The Surviving Image: Aby Warburg and Tylorian Anthropology

Author(s): Georges Didi-Huberman

Source: Oxford Art Journal, Vol. 25, No. 1 (2002), pp. 61-69
Published by: Oxford University Press
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 Image:AbyWarburgand Tylorian
The Surviving
Anthropology
Georges Didi-Huberman

1. AbyWarburg,'ItalianArtand International The isolated and highlyprovisionalexperimentthat I have undertakenhere is intendedas a plea
Astrology in the Palazzo Schifanoia'in The foran extensionofthe methodologicalbordersof our studyof art (einermethodischen
Renewal ofPaganAntiquity: Contributionsto the Grenzerweiterung unsererKunstwissenschaft).... Untilnow,a lack of adequate general
Cultural oftheEuropean Renaissance, trans.
History evolutionarycategories has impededart historyin placingits materialsat the disposal ofthe -
David Britt(GettyResearchCenterforthe - 'historicalpsychologyof humanexpression' (historischen
stillunwritten Psychologiedes
Historyof Artand the Humanities:Los Angeles, menschlichenAusdrucks).Byadoptingeitheran undulymaterialisticor an undulymystical
1999), p. 585.
stance, ouryoungdisciplineblocks its own panoramicviewof history.Itgropes towardan
2. See GeorgesDidi-Huberman, Devantl'image.
evolutionarytheoryof its own,somewherebetweenthe schematisms of politicalhistoryand the
de l'art
poseeauxfinsd'unehistoire
Question dogmaticfaithin genius.1
(Minuit:Paris, 1990).
3. See AbyWarburg,Gesammelte Schriften,eds.
It was by approachingthe image froman anthropological,thena psychological
G. Bingand F. Rougemont(Teubner:Leipzig
and Berlin,1932). Significantly, the longest point of view that Aby Warburg was able to carry out the 'extension of
entryin the verypreciseindexof thisedition methodologicalborders' thathe defendedbeforehis colleagues at a conference
(fourpages,threecolumns)is devotedto the in 1912. The immediate consequences of such an extension could only be
expressionNachleben. See also dirs. Hans Meier,
RichardNewald, and EdgarWind, disturbingfor the disciplinefor it became clear thatthe time of the image is
Bibliographie
Kulturwissenschaftliche zumNachleben not the time of historyin general, the time of the 'general evolutionary
derAntike-A Bibliographyon theSurvival ofthe
Classics,(Cassell: London, 1934), p. 5, where categories'thatWarburginvokeshere. What, then,is the most urgenttask (as
the near impossibility of translating thisterm untimelyand outdatedtodayas it was in Warburg'sepoch)? It is forarthistory
into Englishis alreadynoted. to establish'its own theoryof evolution', its own theoryof time. It is forart
4. See AbyWarburg,Schlangenritual. Ein history to enter into a time other than habitual chronologies, eternal
(1923), ed. U. Raulff(Klaus
Reisebericht
'influences',old Vasarian or neo-Vasarianfamilymyths.2
Wagenbach:Berlin,1988 and 1996); FritzSaxl,
This othertime is called 'survival' (Nachleben).The mysteriouskeywordor
'Warburg'sVisitto New Mexico' (1929-1930),
Lectures(The WarburgInstitute:London, 1957), slogan of Warburg's entireenterprise,NachlebenderAntike,is by now familiar
pp. 325-30; A. Dal Lago, 'L'arcaico e il suo to us. It is the 'fundamentalproblem' which his archivalresearchaddressed,
doppio', Autaut,no. 199-200, 1984, pp. 67-
91; C. Naber, 'Pompejiin Neu-Mexico.Aby
and for whichhe created the librarythatbears his name in order to grasp its
Warburgsamerikanische Reise', Freibeuter
38, sedimentations and shifting grounds.3 Warburg also confronted this
1988, pp. 88-97; P. Burke,'AbyWarburgas 'fundamentalproblem' during the very brief period of his famous Native
HistoricalAnthropologist', AbyWarburg. Akten
derinternationalen Hamburg 1990, Americanexperience.4Therefore,beforeinterrogating the notion of survival
Symposiums
dirs. H. Bredekamp,M. Diers, C. Schoell-Glass in the context of a 'science of culture' - patientlyworked out by Warburg
(VCH-ActaHumaniora:Weinheim,1991),
using images from antiquityand the modern Western world - it seems
pp. 39-44; KurtW. Forster,'Die Hamburg-
Amerika-Linie, oder: Warburgs appropriateto situatethe experimentalemergenceof thisproblematicon the
Kulturwissenschaft zwischenden Kontinenten', limitedand 'displaced' groundof his voyageto Hopi country.Anthropology's
Akteninternationalen
AbyWarburg. Symposiums theoreticaland heuristicfunction- its capacityto de-territorialisefields of
Hamburg, pp. 11-37 and 'AbyWarburg:His
Studyof Ritualon Two Continents,'October 77, knowledge,to reintroducedifferencein objects and anachronismin history-
1996, pp. 5-24; S. Settis,'Kunstgeschichte als will only appear in even sharperrelief.
Kulturwissenschaft:
vergleichende AbyWarburg, The 'survival' thatWarburg invoked and questioned throughouthis entire
die Pueblo-Indianer und das Nachlebender
Antike',Kunstlerischer Austauch-Artistic lifetimeis, above all, an Anglo-Saxon concept. In 1911, when Warburg's
Exchange.
Akten desXXVII.internationalen Kongressesfiur friendJuliusvon Schlosserreferredto the 'survival' of figurativepracticesin
Kunstgeschichte,dir. T. W. Gaehtgens(Akademie
wax, he did not relyupon the spontaneousvocabularyof his mothertongue.5
Verlag:Berlin,1993), pp. 139-58. S. Weigel,
He did not write Nachleben, anymore thanhe wrote Fortleben or Uberleben.He
'Aby WarburgsSchlangenritual: ReadingCulture
and ReadingWrittenTexts', NewGerman wrote survival, in English.6 This is significantevidence of a citation, a
vol. 22, no. 2, pp. 135-53; P.-A.
Critique,
Michaud,AbyWarburg et l'imageen mouvement borrowing, a conceptual displacement, for what von Schlosser cites -
(Macula: Paris, 1998), pp. 169-223, 247-80
borrowed and displaced by Warburg before him - is none other than the
(Warburg'sunpublished notesforthe 1923 survival of the great British ethnologistEdward B. Tylor. In his sudden
conference).
departure from Europe to Mexico in 1895, Warburg was not making a
5. Schlosserand Warburgwere like-minded
journeyto archetypes,as FritzSaxl thought,but a journeyto survivals.And his

() OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS OXFORD ART JOURNAL 25.1 2002 59-70

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GeorgesDidi-Huberman

theoreticallandmarkwas not JamesG. Frazer, as Saxl wrote, but Edward B.

