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John Nemec
1
For the purposes of this essay, I follow Hiltebeitel in understanding
the Mahbhrata as a narrative continuum, as a work in progress, rather
than [choosing] one variant or portion of the epic as a fixed or original
text. See Hiltebeitel 1976: 14-15. In other words, I intend to examine the
narrative and literary qualities of the epic in its present form (by which I
mean the form canonized in the Poona Critical Edition), rather than to
scrutinize the authenticity and/or relative antiquity of various passages
and variant readings of the text.
36 The A nthropologist and the Native
2
All quotations of the Mnavadharmastra (henceforth Manu) in this
essay refer to the critical edition presented in Olivelle 2005.
3
For definitions of the various types of teachers, see Manu, 2.140-143.
See also Manu, 2.191, where the terms guru and crya are used synony-
mously. Finally, see J. Gonda, The Guru, in Gonda 1965: 229-283, and
esp. 237-241 for a discussion of the etymology of the Sanskrit term guru.
4
It merits noting that, while the teachers that concern us in this essay
primarily communicate the arts of war and transmit magical powers to be
used in combat, they are nevertheless, more often than not, brahmins and
not members of the warrior caste.
When the Parampar Breaks 37
tion of the latter,5 and the text more generally suggests that
knowledge of various kinds can be fruitfully acquired from
members of any caste. It is even possible, in adverse times,
to learn the Veda from a non-brahmin, and Manu requires
the student to afford such a teacher the same deference and
respect due to his brahmin exemplar, at least for the duration
of the period of instruction.6 The prescriptions for and de-
scriptions of the institution of the guru in Manu, therefore,
are to a large degree indicative of the normative standards by
which to judge the teacher-student relationship in general,
and therefore are by no means inapplicable to the epic.
Furthermore, while it is perhaps impossible to know be-
yond doubt the degree to which the normative account of so-
ciety presented in Manu reflects contemporaneous realities,7
one can be certain that the author(s) of the text set out to
encapsulate a set of social ideals, legitimate particular cus-
toms, or even to invention tradition; it is even possible that
all of these ends were pursued, simultaneously.8 As such
and given that by all accounts Manu and the Mahbhrata
5
See Manu, 2.37c, where we are told that a katriya intent on gaining
power should undergo the upanayana initiation in his sixth year, as op-
posed to the usual eleventh: rjo balrthina ahe.
6
See Manu, 2.238-242.
7
In my view, Olivelle is right in suggesting an indirect and abstracted, but
real, relationship between Manu and contemporaneous social life, it being a
text concerned with ideal human behavior that nevertheless reflects, to some
significant extent, contemporaneous social realities. According to Olivelle:
Although it presents the should more often than the is and may occa-
sionally engage in pious wishes and wishful thinking, the amount of detail it
presents with regard to diverse areas of human activity ritual, food, mar-
riage, inheritance, adoption, judicial procedure, taxation, punishment, pen-
ance shows that it was not divorced from reality. See Olivelle 2005: 65-66.
8
As a stra, Manu can be said to constitute, quoting Pollock, a verbal
codification of rules, whether of divine or human provenance, for the posi-
tive and negative regulation of particular cultural practices. Pollock goes
on to catalog the possible relationships of stric works to actual social
practices as follows: stra could be viewed as offering a real blueprint for
practice; as merely describing, ex post facto, a cultural product and thereby
explicating its components for the benefit of a cultivated public; as pro-
viding, in the guise of normative injunctions, something like a standard
of taste and judgment to critics, that is as defining the classic; even as
functioning in some cases to invent a tradition; as constituting, in the
hegemonic manner of high cultures elsewhere, practices as sciences for
theoretical or actual control; oras endowing a practice with the status,
legitimacy and authority directly confirmed by any Vedic charter, some-
thing most stras aspire to become. See Pollock 1990: 17-26, esp. 18; 25-26.
Olivelle quotes the latter passage in Olivelle 2005: 63.
38 The A nthropologist and the Native
9
See Olivelle 2005: 20-25; Bhler 1886: xcii-cxviii; Hopkins 1882-1885:
239-275, esp. 268.
