CULTURE AND SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT

CULTURE AND SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT
AT TIMES OF CRISIS /
KULTURA I ODRIVI RAZVOJ U DOBA KRIZE
Conference Proceedings
Culture and Sustainable Development at Times of Crisis
University of Arts in Belgrade, March 2728, 2014
Zbornik rdov s meunrodne nune konferencije

Kultur i odrivi rzvoj u dob krize
Univerzitet umetnosti u Beogradu, 27. i 28 mart 2014.
Endorsed by
Anita Kangas, PhD. University of Jyvskyl, Finland
Inger Birkeland, PhD. Telemark University College, Norway
Aleksandar Brki, PhD. Lasalle College, Singapore
Recenzenti:
dr Anit Kngs, Univerzitet u Juvskuli, Finsk
dr Inger Birkelnd, Telemrk univerzitetski koled, Norvek
dr Aleksndr Brki, Lsl koled, Singpur
The Conference Culture and Sustainable Development at Times of Crisis has been organized
within the celebration of the jubilee - ten years of UNESCO Chair in Cultural Policy and
Management and presentation of MAIPR international research programme at the University
of Arts in Belgrade. Part of the papers in this Proceedings was created in the framework of the
international project COST IS1007 Investigating Cultural Sustainability and project no.178012
Identity and memory: a transcultural texts of Dramatic Arts and Media by Faculty of Dramatic
Arts in Belgrade. Final chapter of the proceedings is done within the project Evaluation of
Cultural Policies and EU-Funded Programs as Promoters of Cultural Diversity and Intercultural
Dialogue in the Balkans/Southeast Europe.
Konferencij Kultur i odrivi rzvoj u dob krize orgnizovn je povodom obelevnj

jubilej deset godin UNESKO ktedre z kulturnu politiku i mendment, ko i
predstvljnj istrivkog progrm MAIPR n Univerzitetu umetnosti u Beogrdu. Deo
rdov iz ovog Zbornik nstlo je u okviru rd n meunrodnom projektu COST IS1007
Investigating Cultural Sustainability i projektu br.178012 Identitet i senj: trnskulturlni
tekstovi drmskih umetnosti i medij Fkultet drmskih umetnosti u Beogrdu. Zvrno
poglvlje zbornik nstlo je u okviru projekt Evlucij kulturnih politik i progrm EU ko
promoter kulturne rznolikosti i interkulturnog dijlog n Blknu / Jugoistonoj Evropi.
KULTURA I
ODRIVI RAZVOJ
U DOBA KRIZE
Urednice
Prof. dr Milen Drgievi ei

Prof. dr Mirjn Nikoli
dr Liljn Rog Mijtovi
Univerzitet umetnosti u Beogrdu

Fkultet drmskih umetnosti
Institut z pozorite, film, rdio i televiziju
Beogrd, 2014.
CULTURE AND
SUSTAINABLE
DEVELOPMENT
TIMES OF CRISIS
Edited by
Prof. Milena Dragievi ei, Phd.

Prof. Mirjana Nikoli, Phd.
Ljiljana Roga Mijatovi, PhD.
University of Arts in Belgrade

Faculty of Dramatic Arts
Institute for Theatre, Film, Radio and Television
Belgrade, 2014
PROGRAMSKI ODBOR
Prof. dr Liljn Mrki Popovi, Univerzitet umetnosti u Beogrdu

Prof. emeritus dr Irin Suboti, Univerzitet umetnosti u Beogrdu
Prof. mr Zorn Popovi, Fkultet drmskih umetnosti, Beogrd
Prof. dr Milen Drgievi ei, Univerzitet umetnosti u Beogrdu
Prof. dr Mirjn Nikoli, Fkultet drmskih umetnosti, Beogrd
Prof. dr Svetln Hristov, Jugo-zpdni Univerzitet Neofit Rilski, Bugrsk
Prof. dr Vesn opi, Univerzitet u Ljubljni, Slovenij
Prof. dr Rd Drezgi, Fkultet muzike umetnosti, Beogrd
Prof. dr Drgic Tomk, EDUKONS univerzitet, Novi Sd
Prof. dr Nikol uic, Fkultet likovnih umetnosti, Beogrd
Prof. dr Drko Luki, Univerzitet u Zgrebu, Hrvtsk
Prof. dr Neven Dkovi, Fkultet drmskih umetnosti, Beogrd
Prof. dr Vesn uki, Fkultet drmskih umetnosti, Beogrd
Prof. dr Divn Vuksnovi, Fkultet drmskih umetnosti, Beogrd
Prof. dr Aleksndr Prnjt, Alf univerzitet, Beogrd
dr Elen Btljini, Institut z ekonomsk i drutven istrivnj, Itlij
dr Nensi Dksburi, Univerzitet u Koimbri, Portuglij
dr Ktrin Soini, Univerzitet u Juvskuli, Finsk
dr Jelen uri, Institut z filozofiju i drutvenu teoriju, Beogrd
dr Liljn Rog Mijtovi, Fkultet drmskih umetnosti, Beogrd
ORGANIZACIONI ODBOR
Prof. dr Milen Drgievi ei, Univerzitet umetnosti u Beogrdu

dr Liljn Rog Mijtovi, Fkultet drmskih umetnosti, Beogrd
dr Mj iri, nezvisn kustoskinj
Julij Mteji, MA, Univerzitet umetnosti u Beogrdu
mr Predrg Mildinovi, Univerzitet umetnosti u Beogrdu
PROGRAM COMMITTEE
Prof. Ljiljn Mrki Popovi, PhD. University of Arts in Belgrade

Prof. emeritus Irin Suboti, PhD. University of Arts in Belgrade
Prof. Zorn Popovi, MSci. Faculty of Dramatic Arts, Belgrade
Prof. Milen Drgievi ei, PhD. University of Arts in Belgrade
Prof. Mirjn Nikoli, PhD. Faculty of Dramatic Arts, Belgrade
Prof. Svetln Hristov, PhD. South-West University Neofit Rilsky, Bulgaria
Prof. Vesn opi, PhD. University of Ljubljana, Sloveni
Prof. Rd Drezgi, PhD. Faculty of Music Arts, Belgrade
Prof. Drgic Tomk, PhD. EDUKONS University, Novi Sd
Prof. Nikol uic, PhD. Faculty of Fine Arts, Belgrade
Prof. Drko Luki, PhD. University of Zagreb, Croatia
Prof. Neven Dkovi, PhD. Faculty of Dramatic Arts, Belgrade
Prof. Vesn uki, PhD. Faculty of Dramatic Arts, Belgrade
Prof. Divna Vuksanovi, PhD. Faculty of Dramatic Arts, Belgrade
Prof. Aleksndr Prnjt, PhD. Alf University, Belgrade
Elena Battaglini, PhD. Economic and Social Research Institute, Italy
Nancy Duxbury, PhD. University of Coimbra, Portugl
Ktriin Soini, PhD. University of Jyvskyl, Finland
Jelen uri, PhD. Institute for Philosophy and Social Theory, Belgrade
Ljiljn Rog Mijtovi, PhD. Faculty of Dramatic Arts, Belgrade
ORGANIZING COMMITTEE
Prof. Milen Drgievi ei, PhD. University of Arts in Belgrade

Ljiljn Rog Mijtovi, PhD. Faculty of Dramatic Arts, Belgrade
Mj iri, PhD. independent curator
Julij Mteji, MA, University of Arts in Belgrade
Predrg Mildinovi, MSci. University of Arts in Belgrade
CONTENTS / SADRAJ
I
CULTURE AND SUSTAINABILITY AT TIMES OF CRISIS /
KULTURA I ODRIVOST U DOBA KRIZE
Elizabeth Auclair
CULTURE AND SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT:
A REAL DYNAMIC OR AN UNCERTAIN RELATIONSHIP? . . . . . . . 15
Svetlana Hristova
THE EUROPEAN CITY AND ITS HERITAGE:
BETWEEN CREATIVITY AND SUSTAINABILITY . . . . . . . . . . . . 28
Jelena uri
SMISAO ODRIVE KULTURE /
THE MEANING OF SUSTAINABLE CULTURE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39
Liljn Rog Mijtovi

ISTRIVNJE KULTURNE ODRIVOSTI U DOB NEIZVESNOSTI /
INVESTIGATING CULTURAL SUSTAINABILITY
AT THE AGE OF UNCERTAINTY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 51
II
CULTURAL HERITAGE, PLACE AND SUSTAINABLE
COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT /
KULTURNO NASLEE, MESTO I ODRIVI RAZVOJ ZAJEDNICE
Kenneth Aitchison
CULTURAL AND ENVIRONMENTAL SUSTAINABILITY
DELIVERING ARCHAEOLOGICAL PRACTICE IN TIMES
OF ECONOMIC CRISIS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 65
Vesna uki
THE SPIRIT OF A PLACE MANAGEMENT AND ITS GOVERNANCE,
AS AN INNOVATIVE MODEL OF PLACE-BASED SUSTAINABLE
DEVELOPMENT: CASE STUDY OF OMOLJICA VILLAGE (SERBIA) . . 73
Vinja Kisi
SUSTAINING, OR EVOLVING VALUES IN ORDER TO SUSTAIN?
A (PARADOXICAL) RELATIONSHIP OF CULTURAL
SUSTAINABILITY AND HERITAGE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 84
Mervat Abdel Nasser