Tylor.7
As far as I am aware, Warburg's commentatorshave not paid close withregardto manyaspectsof Warburg's
attentionto thisanthropologicalsource. At best, theyhave onlyconsideredthe problematic.See GeorgesDidi-Huberman,
differencesbetween Warburgand Tylor; ErnstGombrichforexample, argued 'Viscositeset survivances. L'histoirede l'art a
l'epreuvedu materiau',Critique 104, no. 611,
that Tylor's 'science of culture' could in no way appeal to a disciple of 1998, pp. 138-62.
Burckhardtwhose major preoccupationwas Italianart.8And yet, this 'science 6. Juliusvon Schlosser,Geschichte der
of culture' was omnipresentin the opening of Primitive Culture(published in Portrdtbildnerei
in Wachs.Ein Versuch (1911), ed.
London in 1871), a work of such importancethat,at the end of the nineteenth T. Medicus(AkademieVerlag:Berlin,1993),
p. 10. Warburgis citedon pages 76, 81-2,
century,ethnologywas commonlyreferredto as 'Mr Tylor's Science'.9 Of 186, 194.
course, PrimitiveCulture'simmensenotorietydoes not guaranteeits statusas a
7. FritzSaxl, 'Warburg'sVisitto New
theoreticalsource. The point of contactbetween Warburg's Kulturwissenschaft Mexico,' p. 326.
and Tylor's 'science of culture' lies firstin the establishmentof a particular 8. E. H. Gombrich,AbyWarburg: AnIntellectual
link between historyand anthropology. Biography(University of ChicagoPress: Chicago,
Indeed, both projects soughtto overcome the eternalopposition- which 1970), p. 16. KurtW. Forster,'AbyWarburg:
His Studyof Ritualon Two Continents',October
Levi-Strausswould continue to criticise a century later'0 - between the 77, 1996, p. 6. FosterignoresTyloras faras
evolutionarymodel required by historyand the type of atemporalitywith Warburg's'ethnologicalculture'is concerned.
whichanthropologyis oftencredited.Warburgopened the fieldof art history 9. See M. Panoff,'Tylor(Sir EdwardBurnett),
to anthropology,not simplyin order to recognisenew objects of study,but 1832-1917', in Dictionnaire du Darwinisme et de
III, dir. PatrickTort (P.U.F.: Paris,
I'evolution
also in order to open time.11For his part, Tylor intended to carry out a
1996), p. 4363.
rigorouslysymmetricaloperation.He began by affirming thatthe fundamental
10. Claude Levi-Strauss, 'Histoireet
problem of any 'science of culture' is its 'developmentof culture', and that ethnologie'(1949), Anthropologie structurale
thisdevelopmentis not reducibleto an evolutionarylaw formulatedaccording (Plon: Paris, 1958), pp. 3-33.
to models used by the naturalsciences.12Only througha history,or even an 11. WillibaldSauerlander,'Pour la deliverance
of culture can the understand its du passe: AbyWarburg, unebiographie intellectuelle
archaeology, ethnologist meaning:13
par E. H. Gombrich',Histoire de 'art,nos. 5-6,
Inworking intothegenerallawsofintellectual
to gainan insight movement,thereis practical 1989, pp. 6-7. Sauerlandersees, wrongly,this
dialecticas a pure and simpledilemma.
gaininbeingableto studythem... amongantiquarian relicsofno intensemodern interest
14 12. EdwardBurnettTylor,Primitive Culture:
intothedevelopment
Researches ofMythology,
Philosophy, Artand Custom
Religion, I, (Murray:
Warburg certainly did not disavow this methodological principle of London, 1871), pp. 23-62.
untimeliness: what makes sense in a culture is often the symptom, the un-
13. Tylor,Primitive
Culture
I, p. 13.
thought, the anachronic aspect of this culture. Here, we are already within the
14. Tylor,Primitive
Culture
I, p. 143.
spectral time of survivals. At the beginning of Primitive Culture, Tylor
introduces this time theoretically by noting that the two competing models for 15. Tylor,pp. 14-16. See E. B. Tylor,
Anthropology:AnIntroductionto theStudyofMan
the 'development of culture' - the 'theory of progress' and the 'theory of and Civilization
(Macmillan:London, 1881),
- must be
degeneration' thought dialectically, intertwined with one another. pp. 373-400, whereTylorinvestigates the
The result would be a time knot - difficultto untangle because evolutionary notionsof 'tradition'and 'diffusion'.The first
definitionof 'survival'was offeredby Tylorin
5
movements, and movements that resist evolution, cross incessantly within it. 1865: 'the "standingover" (superstitio)of old
Through these crossings the concept of survival appears as a differential habitsintothe midstof a new changedstateof
between two contradictory temporal states. things'.In Tylor,ResearchesintotheEarlyHistory
ofMankind andtheDevelopment ofCivilization
Tylor dedicated an essential part of his work to the theoretical foundation of (Murray:London, 1865), p. 218.
the concept of survival. But he had written the word, as if spontaneously, in 16. Tylor,Anahuac:OrMexicoand theMexicans,
another context, in another temporality of experience, a displacement - a trip AncientandModern (Green, Longmanand
to Mexico, to be precise. Between March and June 1856, Tylor crossed Roberts:London, 1861), pp. 330-4. An index,
in two columns,is providedforall of these
Mexico on horseback, observing and taking thousands of notes. In 1861 he
subjects.
-
published his journal from the trip his own version of TristesTropiques- in
which, as if to his great surprise, mosquitoes and pirates, alligators and
missionaries, the slave trade and Aztec relics, Baroque churches and Indian
customs, earthquakes and the use of firearms, table manners and modes of
account keeping, museum objects and street fighting,all enter the scene one
after the other.16 Anahuac is a fascinating book because we witness the author's
astonishment that this very experience, in this very place and moment, could
bear such a knot of anachronisms, such a mixture of things past and present.

