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110
Introduction
If there is a eld in which the talk on globalization is strong, it is
media studies. Since the early 1990s, many theorists have been arguing
that the production of visual subjects is taking place through globally-
owned and globally-broadcast media (Maharaj, 1994), and that the
spread of landscapes of images generated by these global electronic
media is providing the world population with repertoires of images,
narratives, and ethnoscapes1 that constitute a new imagined commu-
nity which is replacing the declining national imaginaries (Appadurai,
1996, p. 35).
This movement has not ceased to increase at an appalling pace, due
to the interface of digital culture and globalization (Mirzoeff, 2005,
p. 2). Global imaginaries are now produced through instant messaging,
social networking sites, and global TV channels that makes us all
viewers of the same chains of images and sounds. The visual has come
to dominate the scene of representation, in times where uidity and
exibility are greatly valued. Nicholas Mirzoeff argues that we are
primarily visual subjects, that is, people dened as agents of sight
(regardless of our capacity to see) and as the objects of certain discourses
of visuality (p. 3). In the same line, Arjun Appadurai, whose ideas on the
globalization of culture are still inspiring new thoughts, stresses the role
that imagination has in the production of a globalized world. Because
of the sheer multiplicity of the forms in which they appear (cinema,
television, computers, and telephones) and because of the rapid way in
which they move through daily life routines, electronic media provide
resources for self-imagining as an everyday social project (Appadurai,
1996, p. 4). We are living in a time of hybrid globalization, where we all
communicate in the new international visual Esperanto (Mirzoeff,
2005, p. 2). The global visual imaginary becomes a central framework
for making sense of the world, for attributing actions, for eliciting
feelings of commitment or detachment.
89
90 education and global imaginaries
This transformation has been made possible by a technological and
cultural leap of great proportions. Gilles Lipovetsky, known for his
sharp best-selling essays on culture, and Jean Serroy use the metaphor
of the global screen to dene what is new in our contemporary
experience: Videoscreens, miniaturized screens, graphic screens,
nomadic screens, tactile screens: the new century is the century of the
omnipresent, multi-form, planetary, multimedia screen (Lipovetsky &
Serroy, 2009, p. 10). They describe a tremendous cultural mutation
that is placing screens everywhere and at any time: in shops and airports,
in restaurants and cars, in subways and planes, in banks and in the
streets. Their gloomy perspective makes them foresee that the day may
come in which whatever is not available on a screen, will not bear
interest nor existence for many individuals; almost everything will be
searched for and delivered on a screen. To be on a screen, or not to be
(p. 314).
In all this talk on global imaginaries and the predominance of the
visual, the young generation seems to be the one in which this trend has
the higher impact. Sociologist Ulrich Beck describes a global genera-
tion, made of a constellation or patchwork of different experiences of
inclusion and exclusion, which is being shaped by global media (Beck &
Beck-Gernsheim, 2009). Besides the literature on the digital natives
(Prensky, 2001), generally celebratory of what young people are doing
with global electronic media, there is another line of research that is
trying to understand the multiple ways in which social networking sites,
virtual worlds, multifunctional mobile phones, blogs and wikis are actu-
ally producing capabilities and sensibilities (Knobel & Lankshear, 2008;
Vasudevan & Campano, 2009) and the extent to which they are lined
with more traditional forms of social groupingnations, classes, eth-
nic divisions, gender afliationsor are producing new identities
(Buckingham, 2007; Lundby, 2008; Tobin, 2004). But it should be noted
that, in most educational literature, especially from continental Europe
and Latin America, young people are seen as the new barbarians who
endorse the mutation without hesitation (Baricco, 2008). What nobody
denies is that global media are producing considerable effects on young
people.
Less attention has been paid to teachers relationship to contem-
porary visual culture, and specically about their own visual culture.