10
This is not to say that Manu was already a fully formed text that was
directly quoted during the time of the composition of the Mahbhrata,
but rather that the normative social vision articulated in Manu, by and
large, would have been known to the authors of the epic and their audi-
ence. In other words, whether or not Manu was fully formed by the time
of the completion of the great epic, both texts elicit a shared and received
common wisdom. Hopkins argues as much when he suggests that, while
the Mahbhrata was unaware of Mnavadharmastra as a complete, auton-
omous, and authoritative text, the stram [i.e., Manu] was in great part
collated between the time when the bulk of the great epic was composed
and its final completion and previous to its collation, there had existed
a vast number of sententious remarks, proverbial wisdom that floated
about in the mouths of people, and as such were drawn from the hearsay
of the whole Brahman world. See Hopkins 1882-1865: 268.
11
Bhler considers the verse in question to be an interpolation. Olivelle
does not. See Bhler 1886: lxviii; Olivelle 2005: 54-55.
12
While Bhler considers the verse in question to be an interpolation,
Olivelle does not. See Bhler 1886: lxxiii; Olivelle 2005: 60-62.
13
The analogy is with digging for water: Just as a man, digging with a
spade, finds water, so too does the one who wishes to learn find the knowl-
edge contained in [his teacher]. See Manu, 2.218: yath khanan khanitrea
naro vry adhigacchati | tath gurugat vidy urur adhigacchati.
When the Parampar Breaks 39
14
Bhler considers 4.180-185 to be an interpolation; Olivelle does not.
See Bhler 1886: lxviii; Olivelle 2005: 54-55.
15
See Manu, 11.60 ff.
16
Bhler considers Manu, 2.213-215 to be interpolated verses, though
Olivelle disagrees. See Bhler 1886: lxvii; Olivelle 2005: 54-55.
17
See Manu, 5.80-81. The impurity lasts for three days, while the impu-
rity following the death of someone of the same ancestry (sapia) lasts for
ten days (or alternatively three or even only one), for which see Manu, 5.59.
18
It lasts for only one day in the case of the sabrahmacrin. See Manu,
5.71ab.
19
Bhler considers Manu, 2.225-237 to be the innovation of a later re-
dactor/compiler of the text, though he accepts the possibility that similar
verses appeared in the original. Olivelle readily accepts the authenticity of
these verses, however. See Bhler 1886: lxvii and Olivelle 2005: 54-55.
40 The A nthropologist and the Native
20
See Manu, 2.191: codito guru nityam apracodita eva v | kuryd ad-
hyayane yogam cryasya hiteu ca. Of additional interest in this verse is the
synonymous use of the terms guru and crya.
21
See Manu, 8.316-318.
22
On vows, curses, blessing, and the like in the Mahbhrata, see Hilte-
beitel 1976: 38-39.
23
See, for example, Manu, 1.29, a verse that Bhler thinks absent from
the original form of the text, but which Olivelle accepts as part of it. See
Bhler 1886: lxvi; Olivelle 2005: 52-54.
24
For example, brahmins must take an oath in court on truth itself.
Katriyas, by contrast, must swear on their vehicles and weapons. See
Manu, 8.113ab: satyena payed vipra katriya vhanyudhai. It is also
possible (but less likely) that the dvandva compound, vhanyudha, refers
to the warriors army and weapons.
When the Parampar Breaks 41
25
See Manu, 2.110-111. Presumably, the latter violation entails the stu-
dents failure to show proper deference and respect to the teacher, or per-
haps it involves the student lying to the teacher, examples of which appear
in the Mahbhrata, about which see below.
26
It might also reflect the bias of the probably brahmin authors of the
work, itself.
27
Gonda suggests that the guru has always been considered to be di-
vine, though he also acknowledges an increasing deification of the same
in the history of the religion. Unnoticed is the great difference in tone
and content of Manus presentation of the guru from that of the epic; in
Manu, while his integrity is assumed, the guru is depicted as rather more a
learned elite than a divine being, quite a contrast from the epics depiction
of Ka as a fully divinized teacher. See Gonda 1965: 230-231; 280-283.