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 The Surviving
Image:AbyWarburgand TylorianAnthropology

in Mexicobringheterogeneous,
Thus, Holy Week festivities half-Christian,
commemorations
half-pagan up to date;theIndianmarketin Grandeactualises
17. Tylor,Anahuac, pp. 47-54, 85-9. This
a numberingsystemwhichTylor thoughtcould only be foundin pre-
anachronism evidentin the system
is particularly Columbianmanuscripts,the ornamentation of antiquesacrificial
kniveswas
see especially,pp. 110-11,
of illustrations,
220-1, 236.
comparable with the spurs of Mexican vaqueros.'7
In the face of all of this, Tylor discoveredthe extremevariety,the
18. Tylor,Primitive I, p. 16.
Culture
breathtaking complexity ofculturalfacts(something one also notesin reading
19. See in particularthe workof Tylor's he even more
Frazer).Yet, also discoveredsomething overwhelming (which
famouscontemporary Semper,Der Stil
Gottfried
and tektonischen
in dertechnischen oder
Kiinsten, one nevernotesinreadingFrazer):thevertiginous playoftimeinthepresent,
Asthetik.
praktische Ein HandbuchfiirTechniker, in the present'surface'of a givenculture.Vertigois firstexpressedin the
undKunstfreunde
Kiinstler - less so - thatthe
powerfulsensation in itselfobvious,butitsconsequences
(Bruckman:Munich,
1878-9).
present is woven with multiplepasts. This is why Tylor insiststhatthe
20. Tylor,Primitive I, p. 64.
Culture
ethnologist must assume the role
historian's in each ofhis observations. The
21. Tylor,Primitive I, p. 63.
Culture
'horizontal'complexity of what he sees stems above all from a paradigmatic
'vertical'complexity of time:

Progress,degradation, survival,
revival, areall modesoftheconnexion
modification, thatbinds
thecomplex
together network Itneedsbuta glanceintothetrivial
ofcivilisation. detailsofour
howfarwe are really
owndailylifeto set us thinking and howfarbutthe
itsoriginators,
transmittersandmodifiers oftheresultsoflongpastages. Looking roundtheroomswe livein,
we maytryhereto see howfarhe whoonlyknowshisowntimecan be capableofrightly
comprehending eventhat.Hereis thehoneysuckle ofAssyria,therethefleur-de-lis
ofAnjou,
a
cornicewitha Greekborder runsroundtheceiling,thestyleofLouisXIVand itsparentthe
Renaissancesharethelooking glass between them.Transformed, ormutilated,
shifted, such
elementsofartstillcarry theirhistory stampedonthem;and ifthehistory
plainly yetfarther
behindis less easyto read,we are notto saythatbecausewe cannotclearlydiscernitthereis
thereforeno historythere.18

It is characteristicof this example of survival- one of the firstin Primitive

Culture - thatit concernsthe formalelementsof ornamentation,the 'primitive
words' of everynotion of style.19That this survivalof formsis signifiedas a
'stamp' is equally distinctive.Admittingthat the present bears the mark of
multiplepastsmeans, above all, to allow forthe indestructibilityof an imprint
of time, or times, on the formsproper to our presentlife. Therefore,Tylor
speaks of 'the strengthof these survivals'by which, using anothermetaphor,
'old habitsmaintaintheirroots in a groundoverwhelmedby a new culture'.20
He also comparesthe strengthof survivalto a 'riverwhich,havingdug itsbed,
will run for centuries'. This is a way of elucidating- always via the stamp-
what he referredto as the 'permanenceof culture'.21
Warburgwould have recognisedhis own investigationof permanence- the
tenacityof antique formsin the long durationof Western art history- in this
expressionof a 'fundamentalproblem'. But thatis not all. Such permanence
could have been expressed, as it was in certainstrainsof nineteenth-century
philosophicalanthropology,in terms of an 'essence of culture'. The major
interestof Tylor's thinkingon thispoint,as well as its proximityto Warburg's
approach, stems from this criticalsupplement:the 'permanence of culture'
does not express itselfas an essence, as a global featureor archetype,but on
the contrary,as a symptom,as an exceptionalfeature,as a displacedthing.The
strengthof survivals,their 'power' even, as Tylor notes, is revealed in the
tenuousnessof minuscule,superfluous,derisory,or abnormalthings.Survival,
in itself,lies in the recurringsymptomand in the game, in the pathologyof
languageand in the unconsciousnessof forms.So, Tylorturnedhis attentionto
children's games (bows and arrows, slingshots,rattles, knucklebones, or
playing cards: survivalsof the old and very serious practices of war and
divination),just as Warburg would later turn his attentionto Renaissance

OXFORD ART JOURNAL 25.1 2002 63

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GeorgesDidi-Huberman

celebrationpractices. Tylor studied featuresof language, sayings,proverbs,

and modes of salutation,just as Warburg hoped to do later for Florentine
civilisation.22 22. Tylor, PrimitiveCultureI, pp. 63-100.

