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communication
1
Sabine Fiedler
University of Leipzig, Germany
sfiedler@rz.uni-leipzig.de
Abstract
The paper focuses on European language policy. A polity of 27 states with 23 official languages
is an enormous challenge. The public discourse of EU politicians stresses the need to maintain
all the languages of the EU, for they are an essential component of European identity. The EU’s
linguistic reality looks different. It is characterised by the ever greater predominance of just one
language, English. Recent publications have shown that the hegemony of English has led to
severe disadvantages for non-anglophones in general and in academia in particular. There is a
growing awareness of the dangers emanating from the dominance of one language over all other
languages. Several options for language policy have been presented to find fair and democratic
approaches to international communication. Their scope includes (1) multilingualism/pluri
lingualism, (2) restriction to receptive skills (e.g. European Intercomprehension), (3) reduced
variants of English, e.g. the model ‘English as a Lingua Franca (ELF)’, (4) initiatives to revive
an ancient language (e.g. Latin), and (5) the use of a planned language. The paper gives an
introduction to these approaches and an analysis of the treatment that they receive in the
literature on language policy. It discusses the extent to which they seem to be feasible and
the consequences their implementation would have for language learning.
Keywords: European language policy, English, multilingualism, English as a Lingua Franca (ELF),
planned languages (Esperanto)
117) points out, “all science is useless if it is not accessible to other members of
the discipline. This is easier with only one language as a scientific lingua franca”.
On the other hand, the dominance of English is increasingly attracting strong
criticism. Recent publications (e.g. Carli and Ammon 2007; Gnutzmann 2008;
Grin 2005) have shown that the dominance of a single language as a medium of
international communication leads to communicative inequality. Among other
things, it results in a reduction of discourse patterns and a tendency towards a
unilateral approach to research. The spread of English favours Anglo-American
ideas and authors. Its prevalent use in the sciences and academia leads to severe
disadvantages for non-anglophones, as well as to a devaluation of other foreign
languages. Furthermore, it provides English-speaking countries with enormous
additional income.
Therefore, several options for language policy have been presented to find
fair and democratic approaches to international communication. Their scope
includes
1. different variants of multilingualism/plurilingualism
2. the restriction to passive language skills (e.g. European Intercomprehension)
3. reduced variants of English, such as the model ‘English as a Lingua Franca’
4. initiatives to revive an ancient language (e.g. Latin)
5. the use of an artificial language.2
This paper will give an introduction to these approaches and an analysis of the
treatment that they receive in the literature on language policy. It will also dis-
cuss the extent to which they seem to be feasible and the consequences their
implementation would have for language learning.
1. Multilingualism/plurilingualism3
2. ‘Non-linguistic’ approaches, such as machine translation or the proposal to set up a system of com-
pensation (van Parijs 2007) are not considered in this article.
3. ‘Multilingualism’ is mainly used with reference to languages spoken in a certain area, whereas
‘plurilingualism’ (or individual multilingualism) characterises people who are able to speak more than
one language.
4. Multilingualism in individual member states, however, is neglected. Catalan, for example, with
more speakers than Danish, does not qualify as being an official EU language (Phillipson 2003).
Table 1. Percentage increase in use of English for initial drafting of EU texts
French German Other English
1970 60% 40% 0% 0%
1996 38% 5% 12% 46%
2004 26% 3% 9% 62%
2006 14% 3% 11% 72%
De facto there is a linguistic hierarchy with English now at the top. Phillipson
(2009: 150) shows the increase in the use of English, presenting the figures set
out in Table 1 for the language of initial drafting of EU texts.5
In the practical work of the EU institutions the equal status of the official lan-
guages is a fiction, as even Leonard Orban, Commissioner for Multilingualism,
admits:
No matter how much we would like to, we cannot translate everything in all the 23 official
languages. We are faced with constraints, depending on the human resources available and
the budget allocated to translation. (2008)
5. The swing to English is confirmed by Wright’s investigation into English in the European Parlia-
ment (2007: 151).
lipson 2008: 133; Ammon 2003). Recent statistics on the matter are sobering.
