements in that also cultural beliefs of the
healing goddess were incorporated into the handbook.
I have traced back the concept of the healing goddess as it emerges in

Sumerian religious texts, in the handbook Sakikk and, focusing on the
healing plants, in medical prescriptions. Some of the associations of dis-
eases with Gula are resumed in medical incantations as well. I have sug-
gested that the reason for Gulas appearance as active physician, who
prepares the medication for inna tri diarrhoea in the incantation en
batqat nru, The river has burst (its banks),42 goes back to the association
of the functioning of the biliary system with her.43 The idea to connect
her with diarrhoea is also present in one of the incantations from Ugarit
that is not directly addressing her.44 This link between the healing god-
dess and afflictions of the digestive system, namely the intestines, is best
expressed by her epithet the one who is able to heal bound intestines.45
Likewise the incantations which mention her in context with simmu
skin sores46 clearly echo her image as goddess who knows well what
causes skin sores47 and who is equipped with scalpel and swab for their
treatment. References to her in medical incantations recited in case of
41See R.D. Biggs, Medizin. A. Mesopotamien, in: D.O. Edzard (ed.), Reallexikon der
Assyriologie und Vorderasiatischen Archologie 7 7/8, Berlin New York 1990, p. 624b;
H.Avalos, Illness and Health Care in the Ancient Near East, pp. 135136; and N.P. Heeel,
ibidem, p. 127.
43See Chapter 4.5.
45See for the incantation Chapter 4.2.2.
46See Chapter 4.3.
47As stated in the votive inscription A Dog for Nintinuga l. 6 for which see A. Fadhil,
Sumerian Letters: Two Collections from the Old Babylonian Schools, pp. 144148, l. 6, 8.
d isorders of the urinary tract48 correspond with one of the uses of the
lin kalbi plant and one of the entries in the Sakikk handbook accord-
ing to which urinary tract obstruction was attributed to the hand of
her divine consort, Ninurta.49 The healing goddess appears furthermore
in context of the makadu disease, an affliction of the musculoskeletal
system that belonged to her domain.50 Note here that the plant bunu,
under the name gidir.sipa (ai r), shepherds crook, was prescribed to
treat precisely makadu and inflamed feet.51 The corpus of incantations
against the Samana demon52 is in line with the attribution of the smnu
disease to the hand of Gula as well as with the use of lin kalbi and
auntu to treat it.53 Since the demon is also related to the a disease
a further correspondence can be established, namely with bunu, lin
kalbi and auntu.54 The idea of the demon as a threat to young moth-
ers and their babies agrees, in turn, with the image of the healing god-
dess as midwife and mother.55 In some incantations Gula appears with
puppies or (dog) bites are mentioned, which reflects her connection
with the animal.56 This corresponds well with the uses of lin kalbi to
treat dog bites, auntu to repel wild animals, or bunu to heal from the
bunu disease when compared to the attack of lions and wolves.57 On
the other hand, puppies were given to the child-snatching female demon
Lamatu who would breastfeed them with her poisonous milk.58 Taking
into account the characterization of the healing goddess as mother and
midwife, we could interpret the scene as a way to save little babies from
her attack. Accordingly, the dogs would again serve as protection. That
the association between healing goddess and dogs did not remain on the
ideational level is clearly shown by the fact that dog skeletons were found
48See Chapters 4.1.3 and 4.1.4.

49See for the use of lin kalbi Chapter 5.1.2.2, for Ninurtas hand Chapter 3.6.
51See BAM I 1 i: 37 with duplicates. I have not discussed the attestation since the plant
name is not associated with the healing goddess.
52See Chapter 2.3.
53See for Gulas hand and smnu Chapter 3.4.1, for the therapeutic indication of lin
kalbi see Chapter 5.1.2.8, and for that of auntu see Chapter 5.2.1.
54See Chapters 5.1.1.6, 5.1.2.4 and 5.2.4.
55See Chapters 2.2.4 and 2.3.
56See Chapters 4.1.6 and 4.1.7.
57See for lin kalbi Chapter 5.1.2.10, for auntu Chapter 5.2.3, and for bunu Chap
ters 4.5 and 5.1.1.2.
58See Chapter 2.3.
174
bunu lin kalbi ai r azall auntu Gulas hand Ninurtas hand Incantations,
Hymns
fever (kum), fever (kum),
blurred vision, throbbing
fever (kum) fever (kum)
blood in the temple, blurred
eyes vision, tears
blood from mouth, blood from
nose and ear nose
bunu disease bunu disease
gau cough
sulu cough
au cough
pains in the belly is seized, pains in the
chapter six
belly Ouch! cries belly

constipation,
wind diarrhoea diarrhoea
liver disease liver
and...
jaundice jaundice jaundice yellow jaundice
(amurriqnu) (amurriqnu) (amurriqnu) discoloration (azu)
fever fever (imi ti
fever (tu)
(ta ami) and ta ami)
(cont.)
bunu lin kalbi ai r azall auntu Gulas hand Ninurtas hand Incantations,
Hymns
pregnancy pregnancy pregnancy mother, midwife
labour pains
impotence impotence
a disease a disease a disease a disease
animal bites:
dog bites
dog, serpent
repel animals Gulas dog
stones
urinary tract disorders of the
(urinary tract
obstruction renal tract
obstruction)
smnu disease smnu disease smnu disease Samana demon
adnu simmu skin
adnu
tu abscess wounds
arriu skin sore
makadu makadu
pain in the flanks
the cultural setting of ancient babylonian medicine
good for any

great physician
disease
175
bibirru disease
176 chapter six
in her temple;59 the written evidence, on the other hand, attests to the
fattening of dogs and the existence of kennels in her temples.60
I have tried to summarise the results of the study in the above table. In
columns one to five, I give a short description of the therapeutic uses of
the bunu, also known under the names lin kalbi, gidir.sipa (ai r)
and azall, and auntu. The next two columns include the information
on diseases, symptoms and inner organs that are attributed to the hand
of Gula and to the hand of Ninurta. In the last column I have added
in keywords features of the healing goddess and themes that I consider
salient and which come from Sumerian literary texts and medical incanta-
tions. The dark shading of a few fields indicates diseases and symptoms
that cannot be brought in line with the religious concept of the healing
goddess.
6.2.Religion, Magic, Medicine
Medicine in Ancient Mesopotamia is closely interrelated with religion

and magic. Religion and magic are beyond doubt two of the most debated
cultural phenomena since E.B. Tylors Primitive Culture.61 E.B. Tylor and
later J.G. Frazer,62 both representatives of the intellectualist school of
religion studies and influenced by the evolutionary model of Darwin,
considered magic as an earlier, primitive stage, which would later turn
into religion as a more highly developed level of human thought. Genera-
tions of theorists would follow this dichotomy once it was established,
though altering the defining features of both entities. Since it is not my
aim to review this immense literature I just refer in general terms to the
59See J. Boessneck, Die Hundeskelette von In Bahryt (Isin) aus der Zeit um 1000
v. Chr., pp. 97109.
60See D. Charpin & J.-M. Durand on dog feeding, Remarques sur llevage intensif dans
lIraq ancien, in: M.T. Barrelet (ed.), Larchologie de lIraq du dbut de lpoque nolithique
333 avant notre re, Paris 1980, pp. 143145; and on the dog kennel of king Enlilbani of
Isin dedicated to the healing goddess (e ur.gi.ra) see B. Groneberg, Tiere als Symbole von
Gttern in den frhen geschichtlichen Epochen Mesopotamiens: Von der altsumerischen
Zeit bis zum Ende der altbabylonischen Zeit, p. 298, with further bibliography.
61Researches into the Development of Mythology, Philosophy, Religion, Art, and Custom,
London 1871.
62The Golden Bough: A Study in Magic and Religion, Part One, vol. 1, London 1911.
studies of a G. van der Leeuw (whom J.J.A. van Dijk followed),63 . Durk
heim and his nephew M. Mauss, M. Weber, W.J. Goode or C. Lvi-Strauss
(who inspired the contributions of J. Bottro64).65 Post-modernist schol-
ars would avoid and dismiss the distinction since the term magic was
seen against the background of ethnocentricity, viz. projecting onto other
cultures a Western notion which had served to distinguish the Victorian
middle-class from their colonial subjects.66 However, it was felt that the
pejorative connotation of magic resulting from this ethnocentric misuse
might not be a useless category in the study of culture after all.67
63See his Sumerische Religion, in: J.P. Asmussen & J. Laesse (eds.), Handbuch der
Religionsgeschichte, vol. 1, Gttingen 1971, pp. 431496.
64See e.g. Magie. A. In Mesopotamien, in: D.O. Edzard (ed.), Reallexikon der Assyriolo
gie und Vorderasiatischen Archologie 7 3/4, Berlin New York 1988, pp. 200234; or his
La plus vieille religion, Paris 1998.
65For a short and precise account of some of these theorists and others in religious
studies see I. Pyysiinen, Magic, Miracles, and Religion, Walnut Creek 2004, pp. 9096;
I am following the overview of I. Czachesz, Explaining Magic: Earliest Christianity as a
Test Case, in: L.H. Martin & J. Srensen (eds.), Past Minds: Studies in Cognitive Historio
graphy, London 2011, pp. 142146.
66See e.g. the discussion of post-modernist thought of J.Z. Smith, Trading Places, in:
M. Meyer & P. Mirecki (eds.), Ancient Magic and Ritual Power, Leiden 1995, pp. 1327; and
J. Braarvig, Magic: Reconsidering the Grand Dichotomy, in: D.R. Jordan, H. Montgomery
& E. Thomassen (eds.), The World of Ancient Magic: Papers from the First International
Samson Eitrem Seminar at the Norwegian Institute at Athens, 48 May 1997, Bergen 1999,
pp. 2127.
J.G. Frazer referred in the preface of the second edition of his Golden Bough that he
had adopted the contrast between magic and religion from Sir A. Lyall, a colonial admin
istrator in India who contrasted native Indian witchcraft with the religion of civilization,
and from F. Jevons who believed that magic would characterize a less civilized race and
religion accordingly a more civilized race; see J. N. Bremmer, Magic and Religion?, in
his monograph Greek Religion and Culture, the Bible, and the Ancient Near East, Leiden
2008, pp. 350351.
In her contribution Mesopotamian Medicine and Religion: Current Debates, New Per
spectives, Religion Compass 2 (2008), E. Robson expresses her doubts on the usefulness of
the term magic or magical in the study of ancient medicine because it does not form part
of the mindset and lifestyle of us moderns. She proposes to describe the phenomenon
in terms of cleanliness or pollution since they are as much a part of modern, West
ern society as they were of Mesopotamian culture (p. 476). I do not see that the use
of such seemingly shared concepts can be the basis for a platform for discussion. The
idea of understanding ancient concepts and beliefs in terms of familiarisation and de-
familiarisation (p. 476) equally entails the risk of ethnocentricity.
67See e.g. E. Thomassen, Is Magic a Subclass of Ritual?, in: D.R. Jordan, H. Montgom
ery & E. Thomassen (eds.), The World of Ancient Magic: Papers from the First International
pp. 5566; J.N. Bremmer, ibidem, pp. 347352; and W. van Binsbergen & F.A.M. Wigger
mann, Magic in History. A Theoretical Perspective, and Its Application to Ancient Meso
potamia, in: T. Abusch & K. van der Toorn (eds.), Mesopotamian Magic. Textual, Historical,
and Interpretative Perspectives, Groningen 1999 (= AMD 1), pp. 56.
178 chapter six
In order to better understand the Ancient Babylonian healing system