Yet, Tylor was most specificallyinterestedin the aspect of survivalswhich 23. Tylor, PrimitiveCultureI, pp. 64-5.
related to superstitions.He inferredthe verydefinitionof the anthropological
24. Tylor,Primitive
Culture
I, pp. 101-44.
concept of survivalfromits traditional,Latin meaning,superstitio: 25. AbyWarburg,'ItalianArtand International
in the Palazzo Schifanoia',and 'Pagan-
Astrology
Sucha proceedingas thiswouldbe usually,andnotimproperly, described as a superstition;
AntiqueProphecyin Words and Imagesin the
and,indeed,thisnamewouldbe givento a largeproportion ofsurvivals
generally.Theveryword
Age of Luther', in The Renewal of Pagan
inwhatis perhapsitsoriginal
'superstition', sense ofa 'standing over'from oldtimes,itself pp. 563-96 and pp. 597-697
Antiquity,
Butthetermsuperstition
expressesa survival. nowimpliesa reproach. ... Forthe respectively.
purpose,
ethnographer's sucha termas 'survival',
at anyrate,itis desirableto introduce 26. Tylor,Primitive
Culture
II, pp. 1-327. See
simplyto denotethehistorical
factwhich theword'superstition'is nowspoiledforexpressing.23
J. Pascher, Der Seelenbegriff
im AnimismusE. B.
Tylors.Ein Betragzur Religionswissenschaft
(Becker:
We can now understand why the analysis of survivals in PrimitiveCulture Wurzburg,1929).
culminates with a long chapter dedicated to magic, astrology, and all of their 27. Tylor, PrimitiveCultureI, pp. 145-217.

related forms.24 How can we not recall the apex of the Nachleben der Antike, 28. Tylor,Primitive
CultureI, pp. 142. On this
see Tylor,
notionof conservatism
Warburg's analysis of the treatment of astrology in the Ferrara frescoes, or in
'Conservatism-VariatioventInvention,'
(1874),
Martin Luther's writings?25 In both cases and each time (and without even The CollectedWorksof Edward BurnettTylorVII
mentioning Freud), it is the flaw in consciousness, the fault in logic, the lack of (Routledge-Thoemmes Press: London, 1994),
sense in the argumentation which opens a breach, the breach of survivals, into pp. 137-8 (originalpagination).
the currency of a historical fact. Before Warburg and Freud, Tylor admired the 29. 'On Traces of the EarlyMentalCondition
of Man,' (1869) and 'On the Survivalof Savage
capacity of 'trivial details' to make sense, or rather, be symptoms (which he
Thoughtin Modem Civilization,'(1869) in
also referred to as landmarks)of their own insignificance. Before Warburg and Proceedingsof the Royal Institutionof GreatBritain,
his interest in the 'animism' of votive effigies,Tylor, among others, attempted vol. 5 (1866-1869), pp. 83-93 and pp. 522-35
respectively.See MargaretT. Hodgen, The
to construct a general theory of the power of signs.26 Before Warburg and his
Doctrineof Survivals.A Chapterin the Historyof
fascination for the expressive phenomena of the gesture, Tylor, again among ScientificMethodin the Studyof Man (Allenson:
others, attempted to construct a theory of emotional and mimetic language.27 London, 1936), pp. 67-107, 122, 130, 142.
Before Warburg and Freud, he staked out, in his own way, the lesson of the
- absurdity, lapsus, sickness, madness - as the privileged mode of
symptom
access to the vertiginous time of survivals. Could the path to the symptom
then, be the best way to hear the voices of ghosts?

Throughout thewholeofthisvariedinvestigation, whetherofthedwindlingsurvival

ofold
culture,orofitsbursting forthafreshinactiverevival,itmayperhapsbe complained thatits
illustrationsshouldbe so muchamongthings wornout,worthless, orevenbadwith
frivolous,
downright harmful Infactitis so, andI havetakenupthiscourseofargument
folly. withfull
knowledge and intent.Forindeed,we haveinsuchenquiries continualreasonto be thankfulfor
fools.Itis quitewonderful,evenifwe hardly go belowthesurfaceofthesubject,to see how
largea sharestupidity and unpracticalconservatism anddoggedsuperstition
havehadin
preserving forus tracesofthehistory ofourrace,whichpracticalutilitarianism
wouldhave
remorselessly sweptaway.28

Between phantom and symptom, the notion of survival becomes a specific

expression of the 'trace' for the historical and anthropological sciences.29 As is
well known, Warburg was interested in the vestiges of classical antiquity,
vestiges which were in no way reducible to the existence of material objects,
but could equally live on in forms, styles, behaviours, the psyche. We can
easily understand his interest in Tylor's survivals. First, they marked out a
negative reality, that which appears as a cast-off, ageless, out-of-date, or out-
of-use in a culture (just as, in the fifteenthcentury, Florentine boti testifyto a
practice already removed from the present and the 'modern' preoccupations
on which Renaissance art was based). Second, Tylor's survivals marked out a
maskedreality; something persists and testifiesto a vanished moment of society,
but its very persistence is accompanied by an essential modification- a change
of its status of signification (to say that the bow and arrow of ancient wars have

64 OXFORD ART JOURNAL 25.1 2002

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 The Surviving
Image:AbyWarburgand TylorianAnthropology