CULTURAL HERITAGE FOR SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT -
THE NEW HERMOPOLIS MODEL . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 94
Jagoda Stamenkovi
DUNAVSKA STRATEGIJA I ODRIVI RAZVOJ KULTURNOG
PROSTORA PODUNAVLJA U SRBIJI /
DANUBE STRATEGY AND SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT
OF CULTURAL SPACE OF THE DANUBE REGION IN SERBIA . . . . . 104
III
SUSTAINABILITY OF MEDIA AND ARTS PRACTICES /
ODRIVOST MEDIJSKIH I UMETNIKIH PRAKSI
Mirjana Nikoli
ODRIVI RAZVOJ MEDIJA KAO PRETPOSTAVKA
ODRIVOG RAZVOJA DRUTVA /
SUSTAINABLE MEDIA DEVELOPMENT AS AN ASSUMPTION
OF THE SOCIETYS SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT . . . . . . . . . . 119
Aleksandra Milovanovi
UMNOAVANJE EKRANA U SAVREMENOJ KULTURI I MEDIJIMA:
OD MINIJATURNIH DO KOLOSALNIH,
OD STATINIH DO POKRETNIH EKRANA /
MULTIPLICATION OF SCREENS IN CONTEMPORARY CULTURE
AND MEDIA: FROM MINIATURE TO COLOSSAL,
FROM STATIC TO MOVABLE SCREENS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 133
Ana Martinoli
CROWDFUNDING KAO STRATEGIJA OPSTANKA I RAZVOJA
NEZAVISNIH MEDIJA STUDIJA SLUAJA INDIEVOICES
CROWDFUNDING AS A TOOL FOR DEVELOPEMENT
AND SUSTAINABILITY OF INDEPENDENT MEDIA -
INDIEVOICES CASE STUDY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 150
Darko Nadi
PROEKOLOKI AKTIVIZAM U POPULARNOJ MUZICI /
PRO-ENVIRONMENTAL ACTIVISM IN POPULAR MUSIC . . . . . . . 169
Julija Mateji, Nevena Negojevi, Marion Renault
CULTURAL PROJECTS AS AN IMPETUS FOR
LOCAL SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 186
IV
SUSTAINABILITY OF INSTITUTIONS AND
ORGANIZATIONS IN CULTURE /
ODRIVOST INSTITUCIJA I ORGANIZACIJA U KULTURI
Irina Suboti
MUSEUMS IN SERBIA AND SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT . . . . . 197
Janko Ljumovi
REPERTOARSKE I DRUGE POLITIKE NACIONALNIH
I GRADSKIH POZORITA /
REPERTOIRE AND OTHER POLICIES OF NATIONAL
AND CITY THEATRES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 204
Milena Gnjatovi
AN IMAGE BUILDING OF THE NATIONAL MUSEUM:
EDIFICE RECONSTRUCTION OR
COMPLETE TRANSFORMATION? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 216
Lazar Jovanov
UTICAJ GRADA TEATRA NA RAZVOJ
SOCIOKULTURNOG KAPITALA PALIA /
THE INFLUENCE OF THE THEATRE CITY ON THE
DEVELOPMENT OF SOCIOCULTURAL
CAPITAL OF PALI LAKE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 227
Ksenija Markovi
IMPLEMENTACIJA STRATEGIJE KOMERCIJALIZACIJE I
IRENJA USLUGA JAVNIH POZORITA BEOGRADA,
KAO PREDUSLOV ODRIVOG RAZVOJA GRADA /
THE IMPLEMENTATION OF THE STRATEGY OF
COMMERCIALIZATION AND SERVICES EXPANSION
IN PUBLIC THEATRES OF BELGRADE AS A PREREQUISITE FOR
SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT OF THE CITY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 242
Maa Vukanovi
A ROLE OF SMALL GROUPS IN THE DEVELOPMENT OF CULTURE
(THE EXAMPLE OF CULTURAL AND ARTISTIC ENSEMBLES) . . . . 255
Ivana Voli
NOVI MODELI KULTURNIH PROSTORA U FUNKCIJI ODRIVOSTI
LOKALNIH KULTURNIH SISTEMA /
NEW MODELS OF CULTURAL SPACES AS MEANS OF CREATING
SUSTAINABLE LOCAL CULTURAL SYSTEMS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 268
V
CULTURAL DIVERSITY AND INTERCULTURAL DIALOGUE AS
INDICATORS OF SUSTAINABILITY IN CULTURAL POLICIES AND
PROGRAMS /
KULTURNA RAZNOLIKOST I INTERKULTURALNI DIJALOG KAO
INDIKATORI ODRIVOSTI U KULTURNIM POLITIKAMA I PROGRAMIMA
Gottfried Wagner
THE ART OF DIFFERENCE INTERCULTURAL
LEARNING REMAINS OUR COMMON CHALLENGE . . . . . . . . . . 283
Nada vob-oki, Jeronim Doroti, Dinko Klari, Nina Obuljen Korinek

THE INTERCULTURAL DIALOGUE IN CROATIA:
BETWEEN POLICIES AND PRACTICES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 304
Milena Dragievi ei, Goran Tomka

INTERCULTURAL PROJECTS IN SERBIA PATHS TOWARD
SUSTAINABILITY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 316
Maja Muhic, Violeta Simjanovska, Lea Linin

RE-THINKING CULTURAL POLICY: FROM STRATEGY TO REALITY
- INTERCULTURAL DIALOGUE AND CULTURAL DIVERSITY IN
MACEDONIA . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 329
Aida engi, Aida Kalender

INSTRUMENTS VS. REALITY: ANALYSIS OF INTERCULTURAL
PROJECTS IN BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 345
I
CULTURE AND SUSTAINABILITY

AT TIMES OF CRISIS /
KULTURA I ODRIVOST U DOBA KRIZE
Culture and Sustainable Development at Times of Crisis 15
Elizabeth Auclair
Cergy-Pontoise University Geography department, Cergy, France
CULTURE AND SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT:

A REAL DYNAMIC OR AN UNCERTAIN
RELATIONSHIP?
For the last ten years a number of debates, seminars and publications have
been addressing the rising relationship between two sectors or two concepts?
culture on the one hand, and sustainable development on the other. What
is the main reason of this new relationship? The fact is we are facing a social,
economic and environmental worldwide crisis, particularly severe since 2008,
which raises many questions concerning the future of our societies: What kind
of progress are we aiming at? What type of development do we wish for? Fi-
nally, what world do we want to leave to the next generations? This global
crisis which can be considered as a cultural crisis, presents two sides. The
first one relates to cultural policies. What is the role of arts and culture today,
in our societies? What philosophy and values do they promote? The second
side concerns the concept of sustainable development. Indeed, the increase
of social inequalities between countries as well as inside the countries, and
the deterioration of the environmental and climatic situation over the last 20
years, have raised a number of criticisms addressing this concept which was
precisely supposed to solve these problems. Against this context, actors of both
the culture sector and the sustainable development sectors have progressively
come together, reflecting on the values and practices of each other. Notably,
this movement induces changes in the arts and culture policies, among which
some can be considered as quite positive, while others appear as risks. In this
paper, based on the French case, we will first study the different elements of the
crisis, then examine the main texts and theories addressing the relationship
between culture and sustainable development, in order to analyze the dynam-
ics and limits of this relationship, by studying the different actors engaged, the
values and principles as well as the strategies and actions they develop.
16 Kultura i odrivi razvoj u doba krize
A combination of crisis
The crisis of the arts and culture sector in France is defined by two series
of elements: on the one hand fundamental debates addressing the philosophy
and values of cultural policies, and on the other hand financial difficulties.
Though many countries seem to be facing the same kind of problems, the
French situation is particular. The arts and culture sector is going through a
general crisis of meaning. Fifty years after the launching of the national cul-
tural policy by Andr Malraux1, many questions arise. What are the aims of
cultural policies? Are they the same as in the sixties, or have they changed?
A first debate relates to the concept of democratization of culture, that is

to say access to culture for all people. This concept founded the French cul-
tural policies right from the start (Urfalino 2004). Yet, studies regularly show
that this objective has never been fully accomplished, in spite of the implemen-
tation of various procedures. Moreover, criticism has been made regarding the
traditional approach based on the notion of excellence. Who can decide what
is excellent and what is not, and with what criteria? Does this model signify
that people who dont have access to this superior culture, have no culture?
Why should public authorities decide to bring culture to people? In France,
tensions between superior and popular culture are due to the long living
1
In 1959, Andr Malraux was the first to occupy the newly created Ministry of Culture.
opposition between culture policies and entertainment policies2. Besides, new

issues seem to challenge the culture sector related to the widening of culture
towards a more anthropological meaning, and to the rising concepts of cul-
tural diversity and cultural rights3.
Culture is now viewed as a holistic concept encapsulating the various di-
mensions of life, and not only arts and heritage. Promoting culture is regarded
as a means to support human dignity and human rights. However, these repre-
sentations induce significant changes for institutions and actors of the official
culture sector. In addition, globalization has also become an important matter
of debate, with fears of standardization of culture and domination by mass
culture owing to the rapid growth of cultural industries. So, all these issues
led the actors to reconsider their place and role in a changing society. Besides,
financial issues add to these fundamental ideological questions.
Part of the financial difficulties are linked to the progressive withdrawal
of State support in favor of culture. For the first time since 1959, a cut in the
budget of the Ministry of culture was operated in 2013. Though the rate of 3%
can seem minor compared to the decrease some other parts of Europe have
been facing recently, it has a symbolic meaning in France. Indeed the national
government had a very significant role in cultural policies during these last
decades, especially compared to other countries where the private sector is
predominant. Other economic problems are linked to recent laws dealing with
the institutional and financial framework concerning local governments4, and
more reforms are planned in the coming years. Consequently, local authori-
ties have already reduced public aid for culture. The results of the latest mu-
nicipal elections in April 2014 - marked by the victory of right wing parties in
many cities also raise uncertainties concerning the financing of culture. The
procedures announced by the new Prime Minister Manuels Valls in order to
economize fifty four billions of Euros by 2017 will no doubt led to reducing
financial public support to culture. In addition, the decrease of private funding,
in spite of the 2003 Sponsorship Act aiming at developing private financing,
has destabilized the culture sector. Moreover, the recurring crisis of the artists
employment guarantee system has also contributed in making the arts sector
more fragile5.
2
The opposition between the two fields, culture on the one hand, and socioculturel
on the other, started fifty years ago, when three different ministries for culture, education and
entertainment were created.
3
UNESCO Convention on the protection and promotion of cultural diversity (2005), and
Fribourg Declaration on cultural rights (2007).
4 1
Loi n2010-1563 du 16 dcembre 2010 sur la rforme des collectivits territoriales (a law
on the reform of local governments).
5
The Intermittent status enables artists to obtain monthly wages according to the num-
ber of hours they worked the previous year. However the increasing number of artists having
this status has lead to financial problems.
As for what can also be regarded as a crisis concerning sustainable de-

velopment, it does not seem so obvious given that many economic sectors and
public policies have integrated this concept at least in their communication.
However a number of researchers have clearly expressed doubts (Abraham,
Marion and Philippe 2011), and theoretical work relating to de Degrowth has
been conducted (Latouche 2007)6. Many questions have been raised by anti-
globalization and degrowth civil society movements. The main problem
seems due to the fact sustainable development was launched at the very mo-
ment when the neoliberal capitalistic system became the unique worldwide
economic model, after the collapse of the Berlin wall in 1989 and the disinte-
gration of the Soviet Union in the following years. Hence, the objectives of sus-
tainable development are tightly linked to economic growth and accordingly
to continuous consumption. In spite of the emergence of the green growth
concept promoted by governments as a tool against the economic crisis, the
failure of sustainable development can be seen in the decreasing biodiversity,
aggravation of climatic change and increasing social inequalities. It is now pre-
cisely stated in every international summit (Cancun, Rio+20). Sustainable
development can be considered as an oxymoron, and economists, such as Tim
Jackson, currently investigate new models of development without growth.
Their theory is that there cannot be infinite growth on a planet with limited
physical and geological resources. Besides, many works show that sustainable
development policies focus on economic issues. Hence, economic and finan-
cial criteria such as GDP7, used for comparing economic progress and defining
levels of wealth, are nowadays in debate8. Since GDP measures market oriented
activities and monetary exchanges, theoretical and practical work is currently
done by researchers (Meda 2011, Caill 2012), civil society organizations such
as FAIR9 and local governments, in order to define other indicators than those
based on competition, performance and profit making10. The aim is to identify
values for the well-being of present and future generations, and to establish
new models of sustainability based on people centered approaches and quali-
tative criteria, notably cultural indicators.
6
Serge Latouche is one of the main researchers dealing with the degrowth concept.
7
GDP: Gross domestic product.
8
The French government implemented in 2008 a National Commission chaired by Joseph
Stieglitz (Nobel price of economy) in order to stop using the concept of growth and to propose
alternative indicators for wealth.
9
FAIR (Forum pour dautres indicateurs de richesse): Forum for other indicators of wealth.
10
The Regions Pays-de-Loire and Nord-Pas-de-Calais for example have been investigat-
ing new indicator of wealth.
Texts and theories addressing the culture-sustainable development