According to the European survey Eurobarometer (2006), 56 per cent of the EU
population are fluent in a language other than their mother tongue and 28 per
cent are fluent in two languages in addition to their mother tongue. When we
consider these figures, several aspects should not be ignored (Phillipson 2003:
9). Firstly, the survey is based on the data that people report on their own use of
languages. Secondly, people who speak a regional minority language at home
are often bilingual. Thirdly, there is enormous variation between the member
states. Nearly everyone speaks a foreign language in the Netherlands, Denmark
and Luxembourg.
For Wright (2000: 235), plurilingualism was a possible solution for the Euro-
pean Community when it consisted of only six member states with four lan-
guages, and even then within limits. Today, as she points out (235–242), there
are mainly three groups of people who promote individual multilingualism.
The first one (“the idealists”), do so as an expression of goodwill because they
hope that solidarity among different national groups and a common identity
develop in this way. No language is preferred and especially promoted; learning
languages means enrichment and joy. The idealists, as Wright points out, are
often members of the cosmopolitan, European intelligentsia, who forget that
not all people are fascinated by language in the same way and have different
intellectual abilities. The second group consists of language professionals such
as foreign language teachers. They stick to the goal that every European citizen
should speak at least two foreign languages and often plead for an earlier start
to language learning and for an improvement of teaching methods and tech-
nologies. The third group of people supporting plurilingualism fear that their
own languages might disappear as a medium of international communication.
According to Wright, they are aware of the financial, political, educational and
other advantages that result from the prominent position of a language. Their
kind of “plurilingualism” translates itself as support for French, German, Span-
ish or another language, or as the fight against the hegemony of English.6
As “full” multilingualism does not seem to be realistic, restricted variants of
multilingualism are discussed. Kraus (2008: 176), in his refusal of the model
“English Only”, sees “converging multilingualism” as a realistic framework of
European language policy:
6. The recent history of the EU shows several examples of attempts by member states wanting to
stress the importance of their language, such as the so-called German-Finnish language conflict in
1999 (Kelletat 2001; Sieberg 2008) and the reaction of the Spanish Minister, Ana Palacio, to the motto
of the Copenhagen Summit ‘One Europe’ in 2002 (www.chair.coleurop.pl/Conferences/konf/lan-
guages/Phillipson.ppt (accessed 2 January 2010)).
He points out that “the EU has at present no alternative to showing its citizens a
high level of multilingual sensitivity”. It would not be wise to demonise English
and its potential as a European lingua franca, but it would be wrong to regard it
“a priori as expressing the shared will of the community of European peoples on
questions of language policy”. Becoming a bit more concrete, Kraus mentions
“sets of two or three languages” and “clusters of countries, regions and groups
with linguistic-cultural affinities” (177):
For example, in the EU25 one could envisage the emergence of a Latin, a Scandinavian,
a Teutonic and an Atlantic network. Within the various clusters, existing communicative
proximity would in many cases make it possible to take advantage of a passive bilingualism
in which A and B mutually understand each other even though each employs a different
language.
2. EuroCom
The question is whether this aim is ambitious enough. Should we not set the
bar much higher in terms of both student aspirations and societal demands?
Certainly, languages should not be seen as isolated from each other. There is
not only interference but also positive transfer, and the similarities in linguis-
tic systems can be used to help students towards learning more than only one
foreign language. Synergies in teaching and learning foreign languages can
be created. Didactics of plurilingualism has also found “that the teaching and
learning of intercomprehension proves to be an efficient tool for increasing the
learner’s autonomy” (Meißner 2005: 125). These results should be integrated
into language teaching. The EuroCom approach, however, would mean a one-
sided focus on receptive skills. We should keep in mind that today’s language
learner is not necessarily an enthusiastic lover of languages and the relation-
ships between them but someone who needs practical (i.e. active) skills to com-
municate.