survivedas a children's game is to demonstratethe transformation of their

statusand theirsignification).
30. AbyWarburg,'Pagan-Antique In this sense, the analysis of survivals seems to be the analysis,of
Prophecy',
in TheRenewal
ofPaganAntiquity. symptomaticand ghostlymanifestations. They designatea realityof effraction,
31. See, forexample,S. A. Cook, 'The if tenuous, or even imperceptible,and for this reason they also designatea
Evolutionand Survivalof PrimitiveThought,'
spectralreality.Astrologicalsurvivalwill thus appear as a 'ghost' in Luther's
Essaysand StudiesPresented
to William Ridgeway,
dir. E. C. Quiggan(CambridgeUniversity discourse, a ghost whose effectivenessWarburg recognised because of its
Press: Cambridge,1913), pp. 375-412; Arthur intrusiveand interferingnature- as symptom- in the logic of the preacherof
Weigall,Survivancespaiennesdansle mondechretien the Reformationpreacher's argumentation.30 It comes as no surprisethatthe
(1928), trans.ArianeFlourny(Payot: Paris,
En margede la Legende
criticalrichnessof Tylor's survivalsfirstconcerned phenomenaof belief: the
1934); P. Saintyves, doree:
songes,miracles
et survivances.
Essaisurlaformation firstapplicationsof this concept took place in the domain of the historyof
de quelquesthemes (Nourry:Paris,
hagiographiques religions.31Nevertheless,in anticipationof what Andre Leroi-Gourhancalled
1930); G. J. Laing,SurvivalsofRomanReligion 'technical stereotypes', several archaeological studies of long durations
(Harrap:London, 1931). On the criticalfortune
of Tyloriansurvival,see M. T. Hodgen, The approached the historyof objects fromthe angle of survival.32
DoctrineofSurvivals,pp. 108-39, which
unfortunatelyonlytreatsthe Anglo-Saxon *
domain.
32. See, forexample,L. C. G. Clarke,
We mustnote, however, thatthe notion of survivalhas never been verywell
'ModernSurvivalsof the SumerianChatelaine,' received- and not onlyby arthistory.In Tylor's time, survivalwas accused of
to C. G. Seligman,
EssaysPresented dir. Edward
Evan Evans-Pritchard et al. (Kegan Paul, Trench being too structuraland abstract a concept, a concept which defied all
& Trubner:London, 1934), pp. 41-7. Andre precisionand factualverification.The positivistobjection consistedin asking:
Leroi-Gourhan, Evolution I: L'homme
et techniques but, how do you date a survival?33
This is preciselyto misunderstand a concept
(AlbinMichel: Paris, 1943), pp. 9-
et la matiere thatmeantto identifya non-'historical'- in the trivialand factualsense - type
113 (on the notionof the 'technical
of temporality.Today, one would accuse survivalof lackingstructure,of being
stereotype').
a concept, as it were, marked by the evolutionist seal, therefore out-of-date,
33. See M. T. Hodgen, TheDoctrine
ofSurvivals,
and outdated; in short, an old nineteenth-century scientific ghost. One might
pp. 140-74.
34. MarcelMauss, 'Essai sur le don. Formeet spontaneously infer this from modern anthropology which, from Marcel Mauss
raisonde 1'echangedans les societesarchaiques' to Claude Levi-Strauss, effected the necessary reorientation of too essentialist
(1923-4), Sociologieet anthropologie
(P.U.F.: (Frazer) or too empiricist (Malinowski) ethnological concepts.
Paris, 1950), pp. 228-57.
However, in bringing out the critical aspects themselves, one notices that
35. Mauss, 'Essai sur le don', p. 228.
things are more complex and nuanced than they appear. Survival itself is not in
36. Mauss, 'La Volkskunde commescience' but a certain use-value made of it by several Anglo-Saxon
socialeet divisions
III. Cohesion de question,
(1903), Oeuvres,
la sociologie,
ed. ViktorKarady(Minuit:Paris, ethnographers during the nineteenth century. Mauss, for example, did not
1969), p. 372. hesitate to use the term. The third chapter of Essai surle don (Essay on the Gift)is
titled 'Survival of these principles [where an "exchange of gifts" is carried out]
in ancient rights and economies.'34 There he explained that the principles of
the gift and counter-offer count as 'survivals' for the historian and for the
ethnologist:

Theyhavea generalsociological
value,sincetheyallowus to understanda moment ofsocial
Butthereis more.Theyalso havean importance
evolution. forsocialhistory. ofthis
Institutions
typehaveeffectively
providedthetransition
to ourforms,
ourownforms, oflawandeconomy.
Theyserveas historical ofourownsocieties.Morality
explanations andexchangepractices in
use bythesocietieswhichimmediatelyprecededourownmaintain themoreorless important
tracesofall oftheprinciples
justanalysed[intheframework ofso-calledprimitive
societies].35

Elsewhere, Mauss went so far as to extend the notion of survival to 'primitive'

societies themselves:

societywhichhas notevolved.Themostprimitive
Thereis no known ofmenhavean immense
pastbehindthem;thusdiffuse playa roleevenforthem.36
andsurvival
traditions,

This was not only a manner of saying that 'primitive societies have a history' -
which some had long denied, hence the expression 'people without history' -
but that this history may be as complex as our own. It, too, is made up of the
conscious handing down of 'diffuse traditions', as Mauss wrote. It, too, forms

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GeorgesDidi-Huberman

itselfwithina play of - or a knotof- heterogeneoustemporalities- a knotof

anachronisms,even if the absence of writtenarchivesmakes this difficultto
analyse. Mauss does not criticisethe usage of survivalin order to call into 37. Mauss, 'La magieselon Frazer,'(1913),
question thiscomplexityof temporalmodels. On the contrary,he does so to Oeuvres,I. Lesfonctionssociales du sacre', ed.
V. Karady(Minuit:Paris,1968), p. 155.
refuteethnologicalevolutionism as a simplification of temporalmodels. Thus,
when Frazer describes survivalas a 'confusionbetween ancient magic and 38. 'Tous les faitsde similitude ne sontpas des
faitsde "recurrence",d'invention
religion',Mauss respondsthat'the hypothesisdoes not tell us verymuch'; that independante, de "survivances"des souches
is, the hypothesisthat there was a confusionbetween magic and religion d'evolutionsparfaitement identiquepartout.
followedby the autonomisationof the latter,whichbecame more rationaland Mais inversement tous ne sontpas des fait
d'emprunts,et surtoutpas des empruntsa un
moral, in sum, more 'evolved'.37 seul foyer.[. ..] Nous demandonsdone qu'on
Mauss also perceptivelycriticisedwhat we might call archetypism,the mette,dans toutecettesoi-disanthistoire
remainingkey trap in any analysisof survivals.Archetypism not only resulted sociologique,moinsde sociologieet plus
d'histoire,et que chaquephenomenesoit
in the simplificationof temporal models, it led to their pure and simple
apprecieen lui-meme.'Mauss, 'La theoriede la
negation, their dilution into an essentialismof culture and the psyche.The diffusionunicentrique de la civilisation,'(1925),

principlelure of such a trapis analogicalperception.When resemblancesturn Oeuvres,II. Representations

collectiveset diversitesdes
ed. V. Karady(Minuit:Paris, 1974),
civilisations,
into pseudomorphisms,when theyserve to bringout a general and atemporal
pp. 522-3.
signification,then survivalof course becomes a mythification, an epistemo-
39. Claude Levi-Strauss,
'Histoireet
logical obstacle.38It must be pointed out that it has been possible to interpret structurale,p. 6.
ethnologie', Anthropologie
and use Warburg's Nachleben to such ends. However, what distancesNachleben 40. Levi-Strauss,
'Histoireet ethnologie',p. 7
fromany such essentialismis Warburg's philologicaleffort,his perceptionof
41. Levi-Strauss,
'Histoireet ethnologie',pp. 9,
his constantattemptto tug at all threads,to identifyeach strand-
singularities, 25.
even when he knew that the threadsescaped him, had been broken, or ran 42. Levi-Strauss,
'Histoireet ethnologie',pp.7,
underground. Symptomatic anamnesis has strictly nothing to do with 13-14.