28
See Manu, 2.242.
42 The A nthropologist and the Native
29
See Mahbhrata, 1.123.10-39. All quotations of the Mahbhrata in
this essay refer to the enumeration of verses found in the Poona Critical
Edition, for which see Belvalkar, Sukthankar 1933-1960.
30
See Mahbhrata, 1.123.10-11: tato nidarjasya hirayadhanua suta |
ekalavyo mahrja droam abhyjagma ha. na sa ta pratijagrha naidir iti cin-
tayan | iya dhanui dharmajas tem evnvavekay.
31
See Mahbhrata, 1.123.14ab: paray raddhay yukto yogena paramena ca.
32
According to Gonda, it is with Ekalavya that the concept of the grace
of the guru is introduced. See Gonda 1965: 252.
33
See Manu, 3.156c ff.
When the Parampar Breaks 43
34
The name Ekalavya can be translated Gets one cut off.
35
See Mahbhrata, 1.123.15-19.
36
See Mahbhrata, 1.123.25-28.
37
See Mahbhrata, 1.123.29-39.
38
On the nature of daki, see Gonda 1965: 198-228.
39
See Mahbhrata, 7.156.19: ekalavya hi sguham aakt devadnav |
sarkasorag prtha vijetu yudhi karhi cit.
44 The A nthropologist and the Native
40
At least according to Manu, the daki is more commonly a materi-
al gift, for example land, gold, a cow, or a horse (See Manu, 2.245-246).
It is unusual to demand as daki that ones students settle a personal
vendetta, and it goes without saying that Droas request of Ekalavyas
thumb betrays the spirit of the institution.
41
See Mahbhrata 1.122.40cd-44.
42
Similarly, it is perhaps no coincidence that the famous scene in which
Droa tests his disciples (Mahbhrata, 1.123.45-67) closely follows the Eka-
lavya episode (Mahbhrata, 1.123.10-39). (It is in the scene in question that
Arjuna famously sees only the head of a targeted bird, his concentration
being so exact.) The juxtaposition of the two scenes presents an implicit
comparison of Arjunas skill in archery with Ekalavyas. The comparison is
made more apparent in a short episode immediately following the one in
which Droa tests the concentration and aim of his disciples, one in which
Arjuna is said rapidly to fire five arrows into a crocodile that had gripped
Droas shin (Mahbhrata, 1.123.68-78). For the narration of the capture
of Drupada, see Mahbhrata, 1.128.
43
See Mahbhrata, 1.122.38: drupadenaivam ukto ha
manyunbhiparipluta | abhygaccha kurn bhma iyair arth gunvitai.
When the Parampar Breaks 45
44
See Mahbhrata, 1.128.15-18.
45
See Mahbhrata, 7.165, esp. 7.165.51.
46
See Mahbhrata, 8.29.
46 The A nthropologist and the Native
47
That the wheel catches is of course the result of a different curse. It is
Karas inability to defend himself that results from Paraurmas curse. See
Mahbhrata, 8.67.
48
See Manu, 11.56: anta ca samutkare rjagmi ca paiunam | guro
clkanirbandha samni brahmahatyay.
49
Had Kara never learned his true ancestry, had he not been given the
opportunity to join his Pava brothers prior to the start of the civil war,
and had he not consistently counseled Duryodhana to engage in treachery,
one could rightly label him a tragic hero.
50
See Brockington 1988: 284-286; see also van Buitenen 1975: 193. It
is worth noting that Paraurmas repeated annihilation of the katriyas is
said to take place at the moment of transition from Tret- to Dvparayuga.
See Mahbhrata 1.2.3.
51
Arjuna Krtavrya was properly welcomed, but he did not accept the
hospitality due to his own bent for war. Stealing what he liked and ransack-
ing the house, he left, incurring the wrath of the family and Rmas in
particular. Rma responded by attacking him, whose kin later responded
in turn, killing Rmas defenseless father who, being an ascetic, refused to
resist and instead waited for his sons protection, which arrived too late. See
Mahbhrata, 3.115-117, esp. 3.116.19cd ff.