3. ELF
The approach English as a Lingua Franca (ELF) is the idea that the English used
in international communication represents a form or function (some repre-
sentatives speak of a variety) in its own right whose norms are established by its
users instead of native speakers.8 ELF takes today’s actual use of English as its
starting point, i.e. the fact that it has spread so widely that its native speakers are
now outnumbered by its non-native speakers.9 If in the majority of exchanges
of the Germanic languages, the manifold influences they have undergone by Romance languages and
the practice of language teaching (role of English as L2) (Hufeisen 2002: 471; McCann 2002: 200–205).
8. ELF is not the only proposal for a reduced variant of English. Cf., for example, Ammon’s (2003)
Globalish and Mukherjee’s (2008) English as a Global Pidgin (EGP).
9. According to an estimate by Beneke (1991: 54) in about 80 per cent of all communicative events
native speakers are not present. Seidlhofer (2005: R92) gives the following figures: “At the beginning
of the 21st century, as a result of the unprecedented global spread of English, roughly only one out of
every four users of the language in the world is a native speaker of it”.
where English is used native speakers are not present, the argument goes, their
models and standards of correctness are of limited relevance. English “belongs
to all its users” (Kachru 1992) or, as McArthur (1999) puts it, it “is the possession
of every individual or community that wishes to use it, wherever they are in the
world”. Widdowson (1994: 385) expressed his idea of “the ownership of English”
in the following words:
How English develops in the world is no business whatever of native speakers in England,
the United States, or anywhere else. They have no say in the matter, no right to intervene or
pass judgement. They are irrelevant.
cultural base. “ELF is not the same as EFL [English as a Foreign Language –
S.F.], nor is it failed ENS [English as a native language – S.F.]”. It can be said to
occupy a legitimate third space of its own. In her investigation into English in
the European Parliament, Wright (2007: 164) comes to a similar conclusion:
The English spoken within the European institutions will develop in response to the needs
of those who use it in this space, will become a variety which belongs to its constituency
and will be the expression of a particular set of cultural practices.
We all know about the close relationship between language and culture. Empir-
ical investigations have revealed the existence of culture-conditioned differ-
ences in thought patterns, discourse behaviour and styles in text production
(Kaplan 1966; Clyne 1981; 1987; House 2006). The dominant use of English in
intercultural communication leads to the adoption of Anglo-American norms
of interaction (Alexander 2006). This aspect has raised concerns with regard
to scientific communication, especially in the humanities, i.e. in fields where
scientific research is focused on social and cultural topics. The consequences for
English language teaching are that, in advanced phases, the productive mastery
of those discourse strategies are targets of instruction. This means, ultimately,
that proficient users of English do not only have to produce their texts in Eng-
lish to allow international communication and cooperation but that they also
adopt thought patterns and discourse styles that are characteristic for a spe-
cific culture, the Anglo-American one. The ELF model, as I understand it, in
contrast, aims at intercultural communication and pleads for the protection of
different language cultures. It is desirable that its speakers transfer some of the
pragmatic norms of their native language backgrounds to lingua franca English
(Kirkpatrick 2006: 80).
A third advantage is that the ELF model is meant to give other languages a
chance. As Seidlhofer (2003: 137) points out,
[…] if – and this is a vital condition – English is appropriated by its users in such a way as
to serve its unique function as EIL [English as an international language – S.F.], it does not
constitute a threat to other languages but, precisely because of its delimited role and distinct
status, leaves other languages intact. Properly conceptualised as EIL, ‘English’ can be pos-
itioned, quite literally, out of competition with other languages.
If only those features of English necessary for production and reception are
taught that are crucial for international intelligibility in lingua franca settings,
Seidlhofer (2003: 136) argues, this will reduce the number of years spent on
learning it, which is a step towards the European ideal of respect for linguis-
tic diversity. As mentioned in 2.1, recent developments in European language
policy seem to be focused in the same direction.