archetypalgeneralisation. 43. 'Un peuple primitif n'est pas davantageun

Levi-Strauss'scriticismin the introductorychapterof Structural
Anthropology peuple sanshistoire,bien que le deroulement de
celle-cinous echappesouvent[. ..] l'histoirede
seems even more severe. Because it is more radical, it is more partial,and ces peuple nous est totalement inconnue,et, en
sometimesinaccurate,ifnot disingenuous.Levi-Straussstartsoffby walkingin raisonde l'absenceou de la pauvretedes
Mauss's footsteps: he criticises archetypismand its erroneous usage of traditionoralesetdes vestigesarcheologiques,
elle est a jamaishorsd'atteinte.On n'en saurait
substantialisedanalogies, of universallyapplicable pseudomorphisms.39 Now, conclurequ'elle n'existepas.' Levi-Strauss,
'La
it turnsout thathe soughtits traces in Tylor's work. The bow and arrow no Notionde l'archaismeen ethnologie',

longer forma 'species', as Tylor had claimed in a languagemodelled on the structurale,pp. 114-15.
Anthropologie

biological bond of reproduction,because 'between two identical tools, or

between two different tools whichare as alike in formas theycan be, thereis
and therewill alwaysbe a radicaldiscontinuity, whichcomes fromthefactthat
one is not issued fromanother,but each of them are issued froma systemof
representation'.40 Note thatWarburgwould have agreed withouthesitationto
this firstpoint, which situated the organisationof symbols as the founding
structureof the empiricalworld.
Levi-Straussstumbleswhen he goes one step further,claimingthatstudies
stemmingfroma problematicof survivals'teach us nothingabout unconscious
processestranslatedinto concreteexperiences'. He invalidatesthisa few pages
later by grantingTylor a nearly fundamentalplace in the evaluation of the
'unconscious nature of collective phenomena'.41 But to his mind, Tylor's
ethnologyremaineddevoid of any historicalcharacter.He cites as evidence a
briefpassage in Researches intotheEarlyHistoryofMankind(1865), withouteven
taking into account the title of the work. Moreover, Levi-Straussdoes not
recognisethat,six yearslater,in Primitive Culture,Tylor developed a reflection
on the historicityof primitiveculturesthathe creditsonly to Franz Boas.42In
1952, the author of StructuralAnthropology announced a thesis on the
'unattainable'historicityof primitivepeoples, clearlyan entirelyunconscious
paraphraseof the passages fromTylor cited above.43
None of this changes the fundamentalquestion, which is still a matterof
knowingwhat survivalmeans. And it is firsta matterof knowinghow, in what

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 The Surviving
Image:AbyWarburgand TylorianAnthropology