I dissect the multicombination of views. Consequently, I have used the
terms magical, religious, and natural as analytical tools to describe this
fusion of approaches in the cuneiform medical literature. I have applied
the term magic or magical to refer to the motivational attitudes towards
and the illusory manipulation of the visible or invisible realities.68 This
model of control retains the notion of coercion and mechanisms habitu-
ally associated with magic.69 I have employed the term religion or reli-
gious when we can discern a theistic model or underlying beliefs in the
medical literature, for instance when the healing goddess interferes in
the process of healing. Yet, I insist, a purely etic approach entails the
risk of losing sight of the Ancient Babylonians viewpoint. They did not
oppose or even distinguished between magic and religion or magical/
religious and natural; rather magic appeared to be a subsystem of reli-
gion as W.Farber pointed out.70 As such magic was embedded in religion,
which covers a much broader spectrum of human behaviours, institu-
tions, history and conceptual structure than magic does.71 Many healing
therapies rely on the Ancient Babylonian practitioners broad knowledge
of medicinal plants and their efficacy.72 This experience and its practical
68As pinpointed by I. Czachesz, Explaining Magic: Earliest Christianity as a Test Case,

p. 147.
69W. van Binsbergen and F.A.M. Wiggermann, Magic in History. A Theoretical Per
spective, and Its Application to Ancient Mesopotamia, p. 4.
70See Schlaf, Kindchen, Schlaf! Mesopotamische Baby-Beschwrungen und -Rituale,
pp.13; and his contribution Witchcraft, Magic, and Divination in Ancient Mesopota
mia, in: J.M. Sasson (ed.), Civilizations of the Ancient Near East, vol. III, New York 1995,
pp.18951896.
71J. Srensen, A Cognitive Theory of Magic, Lanham 2007 p. 186.
72Sometimes Ancient Babylonian practitioners would explicitly state that a medica
tion is successful, tested, or proven of old, using the term latku; see the discussion of M.J.
Geller, Ancient Babylonian Medicine. Theory and Practice, p. 17. He refers as one example
to the medical recommendation BM 41293+ rev. iv: 1, which gives the ingredients for an
eye salve. He restores the first signs as If Hammurapis mother; however, what should be
read is [di ki]min ge a-[a]m-mu-ra-pi, [if di]tto, the dark ofammurabi. The scribe
apparently made a mistake when copying from the Vorlage confusing two different lines
of text, one referring to the dark of (the eye) and one mentioning the name ammurabi.
The eye salve was famous because it was believed to have healed successfully already
ammurabis eyes. See the various parallels of the prescription referring to the king (and
not to his mother), e.g. BM 54641+ rev. 3 (te-qi-ti a a-am-<mu->r[a-b]i la-ti-ik-ti proven
salve for ammurabi), BAM II 159 iv: 22 (te-qit igi.ii.me a Ia-am-mu-ra-bi lat-ku eye
salve for ammurabi, proven), or BAM IV 382 rev. 11 (te-qit a a-am-mu-ra-bi, salve for
ammurabi). For the ingredients of the salve see J.C. Fincke, Augenleiden nach keilschrift
lichen Quellen. Untersuchungen zur altorientalischen Medizin, p. 277.
i mplementation including the picking, preparing and administering of

herbs I have subsumed under natural concepts.
It is clear that the use of the terms religious, magical, and natural
depend heavily on our degree of comprehending the complexity of medi-
cal cuneiform literature. What might appear as natural at first sight may
turn out on second thoughts as belonging to the supernatural realm. In his
study Ancient Babylonian Medicine. Theory and Practice M. J. Geller quotes
an incantation, which is addressed to both the sun god ama and the
healing goddess Gula.73 He places emphasis on this text because of the
alternative of supernatural and natural causes of disease which makes
the incantation interesting from the point of view of ancient science.74 The
exorcist in this text calls upon sickness, diu disease, the Lamatu demon,
the Azu catcher-demon (who causes jaundice), bibitu disease, and a
worm to leave the body of the patient.75 Many of these disease terms refer
to both illness and the demon, which was believed to cause the affliction.
This ambiguity is obscured in M.J. Gellers translation: disease, malaria,
lamatu-demon(-disease), jaundice, chill, or parasites. Malaria is a mod-
ern identification with some of the symptoms of the diu disease and as
such not entirely congruent with the Akkadian term. Furthermore, diu is
homonymous with the name of the demon, which provoked it. What M.J.
Geller renders jaundice is actually written in the incantation Azu,
the name of a demon, literally the catcher, which was believed to cause
jaundice;76 and chill is also the name of the demon responsible for this
malady. Only disease, Akkadian muru, is not connected with a spirit or
demon but is usually commanded to depart in incantations together with
demons.77 Similarly to the term muru, I would suggest that also the worm
(urbatu) acquires a supernatural dimension. It is not chased out of the
natural orifices, as we would expect like in the known cases of parasite
infestation,78 but is orally addressed. The worm turns into a being with
73P. 33; for a treatment of the incantation see also Chapter 4.2.4 ama, supreme
judge.
74Ibidem, p. 33.
75The incantation AO 17656 has been published by N. Nougayrol, Textes et docu
ments figurs, pp. 31, 4142. I have translated ll. 56, which are repeated in ll. 1011.
76See my discussion for the distinction between amurriqnu jaundice and jaundice
caused by the Azu catcher-demon in Chapter 4.5.
77See for a quick overview the attestations given in CAD M/II p. 224 (bilingual
section).
78See e.g. the recommendation of an enema in BAM II 159 ii: 4345 to make pos
sibly tapeworms and other parasite infestations pass out of the intestines. If urbatu
worm, qqnu worm or pel worm have seized a mans belly: crush 14 grains of the plant
180 chapter six
ears, able to receive the exorcists order, in the same way as the diseases
become living creatures who are capable of listening. A further indication
that the worm was possibly seen as a supernatural being comes from the
instruction for reciting the spell, namely over its effigy.79 It emerges then
that the division between natural and supernatural or magical in this case
is not sustainable since all entities have features of intelligent life.
The Ancient Babylonian healing system is a fusion of views, which we
would characterise as religious and magical beliefs and natural concepts.
This interplay of ideas is present in many medical practices. An illustra-
tive example is the conception Ancient Babylonians had of biliary diseases
and digestive disorders. As I discussed, the healing goddess governed the
bile, which was thought to regulate the body fluids of the intestines. Thus,
in order to force the healing process incantations that make reference to
the tutelary deity of medicine were recited. On the other hand, the treat-
ment itself consisted in the prescription of medicinal plants, also associ-
ated with the healing goddess, which served as emetics or laxatives. I have
suggested that the rationale of the recommendation of medicaments with
purging effect responds to the Ancient Babylonian idea of the physiologi-
cal function of the bile.80 Another example is the cure of dog bites which
is mentioned in one of the incantations addressing Gula.81 A mass of clay
had to be smeared on the wound and later removed to form a dog. It
was believed that the wound would have healed (or dried out) as soon
as the dog figurine was dried in the sunlight. The process of drying was
possibly slow since the figurine was to be placed on a north wall getting
sun only in the mornings and afternoons but not during the heat of the
day. The obvious characteristic of the healing cure is the magical mecha-
nism similia similibus curantur, transferring the dog bite to the clay dog. In
addition, clay could have been used because of its pharmaceutical proper-
ties (astringent and cleaning) which were well known to heal in antiquity.
Also maceration, one of the three common preparation methods of medi-
caments, encompasses aspects of empiricism, magic and religion. Soaking
ingredients from plant material and leaving them, as is recommended in
medical prescriptions, overnight in a liquid is one of the ways to extract
it-opposed-1000, mix it with pressed fine oil, introduce it into his anus, then he shall
recover.
79See text is discussed in Chapter 4.2.4.
medicinally active substances.82 The circumstances of steeping are often

further detailed in that the liquid was to be exposed to the Goat star,
which corresponds to the constellation Lyra. Behind this practice is the
idea that the star would irradiate the liquid to enhance its properties.83
Not only plants could be macerated but also metals, stones and minerals
were believed to leave their active substances in water when exposed to
the stars overnight, as the preparation of purified water shows.84 The reli-
gious sphere in the extraction of plants used for healing purpose becomes
evident if we take into account that the Goat star was the celestial mani-
festation of the healing goddess.
There is no indication that Ancient Babylonians would have perceived
the different motivations of healing practices as contrasting. The dual-
ity of medicinal plants like the ones attributed to the healing goddess or
the conception of disease as illness and demon was seen as complement-
ing each other or belonging together. It seems, however, as if Ancient
Babylonian practitioners would have responded to the double nature
of diseaseillness and demonin using different incantations. I have
discussed in Chapter 4.5 that metaphors in medical incantations help to
explain the course of illness. But images have still another effect: as strat-
egies for dealing with situations they are meant to take their subjects
and move them.85 They transform illness into a verifiable phenomenon
known and experienced by the patient in daily life. This movement is
accomplished by images from daily life that turn intangible and inchoate
situations into something concrete, easy to grasp and understand.86 Thus
it becomes evident why this type of medical incantation has to be close to
the worldview of common people: the explanatory capacity of the images
depends on their proximity to the daily life experiences of Ancient Baby-
lonians. Only if metaphors show their practicality they are accessible to
the patient and effective for subsequent therapeutic action. By employing
rather physical and technical terms to describe afflictions such as consti-
pation and diarrhoea with beer fermentation or irrigations systems they
are depersonalized and become it. The subjective experience of pain is
82See my contribution On Medical Technology in Ancient Mesopotamia,

pp.112114.
83See the discussion of E. Reiner, Astral Magic in Babylonia, pp. 5253.
84See for the ingredients of egubb water used for purification in Namburbi rituals
S.M. Maul, Zukunftsbewltigung, Mainz am Rhein 1995 (= BAFO 18), pp. 4144.
85J.W. Fernandez, Persuasions and Performances: The Play of Tropes in Culture, Indiana
1986, p. 8 and p. 12.
86Ibidem, p. 8.
182 chapter six
turned into an objective and mechanistic image that creates a distance