In this chapter, I would like to focus on how they relate to these
global visual discourses, in order to discuss their participation in the
production of visual imaginaries. I will confront the argument that
posits that teachers are totally opposed to the mediatized children
dussel 91
and youth, and completely alien to the language and imaginaries of
electronic global media (Beltrn, 2009; Cabello, 2006). In the Latin
American education eld, this has meant that a certain moral superi-
ority is built around teachers and school culture, which are seen as
neutral or non-participant in the supposedly evil trends of omnipres-
ent screens. Teachers seem to endorse these moral discourses which
assume that they are the rst line of the trench for the protection of
culture against the barbarians, and feel uplifted in the midst of what
they feel is a decline in their economic power and cultural capital
(Dussel, Brito, & Nez, 2007).
The discussion of the chapter will be organized around the results of
a visual exercise performed during 20052007 in the context of courses
on images and pedagogy,2 attended by teachers and education students
from different countries in Latin America. The exercise asked the par-
ticipants to select one powerful image in culture. This deliberately
ambivalent assignment was intended to elicit the ideoscapes and
mediascapes (Appadurai, 1996, p. 353)3 that teachers and education
students value and embrace. I will argue that the powerful images
selected by teachers give us many hints about the relationship between
education and the production of global visual subjects. My point will be
that, far from being totally alien or neutral, education, and educators in
particular, have played a signicant role in the production of visualities
(or ways of seeing), and of visibilities (or maps and landscapes of the
visible and the invisible). Since the late nineteenth century and early
twentieth, schools and teachers have been crucial in the transformation
of modern scopic regimes and in the production of particular kinds of
visualities and visual imaginaries (what will later be described as visual
technologies of truth). Is it possible that this longstanding participation
in the production of the spectator and of the visible has come to an end
with global electronic media? The visual discourse articulated by teach-
ers in their selection of powerful images shows many interconnections
and overlaps that should make us more cautious about their alleged
exclusion of contemporary visual culture.
My focus will be on teachers visual culture. When I use this term,
I refer less to their images of teaching, of themselves, or of school
spacesuch as the ones that have been studied by Fischman (2000) or
Weber (1995)than about their participation in a broader visual
culture that makes them articulate a visual discourse about the world,
about schooling and childhood, and about their own role in the
discourse. In that respect, I am interested in analyzing the kinds of
images that organize their perceptions of the world; the type of
92 education and global imaginaries
relationship they establish with them; and the senses of space and time
that shape its congurations.
Also, I would like to make it clear that, following W.T.J. Mitchell,
I will consider visual culture as a set of hypotheses that need to be
testedfor example, that vision is (as we say) a cultural construction,
that it is learned and cultivated, not simply given by nature; that there-
fore it might have a history related in some yet to be determined way
to the history of arts, technologies, media, and the social practices of
display and spectatorship; and (nally) that it is deeply involved with
human societies, with the ethics and politics, aesthetics and epistemol-
ogy of seeing and being seen (Mitchell, 2002, p. 166). Thus, visual
culture is not simply a repertoire of images but a set of visual dis-
courses that position ourselves and others, and that are embedded in
social practices, deeply tied to the institutions that give us the rights
to look.4 My framework is mainly based on visual studies (Mirzoeff,
1999; Schwartz and Przyblyski, 2004), a cross-disciplinary eld that
introduces a reection on visual practices and subjectivities. Instead of
treating images as iconographic symbols, this eld analyzes them as
events, that is, as the effects of a network in which subjects operate and
which in turn conditions their freedom of action (Mirzoeff, 2005,
p. 11).
The topics and icons that teachers use to speak this visual discourse
are provided by the visual Esperanto of global TV and media, which
constructs the self as a visual subject who can hardly imagine other ways
of representing the world than through those visual languages provided
by them. The community of sentiment does not work only at the level
of the nation-state, but promotes collective experiences of the mass
media (Appadurai, 1996, p. 8). One speaks of hunger and a Biafra boy is
envisaged, no matter how many closer examples could be found around
the corner of any street in Buenos Aires, Lima, or Bogot. There is, as
Griselda Pollock (2008) has recently noted, a particular place held by
Africa in Western imagination that is still actively colonialist. Also,
Jacques Rancire has said in reference to similar images that It is not
that we have seen too many suffering bodies, but that we see too many
bodies without a name, too many bodies that do not look us back, of
which we speak without offering them the possibility to speak back to
us (Rancire, 2008b, p. 77). The African bodies are surfaces in which
this victimization continues to be constructed without giving them
names, histories, or a political quality. And this mode of enunciation
98 education and global imaginaries
slides easily into Latin American images, with children portrayed as the
utmost representatives of victims but also of hope and faith.