sense, and for what stakes, this concept takes over or does not take over
evolutionistdoctrine. When Tylor peppers the seventhchapter of his book
44. Tylor,Researches
intotheEarlyHistory Researches intotheHistoryofMankind(devoted to the 'Development and Decline
of
Mankind,pp. 150-90. of Civilisation') with referencesto Darwin, the stake is clearlypolemical. In
45. See M. T. Hodgen, TheDoctrine
ofSurvivals, this text, he has to play human evolution againstdivine destiny;that is, he
pp. 36-66. plays The Origin of Species against the Bible.44 He had to rehabilitate
46. 'It mayhave strucksome readersas an
'developmentalism'and the perspectiveof the species againstreligioustheories
omissionthatin a workon civilization insisting of degenerationand the perspectiveof originalsin.45
so strenuously on a theoryof developmentor
evolution,mentionshouldscarcelyhave been One furtherelementneeds to be made clear. The vocabularyof survivalhad
made of Mr Darwinand Mr HerbertSpencer, not yetbeen set out when Tylor enteredinto thisreferencegame. Even if the
whose influenceon the whole courseof modem
debate over evolutionconstituteshis general epistemologicalhorizon,Tylor's
thoughton suchsubjectsshouldnot be left
withoutformalrecognition.This absenceof notionof survivalwould be clearlyconstructedindependentlyof Spencer's and
particularreferenceis accountedforby the Darwin's doctrines.46Whereas naturalselectionreferredto the 'survivalof the
presentwork,arrangedon its own lines, fittest',the guarantorof biologicalinnovation,Tylor approachedsurvivalfrom
comingscarcelyintocontactof detailwiththe
the opposite angle,fromthe angle of the most 'unfit,or inappropriate'carriers
previouswork of theseeminentphilosophers.'
Tylor,Primitive pp. VII-VIII.The global
Culture, of a bygone past, instead of an evolutionaryfuture.47
linkthatMauss establishedbetweenthe 'English
In short, survivalsare only symptomsthat carrytemporal disorientation.
Anthropological School' and Spencerian
evolutionism See Marcel
deservesclarification. They have nothingwhatsoever to do with the premises of a teleology in
Mauss, 'L'ecole anthropologique anglaiseet la progress,or withany 'evolutionarysense'. They certainlybear the evidenceof
theoriede la religionselonJevons'(1898),
a more originaland repressed state, but theysay nothingabout evolutionin
Oeuvres I, pp. 109-10. Tylor'sfundamental
references at the beginningof PrimitiveCulture, itself.They undoubtedlyhave a diagnosticvalue, but no prognosticvalue. It is
in fact,belongto the GermanSchool of
importantto recall that Tylor's theoryof culture stemmed neitherfrom a
A. Bastian,Mensch in der
biologynor froma theology.For him, 'savages' were no more the fossilsof an
Anthropology:
Gerschichte.Zur Begriindung einerpsychologischen
Westanschauung (Otto Wigand:Leipzig,1860); originalhumanitythandegeneratesfroma likenessto God. Instead,his theory
T. Waitz,Anthropologie derNaturvolker(Fleischer: aimed at a historicaland philological perspective, which is why Warburg
Leipzig,1860-72). On theseproblems,see would take such an interest in it.48
RobertH. Lowie, TheHistory ofEthnological
(Holt, Reinhartand Winston:New York,
One thingis certain: Warburg's concept of survival(Nachleben)was first
Theory
1937), pp. 68-85, and above all, J. Leopold, sketchedout withinan epistemologicalfieldbound to anthropologicalobjects,
Culture andEvolutionary
in Comparative Perspective: and toward the general horizon of evolutionarytheories. In this sense, as
E. B. Tylorand theMakingof 'PrimitiveCulture'
(DietrichReimer:Berlin,1980).
Gombrichaffirms, Warburgremaineda man of the nineteenthcentury.In this
47. See M. T. Hodgen, TheDoctrine ofSurvivals,
sense, his historyof art remains old-fashioned,its fundamentaltheoretical
in
p. 40, and especiallyJ. Leopold, Culture models outdated.49The simplification is brutal,and not devoid of bad faith.At
Comparativeand Evolutionary pp. 49-
Perspective, best, it demonstrates the difficulty second generationiconologistsfaced
that
50, whichdemonstrates the complexityof the
sourcesof Tyloriansurvival.
when comingto termswitha legacythatwas fartoo ghostlyto be 'applicable'
epistemological
as such. At worst, this simplificationaims to close offthe theoreticalpaths
48. See M. Panoff,'Tylor', pp. 4364-5.
49. E. H. Gombrich,AbyWarburg, opened by the verynotion of Nachleben.
p. 68,168,
What does it mean that Warburg was an 'evolutionist'? That he read
185, 321, etc. and 'AbyWarburge
159, no.
l'evoluzionismoottocentesco',Belfagor, Darwin? Of this,thereis not the shadow of a doubt. That he defendedan 'idea
6, 1999, pp. 635-49. of progress' in the artsand adopted a 'continuistmodel' of time?50Nothingis
50. E. H. Gombrich,'Aby Warburge furtherfromthe truth.Evolutionarydoctrineintroducedthe question of time
l'evoluzionismoottecentesco',pp. 635-7, 645.
into the life sciences beyond the 'long cosmic duration' - in the words of
51. 'Cette nouvelledimension[qu'apportait
Darwindans les sciencesde la vie] c'etaitle Georges Canguilhem- thathad framedLamarck's thought.However, posing
the question of time already meant posing the question of times, of the
tempset l'histoire.Sans doute Lamrackavait
anterieurement accordea l'immensitede la different temporalmodalities thatmake up, forexample, a fossil,an embryo,
duree cosmiquele pouvoirde produire 51
or a rudimentaryorgan.
successivement a l'existencela seriecontinueet
progressive, quoique parfoisirreguliere, des Furthermore,PatrickTort has shownthe abusiveerrorinvolvedin reducing
corpsorganises,"depuis les plus imparfaits Herbert Spencer's philosophy- which one recalls immediatelywheneverone
jusqu'aux plus parfaits."Mais la nouveaute hears the word 'evolutionism' - to the Darwinian theory of biological
radicalede L'Origine desespecesconsistaitenceci
evolution. The latteris a bio-ecologicaltransformation of the developmentof
qui le tempsde lavie n'y etaitpas suppose
commeun pouvoir,mais qu'il etaitpercu living species inasmuch as they are subject to variation. The formeris a
directement dans des effetsen apparence -
en realiteunifiespar leur
an
doctrine, ideology whose conclusions circulatingamongstthe nineteenth-
distincts,
Le fossile,c'etaitle temps centuryruling classes and industrialmilieus - are opposed to many of the
complementarite.
ptrifie;l'embryon,c'etaitle tempsoperant; points made in The Originof Species.52

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GeorgesDidi-Huberman

The misunderstanding pivotspreciselyaround the notion of survival.Only

in the fiftheditiondid Darwin insertthe Spencerianexpressionof the 'survival
of the fittest'.Today, epistemologistssee nothingbut theoreticalconfusionin c'etaitle tempsretarde.
l'organerudimentaire,
the associationof these two words (which Tylor, as we have seen, carefully [.. .] La classification
cessaitd'etre une