between patient and illness. The ultimate effect of metaphor is that of
reifying or depersonalizing illness by turning it into an object, which can
be physically removed.
Disease, as we have seen, is not only conceptualized as an illness but
also as a demon. Sometimes Ancient Babylonians would distinguish
between illness and the demonic power behind it, using two different
names; makadu, an affliction of the musculoskeletal system, was also
known as uu, which was the name of the demon that provoked it.87
Another example is amurriqnu jaundice, which referred to the illness,88
while Azu jaundice was attributed to a demon. It is important to stress
that the disease as illness and as demon was treated according to medical
prescriptions in the same way,89 which indicates that the choice of treat-
ment did not depend on the religious, magical or natural perception of
disease.90 Another type of incantation, namely exorcistic spells, addresses
the personified aspect of disease. It appears that these incantations use a
different language since they employ other metaphors than healing incan-
tations. Most common for exorcistic spells is the metaphor disease is an
enemy, which is a subcategory of treating illness is fighting a war,
to use the same metaphor terminology employed nowadays.91 The recur-
rent image of demons is their ambushing victims; they attack and seize in
order to kill. Terms such as ulputu to defeat, to overthrow,92 mau to
strike,93 kam...leq...agu to captureto take away by forceto
murder,94 dku to kill,95 or expressions such as era gamla ul idd they
87This is stated in the incantation Muuu VIII/l ll. 167168 Incantation: uu is his
name, makadu is his true name; no, makadu is his true name, uu is his name; see for
the edition B. Bck, Das keilschriftliche Handbuch Einreibung Muuu, pp. 296 and 307.
88Note that Ancient Babylonians understood this symptom as an illness.
89See the references in Chapter 4.5.
90The same conclusion was reached by H. Scheyhing in his study of some skin afflic
tions, Babylonisch-assyrische Krankheitstheorie. Korrelationen zwischen medizinischen
Diagnosen und therapeutischen Konzepten, WO 41 (2011) pp. 79117.
91Note that it is irrelevant for the study of metaphor whether the words enemy or
war are actually mentioned in the incantations; what is of importance is whether there
are lexemes, which serve to describe a scenario that belongs to the domains of enemy or
war.
92All examples are taken from the udug.ul compendium. See the eclectic text edi
tion of M.J. Geller, Evil Demons. Canonical Utukk Lemntu Incantations, Helsinki 2007
(= SAACT V), p. 103 l. 63.
93See ibidem, p. 126 l. 186, 187, 188.
94See ibidem, pp. 130131, ll. 8385.
95See ibidem, p. 138 l. 73, 76.
do not know how to save and spare (lives)96 or n iknt napiti bu to

sweep destructively over people and living beings97 show clearly that the
situation of battle is described; all the lexemes are likewise attested in
the context of genuine war and combat. Thus it is no surprise that some
of the demons are even named spy or watcher demon, catcher-demon,
murderer or murderess.98 The metaphor of war is not the only one used
for the attacks of demons but it is the most frequent. This war theory or
war conceptualisation might have eventually led to war-like thinking in
the developing of the counteractions the exorcist undertook to save the
diseased man.99 Indeed all the actions he performs are meant to guard
his patients life and safety: he encircles the bed with a magic circle of
flour, he protects the window, door and threshold of his bedroom, and he
secures the house entrance and the courtyard, and finally the gate that
leads to the property.100 He does so in order to prevent the enemy from
entering the house. The image is clearly that of a fortress whose windows,
doors, bars and locks are secured against invaders. Interestingly, when the
exorcist goes to the sick mans house he does not go alone. Four gods
accompany him: ama walks in front of him, Sin behind him, Nergal is
to his right, and Ninurta to his left.101 What seems to emerge here is the
image of bodyguards who protect the exorcist in the battle. The exorcist
96See ibidem, p. 126 l. 174.

97See ibidem, p. 127 l. 10.
98For the male and female spy demons ayyu and ayyu see the brief discussion of
M. Stol, Epilepsy in Babylonia, p. 42; for the Azu catcher-demon see CAD A/I pp.185
186 s.v. azu meaning 2.; for the murder demon aggu see B. Bck, Das keilschriftli
che Handbuch Einreibung Muuu, p. 163 l. 77, p. 192 l. 35; the female murder demon
aggtu appears in CT 51 142 l. 6.
Interestingly, in modern languages the metaphor disease is war is used especially for
viral and bacterial diseases, which account for the aspect of invisibility of the afflictions;
see B. Nerlich, The Role of Metaphor Scenarios in Disease Management Discourses: Foot
and Mouth Disease and Avian Influenza, in: S. Handl & H.-J. Schmid (eds.), Windows to
the Mind. Metaphor, Metonymy and Conceptual Blending, Berlin New York 2011, p. 118
with further references.
99Indeed, this is what G.W. van Rijn-van Tongeren states in context of the exploration
of cancer and tumour treatment: war theory leads to war-like thinking in the develop
ing of therapeutic ideas, Metaphors in Medical Texts, p. 85.
100See for an interpretation of these protective measures, B. Bck, When You Perform
the Ritual of Rubbing: On Medicine and Magic in Ancient Mesopotamia, JNES 62 (2003)
pp. 116.
101See the incantation udug.ul III/d ll. 103110, for which see the eclectic text edi
tion of M.J. Geller, Evil Demons. Canonical Utukk Lemntu Incantations, p. 105 (translit
eration), p. 200 (translation).
184 chapter six
himself is said to be clad in red garments.102 It is well known from other

ceremonies that he wore red clothing.103 One reason for using this colour
is that the ipu/mamau appears in the compendium as messenger of
Marduk/Asalui who would likewise be dressed in red.104 However, the
company of Nergal and Ninurta suggests another scenario: the exorcist
wore the colour soldiers would use in battle.105 The imagery disease is
an enemy, treating disease is fighting a war is supported by the
presence of Nergal and Ninurta, the two gods associated with warfare in
Mesopotamian mythological-religious belief.106 Interestingly, as lord of
the weapon, Ninurta is frequently invoked in the exorcistic incantation
compendium ul.ba.zi.zi Begone evil! to support the exorcist.107 Con-
spicuously, the moment when the exorcist enters the house is described
in the udug.ul compendium in detail: he first pushes the door of the
house open, then he calls at the gate, and crossing the threshold he finally
enters the house;108 consequently, the loci of door, gate, and threshold are
102See the texts collected by E. Unger, Farben. 5. Rot, in: E. Ebeling (ed.), Reallexikon
der Assyriologie 3/1, Berlin 1957, p. 25.
103This is corroborated by one of the letters of the chief exorcist Marduk-akin-umi
who writes the exorcist dresses in a red garment (tug, ubtu) and puts on a red cloak
(tug.dul, nalaptu), see S. Parpola, Letters from Assyrian and Babylonian Scholars
(= SAA X), Helsinki 1993, p. 189, no. 238 l. obv. 1415. The exorcist has to perform a ritual
to eradicate the evil Al demon and an.ta.ub.ba epilepsy for which see M. Stol, Epilepsy
in Babylonia, p. 41.
104The exorcistic text Marduks Address to the Demons states I am Asalui who is
dressed with dread, full of fearfulness, for which see W.G. Lambert, An Address of Mar
duk to the Demons, AfO 17 (1956) pp. 313 and 316, B. l. 5. This expression is explained in a
commentary that he wore possibly a red nalaptu garment; see E. Frahm, Babylonian and
Assyrian Text Commentaries. Origins of Interpretation, p. 82.
105This is how the prophet Nahum describes the fearsome appearance of the Assyrian
army the shield of his mighty men is made red, the valiant men are in scarlet, Nahum 2: 3.
Indeed, one of the reliefs from the wall decoration in Sargons II palace at Dur-arruken
(AO 19877, kept in the Louvre), shows an Assyrian soldier in arms, dressed in a short tunic.
There are still some traces of paint preserved: a red coloration of the garment. We know
from Neo-Assyrian letters that red or purple wool was used to manufacture some items
of the uniform of soldiers. Namely ABL 413 for which see the remarks of J.N. Postgate,
Assyrian Uniforms, in: W. van Soldt (ed.), Veenhof Anniversary Volume. Studies Presented
to Klaas R. Veenhof on the Occasion of His Sixty-Fifth Birthday, Leiden 2001, p. 379.
106For Nergal and Ninurta sharing many of the martial attributes, see J. S. Cooper, An-
gim dm-ma: The Return of Ninurta and to Nippur (= AnOr 52), Rome 1978, pp. 1011; see for
Ninurta as god of warfare, A. Annus, The God Ninurta in the Mythology and Royal Ideology
of Ancient Mesopotamia, p. 5.
107See for the so-called Gattung IV incantations of E. Ebeling, Sammlungen von Bes
chwrungsformeln, ArOr 21 (1953) pp. 403423. Ninurta appears more often than any
other invoked deity. The edition of ul.ba.zi.zi is expected from I.L. Finkel.
108This is described in the incantation udug.ul III/d ll. 104107 for which see the
eclectic text edition of M.J. Geller, Evil Demons. Canonical Utukk Lemntu Incantations,
pp. 105 and 200.
in the course of the ritual to be fortified with incantations or, in the case
of other ceremonies, with apotropaic figurines to impede the evil powers
entrance.109 We have thus a clear congruence between understanding dis-
ease caused by demons in terms of war and the rituals to be performed to
fight them back by protecting the sick mans house. This idea of protec-
tion finds its correlation in medical-magical prescriptions, which recom-
mend the wearing of protective charms and amulets.110
As already mentioned, incantations do not always portray the exorcist
as going to war against demons. He could also choose other tactics to save
a person possessed by malevolent spirits. In the so-called Compendium,
a collection of twenty-one Sumerian and Akkadian incantations,111 the
following scenery can be reconstructed: the exorcist scares off a host of
demons that have seized a man with the help of a mythical copper drum.
He then places blood, entrails, ribs and meat of a piglet and a ram over
the body of the afflicted person. I would like to interpret the image as that
of animals of prey, which are roused by noise. The purpose would be to
distract their attention from their prey. The raw meat would then serve to
attract them so that they would let go their victim.112 The complete scene
the incantations refer to is more complex, but for the present purpose it is
sufficient to mention the initial incident. In the two examples I discussed
demons are conceptualized as living powerful beings. The incantations do
not serve to depersonalize or reify disease, as was the case with medical
spells; rather, we see the exorcist opposing supernatural beings in order
to defeat, destroy and chase them away. He does not objectify or natu-
ralize the supernatural power to be able to remove them physicallyhe
faces them as equal. The power to oppose evil spirits was attributed to
the exorcist (ipu/mamau) through divine authorization or legitimiza-
tion. This is best seen in those exorcistic incantations that refer to him as
the messenger of the gods, as the man of the god Ea, or as an image of
109See for the statues that were placed in the outer gate and those in the house, F.A.M.
Wiggermann, Mesopotamian Protective Spirits. The Ritual Texts, pp. 5887.
110See for the significance of amulets, B. Bck, When You Perform the Ritual of Rub
bing: On Medicine and Magic in Ancient Mesopotamia, pp. 1214.
111See for the text edition, W. Schramm, Ein Compendium sumerisch-akkadischer
Beschwrungen (= Gttinger Beitrge zum Alten Orient 2), Gttingen 2008.
112See W. Schramm, ibidem, Gttingen 2008. I have roughly summarized incantation 1
(pp. 2629) which is about the demonic attack and mentions the cowhide, incantation 2
(pp. 3033), which refers to the copper drum, and incantations 3 and 4 (pp. 3443), which
deal with the piglet and the ram.
186 chapter six
arduk.113 Another form to indicate and transfer the power to the exor-
M
cist is the recitation of the so-called Marduk-Ea-dialogue in which Ea/
Enki bestows his powers to his son, Marduk/Asalui; the exorcist would
then in the ritual take over the role of Eas/Enkis son.114 In addition to the
authorization of sharing the divine essence through identical bonds when
assuming the role of Marduk/Asalui, the exorcists connection with the
divine realm is based on iconic bonds, too, namely when he dresses up in
a special, red garment.115
The two types of incantations are usually attributed to the two healing
professions: the as physician would use medical spells and the ipu/
mamau exorcist would recite exorcistic ones. While there is no doubt
that exorcistic incantations could only be recited by a person who received
divine authorization, like the exorcist, I would question the exclusive
assignment of medical spells to the as physician and suggest another
nuanced interpretation. The argumentation for this seemingly clear-cut
divide is based on formal criteria of language and style used in the dif-
ferent incantations, which concern the degree of correctness in Sumer-
ian grammar, and the use of a high literary style in both Akkadian and
Sumerian texts. Although there are differences between the Sumerian
in texts that are dated, roughly speaking, to the second millennium BC
and the Sumerian used in first millennium BC exorcistic incantations, the
latter are still intelligible and to a high degree grammatically correct. The
good Sumerian of the incantations, attributed to the ipu/mamau
exorcist, is usually contrasted with the Sumerian in medical spells, which
is often rather ungrammatical, misspelled or corrupt.116 Because of their
bad Sumerian medical spells are ascribed to the as physician; conse-
quently, completely unintelligible or mumbo-jumbo spells are said to be
his work as well.117 Also healing spells which use popular motives of daily
life and whose style and themes of healing are characterized as crude,
113I am referring to the so-called Legitimationstyp in A. Falkensteins typology, for

