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ting for the story of two men. Steinbeck has not yet reached the
social consciousness of his next novel and is in a state of reaction
from the strenuousness of In Dubious Battle. It would therefore be
impossible to take the action of these mice and men as symbolic of
the working class. Indeed, to find in Lenny a symbol of the power
of the proletariat would be to reduce any confidence in the working
class to an absurdity. Nor could any one but the most cynical op-
ponent of the labor movement find in George the directive intelli-
gence of the organizer, manipulating, however vainly, the brute
force of the well-intentioned but uncontrollable laborer.
On the contrary, our acceptance of the story will depend upon
our attitude towards the two heroes as personalities, and in particu-
lar upon our reaction to Lenny. To some readers his strangeness is
fascinating. Steinbeck leaves his motivation obscure; he does not
make it explicit like that of George. He apparently desires to hold
us by the very mysteriousness of Lenny's motives, to arouse a kind
of awe for him as we witness this uncanny union of brute strength
and childlike affection. But other readers may feel that in Lenny,
Steinbeck's tendency towards the sentimental reaches its artistic
culmination. And though they recognize the deftness with which he
achieves his end, the precision that can create clarity or ambiguity
of effect at will, they will nevertheless dislike the end. But at least
it must be admitted that no character in Steinbeck is more char-
acteristic of his peculiar talent. And the novel becomes a testimonial
to the transformation of the picaresque tradition when it comes into
contact with the American sensitiveness to the plight of the under-
privileged. In more religious countries such a character would take
on mystic proportions, such as Silone gives to his imbecile in The
Blood beneath the Snow. It is precisely here, in his capacity to
arouse awe without mysticism, that Steinbeck proves how essentially
American is his talent. He leaves Lenny somehow entirely natural
and human, and yet essentially a mystery, the mystery of the unfit
in a practical world. The hopelessness of the petty bourgeoisie and
its confusion before the problems of the depression era are truly
symbolized in Steinbeck's attitude of sympathy for Lenny. And we
are all to a certain extent Georges in the spontaneity of our pro-
tective reaction, unless, that is to say, we have a clearer conception of
democracy and are ready for The Grapes of Wrath. But we can
scarcely feel much sympathy for Lenny and admire Tom Joad.
What, one suspects, led Steinbeck to acquire this political in-
novel since it will lack artistic unity. The Moon is Down is an out
standing example of this tendency. A first-rate novel will remove
the contradiction by making us clearly aware of it. The author will
present it quite consciously as existing in the objective situation
or he will fail to share it because his own orientation of personality
is so fortunate as to dictate from a level below the consciousness the
proper discriminations.
Otherwise sentimentality is bound to enter when the social view-
point becomes obscure, and the author will achieve an effect the
opposite to what he planned. The Moon is Down ends with the
triumphant assertion of the native underground, and it is certainly
intended to make us hate the Nazi system. Its plan is to contrast
Nazism and democracy as two opposed social systems so that we hate
the one and love the other. Instead it advocates by inference a third
system which is neither Nazism nor democracy but a vague kind of
aristocratic government. For it must be remembered that fiction
argues not through logic but the sympathies which are stimulated.
We accept the philosophical or political systems implicit in the
actions and personalities of the men and women we are drawn to
like. And in this novel we sympathize with the Junker general who
controls the occupied town, more fully and with fewer reservations
than with any other character. He is a kindly cultivated man, well-
balanced and efficient, without a trace of the arrogance and brutality
we rightly associate with the Prussian Junker officer class. He is
Prussian only in the sense that he feels an obligation to do his duty
even when it is distasteful to his temperament and contrary to his
better judgment. He knows the Nazi way is no way to control a
foreign population, but he has no objections to their economic
exploitation as a political system. Nor is it part of the Nazi plan to
use more force than needed; they prefer the willing obsequious
assent; only when this is wanting do they become ruthless. When
the Junker turns cruel it is true that our liking for him disappears.
But since we find no one else to like better, he remains in our
memory as the ideal governor: given the political system appropriate
to his personality, given his own emancipation from the serfdom of
Nazism and the restoration of the aristocratic formulas traditional
to his training, and he would provide us with a happy, orderly world.
The only other person we have to choose from is the native mayor
of the village, and by contrast his principles are doubtful and his
personality contemptible. His principles deny all leadership to the