relationship
Though many international texts and engagements related to sustainable
development have been signed during the last decades, culture did not appear,
at first, as a central issue. Nevertheless, culture is progressively becoming a key
topic, partly thanks to U.N.O. and UNESCOs conventions and declarations. In
1982, the World conference on cultural policies held in Mexico, ended with a
declaration emphasizing for the first time the importance of culture for harmo-
nious development. Culture was given an anthropological definition, broader
than the traditional one used in France, limited to arts and heritage. However,
in the initial texts concerning sustainable development (Brundtland Report in
1987, Rio Summit Declaration and Agenda 21 in 1992), sustainability was
based on three pillars (ecology, economy and social), culture did not appear
as a topic and only the protection of cultural minorities was mentioned. In
1996, Perez de Cuellars Report for the World commission on culture and de-
velopment (titled Our creative diversity), insisted once again on preserving
the diversity of cultures. Even so, in spite of these recommendations, arts and
culture were given a weak role in the various frameworks, sustainable poli-
cies primarily focusing on ecological issues11. Changes appeared in the 2000s,
when the role of culture for development was acknowledged and stressed in
several U.N.O., UNESCO and European texts.
During the Johannesburg Summit in 2002, the necessity to protect cul-
tural diversity as well as biodiversity was expressed in the introduction of the
action plan. Besides, UNESCO Declaration on cultural diversity in 2001 led
to the 2005 Convention on the protection and promotion of cultural diversity.
While one of the aims of this convention was to withdraw arts and culture
from market oriented activities within the WTO debates12 - as well as to pro-
tect French speaking cultural industries13 - the article 13 explicitly encourages
States to integrate culture in their sustainable development policies. In addi-
tion, UNESCO Convention on the rights of indigenous people, signed in 2007,
highlighted the concept of cultural rights. Finally, during the U.N.O. Hangzou
Summit in June 2013, culture was once more in the core of the debates and was
regarded as a fundamental element of sustainability. Thus, the link between
culture and sustainable seems now well established, at least in international
texts. However, we will see in the third part that this relationship reveals some
ambiguities since culture is often regarded merely as a economic tool.
11
In France, the Ministry of environment became the Ministry of sustainable develop-
ment, and the consultation procedure led by the government in 2007 addressing sustainable
development was called Grenelle de lenvironnement, which shows the confusion between en-
vironment and sustainable development.
12
WTO: World trade organization.
13
France was leader - with Quebec - in defending the concept of cultural exception.
So, many debates have taken place among policies makers at different lev-
els, and a large amount of academic research has been devoted to this rising
relationship. Three principle models have been defined in order to support cul-
ture and to strengthen the role of arts and culture in public policies: culture as
the fourth pillar of sustainable development, culture as the transversal element
which crosses the three other pillars, and culture as the fundamental element
of sustainability (Soini and Birkeland 2014).
Local dynamics induced by the articulation culture - sustainable

development
Texts and policies addressing the relationship between culture and sus-
tainable development are quite recent in France. In spite of the advice given in
2002 by the National commission for sustainable development recommending
to integrate the cultural dimension into sustainable development strategies,
the relationship between these two sectors is only slowly emerging. Neither the
Ministry of culture on the one hand, nor the Ministry of sustainable develop-
ment on the other, have done much so far in order to establish connections. In
the National strategy for sustainable development for the period 2009-2013,
only few elements concern culture. Furthermore, the national framework for
the Local Agenda 21 gives little place to arts and culture. It is only in September
2010, that the French Ministry of culture organized for the first time a seminar
on the articulation between culture and sustainable development, and started

defining specific strategies for public institutions. Nevertheless, investigating
sustainable development issues gives opportunities to many practitioners of
the arts and culture sector to reflect on their own actions, modify their prac-
tices and develop new partnerships. According to the type of actors involved,
different meanings are given to the concept of sustainable development, with
consequently various strategies implemented.
Initiatives have risen from local governments considering the three pillars
of sustainable development (economy, ecology and social) did not cover all
the needs and expectations of the population. Confronted to the weakness of
the Local Agenda 21 and wishing to reinforce the position of arts and culture
within public policies, UCLG14, an international network of local authorities,
defined in 2004 a new tool: the Agenda 21 for culture. It is viewed as a guiding
document for cultural policies and a contribution to the cultural development
of humanity15.
Agenda 21 for culture : a relevant tool for local governments?
Today, more than 350 local governments from different countries (around
40 in France) have implemented an Agenda 21 for culture or have developed
14
UCLG: United cities and local governments.
15
UCLG made an official statement in November 2010, in favor of culture as the fourth
pillar of sustainable development.
policies inspired by this tool. The principal axes relate to protection and pro-
motion of cultural diversity, establishment of more transversal public policies,
and support to participatory democracy (Blout 2008). The aim is establishing
new governance methods enhancing community based approaches. Neverthe-
less, ten years after the launching of this Agenda 21 for culture, the number of
towns using seems stationary. Several difficulties have been highlighted such
as a too high number of objectives and imprecise links with ecological issues.
Hence a new framework is currently under discussion.
The eco-responsible strategies of cultural institutions

Until recently, institutions of the arts and culture sector were - quite natu-
rally - focused on artistic matters and on increasing their audience. Sustain-
ability issues seemed far from their preoccupations and were rarely tackled.
However, in the last years, a number of institutions such as the Louvre muse-
um, the Opera in Lyon or the Wind Festival in Calvi (Corsica), have modified
their strategies, taking into account economic, social and ecological questions.
The Transmusicales Festival in Rennes has even established a Local Agenda
21 aiming for a more ecological management of the event. But it is mostly the
environmental dimension which is addressed: attention is given to decreasing
the amount of waste, diminishing the use of individual cars and offering free
transport or organizing car sharing, reducing pollution and limiting water and
energy consumption. The debates organized during the 2012 cultural event
BIS de Nantes16, also focused on ecological issues. Still, the social dimension
does find some applications, notably in the actions addressing populations liv-
ing in deprived neighborhoods, and people in prison or in hospital. Social
aspects also concern new management methods and improving the working
conditions in the cultural institutions.
Innovative projects developed by the alternative sector

A number of cultural actors and organizations experiencing this relation-
ship between culture and sustainable development are positioned outside the
official cultural sector. They have been identified in France as the New ter-
ritories of art17. They usually try to be as much as possible financially indepen-
dent of local authorities and public support. They are regularly located in de-
prived areas and often occupy industrial waste land or buildings. They develop
people-centered strategies and play an active role in local development poli-
cies. The objective is to develop projects with the inhabitants and not for
16
BIS: Biennale internationale du spectacle.
17
NTA: Nouveaux Territoires de lArt.
them. Indeed, the inhabitants are considered as citizens and stakeholders, and
not only as audiences or consumers. The aim is to enhance responsibility, au-
tonomy, and emancipation. As for the economic dimension, innovative types
of non-market oriented organizations are emerging, such as the AMACCA18
and crowdfunding projects designed to find new financial support for art-
ists and cultural actions. All these projects relate to the expanding Economie
sociale et solidaire, an economic system situated between the private and the
public sectors, which includes associations, NGO, and different types of coop-
erative organizations. Yet, against the present economic crisis, these structures
seem particularly fragile.
Artists and citizenship

At present, many artists integrate sustainability issues into their work.
They structure their artistic work around ecological, social or economic top-
ics as a way of acting as concerned citizens. They use different kinds of means
for promoting awareness among their audience and develop participatory ap-
proaches with the inhabitants. A survey conducted by ARENE19, a service of
the Ile-de-France Region in charge of sustainable development, highlighted
fifty experiences which are representative of the projects currently led by art-
ists and cultural actors (ARENE 2011). This work highlights the diversity of
approaches. The disciplines are varied and include architecture and heritage,
landscape and land art, contemporary art, design and arts craft, writing and
publishing, digital art, media and communication, music and theatre The
objectives are also wide ranging: developing knowledge and understanding
about ecological issues, preserving nature and biodiversity, promoting eco-
design and eco-constructions, reinvesting waste land for community based
gardens or for social and cultural activities, developing urban projects with the
inhabitants, and, more generally, enhancing local democracy and citizenship.
However, the sincerity of these practices can be questioned. Are all the artists
honestly concerned by these topics, are they instrumentalized by local poli-
ticians or do they surf on the wave of sustainability merely to find financial
support?
So, among the main changes concerning the culture sector, there seems to
be an obvious aspiration to strengthen the connections with the territories, and
to develop place based projects (Auclair 2011). While developing transversal
approaches, the actors from the arts and culture sector work with various part-
ners involved in education, sports, architecture, urban regeneration and city
18
AMACCA: Association pour le maintien des alternatives en matire de culture et de cra-
tion artistique. These place-based projects are close to the AMAP (Association pour le main-
tien de lagriculture paysanne), an economic model supporting traditional local agriculture.
19
ARENE: Agence rgionale pour lenvironnement et les nouvelles nergies.
planning. Hence, these cross approaches also lead to new types of cooperation
between private and public partners. By promoting bottom-up strategies, the
actors encourage citizen driven projects and promote local dynamics. Nev-
ertheless, the relationship between culture and sustainable development also
presents a number of ambiguities (Auclair 2010).
Risks and limits
Dealing with imprecise concepts

The relationship between culture and sustainable development is based
on a number of misunderstandings. As it was said before, culture is a wide
concept with different meanings. The recent broadening to an anthropological
sense of culture induces the risk of considering everything as related to culture.
Certainly, many actions and behaviors are cultural. However, this analysis
can lead to demonstrate that there is no need for a specific Ministry of culture
and no need for financial support in favor of arts and culture. Besides, sustain-
able development is a concept everyone uses, but with various connotations.
Therefore, there seems to be a kind of mismatch between the representations
among the culture sector and those among the sustainable development sector.
The latter seems to focus mostly on ecological matters and technical aspects.
The intention is primarily to define strategies and actions producing practical
solutions to environmental problems. Generally the actors have little connec-
tion with artistic and cultural issues. However, the same lack of knowledge and
awareness also exists the other way round. Many actors of the culture sector
seem to have only recently discovered sustainability issues and are not aware of
the existing controversies. Consequently, quite different actions can be imple-
mented in the name of sustainable development. Some partners will be merely
recycling mugs in music festivals, while others will be defending cultural rights,
and others will be promoting creative towns to stimulate economic growth. In
general, the lack of precision in the terms culture and sustainable development
appears as a handicap since it does not always allow clear strategies.
Market oriented strategies for arts and culture

As mentioned previously, sustainable development is embodied in the neo
liberal system, based on market oriented activities, competition and financial
efficiency. International and European texts addressing sustainable develop-
ment issues promote, above all, economic growth, and recommend reducing
public services. So, as it stands, the economic pillar of sustainable development
presents several risks for arts and culture (Lucas 2012). In France, as in other
European countries, the tendency is to cut public aid for cultural policies and
encourage private financing. Considering arts and culture exclusively as an
economic growth driver can have negative consequences on cultural policies.