which see his Haupttypen der sumerischen Beschwrung literarisch untersucht, Leipzig 1931
(= LSS NF 1), pp. 2035. See for a recent discussion of the identification of the exorcist,
P. Mander, The Mesopotamian Exorcist and His Ego, Quaderni di Vicino Oriente 5 (2010)
pp. 177196.
114See for the typology, A. Falkenstein, ibidem, pp. 4476.
115See for the legitimation of religious personal the discussion in P. Boyer, The Natu
ralness of Religious Ideas. A Cognitive Theory of Religion, Berkeley Los Angeles London
1994, pp. 155184.
117M.J. Geller, Ancient Babylonian Medicine. Theory and Practice, p. 162.
non-consensual118 or doggerel119 are thought to belong to the ass lore.

The contrast in style and grammar is explained with the different Sitz im
Leben of both incantation groups. Texts that formed the lore of the exor-
cist, termed in Akkadian iptu, would have their setting at the royal
court and the temple and were consequently to be kept in the library of
king, temple, or the exorcist himself. In contrast to the learned exorcist,
the imperfections and low style of spells belonging to the astu, the lore
of the as physician, are explained with the physicians low status sug-
gesting that his medical practices would not reflect those of a specialist
but generally those of the lay and rural population.120
We can best assess the shakiness of this assumption in having a closer
look at the mumbo-jumbo spells. We can observe that an important group
of incantations in medical texts is written in an unintelligible abracadabra
language.121 The use of foreign or strange-sounding words is a common
phenomenon in magic and not restricted to the cuneiform material,
nor to antiquity.122 In Greek they were called Ephesia grammata;123 the
119M.J. Geller, Ancient Babylonian Medicine, p. 16.
spective, and Its Application to Ancient Mesopotamia, pp. 2930. This is not the place
to enter the long debate of as and ipu. As for the ass ranking in Ancient Mesopota
mian society, I believe is it suffice to mention the correspondence of the Egyptian and
Hittite courts concerning the exchange of as physicians. To have at ones disposal good
and successful physicians was actually a sign of prestige and knowledge, see for the study
E.Edel, gyptische rzte und gyptische Medizin am hethitischen Knigshof. Neue Funde
von Keilschriftbriefen Ramses II aus Boazky (= Rheinisch-Westflische Akademie der Wis
senschaften: Vortrge. Geisteswissenschaften 205), Opladen 1976.
121See W. Farber, Schlaf, Kindchen, Schlaf! Mesopotamische Baby-Beschwrungen und
-Rituale, pp. 144145. See also the short summary D.O. Edzard and A. Kammenhuber offer
of texts written in non-identified languages, Hurriter, in: D.O. Edzard (ed.), Reallexikon
der Assyriologie und Vorderasiatischen Archologie 5, Berlin New York 19761980,
pp.509510. See for the variety of mumbo-jumbo incantations B. Bck, Das keilschriftliche
Handbuch Einreibung Muuu, p. 15.
122For the Greek magical papyri see the contribution of W.M. Brashear, The Greek
Magical Papyri, in: W. Haase (ed.), Aufstieg und Niedergang der rmischen Welt, Teil II
Principat, vol. 18: Religion, 5. Teilband, Berlin New York 1995, pp. 34293438; for Greek
and Latin texts s. R. Gordon, Imagining Greek and Roman Magic, in: B. Ankerloo &
S.Clark (eds.), The Athlone History of Witchcraft and Magic in Europe, London 1999, Vol. 2
with the contribution of V. Flint, R. Gordon, G. Luck & D. Ogden, Ancient Greece and Rome,
pp. 239243. As for modern languages see the contribution of S.J. Tambiah who discusses
Sinhalese mantras, which offer a mixture of several languages (Sanskrit, Pali, and Classical
Sinhalese), The Magical Power of Words, Man 3 (1968) pp. 177178.
123The etymology of ephesia seems to be obscure, see. F. Kuhnert, in: A. Pauly &
G.Wissowa (eds.), Realencyclopdie der Classischen Altertumswissenschaft V.2, Stuttgart
1905, Sp. 27712772 s.v. Efesia grammata. One of the interpretations of the term was given
188 chapter six
effect of reciting this kind of healing spell is due to the repetitive rhythm
and prosody as well as to the assonant and dissonant sound.124 A simi-
lar impact can be ascribed to repeating three or seven times complete
spells or just single words.125 The Neo-Platonist philosopher Iamblichus
of Apamea in Syria who lived between the third and fourth centuries AD
offered an intriguing explanation of these voces magicae in Greek and
Latin incantations. In his work On the Mysteries he writes that these words
are not meaningless but to the gods they are all significant, not accord-
ing to an effable mode, nor in such a way that is significant and indica-
tive to the imaginations of human beings.126 He then goes on to ask But
why, of meaningful names, do we prefer barbarian [i.e. Egyptian and Ara-
maic] to our own?, which he answers for this, again, there is a mystical
reason.127 They are words that please the gods, he explains, and though
they may indeed be called inexplicable and barbarous, they are in fact
wholly suitable for sacred rituals.128 Iamblichus idea is tantalizing, par-
ticularly in view of the many incomprehensible words that have entered
medical incantations.129 Mesopotamia was the home of a whole range of
by A. Deissmann who understands Ephesia as a derivate of the Akkadian verb epu to do

with the specific meaning to practice witchcraft (see CAD E 191 s.v. epu mng. 7); see his
Ephesia Grammata, in: Abhandlungen zur semitischen Religionskunde und Sprachwissen
schaft Wolf Wilhelm Grafen von Baudissin zum 26. Sept. 1917 berreicht (= Beiheft zur ZATW
33), Giessen 1918, pp. 121124 (non vidi, quoted by C.C. McCown, The Ephesia Grammata
in Popular Belief, TAPA 54 [1923], p. 130 with note 15). See for a summary of Ephesus as
centre of magical practices, S. Shauf, Theology as History, History as Theology (= BZNW 133),
Berlin 2005, pp. 133134.
124See for these well-known effects e.g. G. Senft, Weyeis Wettermagie. Eine ethnolin
guistische Untersuchung von fnf magischen Formeln eines Wettermagiers auf den Tro
briand Inseln, Zeitschrift fr Ethnologie 110 (1985) p. 73.
125For the repetition of the same words in incantations see E. Weidner, Geheim
schrift, in: E. Ebeling (ed.), Reallexikon der Assyriologie 3/3, Berlin 1964, p. 186 sub 2.
Other examples have been discussed by M.V. Tonietti, Un incantesimo sumerico contro
la Lamatu, OrNS 48 (1979) pp. 311312; W. Horowitz, Mesopotamian Cosmic Geography,
Winona Lake 1998, pp. 214215; I.L. Finkel, Magic and Medicine at Meskene, N.A.B.U.
1999/30; and A. Cavigneaux & F.N.H. Al-Rawi in their study Charmes de Sippar et de Nip
pur, in: H. Gasche, M. Tanret, C. Janssen & A. Degraeve (eds.), Cinquante-deux reflexions
sur le Proche-Orient ancien offertes en hommages Lon De Meyer, Leuven 1994 (= MHEO
II), pp. 7682.
126Following the translation of E.C. Clarke, J.M. Dillon & J.P. Hershbell, Iamblichus.
On the Mysteries, Atlanta 2003, chapter 7.4, p. 297. For the original translation of the pas
sages quoted here see E. des Places, Les mystres dgypte. Jamblique, Paris 1966, chapters
7.47.5, pp. 192194.
127E.C. Clarke, J.M. Dillon & J.P. Hershbell, ibidem, chapter 7.4, p. 297.
128Ibidem, chapter 7.4, p. 297 and chapter 7.5 p. 303.
129No study about this text genre exists; see for some incomprehensible medical heal
ing spells and their medical context B. Bck, Das keilschriftliche Handbuch Einreibung
languages; on the basis of lexical texts W.G. Lambert refers to thirteen