When the Parampar Breaks 47
52
See Mahbhrata, 3.116.1-19.
53
See Chndogya Upaniad, 4.4.
54
In other words, he is Satyakma, the son of Jabl.
48 The A nthropologist and the Native
55
However, the text does perhaps hesitate in endorsing the validity of
teaching someone of such a dubious heritage. We are told that, serving
his teacher loyally for a number of years, Satyakma was taught one quar-
ter of brahman each by a bull, by fire, by a wild goose, and by a water-bird.
When Haridrumata saw him approaching with apparent knowing, he asked
Satyakma how he learned the nature of brahman. Hearing that others, than
men taught him, but that his teacher should teach him again, Hridrumata
Gautama did so without leaving anything out.
I prefer to think that the implication of this, however, is that the boy was
bound to learn the Vedas, not because of his honesty, but because of his
caste, which, although unknown, was clearly indicated by his actions. See
Chndogya Upaniad, 4.5-9 and Radhakrishnan 1953: 408-412; esp. 411-412.
56
Satyakmas learning is confirmed in the next passage, where we
are told of his successful instruction of one Upakosala (See Chndogya
Upaniad, 4.10; cf. Bhadrayaka Upaniad, 6.3.11-12), although he
is associated with the wrong view that brahman is the mind (manas) at
Bhadrayaka Upaniad, 4.1.6.
57
Indeed, Manu suggests as much when mentioning the deterioration
of dharma through the eons. See Manu, 1.81-86. (Note however, that both
Olivelle and Bhler consider the passage in question to be a later addi-
tion. See Olivelle 2005: 52-54; Bhler 1886: lxvi.) The story in question,
however, being narrated in an Upaniad and therefore a part of the Veda,
cannot by tradition be ascribed to any of the four eons, but rather is time-
less. It nevertheless is more indicative of the state of affairs in the first
eon, which is of course the most nearly perfect of the four.
When the Parampar Breaks 49
58
See, exempli gratia, van Buitenen 1973: 15.
59
See Mahbhrata, 7.164.72c-73b: avatthm hata iti abdam uccai cakra
ha | avatthmeti hi gaja khyto nmn hato bhavat.
60
There is, of course, also a difference in their guises: Kara deceives his
teacher, while Yudhihiras disguise is meant for general consumption.
61
See Mahbhrata, 5.138-141.
50 The A nthropologist and the Native
62
See Mahbhrata, 5.153.16-24.
63
See Mahbhrata, 6.103.44-45; cf. 5.153.16.
64
See Mahbhrata, 6.103.50-51.
65
See Mahbhrata, 6.103, esp. 6.103.70-82.
66
Because he had promised never to harm a woman, Bhma refuses
to fight ikha, who once was a woman, as the men firing from behind
him/her pepper Bhma with arrows.
When the Parampar Breaks 51
strike Duryodhana below the waist in the mace fight,67 all acts
that contravene the laws of dharma (Hiltebeitel 1976: 244).
Now, a counselor (mant) is prima facie something close to
a teacher,68 but the Mahbhrata is more explicit in assigning
Ka the role: whether the Song of God is understood to
be integral to the Mahbhrata or an essentially autonomous
work69 I assent to van Buitenens view that the Bhagavadgt
was not an independent text that somehow wandered into
the epic, but rather was conceived and developed to bring
to a climax and solution the dharmic dilemma of a war which
was both just and pernicious (van Buitenen 1981: 5-6)
the form in which the text presents itself, more than mere-
ly a long dialog, which is almost a monolog, as Edgerton
described it,70 suggests a private and uncompromised bond
between a teacher and his disciple. Indeed, the Gts didacti-
cism and narrative style, put forth in the mouths of intricately
developed characters and presented in the context of the larg-
er epic story, implicitly and explicitly evoke an instructional
mode and with it the guru-disciple relationship. So too does
Arjunas predicament, which is typical of an epic dilemma for
67
Apropos of gurus in the epic, it is worth noting that Balarma, who
taught both Duryodhana and Bhma how to fight with the mace, absents
himself from the civil war because he is unable to bear the pending de-
struction of the Kurus. See Mahbhrata, 5.154.23-34.