One danger is to only support activities having economic output. And indeed,
the European Commission encourages cultural industries considered as in-
struments for economic growth fitting perfectly with the economic pillar of
sustainable development. Against the rising competition between cities, many
local politicians seem also interested with the concepts of creative class and
creative cities developed by Richard Florida (Forida 2005). The aim is to at-
tract workers from creative and innovative services and industries, such
as artists, architects, new technology designers (internet, videogames). All
these upper social class workers are supposed to create positive urban identi-
ties, supporting employment and promoting economic dynamism. However,
a number of criticisms have been addressed to these creative cities. First, this
concept cannot be applied in all towns and the effectiveness of economic de-
velopment has not yet been proved (Vivant 2009). Moreover, gentrification
phenomenon often occur, contradicting social and cultural diversity values.
So this cultural economy raises several questions. Should arts and culture
only be regarded as lucrative investments and consumption objects? How can
the artists and actors of the cultural sector develop alternative people-centered
strategies providing a more social and ethical role to arts and culture?
Instrumentalizing arts and culture

The various roles and functions of culture for local development are now-
adays clearly acknowledged by local politicians. Indeed, culture can participate
in defining a new image for the cities and sense of place for the inhabitants
(Auclair 2003). Arts and culture are often linked to social action and are used
for fighting against spatial segregation and social exclusion, for promoting in-
dividual and collective identities and supporting urban regeneration projects
(Auclair 2006, 2008, 2010). Nevertheless this situation creates some debate
around a possible instrumentalization of culture. The problems come from
all the discourses and policies praising culture in a very utilitarian manner. In-
deed, arts and culture have become a political instrument for communication,
marketing, or urban planning (Auclair 2014). So, are we witnessing a kind of
culture washing, as we formerly witnessed green washing strategies with
ecology issues? One of the risks is to use arts and culture to save the soul
of sustainable development. In that case, culture, either as the fourth pillar, a
transversal or a fundamental element of sustainable development, could just
become a stick for a declining concept.
The tension between prosaic and poetic approaches

Even though sustainable development is based on a series of values, it
often reveals very pragmatic strategies.
Pragmatic comes from the Greek word pragmata, meaning action. It

therefore refers to what is practical, concrete, in opposition to what is more
abstract, theoretical or intellectual. And indeed, sustainable development poli-
cies concern practical strategies and tangible actions. Besides, sustainability is-
sues are usually taken in charge by economists, scientists and technicians, with
a startling faith in the capacity of science and technology in saving our planet,
while social sciences are weakly represented. As shown by Edgar Morin, there
clearly is a tension between poetic, sensitive and philosophical approaches on
the one hand, and prosaic, down to earth, practical approaches on the other
(Morin 2007). Moreover, in the Manifesto for products of high necessity20,
Edouard Glissant also highlighted the importance of considering the poetic,
symbolic and spiritual needs of the population, and not only the basic needs
such as food, health and housing (Glissant 2009).
So, what are the fundamental needs of human beings? What are their cul-
tural rights? Are they only limited to pragmatic and materialistic needs, and
to the rights to consume objects and services? All these questions finally ad-
dress the values we want to promote in our societies. In times of crisis, more
and more actions and policies are evaluated accordingly to their economic
efficiency. The symbolic, spiritual and poetic dimensions of our lives are set
aside or neglected. The challenge is therefore to develop cultural sustainability
and define criteria capable of promoting dignity, emancipation, freedom and
democracy.
20
A text produced during the social riots of 2009 which took place in the Guadeloupe and
Martinique islands.
References
Abraham Y-M., Marion L. et Philippe H. (2011), Dcroissance versus dveloppement
durable, dbats pour la suite du monde, Montreal, Ecosocit.
ARENE (2011), Culture et developpement durable. Initiatives en Ile de France, Paris,
Rgion Ile de France.
Auclair E. (2014) Artistes, habitants, dmolition, Desponds D.et ali , Les habitants
acteurs de la rnovation urbaine, Rennes, PUR, 111-126.
Auclair, E. (2011), Revenir vers les habitants, revenir sur les territoires. Larticulation en-
tre culture et dveloppement durable dans les projets de dveloppement local, Dvel-
oppement durable et territoires, volume n2 (on line).
Auclair, E. (2010), Dveloppement culturel - dveloppement durable, vers une plus
grande dmocratie locale ? , Berni-Boissard C. et ali , Dveloppement culturel
et territoires, Paris, lHarmattan, 49-67.
Auclair, E. (2010), Laction culturelle peut-elle constituer un vecteur dintgration so-
ciale et devenir un vritable outil de valorisation du territoire? A.Hameth Ba,A
et Zentelin, J.L , La dimension culturelle du dveloppement. Dynamiques de valo-
risation et de dvalorisation des territoires urbains, Paris, LHarmattan, 99-107.
Auclair E., et Brunet F.(2008), Projets culturels et dveloppement social des quartiers,
retours dexpriences et perspectives, Recherche Sociale n 187, 9-53.
Auclair, E. (2006), Comment les arts et la culture peuvent-ils participer la lutte contre
les phnomnes de sgrgation dans les quartiers en crise ? Hrodote, n 122, 212-
220.
Auclair, E. (2003), Le dveloppement culturel comme outil de promotion dune identi-
t territoriale, ou comment les acteurs locaux se saisissent de la culture pour faire
merger un territoire , Gravari-Barbas M.et Violier P. , Lieux de Culture, culture
des lieux, sous la direction de Rennes, Presses universitaires de Rennes, 95-101.
Blot, C. (2008), LAgenda de la culture en France, Etat des lieux et perspectives , CGLU
et Ville de Barcelone, avec la collaboration de lOPC de Grenoble.
Caill, A. (2012), Lide mme de richesse, Paris, La dcouverte.
Florida, R. (2005), Cities and the creative class, London, Routledge.
Glissant, E. (2009), Manifeste pour les produits de haute ncessit, Institut du tout
Monde.
Latouche, S. (2004), Petit trait de la dcroissance sereine, Paris, Mille et une nuits.
Lucas, JM. (2012), Culture et dveloppement durable, il est temps dorganiser la palabre,
Paris, Irma.
Meda, D. (2011), Au-del du PIB, pour une autre mesure de la richesse, Paris,
Flammarion.
Morin, E., (2007), Vers labme? Paris, Editions de LHerme.
Soini K. and Birkeland,I. (2014), Exploring the scientific discourse on cultural sustain-
ability Geoforum 51 (1) 2013-223.
Urfalino P. (2004), Linvention de la politique culturelle, Paris, Hachette.
Vivant, E.(2009), Quest-ce que la ville crative ?, Paris, PUF.
Svetlana Hristova
Faculty of Arts, South-West University Neofit Rilsky Blagoevgrad, Bulgaria
THE EUROPEAN CITY AND ITS HERITAGE:

BETWEEN CREATIVITY AND SUSTAINABILITY
The New Global Paradigm Today: The Urban Society

Five years ago the UN statistics announced the fact that the urban popu-
lation makes the majority of the world. Nowadays, by the midst of 2012, 51%
of world population lives in cities; its share reaching 75% in the developed
countries; 28% - in the underdeveloped world; for Europe the share of urban
population is 71.1
However, although broadly announced, figures like these have been taken
for granted without satisfactory theoretical discussion of what is hidden be-
hind them? Generally speaking, this qualitative turn-on is revealing a radical
structural change in the human development by the end of the 20th century, as
well as dramatic evolution of the city as an institution of human culture. To-
day, we are the witnesses of a true urban revolution as described by the French
philosopher Henri Lefebvre, who prognosticated about 40 years ago that the
city, overtaking the world, will lead to a new condition, which he denotes with
the notion of urban society: society, overgrown the industrialisation, which
passed to the stage of enjoyment. According to Lefebvre, the city will be as-
similated by the urban society as it will become ubiquitous form of life. The
urban revolution has also another aspect today: cities not only grow, conquer
new territories, and change the everyday life structure of people; they become
1
The information about the prevalence of the urban population globally was presented
for a first time in the report State of World Population 2007. Unleashing the Potential for Urban
Growth. Data about the first half of 2012 are extrapolated on the basis of the demographic trends
in 2012 World Population data Sheet. Population Reference Bureau, 2012.
increasingly autonomous in the new supranational realities. This becomes ob-

vious during the 1980s, when the megapolises began to act as autonomous
players on the stage of the global economy, turning into important nodes in
the global networks of flows of capital, ideology, migration and culture (Sassen
2001; Shaw 2001). They become junctions of economic, power and symbolic
resources, what can be observed directly among the big European cities. In the
framework of such supranational construction as the EU with its increasingly
flexible borders and redistribution and re-delegation of powers, cities receive
new opportunities for economic and cultural entrepreneurship.
According to Brian Smith, Secretary General of the European Association
of Historic Towns and Regions, about 80% of the economic activity in Eu-
rope is carried out within cities, many of which are historic or heritage places
(Smith 2010). For this reason, he insists on the consideration of a strong urban
dimension in future EU policy on cultural heritage.
Generally, European cultural heritage gained upscaling importance since
the mid-1980s when new programs have been initiated such as the Cultural
Capital of Europe, European Cultural Routes, European Day of Heritage and a
number of other initiatives related to the practice of intensive re-interpretation
of heritage in the context of European unity. Today, we accept more willingly
the idea of Manuel Castells about European society, whose driving force for
social change will be the cities (Castells 1993), and we are less skeptical about
the Simioforidiss vision of Europe as a community of cities rather than of na-
tions (Simioforidis 1998: 144).
Cultural heritage as a source of memory and identity