The three merits described above should lead to the conclusion that the
ELF model might be a solution to current problems of international linguistic
communication. However, the model has also elicited negative responses and
criticism, as Jenkins (2007) describes in detail. The main problem, in my eyes,
remains the very fact that there is a native speaker of English as a potential inter-
locutor and as a permanent reminder that there is a more proficient variant of
English. The situation that intercultural interactions include non-native speak-
ers of English as well as its native speakers causes inequality and will make ELF
difficult to accept. Acceptance or, indeed, the willingness to consider ELF to be a
variety or at least legitimate form of English and not merely a collection of errors
is the key factor for success. Surveys have shown that this acceptance is widely
lacking both among the users of ELF and among native speakers (Jenkins 2007;
Prodromou 2008).
Another major obstacle in the way of success is the fact that generations of
teachers and learners have traditionally taken the native speaker’s use as their
model. The deficit view, according to which deviations from native speaker
norms are considered to be errors rather than variants, is especially relevant
to language teachers. They are familiar with the theories of fossilisation and
interlanguage and they pass them on to their students. New developments in
language learning (for example, English for Young Learners) even support
this idea (by arguing that it is possible to speak a foreign language without any
accent when it is taught by a native speaker and instruction starts early enough).
Against this background, an English teacher’s departure from the norm will pre-
sumably not be seen as a feature of an independent ELF variant, but as English
that is defective or has not been sufficiently learned.
Another reason for the negative responses to the model ELF is the fact that the
use of English as a lingua franca in the expanding circle is diverse and heteroge-
neous. Asian ELF is different from European ELF. Within Europe, Scandinavian
users of English differ from those with a Slavic or Romance language as their
mother tongue. As Jenkins (2007) shows, these different types of ELF are met
with different degrees of acceptance or negative orientation. Even within one
regionally defined type of ELF, say ELF used in Germany, there are huge differ-
ences in “non-nativeness”. The majority of people learn the foreign language in
their home country; others acquire or improve their knowledge abroad. Knapp
(2002: 238) showed that in non-native/non-native lingua franca communication
“linguistic deficiencies or even just simple imperfections made by the ‘true’ nns
[non-native speakers – S.F.] were exploited in order to dominate the discussion
by those who were more fluent”. Foreign-language skills are acquired at great
cost: they are a privilege and people normally enjoy having privileges or prestige.
It is above all Latin that is proposed in this context. Latinists and teachers of
Latin have campaigned for its revival since the 1950s. A congress in Avignon
(1956) adopted the main decisions to “create permanent means to bring Latin
10. The fact that an increasing number of non-English-speaking universities in many EU member
states are offering English-taught study programmes to international students, in this way challenging
the near-monopoly previously enjoyed by the English-speaking countries, does not improve fairness
because of the additional language burden. Knowledge of English as the requisite medium of instruc-
tion is ultimately the product of substantial (financial) efforts (and not an accidental birthright as
in English-speaking countries). English-medium programmes in higher education result in another
advantage for students with English as a native language, who enjoy the freedom of movement in the
linguistically borderless higher education area even without having acquired the foreign languages at
a level necessary for academic work. It excludes students who do not have an adequate enough com-
mand of English to be able to study in it, and it imposes additional demands on the teaching staff, who
have to feel competent not only in lecturing in English but also in designing courses, assessing the
students’ learning, writing instructional materials, or giving effective feedback in a foreign language
(cf. Wilkinson 2008: 175).
degree, because the members of the most important European language family
are based on it. Wright (2000: 246) questions the neutrality of Latin for another
reason. She assumes that due to its long association with the Catholic Church it
would not find universal acceptance in Protestant and secular Europe.
Despite his apt description of its merits the author does not argue for the adop-
tion of an artificial language. Ammon (1994: 11) goes on:
It has, however, at least one serious flaw: It would require a total restructuring of foreign
language teaching in Europe: new teacher training and development of teaching materials
on an enormous scale, and it would devaluate the present foreign language skills which
have been acquired at great costs. It seems, in one word, forbiddingly expensive. It is further
troubled by a deep-seated aversion, be it justified or not, of large or at least influential parts
of the European population against any artificial language. This proposal seems, therefore,
quite unrealistic, at least for the near future.