68
See also Gonda 1965: 243-252 for a discussion of the gurus role as the
royal priest and advisor, the purohita.
69
Both views are commonly held. To give two representative examples,
Edgerton argues that one must think of the Gt primarily as a unit, com-
plete in itself, without reference to its surroundings, while van Buitenen sug-
gests that the text is a creation of the Mahbhrata itself. Edgerton goes on
to suggest that the Gts treatment of non-violence is disappointing, be-
cause the text is hampered by the fact that it is supposed to justify Arjunas
participation in war. Van Buitenen argues that, whatever the further thrust
of Kas teaching and its elaborations, the Gt addresses itself in the first
place to a specific issue that the Bhrata war posed to a more reflective age,
whose attitude toward violence was changing. The Gt, he further suggests,
occurs where it does for excellent reasons: the redactors of the final ver-
sion of the epic include it to justify the pre-existent, violent narrative of the
Mahbhrata to an increasingly more reflective audience, which no longer
regarded the war as a glorious event for celebration but rather as a horren-
dous, blood-curdling finale to an eon. See Edgerton 1944: 105-106; 185-186;
van Buitenen 1981: 1-6; esp. 3-4; 5-6. Brockington provides a comprehensive
review of the literature, for which see Brockington 1988: 267-271.
70
See Edgerton 1944: 105. Nor, incidentally, do I agree with Edgertons
assertion, on the following page, that the opinions that the poem puts
forth are not so much opinions in the intellectual sense as emotional
or, let us say if you like, intuitional points of view.
52 The A nthropologist and the Native
71
I here quote Matilal, who suggests that Arjunas question at the be-
ginning of the Bhagavadgta is typical in that he was faced with a choice
between two irreconcilable obligations. See Matilal 1989: 7-9.
72
See Mahbhrata, 6.24.4- 6: katha Bhmam aha sakhye Droa
ca madhusdana | iubhi pratiyotsymi pjrhav arisdana. gurn ahatv
hi mahnubhv reyo bhoktu bhaikam apha loke | hatvrthakms tu
gurn ihaiva bhujya bhogn rudhirapradigdhn. na caitad vidma kataran
no garyo yad v jayema yadi v no jayeyu | yn eva hatv na jijvimas te
vasthit pramukhe dhrtarra. The translation is mine, but it is an ad-
aptation of van Buitenens.
73
See Mahbhrata, 6.24.7: krpayadoopahatasvbhava pcchmi tv
dharmasamhacet | yac chreya syn nicita brhi tan me iyas te ha
dhi m tv prapannam.
When the Parampar Breaks 53
74
It is worth noting that the fact that Ka offers such metaphysical
instruction is doubly ironic: it is ironic that he offers a spiritual teaching to
promote war, and it is ironic that Ka, a katriya, offers such a teaching to
a fellow warrior on the battlefield.
75
See Manu, 8.335: pitcrya suhn mt bhry putra purohita |
ndayo nma rjo sti ya svadharme na tihati.
76
See footnote 1. See also Hiltebeitel 2001: 1-3 and ff.
54 The A nthropologist and the Native
tion of the guru. For, while Kas counsel in the epic rec-
ommends acts that contravene dharma, the laws recorded in
Manu also account for his role in the epic, in part at least. As
mentioned,77 the law book condemns the teacher to suffer
the fruits of his students sins. With this dictum in mind, and
given that Gndhr curses Kas family line to extinction in
order to punish his inaction in the face of total war,78 it is per-
haps no exaggeration to understand Ka to have suffered
the karmic fruits of the dharmic transgressions he counseled
the Pavas to commit. After all, it is Kas family line that
is extinguished, though the war is fought (and the dharma
transgressed) to preserve the integrity of the Pavas royal
power and, indeed, the Kurus royal lineage. On this read-
ing, then, Ka counsels acts that transgress dharma, but the
transgressions pale in comparison with what they accomplish.
The ends justify the means, for the kingdom is retrieved from
the Kauravas malevolent hands and restored to the rightful
heirs of the Kuru throne, who will do right by their subjects.