The main feature of urban society is that culture becomes a central issue
for its development based on the uniqueness of the place that should attract
tourists and investments. Some determine this as an experience economy
(Pine and Gilmore 1999). Undoubtedly, it also bears the traits of the society
of spectacle, even if we do not invest in this concept so radical negation of the
modern world colonized by imitative images and products, as did Guy Debord
in 1967 (Debord, 1977). The American sociologist Sharon Zukin describes this
as a new symbolic economy based on tourism, media and entertainment when
with the disappearance of local manufacturing industries and periodic crisis
in government and finance, culture is more and more the business of cities
(Zukin 1995: 1-2).
In the European Union, the global process of economization of culture
goes hand by hand with its Euro-ideologization. As stated previously, there are
hyper-expectations towards the united in diversity culture of Europe, which
is anticipated to set firmly the political and economic framework of the Union
and to fuel its still weak common European identity. Nowadays the political
discourse recognizes more readily cultural diversity and heritage to be at the
heart of the European project2, and their growing importance today can be best
understood precisely as a result of the needs of the new European society.
But what do we mean by cultural heritage today? The contemporary dis-
cussion on this topic remarks the continuous evolution of its conceptualization.
While the term cultural heritage which appeared for a first time in the World
Heritage Convention (1972) was restricted to sites, monuments and groups of
buildings, the so-called Faro Convention, the Framework Convention of the
Council of Europe on the Value of Cultural Heritage for Society (Faro, October
27, 20053), introduced two important clarifications regarding the definition of
cultural heritage.
According to the Convention (Article 2 a), cultural heritage is a group of
resources inherited from the past which people identify, independently of owner-
ship, as a reflection and expression of their constantly evolving values, beliefs,
knowledge and traditions. It includes all aspects of the environment resulting
from the interaction between people and places through time.
Thus, the convention offers a definition with the widest possible scope,
expressing the dynamic nature of what people value as heritage: it can be
continually enriched and changed depending on the priorities and interests
of society. In other words, heritage, although coming from the past, is a sym-
bolic construction reflecting the interests of the present: it is the exposed and
illuminated part of our past, which we want to present and share with a lar-
ger group of people. In this respect, the cultural heritage is synergic with the
concept of cultural memory (also social or collective memory), which as
Maurice Halbwachs revealed in the 1930s, is socially constructed way of inter-
preting the past (social frameworks of memory), adopted by a group of people,
even when they have not personally experienced this past and do not have
immediate memories of it. Cultural heritage is a basic element in the social fra-
meworks of collective memory. Some authors even claim that certain historic
sites, which transcend localities and even nations and assume a cosmopolitan
character, due to their symbolic importance evoke also cosmopolitan memo-
ries (Barthel-Bouchier & Dean 2009).
The second part of the definition concerns the community of people who
appreciate and support certain heritage (heritage community), and it is even
more indicative of the current trends in European cultural heritage policies.
The very notion of community is versatile by meaning and multi-level by its
scope: as communities can be defined macro-formations such as nations (the
imagined communities); supranational associations (the European Communi-
2
This statement made by Alison Crabb, the Deputy Head of Culture Policy, Diversity
and Intercultural Dialogue Unit at the Directorate General for Education and Culture of the
European Commission (Crabb, 2011) echoes the well-known statement If I had to do it again, I
would begin with culture. attributed to Jean Monnet, however without any references.
3
See http://conventions.coe.int/Treaty/en/Treaties/Html/199.htm
ty), and micro-structures as families, neighborhoods, friendships4. According

to the Convention (Article 2 b) A heritage community consists of people who
value specific aspects of cultural heritage which they wish, within the framework
of public action, to sustain and transmit to future generations. In practice, this
second part of the definition means that the symbolic valorization and appre-
ciation of heritage is not interested any more in the traditional cultural and
political boundaries within the nationhood, defining our preferences, tastes,
beliefs and knowledge about the past: this definition is a late-modern celebra-
tion of heritage traversing over the time and space. The heritage community
is conceived as a high-way connecting the national and the European, giving
priority to these segments of the national heritages, which promote an unders-
tanding of the common heritage of Europe as a shared source of remembrance,
understanding, identity, cohesion and creativity (Article 3 of the Convention).
Placed in such theoretical frameworks, the concept of cultural heritage
can be expanded almost infinitely in time and space. If in the beginning of
2000s the understanding of cultural heritage pervades from individual monu-
ments to urban landscapes; from cultural artifacts to natural objects and the
overall environment; from tangible to intangible5; from the national to pan-
European heritage; only a decade later it was already conceptualized as a busi-
ness in the form of cultural clusters (probably under the influence of the new
worship of cultural industries).
This gives certain chances to Eastern Europe to take part in the pan-Eu-
ropean re-imagining process, with its rich archeological findings from Prehis-
toric, Ancient and Medieval layers which still bring surprises, on the one hand,
and the scarcely utilized legacy of the recent past, on the other hand, which
waits for its re-appropriation. The intelligent integration and socialization of
these very different layers of cultural heritage within the common European
narrative will outline the specifics of the countries, still remembered as be-
longing to a Soviet block behind the Iron Curtain, and will overcome their
stereotypical misunderstanding as the poorest both, economically and sym-
bolically places in Europe, and therefore, deserving the least interest.
Cultural heritage - from national to pan-European conceptualization

Although for the European countries cultural heritage is continuously
used today for show-casing of the national identity, simultaneously the vision
4
This is the basic dichotomous typology of community, gemeinschaft, introduced by Fer-
dinand Tonnies with his theory about Gemeinschaft Gesselshaft, published in Leipzig in 1887.
5
On 17th of October 2003, a special Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible
Cultural Heritage was adopted by the General Conference of UNESCO, giving priority to (a)
oral traditions and expressions, including language as a vehicle of the intangible cultural he-
ritage; (b) performing arts; (c) social practices, rituals and festive events; (d) knowledge and
practices concerning nature and the universe; (e) traditional craftsmanship.
of culture without borders takes over in Europe. Nowadays, these elements of

the national heritages count more which stimulate the trans-frontier exchanges
of knowledge and experience throughout Europe and enhance public awareness
and appreciation of Europes cultural heritage.6 This is really a historic process,
turned into a huge continuous project, employing a number of European or-
ganizations with the support of numerous long-term incentives. The list below
includes only those which are directly related to cultural heritage and envi-
ronment of European cities, without more specific educational and research
programs:7 European Heritage Label, European Capital of Culture, EU Prize
for Contemporary Architecture, European Heritage Days, European Union
prize for cultural heritage / Europa Nostra Awards, A program for cultural he-
ritage in the Mediterranean region: Euromed Heritage 4, Cultural Heritage in
South East Europe, Cultural Routes of the Council of Europe, European Insti-
tute of Cultural Routes, URBACT - European agenda for urban development.
What is typical for all these incentives without exception is that they are
looking for the symbolic value-added of European integration (as explained
specifically for the European Heritage Label); the unification of diverse cul-
tures within the European framework; the narrative of intercultural relations,
the respect of cultural diversity, which should gradually be transformed into
a shared European identity. Secondly, many of the programs, designed to en-
courage cross-border contacts and exchanges, contain also an educational
element targeting mostly the European youth: education through cultural
tourism received its special name as edutainment. Third specifics of these pro-
grams is their integral approach to heritage and culture in general for attract-
ing more people into the heritage community of Europe, regarded as a tool for
enhancing the social inclusion and a stimulus for economic growth.
All these aspects of the European cultural project are visible in the re-
volutionary concept for a digital library Europeana that is designed to pro-
vide maximum open access to Europes virtual cultural heritage. Currently, the
website uploaded 15 million digitized books, newspapers, films, maps, photo-
graphs and documents. Thus according to Alison Crabb, Europeana has the
potential to change the way people see European culture, making it easier for
people to connect with their own past and to become more aware of our shared
identity, furthermore it is called to offer digital image of Europes contribu-
tions (Crabb 2011: 56) to the global repository of arts, science, history, archi-
tecture, politics.
6
These are quotations from the Call for entries for the EU Prize for Cultural Heritage /
Europa Nostra Awards 2013, see http://www.europanostra.org/UPLOADS/FILS/HA2013_call_
conditions.pdf
7
A list of websites and links to these programs is presented at the end of the article.
From heritage valorization to its commodification

When it comes to cultural heritage, the road between the disclosure of its
value and its turning into a commodity is more direct than one could suggest.
Today, in this regard, we meet two conflicting lines of argumentation that have
an impact on cultural policies in the EU. On the one hand, there are hopes to
capitalize on cultural heritage as part of the so-called territorial capital, which
is considered as a potential for full development of places, including the insti-
tutional environment, socio-economic structures, knowledge, natural and cul-
tural heritage, and infrastructure (Vanautgaerden 2011). The effectiveness of
territorial capital is measured by the attracted new investments, revenues, and
new jobs. Even more, the creation of a unique image of a place (its branding)
could be beneficial for the entrepreneurial spirit and creativity in different sec-
tors of the local economy such as crafts, catering and hospitality, architecture,
construction, fashion design, tourism and others. However, the most powerful
voice in support of creative city rises over the ocean, by the American econo-
mist and urbanist Richard Florida, who developed the idea that economic suc-
cess belongs to those cities that have attracted representatives of the so-called
creative class, people of knowledge and spirit, who discover the problems and
solve them; who create innovative products and services, but also cultivate and
humanize the environment with the means of arts and creativity, and ultimate-
ly determine the development of society with their visions. But, these people
prefer to live in a nourishing from cultural, social and technological point of
view environment (Florida 2002, 2004). Hence, the argument is advanced in
the European context for the need of special attention to the uniqueness of
places that attract representatives of the creative class. This line of interpre-
tation of cultural heritage as a factor for economic prosperity is part of the
overall trend of the instrumentalisation of culture in the EU today, in which its
contribution is measured by purely economic indicators.
Simultaneously, there are more critical voices nowadays that this is a very
limited understanding, which reduces culture and heritage to goods and ser-
vices, ignoring its main contribution as a source for human development. The
alternative understanding of the cultural heritage insists on its interpretation
in the context of integral long-term sustainable development and its contribu-
tion not only to its economy, but to genuis loci, the spirit of a place, and the
spirit of society as a whole. As Simon Turley, Chief Executive of English Heri-
tage warns us,
Heritage is often difficult to grasp for politicians and policy makers, as the
common perception of what heritage constitutes has greatly expanded. In
recent years, the economic value of heritage has been used to defend and
justify investments. However, this instrumentalist approach appears to have
failed. Against the backdrop of the financial crisis, it no longer offers an ad-
equate justification of why policy makers should take note of heritage. A
shift is required in the political and legal infrastructure of heritage, towards
greater appreciation of what heritage means to the public. Heritage appeals

to and is related to the soul, rather than the balance sheet of Europe.
(Thurley 2011: 43).
Cultural heritage as a resource for sustainable development