Most of the pictures are colored photographs, which acknowledge
the shift in photojournalism from black and white to color in the last few
decades, giving it more attractiveness and reality effect (Rosler, 2007).
Also, most of the pictures are not assigned to a particular author. There
are some exceptions, as in the photographs of Sebastiao Salgado8 or the
famous Kevin Carter picture of the Sudanese girl. In over 170 images,
only two pictures were taken and posted by the participants, but only
one of them (that portrays the rst day of school of my child) is
strictly personal. At any rate, their exceptional quality says a lot about
the primary sources and genres that this visual discourse uses in its
modulations.
Photojournalism is consistent with the predominance of a hyperreal
aesthetics that works as a mimesis of the reality produced by sensation-
alist media (Jaguaribe, 2007). This hyperreal visual discourse seeks to
produce a shock of the real and to elicit an effect of cathartic fright or
horror in the viewer. The impact of the shock happens from the rep-
resentation of something that is not necessarily extraordinary (there
might be daily occurrences of metropolitan life such as rapes, crimes,
murders, struggles, erotic contacts), but that is intensied and exacer-
bated, in order to provoke a strong emotional resonance (p. 100).
This sensationalist aesthetics has many resemblances with W.T.J.
Mitchells analysis of the rgime of images of the war on terror
between 2001 and 2004including Abu Ghraibs infamous pictures.
They are not images of trauma, but images designed to traumatise the
viewer, especially those who identify with the victim. When propagated
by digital reproduction and global circulation they produce a kind of
effect quite different from the modern(ist) shock, which had its thera-
peutic, defamiliarising aspect. There is nothing like shock therapy in
the realm of trauma. These images are designed to overwhelm the
viewers defences, and that is why many of the news services that carried
them on 1 April 2004 elected to blur them, rendering their contents
almost unreadable (Mitchell, 2008, p. 195).9 Overwhelming emotion is
one of the most frequent descriptors of the feelings that the gallery of
powerful images arouses in the viewer (Figure 2).10
Another line of interpretation of this series of images has to do with
the relationship to time and space that they produce. Not surprisingly,
given that most images are photographs from the recent past, there is a
predominance of the present, of the direct, of recent history which is
hardly perceived as history in traditional terms and which appears, it
dussel 99
FIGURE 2
DEAD GIRL IN IRAQ
(Uncredited photographer)
put into this category: they are images for us to be indignant, angry,
moved, shocked. When one becomes indignant with suffering, one
denounces it. Denunciation can take the form of a single accusation (the
affair, like the Dreyfus affair, denounced in Zolas JAccuse), or can
take the form of a social revolt or a collective action. In both cases, the
personal gets involved (indignation cannot be impersonal). Also, the
discourses of science produce yet another kind of denunciation that
establishes distance and detachment as the starting point; but these are
not the preferred modes of denunciation taken by global TV and media,
which ght for the implication of audiences and for getting more real
and closer to the public (Quintana, 2003).
Denunciation has been critiqued for implying a comfortable posi-
tion, a sort of inaction that makes the denouncer complicit with the
suffering he or she is denouncing. It has also been said that the
denouncer rejoices in the passion for denunciation, and does little for
dussel 103
those who suffer. But what interests me in terms of the visual culture
and the visualities it produces is that denunciation does not question the
place of the spectator. The images in the teachers powerful images are
stereotypical images of children who suffer, mothers who suffer, people
who suffer. They are the unhappy ones. It is up to us, teachers, pastoral
missionaries (Popkewitz, 1998), to redeem their suffering through
speaking it loudly. There is no logic of equivalence in this relation. Also,
as Susan Sontag warned in one of her last essays, no we should be taken
for granted when looking at other peoples pain (Sontag, 2003, p. 23)
(Figure 4).