different tongues or language areas.130 While out of this list Babylonian
and Aramaic are well known, Kassite is less and others are still not known
such as Lullubite or Meluite. However, some foreign tongues left their
imprint: among the corpus of Old Babylonian incantations there is a small
group of texts that was written in Elamite and Subarean-urrian.131 Many
of these seem to have been directed against scorpion stings and serpent
bites.132 While some words might have been understood during some
periods, e.g. urrian in the Northern parts of Mesopotamia, as a whole
they must have sounded foreign to a Babylonian ear. In addition to the
use of strange tongues, medical incantations could include expressions
or full sentences in an artificial mixed language composed of Akkadian
and Sumerian elements.133 An illustrative example is the hardly intelli-
gible spell i.ba.a i.ba.a ki.ri.bi ki.ri.bi that is attested in a variety of
medical prescriptions.134 While the first term so far escapes explanation,
the word ki.ri.bi can be analysed as a phonological spelling of Sumerian
kiri nose and Akkadian bu stinking, meaning ill-smelling nose.135 The
expression designates the disease bunu, which is usually spelled, when
written as a Sumerian logogram, with the signs kir4.ab. Often compre-
hensible healing spells include some gibberish words or repetitions of
Sumerian terms without grammatical syntax. Note the following example
from healing spells embedded in medical texts for diseased eyes: igi bar
Muuu, pp. 4749 (incantation Muuu IV/j), pp. 5456 (incantations Muuu VIII/d, e,
f, g), and pp. 6162 (incantation Muuu VIII/q).
130See A Vocabulary of an Unknown Language, MARI 5 (1987) pp. 411412.
131See J.J.A. van Dijk, Fremdsprachige Beschwrungstexte in der sdmesopotamischen
literarischen berlieferung, in: H.-J. Nissen & J. Renger (eds.), Mesopotamien und seine
Nachbarn (= BBVO 1), Berlin 1982, pp. 97110; and see his remarks in the introduction
of YOS 11, pp. 34, as well as to his text edition VAS 17, pp. 89. For a revision and addi
tions see the contribution of D. Prechel & Th. Richter, Abrakadabra oder Althurritisch.
Betrachtungen zu einigen altbabylonischen Beschwrungen, in: Th. Richter, D. Prechel &
J. Klinger (eds.), Kulturgeschichten. Altorientalische Studien fr Volkert Haas zum 65. Geburt
stag, Saarbrcken 2001, pp. 333371.
132See D. Prechel & Th. Richter, ibidem, p. 337.
133See for an example of an incantation composed of Sumerian and Akkadian elements
Muuu III/b (see B. Bck, Das keilschriftliche Handbuch Einreibung Muuu, p. 124); for
a mixture of mumbo-jumbo and Akkadian see e.g. Muuu IV/j (see loc. cit. pp. 167168);
for unintelligible spells see Muuu VIII/e, f, g (see loc. cit. pp. 286288).
134See B. Bck, ibidem, pp. 285286.
135The clue for this interpretations comes from a bilingual hemerological text pub
lished by A. Cavigneaux & F. Al-Rawi, New Sumerian Literary Texts from Tell Hadad
(ancient Meturan): A First Survey, Iraq 55 (1993) pp. 100 and 103.
190 chapter six
igi bar.bar igi bar.ra bar.bar igi u igi u.u igi bar.ra. Variants of this
common standard opening phrase are:
igi bar igi bar.bar igi bar.ra bar.bar igi su igi su.su igi bar.ra and
igi bar igi bar.bar igi bar.ra bar.bar igi ul igi ul.ul igi bar.ra.136
While the single words can be translated, igi eye, bar to open, to see,
u furious, su to confuse, ul evil, the overall meaning of the phrase
remains obscure. Sometimes healing spells include exotic words such as
irimara irimara in the incantation against a cosmic red worm, which
was to be recited in the context of head and eye diseases.137 Other incan-
tations are completely unintelligible like the following one:138
en ni.ip.pa.a min ki.ri ni.ip.pa.a
ki.ri ni.ip.pa.pa.a min an.ti.ma.at.tal an.ti.[ma.at.tal?]
an.ti.ma.ma.at.tal an.ti.ma.ma.al.i : i.ti.ma.a[l.i]
ti.ma.dir ti.ma.al.i : ul.tal.i min tu6.en
In the study of magic, language plays an important and decisive role.139
Generally, language in ritual is devoid of communication; prayers or
incantations do not contain dialogues between the ritual performer and
its participant(s) but are spoken by the ritualist addressing the sacred
realm. The recited words serve thus primarily, as the historian of religion
J. Srensen has put forward in his study A Cognitive Theory of Magic, to
construct and demarcate a ritual space and, secondly, as a social marker.140
The creation of the space is one of the constituent features of ritual enact-
ment of which language forms just one part; others are the use of particu-
lar objects which have assumed a specific relevance, the location where
136The expressions were included in various incantations in the texts BAM VI 510, 513,
and 514. The lines quoted here have been previously analysed by N. Veldhuis as one of
the examples of magic poetics of gibberish, see his The Poetry of Magic, in: T. Abusch &
K.van der Toorn (eds.), Mesopotamian Magic. Textual, Historical, and Interpretative Per
spectives, Groningen 1999 (= AMD 1), pp. 4648; see also his notes in Comments on IGI-
UL, NABU 1992/43.
137See for a short study of the incantation I.L. Finkel, A Study in Scarlet: Incantations
against Samana, p. 81 note 10.
138See the publication, B. Bck, Das keilschriftliche Handbuch Einreibung Muuu,
pp.286, 305 ll. 106110 (Muuu VIII/e).
139See e.g. the classic study of the medical historian P. Lan Entralgo, The Therapy of
the Word in Classical Antiquity, Baltimore 1970; or the anthropological study of S.J. Tam
biah, Culture, Thought, and Social Action, Cambridge 1985, pp. 7784, who elaborates the
theory of speech acts which goes back to J.L. Austins work How To Do Things With Words,
Cambridge 1975, modified partially by J.R. Searle, A Taxonomy of Illocutionary Acts, in:
K.Gunderson (ed.), Language, Mind, and Knowledge, Minneapolis 1975, pp. 344369.
140Lanham 2007, p. 87.
the ritual is to be performed, or the ritual performer himself. J.Srensen

elaborates on the issue of the linguistic anomalies, which also mark abra-
cadabra spells off from everyday language, turning them into one of the
active forces of magical efficacy. They have lost their semantic reference
for the participants (or this is hidden or forgotten). Instead, they are
believed to be a compelling force alone by their material or performa-
tive aspect.141 Hence the iconical and indexical aspect of language is
emphasized. This feature accounts for the disconnected style of language
in healing incantations; although they use a poetic language employing
parallelisms, repetitions, wordplays, word pairs and metaphors as well as
similes, which turn many of them into literary gems,142 they are to be dif-
ferentiated from belles-lettres because of their setting.143 The use of unin-
telligible nonsense or gibberish words moreover enhances the status of the
ritual performer since he is the only one who is supposed to understand
the spellsapart from the powers he is addressing. It is this knowledge
of special words and languages (that) enables the magician to communi-
cate with elements belonging to this (the sacred) space and enable these
elements to be active in the ritual space.144 With regard to the Ancient
Babylonian incantations, I would suggest to shift the focus from the fea-
ture of style and grammar to their effect. If we interpret the foreign and
exotic sounding medical incantations as one of the means to construct
ritual space, the explanation of mumbo-jumbo with the ass low status or
missing education becomes superfluous. Furthermore, themes and style
of medical incantations appear rather as a sign of specialisation and not of
incompetence. There is yet another reason why one can, and must, ques-
tion the sole attribution of abracadabra spells and, one should add, other
medical incantations, to the as physician: as indicated by the rubrics
that often follow both comprehensible as well as unintelligible healing
spells, they were grouped together forming units which were called after
the diseased body part. Incantations for eye diseases were designated as
ka.inim.ma igi.gig.ga.kam wording (to be recited) for eye diseases;
141Ibidem, p. 89.
142Which is the reason for their incorporation in anthologies of Ancient Mesopotamian
literature; see e.g. B.R. Foster, Before the Muses, Bethesda 20053 (with many medical incan
tations translated for the first time).
143This characterization suggests that the judgment of the literary style of medical
incantations as crude or doggerel is out of place. Pace F.A.M. Wiggermann, Magic in
History. A Theoretical Perspective, and Its Application to Ancient Mesopotamia, p. 30;
and M.J. Geller, Ancient Babylonian Medicine. Theory and Practice, p. 162.
144J. Srensen, A Cognitive Theory of Magic, p. 89.
192 chapter six
other examples are the rubrics ka.inim.ma zu.gig.ga.kam wording

(to be recited) for head diseases or ka.inim.ma a.gig.ga.kam word-
ing (to be recited) for belly diseases.145 Precisely this type of expression,
namely igi.gig.ga.ke belonging to eye diseases, zu.gig.ga.ke belong-
ing to tooth diseases, a.gig.ga.ke belonging to belly diseases, or mur.
gig.ga.ke belonging to lung diseases were listed in a catalogue text that
gives the titles of numerous treatises, rituals and cultic ceremonies the
ipu/mamau exorcist was supposed to master. That these entries in
the catalogue of the lore of the exorcist refer indeed to healing spells is
corroborated by the expression tu.tu gig du.a.bi, incantations for any
disease, in one of the following lines which includes the term for incanta-
tion, namely Sumerian tu.146 We can therefore conclude that both as
physician and ipu/mamau exorcist recited intelligible healing and
mumbo-jumbo spells.147 I would suggest that the two types of incanta-
tions, medical and exorcistic, rather reflect the dual perception of disease
than the know-how of the expert who would recite them.
One of the characteristic features of Ancient Babylonian medicine is its
holistic approach to disease, which could be circumscribed as encompass-
ing healing and curing.148 In a broad sense healing addresses the wellbe-
ing of a patient in religious, and consequently, social and psychological
terms, while curing refers to the actual treatment and removal of an ill-
ness. Medical incantations, as I have discussed, accompany the curing.
The incantations that were meant to assure and restore wellbeing form
part of major rituals and religious ceremonies. Since only legitimized per-
sonnel could enter in contact with the divine realm, it might not come as
a surprise that it was the exorcist who performed these rituals.149 Most
illustrative is one ritual, which S.M. Maul tellingly characterized as Der
145For the expression ka.inim.ma igi.gig.ga.kam see e.g. BAM VI 514 iii: 19; for
ka.inim.ma zu.gig.ga.kam see e.g. AMT 28,1 iv: 31 (= iv: 11 in R. Campbell Thompsons
copy); for ka.inim.ma a.gig.ga.kam see e.g. BAM V 508 ii: 11.
146See for the respective expressions in the guidelines for an exorcist the edition of
M.J. Geller, Incipits and Rubrics, in: A.R. George & I.L. Finkel (eds.), Wisdom, Gods and
Literature: Studies in Honour of W.G. Lambert, Winona Lake 2000, p. 246 ll. 1617.
147For a discussion that both practitioners used the same medical and pharmacological
texts see my Shaping Texts and Texts Genres: On the Drug Lore of Babylonian Practitio
ners of Medicine.
148See the definition given by Th. Barfield, The Dictionary of Anthropology, Oxford 1997,
p. 316.
149The titles of the respective ritual ceremonies are listed in the so-called Guidelines
of iptu, a catalogue text. See for the edition M.J. Geller, Incipits and Rubrics, pp.242
254; for the Uruk manuscript see E. von Weiher, SpTU V 231, pp. 2021. See for a study
of the exorcists ceremonies on the basis of the epistolary evidence C. Jean, La magie
Kneipenbesuch als Heilverfahren;150 stopping for a beer in a tavern was