In times of crisis, the issue of sustainable development attracts increasin-
gly the focus of politicians, especially after it has been determined among the
priorities in the Europe 2020. As a matter of fact this development has 40-year
long history which started with the growing international concern about the
overuse of global natural resources and the irrevocable aggravation of the envi-
ronment. In 1972 the UN Stockholm Conference on the Human Environment
brought the concept of sustainability to the international arena. However, it
was only in 1987 when the World Commission on Environment and Develop-
ment (WCED) threw a normative-conceptual bridge between environmental
concerns and developmental outcomes (Langhelle 1999: 145), followed by the
United Nations Conference on Environment and Development held in Rio de
Janeiro, Brazil in 1992 (known as Earth Summit); the United Nations Confer-
ence on Sustainable Development held in 1993; and the World Summit for
Sustainable Development held in Johannesburg in 2002. These conferences
facilitated the globalization of the concept and the establishment of an inter-
national consensus on the concept of sustainable development by the formula-
tion of action plans and guidelines such as the Brundtland Report and Agenda
21 (Nurse 2006: 33). Since then, the idea of sustainability has been associated
with three main components: economic vitality, environmental balance and
social equity. The concern about culture as an important factor for sustainable
development entered into the political and scientific discourse only at the turn
of the century.
It was the Australian cultural analyst Jon Hawkes who introduced in 2001
the powerful metaphor of culture as the fourth pillar of sustainability, which
spread globally and achieved a continual worldwide impact upon the political
thinking and scientific analysis of sustainable development. Although Hawkes
himself professes for a broad understanding of culture as a social production
of meanings and values, transmitted in different ways of life, therefore it is
the bedrock of society (Hawkes 2001: 3-10), the metaphoric title of his boo-
klet is still producing multitude of reductionist interpretations in the political
discourses and social practices. Only rare voices argue that culture is not just
a pillar, but a basis for interrogating the meaning and practice of sustainable
development at its epistemic core so that culture does not become just a palliative
(Nurse 2006: 36). Another possible point of departure is the understanding of
culture as cultivated nature, more specifically, what we, as social beings, do in
and with the environment, therefore according to this line of argumentation,
the cultural dimension is already included in the concept of sustainable devel-
opment, since it has been covered by the social and environmental dimensions
(Turner 2012: 10).
But how to understand more particularly sustainability of cultural herita-
ge what does it mean to sustain cultural heritage and how? Sustainability can
be seen as a requirement in terms of preservation, conservation and socializa-
tion of cultural artifacts8, but also more broadly as a long-term goal to keep
the context and spirit of place, the authenticity of urban landscapes and the
environment as a whole. For others, cultural heritage is primarily connected
with the expression of the values of society and therefore it is directly related
to those aspects of social development, which are the most durable and stable
over time. Third group of analysts emphasize the need for sustainability of ac-
tivities related to heritage animation: tourism, design, advertising, digitization
and management of heritage.
Currently the European debate on the sustainable maintenance (preser-
vation, conservation and management) of cultural heritage highlights the fol-
lowing areas of conflict:
- The natural and physical features of places and their cultural uses which
have been ignored, can receive a second life. There are numerous good
examples, connected with the rediscovery of the natural environmental
assets as rivers, mountains, sea coasts and their possible reintegration into
urban structures and restoration of some traditional modes of transport
as river buses; the recovery of closed railway lines, abandoned ferries, bike
lanes, tram lines, etc. (Giraud-Labalte 2011: 37-39);
- Requirements for accessibility of historical and cultural sites, which often
cannot be fulfilled without violating the visual integrity of places, to use
the words of Philip Stein, a manager of a thematic group at the URBACT,
a program for sustainable urban development (Stein 2011);
- The requirements for energy efficiency cannot be always fulfilled adequa-
tely; the installation of wind turbines or solar panels at inappropriate he-
ritage sites can damage their authenticity; the same refers to the unautho-
rized use of modern materials and technologies;
- Sustainability is also sought in respect of the intangible cultural herita-
ge threatened by the loss of specific traditional knowledge, techniques,
crafts, recovery of which gives new meaning and breathes new life into not
only a number of artifacts, but also of entire deserted and impoverished
regions.
8
From such point of view, the World Heritage Convention is in itself the epitome of sustain-
ability (Turner, 2012: 9).
Generally speaking, the creative re-appropriation of different sites of cul-

tural heritage can give them a second life, but it can also deprive them of their
authenticity, turning them into exoticized assets for symbolic consumption.
In conclusion
Since the mid-1980s in the sociological and anthropological literature

there has been a renewed interest in the city. This reorientation of scientific
interest in the city as a space of identity, relationships and memory was asso-
ciated with the trend of European cities to turn into autonomous actors in the
global marketplace of goods, services, finances and people, but also - of infor-
mation, cultural and social capitals. Cultural heritage was entrusted with the
diplomatic mission to showcase the history of Europe from the perspectives
of cooperation and humanism. With the view to the future, the importance of
cultural heritage will continue to grow in the present, regardless of the fluctua-
tions in the pro-European sentiments among different population groups in
different EU countries. Because, as argued by Allison Crabb,
In todays increasingly diverse EU, where communities are often built
around different languages, nationalities, ethnicities, religions and beliefs,
it is important to remember that exchange and cross-fertilisation are at the
core of European history. In fact, what we will consider to be our cultural
heritage in 50 or 100 years time, will be the result of the very diverse com-
munities that are living today in Europe.
(Crabb 2011).
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Jelena uri
Institut za filozofiju i drutvenu teoriju, Univerzitet u Beogradu, Beograd
SMISAO ODRIVE KULTURE
Shvatanje1 smisla odrive kulture iziskuje istraivanje znaenja ovog iz-

raza koja proistiu iz njegovih razliitih upotreba. Ovaj izraz poiva na poj-
mu odrivosti koji se odnosi na svaki kulturni obrazac koji moe iznutra da se
obnavlja, da se samoobnavlja. On znai isto to i kultura odrivosti s obzirom
da odrivost ima kljuni znaaj, mada njeno znaenje nije prvenstveno eko-
nomske prirode. Dakle, kultura nije nuno odriva ukoliko ima mo samofi-
nansiranja to znaenje je zapravo neodrivo sa stanovita kulture u najirem
smislu rei, kulture koja tek treba da se uspostavi i da se pokae odrivom u
uslovima postojee ekonomske, ekoloke i socijalne krize.
Procenjivanje kulture samo sa aspekta ekonomskog profita perpetuira
modernizacijsku paradigmu progresa shvaenog kao privredni rast koji se po-
kazao neodriv. U tom kontekstu je i kritikovan pojam odrivog razvoja, pa
i sam pojam odrivosti, ukoliko je i on svodiv na ekonomske principe. Do
drugaijeg znaenja pojma odrivosti dolo se na osnovu kritike moderniza-
cijske ideologije razvoja kao ekonomskog rasta. Mada je upotreba koncepta
odrivog razvoja u dokumentima korporacija i politiar esto i dalje u funk-
ciji ekonomskih vrednosti, to poinje da se menja pod uticajem kritike rasta i
neoborivih pokazatelja njegove neodrivosti. Taj preobraaj se naravno deava
najvie pod uticajem krize, budui da njeno reavanje iziskuje potrebu da se
vrednosti razliitih sfera meusobno poveu kako bi se dolo do razumevanja
celine sistema koji, uz ekonomske, sadri i ekoloke i ljudske vrednosti2.
1
Ovaj tekst je nastao u okviru projekta 43007 Instituta za filozofiju i drutvenu teoriju koji
finansira Ministrstvo prosvete, nauke i tehnolokog razvoja Republike Srbije.
2
Ljudske vrednosti nisu izraz antropocentrike paradigme (kritikovane zbog toga to je
postala kulturni obrazac degradacije okruenja; naprotiv, to su univerzalne vrednosti (ali ne
unitaristike), one su pretpostavka odrive kulture i obuhvataju brigu za opstanak i odranje
prirodne ivotne sredine.
Kriza, koja je nastala kao posledica tehnoloki i potroaki orijentisane

kulture i dovela do zagaenja ivotne sredine, osiromaenja prirodnih resursa
i oskudice na planu drutva, sve vie postaje deo svesti stanovnitva. Meutim,
mogunosti politikog delovanja, posebno u nerazvijenim drutvima, veoma
su slabe. To je delom zbog toga to je premalo onih koji su posveeni podiza-
nju svesti i koji prouavaju, piu i angauju se na polju zatite ivotne sredine,
ouvanja okruenja i spreavanja pogubnih posledica industrijskog razvoja po
ekosisteme u okruenju. U stvari, problem izvire iz toga to veina ljudi ne vidi
vezu izmeu potroakog stila ivota koji ugroava okruenje i modernizacij-
skih ideja i vrednosti koje se prenose medijima i obrazovanjem. Pod uticajem
medija i drugih sistema prenoenja poruka moderne kulture, odailju se slike,
ideje i vrednosti koje podravaju potroaku orijentaciju drutva. To uspavljuje
ljude koji, kao da nisu dovoljno uzdrmani krizom i ne vide nita udno u tome
to je i dalje na snazi mit o progresu3 uprkos razornim posledicama rasta i
opasnosti po okruenje, kao i celu tehnoloko-ekonomsku infrastrukturu. Ova
nepovezanost brige za neposredni uticaj degradiranog okruenja na zdravlje i
ekonomsko blagostanje sa brigom za egzistencijalna i kulturna pitanja, dovo-
ljan je pokazatelj neodrivosti dominirajue kulture. Naalost, ovo podvojeno
stanje moe nastaviti da traje sve dok ne bude previe kasno da se utie na neo-
phodne kulturne promene (Bowers 1995). Zbog toga je potrebno to pre pro-
nai naine da se odgovori na neka osnovna pitanja, kakvo je pitanje Koliko
je dosta? (Durning 1992), poveu sa politikom praksom kako bi poelo da se
uspostavlja odrivo drutveno okruenje pre nego to bude kasno.
Strunjaci su pokazali da je globalno drutvo ve doseglo ekonomske i
ekoloke granice razvoja. Korovic (David Korowicz), koji prouava prilagoa-
vanje sloenih sistema, smatra da analitika sredstva i koncepti koji se koriste
u ovom polju u praksi bolje tumae globalizovanu ekonomiju nego akademska
sredstva koja su strukturalno slepa za osnovne transformacije, poput rasta
sloenosti i katastrofinih tranzicija (Ac 2014). Kao integralni deo modernog
pogleda na svet njegove metodologije, institucionalnih struktura i principa
prilagoavanja drutva ideja razvoja kao ekonomskog rasta predstavlja i
ponekad prikriva sloenu strukturalnu zavisnost. U stvari, utvreni mehani-
zmi sistema deluju po inerciji i time negiraju problem koji je, prema miljenju
Korovica, u tome to meusobna zavisnost delova sistema znai da prestanak
rasta povlai velike drutvene, ekonomske i politike posledice.
S obzirom da su granice rasta dosegnute i da je kriza postala oigledna, to
to se ljudi i cela drutva ponaaju po starom ne treba da bude umirujue. Ni
uznemirenost nije od koristi osim kao podsticaj na promenu. Razmiljanje o
3
Fon Riht (Georg Henik von Wright) je pre vie od dve decenje dao svoje tumaenje
mita o progresu, tvrdei da progres nije savrenstvo o kome je sanjalo prosvetiteljstvo, ve
njegovo reifikovano poistoveivanje sa ekonomskim rastom i nategnutim formalizovanjem dru-
tvenog upravljanja (Riht 1989: 241).
tome na globalnom planu rezultiralo je uvidom da je istraivanje ekonomskih,

