Академический Документы
Профессиональный Документы
Культура Документы
winter 2006
Federal Reserve and on the outside as a strong advocate of clear in the profession and the use of ideas and knowledge in the
www.stlouisfed.org
communication and transparency,” NABE President Stuart Hoffman workplace and policy arena. In receiving this award, Poole follows
said in a related press release. “As an astute observer of monetary his close colleagues and mentors Milton Friedman, Karl Brunner and
policy and its impact on the economy over a long period of time, he Allan Meltzer. n
Feditorial
Anecdotal Information Makes
Raw Data Breathe
By David A. Sapenaro, first vice president of the Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
T
he following is a hypothetical snapshot of six business, health care, real estate and transportation
months in a small Midwestern town: A banker industries in the Eighth District. Leaders in those
decides to open a branch office in a neighboring industries meet with Mr. Poole to discuss trends and
town. A factory has to cut its labor force. A farmer issues in their respective business sectors.
has a mixed growing season. A residential real estate Business leader luncheons. We often invite
firm reduces prices to sell more of its inventory. business leaders to a lunch with Mr. Poole and some
Those stories by themselves are mere anecdotes. But of our senior officers and economists. One of the
anecdotal information from people who make day-to- purposes is a mutual exchange of information on the
day business decisions is extremely useful to the Federal local/regional economy.
Reserve because such information helps us clearly see Beige Book input. The Beige Book is published
what is happening in the economy and understand two weeks before each FOMC meeting. It’s a closely
what fluctuations in formal data may mean. watched document of economic trends based on
When the Federal Open Market Committee information and data gathered from reliable sources
(FOMC) meets, the Fed’s Board of Governors and throughout the nation, including Mr. Poole’s sources
Reserve bank presidents give their views on the in the Eighth District.
economic outlook. In crafting monetary policy, Boards of directors. Finally, we have our boards
the FOMC consults several formal and informal of directors, each of which is familiar with the eco-
sources—which include anecdotes. Among the nomic and credit conditions in the District and pro-
sources we use in the Eighth District are: vides Mr. Poole with information on a monthly basis.
Economic forums. We invite bankers, business We have the board of directors for the St. Louis office
owners, academics, community leaders and others (nine members), and also for each of our three branch
to these networking forums. While the primary offices (seven members each).
internal Fed “audience” is St. Louis Fed President Bill Bankers in the Eighth District are integrally
Poole, I often participate in these forums as well to involved in these activities including our economic
gain a better understanding of the communities in our councils and our boards of directors. Without the
Fed region to ensure that the forums are designed and anecdotal information that you and others provide,
facilitated in a manner that provides Mr. Poole with we’re left with raw data—which can tell us only
the best information possible. so much. Your assistance makes the raw data
Industry councils. We established these councils breathe, and helps the Fed and FOMC make
this year to acquire high-level reports on the agri- informed decisions. n
the issues facing organizations that routinely make wire transfer transfer_research_final.pdf. n
www.stlouisfed.org
According to the Mint, the program seeks to “revitalize the new coins in daily transactions.
www.stlouisfed.org
design of United States coins and return circulating coinage to its Full information is available at www.usmint.gov/$1coin. n
Residential Aspects of Income
Inequality in Louisville and Memphis
By Elizabeth A. La Jeunesse and Christopher H. Wheeler
I ncome inequality has risen in ing the past three decades has been associated with inequality
the United States over the past within, rather than between, neighborhoods. In each year,
three decades.1 While many more than 75 percent of income inequality within a typical
economists have documented this metropolitan area can be linked to income inequality among
trend, few have studied its resi- households living in the same neighborhood.
dential aspects. In a paper entitled Despite this fact, we discovered a significant run-up in
Neighborhood Income Inequality, we between-neighborhood inequality during the 1980s. Over
examine whether rising income this period, the portion of the average metropolitan area’s
inequality has been accompanied overall income inequality attributable to inequality among
by increasing residential segregation households living in different neighborhoods rose by nearly 60
by income.2 percent. Between-neighborhood inequality decreased slightly in
Relatively wealthy households the 1990s.
may face increasing incentives to Metropolitan-level results for Louisville and Memphis are
separate themselves from house- generally consistent with these trends. Louisville has experi-
holds with lower incomes as the enced only three percent more overall inequality, on aver-
income gap widens. As incomes age, and 47 percent more between-neighborhood inequality,
rise, so does the demand for land. compared with the typical U.S. metropolitan area. In each
If the majority of suburban growth year, more than 70 percent of Louisville’s income inequality
in recent decades involved the has been linked to within-neighborhood income differences.
movement of relatively wealthy Louisville also saw its share of between-neighborhood
households, then the extent of income inequality increase by 30 percent during the 1980s.
residential segregation between rich But Memphis experienced overall average inequality that
and poor may have increased. is 17 percent higher than—and between-neighborhood
With rising income inequality, inequality that is more than double—the typical U.S. metro-
relatively wealthy households also politan area level. Still, in each year more than 61 percent of
may have congregated because they Memphis’s overall inequality can be linked to within-neigh-
share similar tastes for public goods, borhood inequality. Memphis’ fraction of overall income
preferences for positive peer influ- inequality attributable to between-neighborhood differences
ences or a desire to avoid crime. also increased during the 1980s by 44 percent.
This segregation may have become Overall, results suggest that U.S. metropolitan areas have
reinforced over time. experienced the majority of their income inequality among
We examine these patterns of households within individual neighborhoods. Over time,
segregation by using a sample of this residential integration may prove to be beneficial for
nearly 165,000 small neighbor- lower-income households, since individuals tend to be posi-
hoods3 within U.S. metropolitan tively influenced by the characteristics of the neighborhoods
areas to calculate two components in which they reside. However, income inequality between
of income inequality. The first neighborhoods rose significantly in the 1980s, and is also
measures the extent of income relatively more acute in cities like Memphis that tend to be
inequality among households more segregated along these lines. n
within the neighborhoods of a Endnotes:
metropolitan area. When this type 1
These numbers are available at www.census.gov/hhes/income/histinc/ie6.html.
5
Editor
Scott Kelly
314-444-8593
scott.b.kelly@stls.frb.org