Teachers also speak about suffering in other terms, those of
sentimentalism. Boltanski, in the work on which Im grounding these
reections, thinks of denunciation and sentimentalism as opposite and
contradictory topics, but both seem to be present in the visual dis-
courses that the teachers articulated, that, again, rely heavily
FIGURE 4
ASHANINKA WOMEN, FREED FROM A SHINING PATH CAMP BY THE MILITARY,
WAITING TO BE FED BY THE LOCAL GOVERNMENT, CUTIVIRENI, PER, 1991
(Picture taken by Alejandro Balaguer)
104 education and global imaginaries
on contemporary forms of TV narration. In a topic of sentiment, the
relation of spectator and unfortunate is real, authentic and thereby
touching, when it is heart to heart, going from interiority to interiority
(Boltanski, 1999, p.81). In many photos, this sentimentalism takes
the form of a melodramatic epic: the idea of surviving, of struggling, of
love against tragedy, of mothers and children standing up against
oppression.
The locality of the viewer as a distant spectator of several tragedies,
also, becomes important. One can compare this series of images to
Mirzoeffs (2005) reections in his book Watching Babylon, where he
describes watching the spectacle of the Iraq war from a gym on Long
Island. In that event, the viewer puts the images of bombings and
killings alongside SUVs, extended houses, and the no-place experiences
of shopping at Wal-Mart and driving on highways. In that kind of
visuality, the war seems one more episode of the spectacle of exercising
imperial power: towards nature and landscape, towards material goods,
towards foreign countries. The pleasure of seeing is tied, as in colonial-
ism, to the pleasure of mastering. However, teachers in Latin America
appear to be taking sides with the suffering, the unfortunate. There is a
different epic involved in this set of images; probably sadder, more
nostalgic, denitely not victorious. The images are the same, but the
locality of the viewing makes a great difference to understanding the
narratives in which they are inscribed.
To think about locality does not mean to reduce the image or the
event of watching to a particular geographical contexton the contrary.
Susan Buck-Morss says that the force of the image occurs when it is
dislodged from context. . . . Images are used to think. . . . They are not
a piece of land. They are a mediating term between things and thoughts,
between the mental and the non-mental. They allow the connection.
To drag-and-click an image is to appropriate it, not as someone
elses product, but as an object of ones own sensory experience
(Buck-Morss, 2004, p. 20).
That is why, she says, The complaint that images are out of context
(cultural context, artistic intention, previous contexts of any sort) is not
valid. To struggle to bind them again to their source is not only impos-
sible (as it actually produces a new meaning); it is to miss what is
powerful about them, their capacity to generate meaning, and not
merely to transmit it (Buck-Morss, 2004, p. 23). These powerful
images are such because they have been appropriated in different nar-
ratives, yet they still construct a discourse about the world that needs to
be interrogated.
dussel 105
Teachers as Visual Subjects: Educational Imaginaries and the
Production of the Visible
Concluding Remarks
Throughout the chapter, I have intended to discuss the relationships
between globalization and education through a particular lens: teachers
relation to contemporary visual culture. I have attempted to show that
their visual culture is primarily shaped by global media, and that these
media provide the material and the tone for the articulation of a visual
discourse on the world. Globalization, then, has to be thought of also as
dussel 107
a visual discourse that allows people to make sense of the world, to
attribute actions, and congure sentiments and emotions.
The other point I have made is that schools and teachers are not
alien to the world of new media, but are actively shaped by it. The
visual discourse that educators articulate in this series of images shows
particular notions of space and time and a particular sensibility (based
on the sensationalist shock of the real). This sensibility redenes the
modern ethical subject who looks from a distance in new terms, those
of the hyperreal aesthetics of global media. Still, teachers are posi-
tioning themselves as distant viewers; and, despite all the talk of
the interactive media consumer, it is very likely that schools are par-
ticipating in the construction of a distant spectatorship for the new
generation.