socijalnih i ekolokih problema nedovoljno i da:
... ove tri dimenzije ne mogu same da odraze svu sloenost savremenog
drutva. Bilo je mnogo onih, ukljuujui UNESCO, Svetski samit o odr-
ivom razvoju i istraivae, koji su glasali da se u model odrivog razvoja
ukljui i kultura, jer u krajnjoj liniji, kultura oblikuje to to se smatra za raz-
voj i odreuje kako se ljudi odnose prema svetu (UCLG 2013).
Kultura je dakle proglaena za etvrti stub odrivog razvoja. Moe izgle-

dati da je u tome uestvovao takav pogled na razvoj da je on konano smeten
u kontekst odrivosti. Meutim, poznajui istoriju koncepta odrivog razvoja,
koji je nastao kao pokuaj legitimacije i produenja ekonomskog rasta, sva-
kako ne treba zaboraviti na opasnost zaaranog kruga u koji se neminovno
upada kada se kultura shvati kao sredstvo da se inkorporira razvoj, shvaen
kao privredni rast, umesto da se znaenje razvoja podvede pod smisao kulture
odrivosti. Da ovo poslednje nije sluaj,vidi se, naalost, iz plenarnih izlaganja
u sklopu Agende 21 za kulturu.
Tako na primer, direktor i osniva BRAC fondacije (Sir Fazle Abed) na otva-
ranju meunarodnog kongresa UNESCO (koji je odran 15-17 maja 2013.
u Hangzhou u Kini), navodi intervju iz 2009. godine za BBC, gde je izjavio
da je svrha razvoja da promeni kulturu. On oigledno u prvi plan stavlja
privredni razvoj, u daljem pojanjenju da kultura postaje apsolutno sutin-
ska za odreivanje delotvornih programa, (...) budui da ako program nije
kulturno primeren on nee delovati. (...) Tek kada neki razvojni program
postane deo kulture, on postaje odriv. On, dakle, kulturu posmatra kao
sredstvo kada tvrdi da odrivi razvoj u stvari znai da na nivou kulture
treba da doe do promene, inae nije odriv. U duhu toga, Abed ukazuje
na formiranje preko 400 pozorinih grupa koje su najefektivniji nain pre-
noenja vrednosti i percepcija drutvenih problema, s obzirom da su isto-
vremeno i vrsta obrazovanja i zabava. On sumira svoje izaganje Agendom
post2015 prema kojoj nam je potreban odrivi razvoj, a da bi bio odriv,
on mora da utie na kulturu, tako da odrivi razvoj znai kulturnu promenu
dok ona ne inkorporira razvoj i tada postaje odriva (Abed 2013).
Time su objanjivi razliiti protesti koji bi se mogli nazvati buntom protiv

globalistikog totalitarizma koji sadri ova agenda.
Jedan deo problema razvoja shvaenog kao rast, jeste u tome to postojei
tehnoloki i ekonomski sistemi poivaju na uverenju u mogunost neograni-
enog rasta, iako i iskustvo i logika pokazuju da je neogranieni rast neodriv,
s obzirom da on treba da poiva na ogranienim resursima. Pa ak ni alterna-
tivni, tj. obnovljivi, izvori energije ne mogu pratiti tempo koji diktira koncept
rasta. Drugi deo problema ogleda se u dokumentu UN iz 2012. godine, u Iz-
vetaju Generalnog sekretara Plana globalne odrivosti, pod nazivom Izdri-
vi ljudi, izdriva planeta: budunost koju vredi izabrati (Maclean 2013). Taj
izvetaj favorizuje koncept odrivog razvoja iji je cilj da osigura prosperitet-
nu budunost planete. Iza ovog tumaenja stoji uverenje da se odrivi razvoj
moe ostvariti uz ispravan inenjerski plan, pomou znanja i organizacije, tako

da se, uz strategiju ekoloke zatite, nastavi rast svetske ekonomije. Pitanje koje
se tu postavlja jeste da li je smanjivanje neodrivosti nain da se pribliimo
odrivosti, ili je koncept odrivosti neto potpuno razliito?
Problem je pre svega u tome to koncept ekonomskog rasta nije ekolo-
ki odriv. Evropskoj asocijaciji socijalnih antropologa (EASA) 2008. godine,
upueno je upozorenje da dok ne prestanemo sa izvlaenjem nafte, minira-
njem ruda, seom uma, asfaltiranjem puteva i stvaranjem radioaktivnog ot-
pada, taj koncept deluje kao opasno zaluujua fantazija (Daniels 2010). To je
miljenje mnogih eksperata i autora. Vandana iva govori, na primer, o tome
da uvidi u ekoloku i ljudsku neodrivost rasta, pokazuju da on podriva eko-
loku stabilnost i unitava osnovne prihode ljudi (iva 2012: 333). tavie,
ekonomski rast, na kojem poiva odrivi razvoj, nije uspeo da, uprkos obea-
njima, omogui izobilje, ni iskoreni siromatvo nego je, naprotiv, postao izvor
siromatva i oskudice time to je unitio sredstva za ivot ljudi i bazine siste-
me za odranje ivota u Treem svetu (ibid). O tome Vandana iva (Vandana
Shiva) tvrdi sledee:
Nevidljivi trokovi ovog razvoja, njegove skrivene negativne eksternalije,
su unitenje druge dve ivotne ekonomije prirodnih procesa i ljudskog
opstanka ije ignorisanje i zapostavljanje je bio razlog zbog kojeg je razvoj
predstavljao pretnju ekolokog unitenja i pretnju po ljudski opstanak. (...)
U veini zemalja Treeg sveta, veliki broj ljudi svoje odranje i dalje zasniva
na ekonomiji opstanka koja je nevidljiva za razvoj zasnovan na tritu. (...)
Ljudski opstanak nije mogu bez iste vode, plodnog zemljita i genetskog
diverziteta useva i biljaka. Ekonomski razvoj unitava ove zajednike resur-
se. Tako je nastala nova protivrenost izmeu ekonomije prirodnih procesa
i ekonomije opstanka, poto su oni koji su skrajnuti usled razvoja primorani
da opstaju u sve istroenijoj prirodi. Organizacioni princip ekonomskog raz-
voja, zasnovan na akumulaciji kapitala i ekonomskom rastu, ini bezvred-
nim sva ona svojstva i procese prirode i drutva koji nisu vrednovani na
tritu... (Ibid. 333 334).
U atmosferi uvianja neodrivosti ekonomskog rasta javlja se drugaiji
nain miljenja koji ima pristalice meu strunjacima u akademskom svetu.
Re je o konceptu odrivog smanjivanja (degrowth)4 iji zagovornici smatra-
ju da vie nije mogu, ne samo dosadanji nivo rasta, nego uopte nikakav rast,
ak i kada bi se ekonomija oslonila na planetarnu raspoloivost resurs. Zato
4
Paradigma odrivog smanjivanja potie od francuske rei decroissance koju je formalno
prvi upotrebio ekoloki ekonomista Nicholas Georgescu-Roegen, 1971. Godine, u tekstu o en-
tropiji i ekonomskom procesu. On je tu izneo ekoloke granice rasta prema modelu industrijske
ekonomije. Tako je zapoeta diskusija koja je dovela do stvaranja pristalica ekolokog pokreta
degrowth (Upor. Eaton 2012). Znaajan nastavlja ove diskusije je britanski ekonomista uma-
her koji je objavio kolekciju eseja tokom energetske krize 1973. Godine, u knjizi Malo je lepo:
prouavanje ekonomije kao da su ljudi bitni (koja je dobila prestinu nagradu Prix Europeen de
lEssai Charles Veillon 1976) (Schumacher 1973).
se, umesto insistiranja na stvaranju ekonomski profitabilnog sistema odrivog

razvoja koji tei da odri neodrivo, treba suoiti sa posledicama nedostatka
energije i drugih resursa potrebnih za odravanje tih sistema (Korowicy 2010).
Na osnovu toga, koncept odrivog smanjivanja budi nadu da e, povezivanjem
odrivosti i izdrivosti, ponuditi dugorono reenje osnovnih drutvenih, po-
litikih, ekonomskih i ekolokih problema.
Iako ne pod istim nazivom, ali sa slinim idejama i sa praktinim isku-
stvom primenjivanja principa slinih onima koji su razraeni u okviru pokreta
degrowth, postoje po svetu brojne samoorganizovane inicijative, alternativni
naini ivota lokalnih zajednica, farmerske zadruge ili kooperative, samoo-
driva eko-sela koja primenjuju principe permakulture i okreu se prirodni-
jem nainu ivota od onog koji se, uprkos dominacije njegovih modernizacij-
skih principa, pokazuje neodriv kako ekoloki i drutveno, tako i ekonomski.
Ovakvi pokreti pokazuju u praksi stvarni smisao odrive kulture svojim
izborom ivotnog stila koji ukljuuje prirodnu ekonomiju, svesnu potronju,
kreativne pristupe zajednikom ivotu i radu, posveivanje vremena umetno-
sti, blinjima, zajednici i, jednostavno ivotu.
Postoji paralela izmeu ovih savremenih stremljenja i praksi i drevnih po-
gleda na svet koji su nekada postojali irom sveta od latinskoamerikog kon-
cepta dobrog ivota (buen vivir), koji istie harmonian odnos izmeu ljudi
i okruenja i izmeu ljudi unutar zajednice, preko arapske ideje procvetanja
(beumeran) koju je koristio Ibn Kaldun, do gandijevskog principa samosvoj-
nog i opteg blagostanja (swadeshisarvodaya).
Mada koncept smanjivanja nije definisan kao ekonomska teorija ni kao
obrazac preobraaja, mnoge ideje koje se odnose na neophodne ekonomske
promene razmatrane su u okviru njega. Smatra se da je velika prednost kon-
cepta smanjivanja to to ga pristalice globalnog ekonomskog rasta ne mogu
lako preuzeti, kao tzv. zelenu ekonomiju. Ovaj koncept je takoe koristan u
kontekstu ekonomske i ekoloke krize s obzirom da ukazuje na neophodnost
promene paradigme, vrednosti, pretpostavki i znanja na kojima poiva pro-
blematian sistem ekonomskog rasta. Osvajajui akademski svet ovaj diskurs
poinje da utie na razmiljanje o dekolonizaciji imaginacije, oslobaanju od
neoliberalnog koncepta rasta koji se vie ne sagledava kao nuna i objektivna
stvarnost, ve kao apstraktna ideja kojoj treba zamisliti alternativu.
Znaajan aspekt koncepta smanjivanja je i to to je tokom etrdeset go-
dina stekao znaajan fundus znanja i literature izloene u akademskim aso-
pisima, meunarodnim konferencijama, uglednim novinama5, na mnotvu
blogova i onlajn foruma, u istraivakim tekstovima, knjigama i zbornicima.
Na taj nain, stvoren je znaajan izvor saznanja, ne samo za one koji pripadaju
savremenim ekolokim ili starosedelakim pokretima, ve i za one koji kroz
razliite discipline nastoje da bolje razumeju aktuelnu krizu neoliberalnog
5
Le Monde Diplomatique izdaje mesenik La Decroissance.
neoklasinog modela razvoja, kako bi mogli da zamisle odrivu budunost.