one of the rites with which the exorcist assured the reintegration of his
patient into society. However, having a beer did not only entail chatting in
a relaxed atmosphere with other people; under the exorcists supervision
the patient had still to perform a last ritual action in the inn in order to
achieve complete healing and purity.151 The idea of disease as caused by
sin, breaking taboos or offending gods certainly was one of the distinctive
traits of the Ancient Mesopotamian worldview.152 An often-cited example
of interpreting disease as the result of cultic negligence comes from an
astrological report about thunder in the month of Abu which the scholar
Issr-umu-re wrote to the Assyrian king, Esarhaddon: The king, my
lord, need not worry about this illness. This is a seasonal disease; all peo-
ple who were sick are well now. Further, the king my lord who is one who
reveres the gods and prays day and night to the godscan really anything
happen to the king my lord and his offspring?153 As K. van der Toorn
explains this report reveals in two phrases both the custom of interpret-
ing disease as a sanction, and the complications of that interpretation.154
There are a number of ritual ceremonies that are precisely meant to coun-
teract the reasons for this sanction.155 Breaking a taboo or uttering curses
were actions that resulted in punishment through disease, which could
be avoided by the performance of the urpu Burning ritual or reciting
Lipur Be solved! litanies.156 The urpu ritual consists in mainly two activ-
ities: the peeling, unravelling, striping and plucking off of objects such as
onions, dates, ropes, wool, and tufts of animal hair which then had to be
no-assyrienne en contexte. Recherches sur le metier dexorciste et le concept diptu, Hel

sinki 2006 (= SAAS XVII), pp. 83106.
150Published in: D. Charpin & F. Joanns (eds.), La circulation des biens, des personnes
et des ides dans le Proche-Orient ancien. Actes de la XXXVIIIe Rencontre Assyriologique
Internationale (Paris, 810 juillet 1991), Paris 1992, pp. 389396.
151This rite forms often part of rather complex apotropaic rituals that averted the evil
prophesied through ominous signs, the so-called namburbi rituals for which see S.M. Maul,
Zukunftsbewltigung, especially pp. 101106.
152See K. van der Toorn, Sin and Sanction in Israel and Mesopotamia, pp. 6772.
153Quoting the translation of H. Hunger, Astrological Reports to Assyrian Kings, Hel
sinki 1992 (= SAA VIII), p. 4 no. 1 obv. 6-rev. 2.
154Sin and Sanction in Israel and Mesopotamia, p. 67.
155Occasionally, the incantations are classified as therapeutic magic. Since these
incantations are not used as medical spells nor are attested in medical context, the clas
sification is misleading and should be avoided; pace E. Robson, Mesopotamian Medicine
and Religion: Current Debates, New Perspectives, p. 458, and M.J. Geller, Ancient Babylo
nian Medicine. Theory and Practice, pp. 2728.
156See for the text edition E. Reiner, urpu. A Collection of Sumerian and Akkadian
Incantations; and Lipur Litanies, JNES 15 (1956) pp. 129146.
194 chapter six
burnt. The burning presents the symbolic disentangling from sin and con-
sequent destruction by fire.157 The other act concentrated on the patients
mouth, which had to be wiped cleanan action that clearly refers to the
locus which issued curses.158 Taking into account the verb used to desig-
nate the breaking of taboo, namely to eat (gu, aklu), we understand
the underlying cognitive process of this ritual action. A common theme
of the urpu incantations is that the person was entirely unaware of his
or her transgression;159 in view of this situation the complementary ritual
il ul di My god, I did not know could be performed.160 The prayers that
were to be recited during the il ul di ceremony are called in Sumerian
dingir.a.dib.ba to appease the heart of the (angry) god, which again
demonstrates the close interdependence between umbrage of the gods
and sanction through disease.161
Ancient Babylonians healed and cured body and soul with prayers,
exorcism and the administration of medicinal substances, which they
knew to influence certain functions of the body. They did not use laws
of nature to explain disease as dysfunction of the body or as deviation
from its normal, health state. Their ideas were based on religious concep-
tions or experience to control pain and cure symptoms. No theories are
necessary to explain, for example, that fever is reduced with the help of
cold compresses or that cooling bandages ease pain and reduce swellings.
Ancient Babylonian medicine is based on this kind of empiricism and as
such it must be strictly defined as unscientific healing. In this regard, it
cannot be considered a science.162 Ancient Babylonians explained disease
157Note that the urpu ritual did not serve to give instructions to prepare therapeu
tic materials as suggested by E. Robson, Mesopotamian Medicine and Religion: Current
Debates, New Perspectives, p. 458.
158See for the symbolic undoing urpu tablet VVI, incantations in ll. 1171; as for
cleansing see the incantations in urpu tablet VII and IX.
159See e.g. urpu II l. 32: he does not know which is (his) crime against god, he does
not know which is (his) sin against the goddess.
160According to the instructions on how to perform the ritual, namely the ritual tablet
KAR 90, the exorcist first performed il ul di and afterwards urpu: rev. l. 20 egir-u ne-
pe-i a ur-pa te-pu-u a-na a-bat du3-i Iki-[ir-da-ur], after this you perform the ritual
of urpu; excerpted for performance, Kiir-Aur.
161See for the texts W.G. Lambert, DINGIR.A.DIB.BA Incantations, JNES 33 (1974)
pp. 267287.
162Pace M.J. Geller, Ancient Babylonian Medicine. Theory and Practice. M.J. Geller sug
gests to measure the scientificness of Ancient Mesopotamian medicine with a scientific
quotient which consists in the rule of thumb that the more mathematical a Babylonian
discipline tends to be, the more scientific in our modern sense (p. 18). With mathemati
cal he refers to the appearance of numbers in medical texts. If a medical prescription
would include numbers for the amount or the weight of medicinal ingredients, or if a
in metaphysical, not theoretical terms; they established analogies and

correspondences between plants and diseases or diseases and deities
and other supernatural powers. Not surprisingly, some of the discernable
metaphysicial analogies were connected with the tutelary deity of medi-
cine, Gula.
edication had to be administered repeatedly, the text would merit a high scientific quo
m
tient (p. 24); magic, in contrast scores rather low because it is not measured (p. 32). How
ever, he considers incantations scientific, representing applied science because they and
their associated rituals were designed for very practical purposes of influencing human
health and fortunes (p. 32). I find it difficult to follow this reasoning because, as the textual
evidence demonstrates, one and the same medical prescription can be transmitted with
or without specifying amounts and weights. See e.g. the famous eye salve for ammurapi:
five of the manuscripts give the weights for the ingredients, while two are just listing the
ingredients (see for some of the references J.C. Fincke, Augenleiden nach keilschriftlichen
Quellen. Untersuchungen zur altorientalischen Medizin, p. 277 with notes 21042106).
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pp. 263292.
. Wer las und schrieb in Babylonien und Assyrien? berlegungen zur Literalitt im Alten
Zweistromland, Mnchen 2000 (= Bayerische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Phil.-hist. Kl.
Sitzungsberichte 2000, Heft 6).
Wink, Michael & Ben-Erik van Wyk. Mind-Altering and Poisonous Plants of the World, Lon-
don 2008.
Worthington, Martin. Edition of UGU 1, JMC 5 (2005), pp. 643.
Zlyomi, Gbor. Hymns to Ninisina and Nergal on the Tablets Ash 1911.235 and Ni 9672,
in: H.D. Baker, E. Robson & G. Zlyomi (eds.), Your Praise is Sweet. A Memorial Volume
for Jeremy Black from Students, Colleagues and Friends, London 2010, pp. 413428.
Index of Names and Subjects
animal bites association of skin diseases with

dog155 musculoskeletal disorders2930
serpent156 association of wind with skin
Asalui24, 28, 29 afflictions3738
ipu (exorcist) see magic natural and supernatural179180
iptu (magic art) see magic; metaphors disorders
as (physician) see medicine a disease59
astu (healing craft) see medicine; birth asphyxia68
metaphors bunu disease6364, 6667
jaundice68, 74
Baba1314 of intestinal tract100106, 115
spelling of name9n11, 13n36 smnu disease5559
skin sores (simmu)23, 109112
colour adnu skin disease6062
red184 arriu skin disease60
yellow-green124125 inna tri disease62
concept of body tu skin affliction60
belly as dark place33 See also demons; medical treatment
bile regulating body fluids127, 180 dog
body functions127 and Samana demon41, 99100
skin as net2930 as recipient of disease38, 43
system of cord-like strings2627 in rituals against Lamatu41
tripartite concept27 licking wounds38, 44
water and intestinal troubles126128 on ideational level153, 155, 163, 168
protective function168
Damu21, 27, 98, 100n29 skeletons44
demons
Azu catcher-demon74, 124126, exorcist see ipu
139, 169, 179, 182
Asakku35 Gula
and disorders of musculoskeletal and belly33
system29, 35 and cats3940
and skin sores / skin afflictions29, and dogs3844
35, 36 and fertility30, 32, 44
and storm36, 37 and Lamatu4344
Lamatu40 and Namtar and Asakku3438
and babies41 and musculoskeletal system of body
and dogs4344 2728
and Gula4344 and intestinal tract24
poisoning mother milk43 and wound treatment16n54, 1819,
Namtar demon3435 20, 2224
Samana demon98100 as midwife3034
and babies41, 100, 115 in god lists, in temple lists78
and smnu disease9899, 167168 medical literature and169176
poisoning food42
See also dog; Gula; magic treatment healing craft see astu
disease healing plants
and cultic negligence193194 for scaring off animals162163
212 index of names and subjects
knowledge of130, 170171 emetic134135 (bunu plant); 142