As for the costs (i.e. Ammon’s opinion that the scenario is “forbiddingly expen-
sive”), recent studies reveal the opposite. Grin (2005) was commissioned by a
French educational research institution to investigate the current dominance
of English in Europe. He compared the three scenarios (1) “tout-à-l’anglais”,
(2) “plurilinguisme”, and (3) “l’espéranto”, and calculates that Continental coun-
tries are transferring to the UK and Ireland approximately €17 billion a year.13
The scenario “l’espéranto” proves to be the most advantageous because the
entire European Union (including Britain and Ireland) could save about €25 bil-
lion every year by adopting it.
Ammon, however, seems to be right with regard to people’s attitude towards
Esperanto and artificial languages in general. Several authors share his view
about it (e.g. Arntz 1998; Wright 2000; 2004). Grin, as well, is aware of the
mainly negative orientations towards Esperanto and does not think that the
scenario “l’espéranto” will become reality in the near future. He demands a
general awareness campaign and real cooperation between member states:
Les fréquentes réactions de rejet à l’égard de l’espéranto rendent impracticable la mise
en oeuvre à court terme du scénario 3. Il peut par contre être recommendé dans le cadre
12. Cf., for example, the results of the Springboard project (www.springboard2languages.org/home.
htm (accessed 2 January 2010)).
13. Grin considered quantifiable privileged market effects, language learning saving effects and rhet-
orical effects.
d’une stratégie de long terme à mettre en place sur une génération. Deux conditions sont
toutefois critiques pour son succès: premièrement, un très gros effort d’information, afin
de surmonter les préventions qui entourent cette langue – et qui sont en général basées
sur la simple ignorance – et d’aider les mentalités à évoluer; deuxièmement, une véritable
coordination entre États en vue de la mise en oeuvre commune d’un tel scénario. Quatre-
vingt cinq pour cent de la population de l’Europe des 25 y a un intérêt direct et évident,
indepéndamment des risques politiques et culturels que comporte l’hégémonie linguis-
tique. (2005)
Conclusion
This paper has discussed questions of language policy in Europe and impli-
cations for the learning and teaching of foreign languages. The dominant use
of English has recently raised concerns and led to a number of proposals on
how communication could be organised in fairer and more democratic ways.
Among the proposals that have been presented, the ELF model has been the
focus of discussion for some time. It is directed towards balanced communica-
tion and cultural diversity. It does not, however, guarantee equality because it is
not a genuine lingua franca and a segment of its users, the non-native speakers,
are still treated unfairly. The research that has been conducted into ELF should
be reflected in foreign language teaching. Firstly, the sociolinguistic fact has to
be considered that English is no longer used only to communicate with Brit-
ish and American native speakers, as some teaching materials would have us
believe, but also in intercultural situations among non-native speakers. Learn-
ers have to be prepared for these real-world needs. Secondly, the data on the
main features of ELF and their influence on intelligibility should be borne in
mind in language testing. Finally, ELF research and the reactions to it, which
have revealed a number of problems caused by the dominant use of English as
a global lingua franca, should become an integral part of policy suggestions
that are currently made to improve fairness in international communication
(Ammon 2007). I am convinced, however, that equitable international commu-
nication is possible only by a language that is nobody’s mother tongue. As was
shown in this article, the adoption of a planned language such as Esperanto is
a sensible option not only in terms of fairness but also regarding cost-effective-
ness and the promotion or language learning. To gain acceptance for this solu-
tion is a real challenge and an issue to be debated for many generations to come.
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Résumé
Mots clés: politique linguistique européenne, l’anglais, English as a Lingua Franca (ELF),
multilinguisme, langues planifiées (Esperanto)