dissociated). Speakingin such a way effectively reduces survivalto selection. peinturedes formescoexistantes pour devenir
un canvassynoptiquetisseavec les filsdu
The most adept, the strongest,surviveand reproduce. The idea thatthislaw
temps.' GeorgesCanguilhem, Ideolgie et
could be of relevanceto the historicalor culturalworld comes fromSpencer, rationalitedansl'histoire
dessciences de la vie.
Nouvelles etudesd'histoire
et dephilosophie des
not fromDarwin, who instead saw in civilisationa means of opposing - of
sciences(Vrin: Paris, 1997), p. 106.
'disadapting' from - natural selection.53 In this sense Warburg was 52. 'Une enormeerreurde methodeet un
undoubtedlya Darwinian, but not a Spencerian,evolutionist. contresenstheoriqued'une extremeenvergure
For Warburg, Nachlebenmeant making historical time more complex, regnetencoresurl'apprihensionglobalede la
theoriedarwinnienne.
recognisingspecific,non-naturaltemporalitiesin the culturalworld. Basing a
Pendantplus d'un siecle,
sous l'influenced'un contratenonciatif
historyof art on 'naturalselection' - throughthe successiveeliminationof the
passe
entrel'ascensionde l'industrialisme liberal
weakeststyles,thusprovidingevolutionwithits perfectibility and historywith anglaiset de la philosophiesynthetique de
its teleology- is in opposition to his fundamentalproject and his temporal Spencer,la theoriede la selectionnaturellea
servitde garantieet de modele scientifique a
models. For Warburg,the survivingformdoes not triumphantly outlive the des doctrines,a des recommandations et a des
death of its competitors. On the contrary, it symptomaticallyand pratiquessocialeset politiquesqui se faisaient
phantomatically survivesits own death: disappearingfroma point in history, passerpour les consequencesdirectement
much later at a moment when it is perhapsno longer expected, applicativesde la loi nucleairede l'evolution
reappearing biologique:celle de la competition et de
and consequentlyhaving survived in the still poorly defined reaches of a l'exclusioneliminatoire.'PatrickTort,La pensee
'collective memory'. Nothing is furtherfrom this idea than Spencer's hierarchiqueet l'volution(AubrierMontaigne:
Paris, 1983), pp. 166-97 and as alreadycited
'synthetic'and authoritariansystematism,his so-called 'social Darwinism'.54 (whichopposesthe scientific pathsof biological
On the other hand, links can be traced between this notion of survivaland evolutionand the ideologicalderailment of
certainof Darwin's termsrelatingto the complexityand paradoxicalintricacy Spencerianevolution)and 'L'effetreversif de
l'evolution.Fondementsde l'anthropologie
of biological time.
darwinienne',Darwinisme et societe,
dir. Patrick
From this perspective, Nachlebencould be compared with, but not Tort (P.U.F.: Paris, 1992), pp. 13-46.
assimilatedto, temporalmodels thatpreciselycreate symptomsin evolution; 53. 'La selectionnaturelleselectionnela
that is, models that set up obstacles within all continuity-basedadaptation civilisation,qui s'oppose a la selection
naturelle.'Tort, 'L'effetreversif de l'evolution',
schemes. Evolutionarytheoreticianshave spoken of 'living fossils', perfectly
p. 13. See D. Becquement,'Survivancedu plus
anachronisticbeings of survival.55They have spoken of 'missing links',
apte', Dictionnaire du darwinismeet de l'evolution
intermediaryformsbetween ancient and more recent formsof variation.56 III, dir. PatrickTort (P.U.F.: Paris,1996),
With the concept of 'retrogression',theyhave refusedto oppose a 'positive' pp. 4173-5.
evolution and a 'negative' regression.57They have not only spoken of 54. See H. Spencer,TheStudyofSociology
(1873), ed. T. Parsons(University
of Michigan
'panchronicforms' - living fossilsor survivingforms,organismsthat were Press: AnnArbor,1961).
believed to have disappeared, or that had been found everywherefossilised,
55. See N. Eldredgeand S. M. Stanley,Living
whichwere suddenlydiscoveredas livingorganismsunder certainconditions58 Fossils(Springer:New York, 1984).
- but also of 'heterochronies',paradoxical states of living which combine 56. See C. Devillers,'Formesintermediares
heterogeneousphases of development.59At those moments when the usual du darwinisme
(chainonsmanquants)',Dictionnaire
et de l'evolution
II, pp. 1594-7.
game of natural selection and genetic mutation does not enable the
understandingof a new species, they have even spoken of 'promising 57. See P. Tort, 'Evolutionregressive,'
Dictionnairedu darwinismeI, 'On parled'volution
monsters', 'non-competitiveorganisms',neverthelesscapable of engendering la regressionqui
pour caracteriser
regressive
an original,radicallydivergentevolutionaryline.60 frappecertainsorganesdevenusinutilesou
Indeed, in its own way, WarburgianNachlebenonly tells us about 'living nuisiblesa l'espece. L'exempledonnepar
Darwinest celui des insectesinsulaires
fossils'and 'retrogressive'forms.It tells us about 'heterochronies',and even
continuellement exposes. L'exempledonnepar
about 'promisingmonsters' like Diirer's Landser sow, with her two bodies Darwinest celui des insectesinsulaires
and eight hooves, which Warburg treated from the perspectiveof what he continuellement exposesa la forcedes vents,et
referredto as a 'region of prophetic monsters' (Region der wahrsagenden qui perdentleursailes (p. 1595).
'Retrogression', Dictionnairedu darwinisme
III,
Monstra).6It is easy to understandthata work as experimental,as disquieting, p. 3677.
and as heuristicas Warburg's could be misunderstoodas 'evolutionist'. 58. See M. Delsol and J. Flatin,'Formes
In order to discernthe anachronisticand unprecedentedobject of his quest, Dictionnaire
panchroniques', du darwinisme
II,
p. 1714-17.
Warburg forged ahead like all pioneers. He assembled a system of
heterogeneous debts, whose orientation could be changed by simply 59. See C. Devillers,'Heterochronies,'
Dictionnaire
du darwinisme
II, pp. 2215-17, which
comparingthem with all of the others. What other conclusion should we

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 Image:AbyWarburgand TylorianAnthropology
The Surviving

draw from this play of debts and debated questions if not that, there,
evolutionismproduced its own crisis,its own internalcritique?By recognising
theAxolotl(whichis both the need to broaden canonicalmodels of history- narrativemodels, models of
givesas an example
infantandadultandremains a larvaecapableof temporal continuity,models of objective realisation- by directinghimself
reproduction itsentire
throughout life)and littleby littletoward a theoryof the memoryof formsmade up of leaps and
speaksofdifferential
rhythms,developmental
down,knownas
or slowing
acceleration, latencies, Aby Warburg decisively broke with notions of 'progress' and
"neotenies", progeneses,peramorphoses, historical'development'.62He thus played evolutionismoffagainstitself.He
hypermorphoses,etc.See alsoK. J.McNamara, deconstructedit solely in order to recognisephenomenaof survivaland cases
'HeterochronyandPhylogeneticTrends',
8, 1982,pp. 130-42.
Paleobiology of Nachlebenwhich now must be dealt with in terms of their specific
60. See M. Delsol,'Monstresprometteurs', development.
du darwinisme
Dictionnaire II, pp. 3042-44.
61. Warburg, in
Prophecy
'Pagan-Antique Translatedfrom byDr Vivian
theFrench SkyRehberg.
WordsandImagesin theAgeofLuther',
p. 635.
62. A. Dal Lago,'L'arcaicoe il suodoppio',
Autaut,nos. 199-200,1984,pp. 79-86. See
alsoLeopoldD. Ettlinger, als
'Kunstgeschichte
Geschichte',(1971-76), Ausgewdhlte
Schriften,
pp. 499-513.

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