sources for129130 (lin kalbi plant)
medicinal plant roots158n84 eye salve151 (lin kalbi plant)
protection of plant roots146, 158 of ammurabi178n72, 195n162
plant terms ingestion156 (lin kalbi plant)
azall141, 147, 167 potion135, 136, 137, 138, 139
bunu plant157158 (bunu plant); 143, 144, 146, 147,
Cynoglossum officinale157 148, 149, 150, 152, 153 (lin kalbi
ai r plant (shepherds crook) plant)
141, 147148, 157158, 167 take in of (excessive) liquids128,
lin kalbi plant (dogs tongue) 145, 146 (lin kalbi plant)
157158 of disorders
auntu plant158159 animal bites154156
identification of159 a disease139140, 148, 162
See also medical treatment bibir(r)u disease160
bunu disease134136
Il ul di194 erectile dysfunction147148
incantations fever, blurred vision, blood in eyes
abracadabra187191 133134
attributed to as186187, 191192 fever, throbbing temple, blurred
attributed to ipu186187, 191192 vision, shedding tears151
historiola120 au cough144145
medical and exorcistic192 jaundice139, 148151
performative aspect of191 liver138
recital7778 located in belly136138, 152,
ama and darkness3334 161162
See also magic; metaphors pregnant women139, 153154
productive cough (sulu)142145
Kbu63n81 renal system (stones)145147
smnu disease152153, 159160
letter prayers between practical and
fictitious or not18n60 magical180181
function18n60 wound treatment16n54
See also concept of body; healing plants
magic medicine
ipu (exorcist)185186, 192 and magic176, 179, 180182
iptu (magic art)28, 187 and religion176, 179, 180182, 192194
cognitive theory of190191 as science194, 194n162
definitions of176178 as (physician)17, 19, 186, 191, 192
See also incantations astu (healing craft)17, 28, 187
magical treatment medical literature3, 165166
smnu disease153, 155156 theoretical or empirical194195
Marduk9495, 184, 186 handbook of prognosis and diagnosis,
mamau (exorcist) see ipu (exorcist) Sakikk166
medical treatment See also concept of body; healing plants;
administration medical treatment
anointment140 (bunu plant); metaphors
148 (lin kalbi plant); 160, 161 medical metaphors117118
(auntu plant) theory of conceptual115117
application of clay9394, 180 use and function in iptu (magic
bandage134, 137 (bunu plant); art)185186
155 (lin kalbi plant) conceptual metaphors
embrocation141 (ai r plant) disease is an enemy182184
index of names and subjects 213
treating illness is fighting a Nigara31, 32

war182184 Ninigizibara131
donor field Ninisina1213
animals of prey185 Ninkarak1112
target Nintinuga1011
demon182183 Ninurta14, 69, 126, 183184
use and function in astu (healing and Asakku demon3536
craft)181182 and adnu disease6062
conceptual metaphors associated with liver, jaundice and
belly is a container120122 plague69, 73, 74
body is a landscape120122
donor fields physician see as
landscape122, 124, 125 pig43
wild animal pregnancy3132
lion6364, 168, 173
wolf6364, 168, 173 Sakikk, Handbook of prognosis and
heron124, 125 diagnosis
serpent122, 124 contents of4548
domestic animal contents of chapter XL6263
goat122125 etymology of2627, 51
sea119 Hands of gods47, 171172
pond119 structure of chapter XXXIII5154
river119 See also medicine
targets surgery
belly119, 120122 cautery19, 19n66
bile123128 instruments20
foetus119 preparative procedures2021
intestines119120, 126 See also Gula
womb119 ammu ikinu
structure57
urpu193194
Index of Words Discussed
Sumerian
ama.u.al.bi 15 sa 2630
bulug.kig.gur 18 sa.gig 27
giri.zal 18 simx 22
a.gal 100101 simx.simx 23n81, n83
ir/ri/ru 35n137 su 30
ki.bil 123, 124 a 2526
libi 2526 u.zi.an.na 15
mir 37 tug gal 20n73; 21n74
mu ki.bil.la 122123 ze 122, 126, 127
ni.gar.ra 32n123
Akkadian
alku 49, 58, 73 naglabu 19, 20

bunu 133, 157, 166 qupp 20
bubutu 3738 rabb 17n56, n58
imtu 123 simmu 22
ina igi-ka 58 arriu 60
karzillu 18, 19, 21 inna tri 62
ks libbi 26, 105 adnu 6062
mal 49 ernu 2630
masdaru 18, 19, 20, 21 ibi ri 38
miqit irr 103104 iknu 5557
Incantation Incipits
ana dgula likrub87 libbi ama ina ad33n131

ana dgula liktarrabki9091 [libb?] ittanapar105
tamar panki8687, 146, 147 libbu libbu ekil libbu33n130
da.zu kalam.ma dnin.i.si.na8081 libbu namztu121n85
batqat nru101102 martu martu martu123

bir.ri.a bir.ri.a82
nim.nim u u100
enma danum ir110 dnin.i.si.in ama kalam.ma.ke27, 78n8
enzu arqat aruq eera123 ni.ip.pa.a min190
dgula asti tenti9697 sa.ma.na ka pirig.ga99

dgula bltu rabtu89 simmu madu umunu ul de24n86,
dgula nin an.ta.gal an.ur.ta nam.ta.e 110n42
8384 a.gig.ga gipisan.gin ke.da120121
dama dayynu ru107
i.ba.a i.ba.a189 ammu a libbi ina ad ai33n131
igi bar igi bar.bar190 uu umu makadu kinssu182n87
ina egalma abat dgula9293
ze.am u.im.gin122, 123
Texts Cited
Cuneiform
A Dog for Nintinuga 1 ii: 78 140

6 27, 35, 172 1 ii: 19 160
6, 8 2223 1 ii: 35 144
7 26 1 ii: 45 144
1 ii: 5659 150
ABB 6 135 1 ii: 6061 150
rev. 48, 1618 18n60 1 iii: 20 ix
1 iii: 2021 131
ABL 3 iv: 23 49n17
341, 1113 58 66 rev. 18 62n77
413 184n105 92 ii: 22, iii: 9 138
92 iii: 11 125n102
Abnu ikinu 112 i: 1719 147
84 57 113 35 145n44
Adapa BAM II
1516 37n150 124 iii: 60iv: 9 8082
124 iv: 2326 114n54
AMT 127 obv. 18 8082
19,7 obv. 4 132 128 iv: 1823 114n54
28,1 iv: 31 192n145 145 obv. 2, 6, 10 162n101
45,1 14 62n77 146 obv. 1011 137
49,1 iv: 11 142 146 obv. 15, 18 161
80,1 i: 13 142 146 rev. 311 162n101
80,1 i: 8 143 146 rev. 30 162n102
88,2 obv. 7 159n96 158 iv: 1417 152
93,3 obv. 11 114n55 159 ii: 20, 2548 109
159 ii: 4345 179n78
AO 7765 159 iv: 22 178n72
rev. 814 33n131 186 obv. 11 126n106
AO 11276 BAM III

obv. 25 99 228 obv. 7 159n96
obv. 11 41n176 241 ii: 11 139
248 iv: 13, 21 153
AO 17656
obv. 1rev. 9 107109 BAM IV
obv. 56, 1011 179 321 obv. 28, 30 79n8
322 obv. 18, 19, 7879n8
Ash 1911.235 // Ni 9672 2025, 2627,
obv. 1820 127n112 rev. 71, 72, 73,
7475
BAM I 322 rev. 54 78n4
1 i: 37 173n51 379 ii: 13 157n82
1 i: 49 161 379 iv: 18 136
1 ii: 3 162 379 iv: 2021 162
texts cited 217
381 iii: 2526 154 578 ii: 4546 124n100

382 rev. 11 178n72 578 ii: 4549 123
396 ii: 1315 145 578 iii: 4, 6 123n94
396 iii: 79 145146 578 iii: 45 152n63
401 rev. 2729 108 578 iii: 4iv:46 125n106
578 iii: 7, 23 149
BAM V 578 iii: 7 125n106, 139n25
422 iii: 2 161 578 iii: 8 125n106
426 ii: 17, 24 148 578 iii: 10 125n106
426 ii: 34 162 578 iii: 15 125n106
430 iii: 4647 8990 578 iii: 21 149, 157n83
431 iii: 4753 8990 578 iii: 22 125n106
461 iii: 14 49n17 578 iv: 16 139n25
480 i: 13; ii: 23 151 578 iv: 17 139, 149
480 ii: 12, 15 134 578 iv: 17, 19 149150
494 i: 35 59 578 iv: 28, 30, 31 123n94, 125n106
503 ii: 33, 36 78n3 578 iv: 29 125n106
508 ii: 11 192n145 578 iv: 36 125n106
578 iv: 43 125n102
BAM VI 579 iv: 3342 25n92, 33n128,
510 iii: 5 114n55 152n63
510 iv: 3738 19n64 580 ii: 3, 4 112n46
514 iii: 19 192n145 580 ii: 6 112n47
514 iv: 42 19n64 580 ii: 912 112n48
534 i: 312 107109 580 ii: 1617 112n49
543 i: 53 62n76 580 ii: 17 21n77
543 ii: 24, 38 134 580 vi: 8 37n151, 38n152
543 ii: 46, 47 135
543 iii: 5354 135 BAM VII
548 i: 13 142 1 ii: 1 145n45
548 i: 8 143 2 ii: 2228 145n44
574 i: 2644 152n63 3 ii: 1214 146
574 i: 48 143 3 ii: 2134 145n44
574 ii: 2, 4 137 4 i: 112 145n44
574 ii: 1527 152n63 4 i: 1719 see BAM I 112
574 ii: 2128 105106 9, text I i: 1416 8990
574 ii: 22 121n86 9, text I i: 1940 8385
574 iii: 2331 33n131 9b ii: 39 8688
574 iii: 3439 33n131 16 i: 1718 146
574 iii: 54 121n85
574 iv: 24 33n130, 121n86 BAM VII pl. 910 see KAR 73
574 iv: 25 121n87
575 ii: 1765 152n63 BBSt
575 iii: 2526 152 6 ii: 39 32n122
575 iii: 2536 152n63
575 iv: 59 46n3 BM 28944
576 ii: 212 33n131 obv. 1rev. 15 9294
578 i: 1, 27, 28, 123n94
38, 47, 70 BM 34071
578 ii: 20 123n94 obv. 3 49
578 ii: 2022 123n95
578 ii: 2938 123 BM 38583
578 ii: 3944 123 obv. 3, 7 152153
578 ii: 40 124n99 rev. 4 148
218 texts cited
BM 41293+ GCCI II
rev. iv: 1 178n72 406 50n21
406 rev. 17 54n39
BM 42399
obv. 1rev. 17 9598 Gttertypentext
col. i: 12 21n79
BM 42454+
obv. 1rev. 17 9598 Gula Hymn of Bullussarabi
82 20
BM 54641+
rev. 3 178n72 HS 1555+1587
obv. 9 100n29
BM 66560 obv. 10 101n31
rev. 7 134
rev. 8 135 IddinDagan D
89 18
BM 98584+98589+K.5461a 38 127
iii: 433 101104
K.191+ see BAM VI 574
Codex ammurabi
215 19, 21, 23, 35, 53 K.232+
obv. 34 82
Compendium 185
K.2432+S.1899
CT IV obv. 7 82
8a 134 120121 obv. 1520 8082
CT XIV K.2960+ see BAM VII 9b

pl. 41 see Rm. 362 6 160
K.3484 see BAM VI 534
CT XVII
pl. 10 5152 29n111 K.3526
pl. 10 4546 37n145, 38 rev. 8 37n151
CT XXIII K.4164+ see BAM V 430

pl. 2 see K.2432+ 8082
K.4782
CT 51 i: 8 49n17
142 6 183n98
197 ii: 5 138 K.4957+
i: 1940 8385
CTMMA II
30 obv. 1rev. 6 9598 K.6057+7928+7954+82323,47+825
22,539+83118,506
CTN IV i: 1 24
113 ii: 21 49n17 ii: 6 59
116 rev. 7, 8 112n46 ii: 2223 19n66
116 rev. 11 112n47 ii: 2941 110111
116 rev. 1416 112n48 ii: 3133 24
116 rev. 2021 112n49 ii: 33 110n42
196 iii: 9 157n82 iii: 110 113
iii: 79 28
Enki and Ninma
89 26n97 K.9684+ see BAM V 431
texts cited 219
KADP Lugale see Ninurtas exploits