My third point is that globalization does not erase localities, but
rather recongures them in new ways, as they are interwoven with
new materials. When I speak of localities, I do not refer to a territorial
space but rather to a constellation of practices that translate or modu-
late global discourses in peculiar forms. Latin American teachers
visual discourse has a spatial uidity that is remarkable: they refer to
European, African, Middle Eastern or South Asian events and say that
they have impacted them profoundly. And they do it using the topics
and the icons popularized by global media, overwhelmingly produced
in the northern countries. Yet they modulate this discourse within a
very peculiar narrative: sad, melodramatic, defeated, that is related
both to their geopolitical location and to their own ethos as
teachers (their views on children are remarkable in that respect). It is
interesting to note this disjuncture between the global and the local
(Appadurai, 1996).
Lastly, I would like to point out that my intention with this reec-
tion on the powerful images selected by teachers has not been to censor
their intentions or to dismiss their political commitment. Certainly, the
topics chosen are moving, and I agree that something should be done
about human suffering, inequalities, wars, injustice. But my point has
been that this visual discourse, however morally superior it presumes to
be, is complicit with the banality of images in present times. Being
bombarded by terrible pictures does not make us any better on ethical
or political grounds. Jacques Rancire says, in regard to the omnipres-
ence of daunting images, that the problem is not to know whether we
have to watch some images or not, but to decide within which device of
the sensible we may watch them (Rancire, 2008a, p. 110) This shift
towards interrogating the devices of the sensible would be a welcome
108 education and global imaginaries
one in the education realm, so critical of the morality of the global
media and yet so available to reproduce many of its moral stances and its
production of visual subjects.
NOTES
1. By ethnoscapes, Appadurai refers to the landscape of persons who constitute the
shifting world in which we live: tourists, immigrants, refugees, exiles, guest workers
(Appadurai, 1996, p. 33).
2. Identidades y pedagoga. Aportes de la imagen para trabajar en educacin (Iden-
tities and Pedagogies: The contribution of images to educational work), and, more
recently, Diploma en Educacin, Imgenes y medios, both at Flacso/Argentina virtual
campus. I have also done this exercise in workshops with teachers in different provinces in
Argentina and in Mexico. It is a part of a project called Tramas, concerned with promoting
debates and practices with the visual in schools (http://www.proyectotramas.org).
3. Again, landscapes of images that have to do with global electronic media and with
concatenations of images more directly political and ideological, as dened by the author.
4. As Derrida says, more than one eye is needed so that a gaze appears; that it can only
emerge when there is an interchange of looks, or even, of liations; that we are raised
within a right to look with its own authority, its own institutional authorities (those of
Artcapital Athose of the spectator, those of the omniscient Lord, those of the
oppressed servant; see Derrida and Fathy, 2004).
5. According to the Argentinean National Teaching Census, 2004, the percentage of
use of computers at home among teachers was less than 35 percent. This might have
changed signicantly in the last few years, especially because of the overall expansion of
internet access and personal computer ownership throughout different social groups.
6. See Dubet (2002) on the decline of the institutions; Duschatzky and Corea (2002)
on the decline of schools.
7. I am aware of the methodological constraints that these exercises have, in terms of
the projections done by researchers and the risks of over-interpretation. However, I would
like to run those risks, as I believe that the analysis of the kind of visual discourses that
emerges in this set of powerful images selected by teachers can also help us think about
this wounded imagination that Didi-Huberman spoke about, about their congurations
of space and time, about their construction of subject positions and knowledge about the
world, and about the prevalence of certain aesthetic and ethical sensibilities.
8. It should be noted that the relationships between photojournalism and photo-
graphic pictorialism are increasingly tighter, as Didi-Huberman (2006a) and others
underscore.
9. Interestingly, no participant included Abu Ghraib in their powerful images.
10. While the teacher who selected the picture could not identify it, the original
photograph is from Nabil El Jourana (or Al-Jurani), from Associated Press. The caption
when it was originally published read as follows: An unidentied Iraqi man holds an
unidentied girl wounded after U.S.-led coalition air attacks over the southern Iraqi city
of Basra, Saturday March 22, 2003. (AP Photo/Nabil El Jourana)
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