Under Kas guidance, the Pavas transgress dharma in
small ways in order to protect the greater dharmic order,
which will be provided by a Kuru kingdom justly ruled. Nev-
ertheless, the dharmic transgressions do not go unpunished;
only it is the teacher, and not his disciples, who suffer them.
It is worth noting that the Gt claims only Arjuna as Kas
student, while the latter counsels a number of the Pavas
to perform questionable acts.79 And the Mahbhrata ex-
plains Gndhrs curse exclusively as a condemnation of
Kas inaction, his failure to stop the war, while overlook-
ing his active influence as counselor. In light of these two
facts, Kas support of the Pavas as well as the curse
endured as a result of it is perhaps better interpreted in
light of the bhakti of the Gt, and not merely in relation to
the institution of the guru. Give up all duties (sarvadhar-
ma), exhorts Ka, and come to me, the only sanctuary. I
will free you from every sin; do not despair.80 Perhaps such
77
See infra 1, above.
78
See Mahbhrata, 11.25.36-41, esp. 11.25.38.
79
Perhaps, however, this fact is mitigated by other references to Ka as
guru, in the mouth of Yudhihira, for example. See Mahbhrata, 14.70.21.
80
See Mahbhrata, 6.40.66: sarvadharmn parityajya mm eka araa
vraja | aha tv sarvappebhyo mokayiymi ma uca. Ruben, quoted by
Hiltebeitel, also interprets Kas actions in the larger narrative in terms
of the doctrine of the Gt, for which (along with the authors own inter-
preation of Kas expiation) see Hiltebeitel 1976: 287-296, esp. 288.
When the Parampar Breaks 55
81
Manus explicit association of the two institutions, father and guru, has
already been noted, for which see infra 1, above. See also Manu, 2.144-148.
82
Even the etymology of the term reveals a certain connection of the
two. First occurring in the form of an adjective referring to an important
person, used in particular with reference to members of ones family, the
term guru later appears as a substantive referring to the teacher. (See
Gonda 1965: 240 ff.) As mentioned, it is quite likely that the institution of
the guru as it is known in the Vedic period served in a social role analogous
to that of the father, with the guru serving to train the child in the Veda
when the father could not, or could not do so to the same effect.
56 The A nthropologist and the Native
83
See Mahbhrata, 3.116.1-19.
When the Parampar Breaks 57
84
Matilal suggests that a moral dilemma arises when the agent is com-
mitted to two or more moral obligations, but circumstances are such than
an obligation to do x cannot be fulfilled without violating an obligation to
do y. In my view, this serves as an utterly appropriate definition of a moral
dilemma in the Mahbhrata. See Matilal 1989: 5-9.
85
As such, his curse is more properly understood to be a link in the
chain of events leading to the war, one beginning with Bhmas vow of
celibacy. See Dhand 2004: 53.
58 The A nthropologist and the Native
86
See Manu, 1.58-60 and Mahbhrata, 1.54.
87
See Manu, 1.58-60.
88
See Mahbhrata, 1.53.
When the Parampar Breaks 61
89
Hiltebeitel has recently written a long and important book on the sub-
ject of the epic as an educational instrument, for which see Hiltebeitel 1976.
90
See Mahbhrata, 1.36.
91
See Mahbhrata, 1.37.
92
See Mahbhrata, 1.39.
93
See Mahbhrata, 1.40.
94
See Mahbhrata, 1.47.
95
See Mahbhrata, 1.50.
96
See Mahbhrata, 1.51.
97
See Mahbhrata, 1.53.1-26.
62 The A nthropologist and the Native
98
See Mahbhrata, 1.53.27 ff.
99
It is worth noting that both figures in question are teachers of sorts,
the father in Bhmas case, a brahmin in Parikits.
100
Olivelle suggests, convincingly in my view, that the author of Manu,
has two goals: he wants to tell Brahmins how to behave as true Brahmins
devoted to Vedic learning and virtue, and he wants to tell kings how to
behave as true kings, devoted to Brahmins and ruling the people justly.
See Olivelle 2005: 41.
When the Parampar Breaks 63
Bibliography