1 i: 18 157n83
1 v: 15 160 Maql
1 v: 15, 16, 17 162163 VIII 39, 4142 28n109
2 v: 4042 141, 147148
4 obv. 16 156 MSL IX
4 rev. 3637 141, 154 List of Diseases, 26
33 obv. 67 57n57 p. 92 col. i: 1
33 obv. 7, 9, 11 133n10
33 rev. 8 57 MSL X
34b rev. 5 133n10 AR.ra = ubullu 142n32
XVII 105109
KAR
44 obv. 1617 192n146 MSL XIII
58 obv. 24 91 ProtoIzi II 373 30n115
73 obv. 1532 8688
73 rev. 128 8385 MSL XV
109+ 131n8 Diri IV 9 140n28
90 rev. 20 194n160
MSL XVII
KAV Erimu I 268270 28n106, 29
46 obv. 19 82 Antagal E i: 17 38n153
Antagal E iv: 67 29
KUB IV
48 ii: 12 147 Muuu
IV/a 7 100n29
Lamentation over the Destruction of Ur IV/a 29 26n100
260 37 IV/c 57 95
IV/c 5863 9598
LB 1000 IV/j 189n129, 189n133
obv. 3 17n56 V/a 4 27
obv. 4 100n29 VI 65 29
VIII/c 97 26n100
Letter Prayer of Inanakam to Nintinuga VIII/e 106110 190
9 27 VIII/l 167168 182n87
2022 35
Ninisina A see also SRT 6 and 7
Letter Prayer of Nannamansum to Ninisina 1721 16
56 22 3235 25, 122
6 17n57 3740 16
8 35 48 34n135
7479 3031
Letter Prayer of Sin-iddinam to Ninisina
7 32n123 Ninurtas Exploits
26 23n83 106108 126
268269 36
Letter Prayer of Sin-iddinam to Utu 276 36
28 34n135 498 61
674 42n178
LKA
20 817 3940 OECT V 8 see Iddin-Dagan D
Lugalbanda and the Anzu Bird Rm. 362

67 127 obv. 6 160
220 texts cited
RMA XXXIII: 103a 55

18 rev. 56 58 XXXIII: 103b 59
XXXIII: 104 60
RS 17.155 // RS. 15152 XXXIII: 105a 60
obv. 16 24n89, 111 XXXIII: 105b 60
XXXIII: 106a 62
RS 20.06 XXXIII: 106b 7374
obv. 13 114 XXXIII: 107a 74
XXXIII:107b 74
RS 25.456B XL: 5 64
obv. 22 rev. 1 25n93 XL: 38 42, 100
XL: 61 64
RS.25.420+ XL: 7687 65
i: 5 43n183 XL: 8899 66
XL: 100101 67
SAA III XL: 114 67
32 6879 35n136 XL: 118 67
SAA VIII SpTU I

1 obv. 6rev. 1 193 41 obv. 5 64n87
43 obv. 12 124n98
SAA X 43 rev. 25 62n79
283 obv. 1415 184n103 44 obv. 1 62n78
44 obv. 16 134
SAA XVI 44 obv. 2023 134135
26 1113 58 44 rev. 55 120n81
44 rev. 5557 64
SAACT V 44 rev. 6566 64
10 183n97
63 182n92 SpTU III
73, 76 182n95 84 rev. 7980 43n186
8385 182n94 84 rev. 7997 170n30
174 183n96
186, 187, 188 182n93 SpTU IV
129 vi: 1127 120n80
Sakikk
VI: 19 49 SpTU V
VII: 68 6970 248 rev. 1217 32n121
VII: 73 6970
IX: 6970 7071 SRT 6 see also Ninisina A
XII iv: 16 50 i: 9 20n73
XIII i: 55 51 i: 1011 18n62
XVII: 75 71 i: 1721 16
XVIII: 1516 7172 i: 3235 25, 122
XXI: 67 72 i: 37 ii: 2 16
XXIII: 19 125n102 ii: 10 34n135
XXXIII: 6 58 iii: 16 30
XXXIII: 23 55 iv: 24 37
XXXIII: 24 58
XXXIII: 25 58 SRT 7 see also Ninisina A
XXXIII: 29 61 1117a 30
XXXIII: 31 7374 72 37
XXXIII: 65, 66 62n75
texts cited 221
STT I UET VI/2

92 i: 14 155n72 392 2 37n146
92 i: 3 155
92 i: 11 156 UM 2915367
92 ii: 14 144, 150 4950 31n118
94 obv. 19 156
uru.an.na
STT II II 42 160
230 rev. 912 79n8 II 42a 158159
252 obv. 113 33n131 II 108120 132133
II 109110 132
STVC II 286 160
61 obv. 5 21n74 III 1 140
III 9 141
urpu
II: 32 194n159 VAS 17
VII: 56 125 9 obv. 2 121n86
9 obv. 4 121n87
TCL 33 2526 31n118
16 60 obv. 56 2223
16 60 obv. 6 17 VAT 8772+15549*
16 60 obv. 8 35 iii: 60iv: 9 8082
TCS III VAT 9024 see KAR 73

TH no. 39 500501 33n129
VAT 11224*+11705*
U 30655 obv. 18 8082
obv. 1 rev. 14 9092
YOS XI
udug.ul 11 19 33n131
III/d 103110 183n101 12 115 33n131
III/d 104107 184n108 14 rev. 5 19n65
Classical
Dioscorides, Pliny, Naturalis

De materia 94 historia XXV 81 157
medica V 93, 103
Biblical
Nahum 2: 3 184n105

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The Healing Goddess Gula

Culture and History of the

The titles published in this series are listed at brill.com/chan

Copyright 2014 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands.

This book is printed on acid-free paper.

2 The Healing Goddess Gula: A Portrait................................................ 7

3Gulas Hand in the Handbook of Diagnosis and Prognosis,

5 Gulas Healing Plants................................................................................ 129

1.1Presentation of the Study

As the medical historian Vivian Nutton writes in his study on Greek

1See his Ancient Medicine, London New York 2004, p. 1.

fact that merely 15% of the written documentation on Ancient Meso-

3This estimation is based on my ongoing study of the pertinent cuneiform material of

I am merciful; even from afar I am listening,

7See ibidem, pp. 126128, ll. 178183.

1.2Scope and Structure of the Book

expectancy and/or to diagnose the supernatural cause responsible for the

11See my reflections on combined remedies Medicinal Plants and Medicaments

hand, the fact is stressed that Ancient Babylonian practitioners recognized

THE HEALING GODDESS GULA: A PORTRAIT

2.1Gulas Position in the Pantheon and Her Appearance

If we were to rank Gulas position among the Babylonian deities on the

v arious first millennium literary compositions addressing Gula.13 So far

evident whether the name Ninisina is a nomen or a cognomen F.R. Kraus

25Or Gula, see F.R. Kraus, ibidem, p. 70.

was attributed the status of a healing goddess as early as in Ur III times.40

2.2Gula in the Life of the Ancient Mesopotamians

As a healing goddess Gula is called the great physician,46 who revives

17 tugbar.si.ge u im.ma.an.ti u im.gur.gur.re

is actually a prayer or petition;60 and in a votive inscription written on

The healing goddess is reputed to have used a number of different sur-

it also in another praise song, mentioning king Ibi-Erra of Isin.74 The

80The text is TCL 16 60 obv. ll. 56 simx.simx.ma ki ku.ku.ga.ba a.bi lu nu.zu /

90The lines correspond to SRT 6 i: 3235.

a mbiguous. However, the meaning abdomen, belly of a is evident when

95See the discussion of M. Stol, The Digestion of Food According to Babylonian

loanword from Sumerian sa.gig, literally sick cords, usually rendered

the consequences of breaking an oath which later was incorporated into

p. 295. In his edition Hymnen und Klagelieder in sumerischer Sprache, he translates

The association of the healing goddess with midwifery and babies is of

in healing spells is unusual since the sun god is commonly appealed to in

2.2.5Namtar and Asakku

and becomes a netherworld deity figuring as a vizier of Erekigal.136 In the

me.lam.bi nir.gal, Lord, storm whose splendour is forceful, also called

145[a].sag lu.ra tumu.gin ba.an.ri, [a-sak-k]u a-na lu ki-ma a-a-ri i-ziq-ma; CT

di simx gar-u gin u.[bu].bu.ul pa-gar-u sa i-bi im [mu.ni]

The close relationship of goddess and her symbolic animal is wide-

8 ...is grave, he has shown great disrespect which before Gula...

13 ...the dogs were fighting but he did not remove them...

a puppy and a piglet, occasionally a scorpion, a snake and a donkeys leg.169

169See for a discussion of the amulets F.A.M. Wiggermann Lamatu, Daughter of

GulaS Hand in the Handbook of Diagnosis

Based on the analysis of Sumerian literary compositions I have given in

1See R. Labat, Trait akkadien de diagnostics et pronostics mdicaux, Leiden Paris

The handbook, which is referred to as Sakikk throughout the present

he will recover or he will die.5 The diagnoses consist in the attribution

5See the description of N.P. Heeel, ibidem, pp. 6365.

dealing with childrens diseases is treated separately. References to gods

Entries in Sakikk; Entries in Sakikk;

3.2Sakikk XII iv: 16

19See for the edition TDP p. 108 l. 16.

have been recognized by Ancient Babylonians: in a catalogue text, which

36See Chapter 2.2.3.