Uverenje da je za postizanje globalne odrivosti kljuna odriva kultura poi-
va, dakle, na pretpostavci promene paradigme ije su vrednosti koherentne sa
principom odrivosti, principom koji jedino moe da odri ivot na Zemlji. Na
tome poivaju principi odrive kulture koja pretpostavlja integraciju optih i
ljudskih vrednosti.
Odriva kutura iziskuje novu vrstu organizacije ivota na svakom poseb-
nom nivou postojanja individualnom, kolektivnom i planetarnom i to tre-
ba da bude organizacija koja osigurava kontinuitet prilika za lini i kolektivni
razvoj, tako da tekuu krizu sistema treba posmatrati kao priliku da se o-
veanstvo okrene osnovnim pitanjima i krene u pravcu preobraaja. U tom
pogledu traganje za smislom odrive kulture znai preispitivanje utvrene pa-
radigme koja prirodu posmatra kao mehanizam koji funkcionie odvojeno od
oveka i drutva. To preispitivanje bi trebalo da bude u funkciji razvoja svesti o
tome da posmatranje sveta kao maine ini i same ljude mainama.
Nain posmatranja univerzuma i prirode kao mehanikih procesa ini da
i mi sami poprimamo mentalitet maine. Takav materijalistiki pogled na svet
nas je i doveo do krize. S druge strane, ako je kriza istovremeno raskrsnica,
onda se nadajmo da e ona znaiti kraj apstrahovanja ekonomije od ekologije
i od same prirode, jer je ekonomija profita zapravo vrsta globalnog ruleta koji
ne poiva na bilo emu odrivom.
Ukoliko imamo u vidu da je priroda evoluirala na planeti milionima godi-
na, lake emo prihvatiti njen nain savladavanja krize. Taj nain je jednosta-
van, on podstie izdrivost posredstvom usvajanja i usklaivanja razliitosti.
Iako je razliitost prirodno svuda zastupljena, moderna civilizacija sa svojom
vizijom ekonomskog rasta, dovela je do isezavanja raznovrsnosti biljnog i i-
votinjskog sveta. Komercijalni odnos prema biodiverzitetu je od stotina hilja-
da biljnih kultura, koje su postojale u prirodi, poeo da iskoriava svega ne-
koliko produktivno isplativih vrsta. Njihova prednost je u tome to daju visoke
prinose, ali njihova slabost je to su osetljive na neke bolesti i tetoine. Zato
je i potrebna raznovrsnost srodnih vrsta jer, u sluaju da odreene vrste budu
unitene, bie mogue obezbediti opstanak izdrljivih varijeteta.
Smisao raznovrsnosti biljnih kultura predstavlja metaforu i putokaz za
odrivu kulturu oveanstva. Naime, u uslovima kraha trine ekonomije,
odriva kultura bi se mogla osloniti na ljudsku ekonomiju odranja u okviru
prirodne ekonomije samoobnavljanja koja je i stvorila raznovrsnost. Tome se
meutim suprotstavlja monokultura uma koja se iri u totalitarnom poho-
du globalizacije i uniformno namee trine mehanizme iji imperativ mak-
simizacije profita i akumulacije kapitala unitava prirodne resurse i ugroava
ekoloku stabilnost, osiromaujui okruenje i mogunosti prirodnog naina
ivota.
Sadanja ekonomska i ekoloka kriza jeste raskrsnica za oveanstvo u
tom smislu to donosi izbor izmeu razliitih vrsta kultura: 1) kulture profita
i ekonomskog i tehnolokog progresa koja vetaki kreira nagon za prekomer-

nom potronjom koja iziskuje neodrivu eksploataciju prirodnih resursa i 2)
odrive kulture koja je u skladu sa samoobnavljajuim principima prirodne
raznovrsnosti i, po uzoru na tradicionalne ekonomije u pogledu osnovnih i vi-
talnih potreba, lii na Salinsovo (Marshall Sahlins) izvorno drutvo izobilja
(iva 2012: 336).
Moderna civilizacija je suprotstavila kulturu prirodi navevi ljude da ve-
ruju u progres (ekonomski i tehnoloki pre svega). Ljudi su poeli da se ose-
aju nepobedivim, kao bogovi koji kontroliu prirodu smatrajui je sredstvom
zadovoljavanja sopstvenih potreba. Tako je zanemarena desetinama-hiljada-
godina-stara istorija, koja svedoi da su drevne kulture evoluirale u prirod-
nom okruenju i da su sebe uvek smatrale njegovim delom. U osnovi su sve
potrebe drevnih zajednica bile zadovoljene zahvaljujui bogatstvu prirodnog
okruenja. Njihovo osiromaenje je poelo sa modernizacijom, i ta pria je
ista, kako kae iva, za Gonde iz Bastara u Indiji, ili za Penanse iz Saravaka u
Maleziji (ibid 337).
Eklatantan primer toga kako se u premoderno doba harmonija izmeu
sveta prirode i ljudskog drutva podrazumevala, dat je u filmu Hiljadu sunaca
(Global oneness project). Film prikazuje Afriku, koja se smatra mestom na-
stanka ljudske vrste, tanije, jugozapadnu Etiopiju gde se nalazi gusto naselje-
na visoravan Gamo. Nain ivota koji se tamo vodi ostao je isti kao u drevna
vremena, ba kao to je ostala ista njihova zemljoradnja sa svojom biorazno-
vrsnou, ista kao to je bila na poetku agrarnog doba. To znai da priroda i
ljudsko drutvo tamo i dalje postoje u takvom uzajamnom odnosu koji se sada
otkriva kao reenje za izlazak iz krize i stvaranje odrive kulture.
To je jedno od retkih mesta na Zemlji gde plemenske zajednice ive kao
to su ivele oduvek, jer nisu promenile nain ivota pod uticajem tehnolokog
razvoja. U pomenutom filmu, stareina jednog od mnotva razliitih kultura
poruuje modernim ljudima da treba da istrae duhovnost, jer su je ostavili
neistraenom.
Ono to su antropolozi prologa veka omalovaavajue smatrali primi-
tivnim mentalitetom, sada, kada je moderna racionalnost sa ekonomskim ra-
stom postigla i porast krize, poinje da izgleda kao prednost. Za razliku od
mehanistikog odnosa prema prirodi, premoderni pogled na svet, prirodu i
sve u njoj posmatra kao oivljeno. To je animistiki pogled koji uzemljuje lju-
de u njihovim kosmolokim mitovima gde se ogleda senzibilitet prema ivotu
celokupnog okruenja. Poznavanje toga je fundamentalno bitno meu staro-
sedelakim kulturama. Sa aspekta odrivosti, najvanije je potovanje prirode
i svega u njoj, koje proistie iz toga to su oni videli sebe kao njen deo.
Za drevne narode ravnotea sa prirodom osigurava se kroz zakone, mo-
litve i rituale. Njihove molitve izraavaju zahvalnost i prijateljstvo sa okrue-
njem, a zakoni i rituali se odnose na svaki aspekt ivota, budui da postoji svest
da bi zanemarivanje bilo kog aspekta ceo sistem dovelo u opasnost. Tu vrstu
nege imaju premoderni ljudi u svom sapostojanju sa okruenjem. Nametanje

ovim ljudima razliitih hrianskih crkvi, koje osuuju upranjavanje drevnih
obiaja i verovanja, i tvrde da se ne treba klanjati prirodnim pojavama jer je
Tvorac prirodu stvorio za ljude, manifestacija je nepotovanja razliitosti.
S druge strane, postaje jasniji problem moderne civilizacije ija religijska
dogma izmeta svog monoteistikog Boga u oblast transcendencije koja je ja-
ko daleko van sveta. Ovo otklanjanje Boga iz prirode povezano je sa njenom
desakralizacijom; naime, imanentna priroda, koja je ostala bez Boga, otvorena
je za upotrebu i zloupotrebu.
Tako je napravljen put za razvoj trine ekonomije koja tei da maksimi-
zuje proizvodnju i posmatra profit kao osnovnu vrednost. ak i u uslovima
granica rasta to nastavlja da bude tako. Nasuprot tome stoji ekonomija odr-
anja, koja je svojstvena premodernim drutvima. I ova drutva za odranje
koriste prirodne resurse, ali u njima postoji svest da ljudi zavise od prirode. U
modernom svetu izgleda kao da ljudi zavise samo od fondova, do kojih dolaze
preko nauke koja je u funkciji tehnologije i profita. To pojanjava zbog ega u
svetu nauke itekako ima onih koji pokuavaju da odre neodrivi ekonomski
rast pod platom odrivog razvoja.
Davanje prednosti maksimizaciji prihoda u agrikulturi udaljilo je zemljo-
radnju od prirode i to se nastavlja jo dalje i sve se prikriva plemenitom idejom
da e nauka proizvesti uda i ostvariti bolji ivot. To to se na odreen nain
udesan napredak tehnologije i ostvaruje ne bi trebalo da nas zaslepi do te me-
re da ne obratimo panju na iluzije i zloupotrebe.
U programima zelene revolucije pedesetih i ezdesetih godina, iako je
postignuta ciljana maksimizacija prinosa, to je bilo mogue samo u odreenim
uslovima, dok su u promenjenim uslovima prinosi bili gori od onih koji su po-
stizani pre nego to su takvi programi uopte zapoeli. Razorne posledice te pr-
ve zelene revolucije koje se ogledaju u masovnom gubljenju biodiverziteta
irom sveta prenebregavaju se, a internacionalne organizacije i agrikulturne
korporacije ponovo pokuavaju da nametnu svoje tehnologije za novu zelenu
revoluciju sa ciljem da maksimizacija prinosa spase stanovnitvo gladi.
U glavnim medijima se ne uje dovoljno miljenje onih koji ne pozdra-
vljaju ovaj nain spasenja i koji dovode u pitanje ovakve programe sa stano-
vita lokalnih ekolokih uslova. Time se potiskuje globalno razmiljanje o to-
me da lokalnom stanovnitvu uopte nisu potrebni programi koji su usmereni
na profit, nego oni koji neguju ljude i razvoj njihovih sopstvenih tehnologija.
U ovom duhu tenje za negovanjem razliitosti i autentinih kultura, raz-
miljaju i oni koji shvataju da je tradicionalnom znanjima kao to je, na primer,
ono o lekovitim biljkama, potrebna podrka da bi ono moglo da bude preneto
buduim generacijama. To se meutim kosi sa tenjama korporacija da dre
pod globalnom kontrolom sve vrste farmakolokih, kao i prehrambenih sred-
stava. Zbog toga je neophodna dekonstrukcija korporativne nauke i njenih
vidova spasavanja sveta, jer je to jedini ispravan nain da se odmere snage
autonomnih i heteronomnih vrednosti. U ovom duhu treba govoriti o smislu

odrive kulture, ne samo tumaei njena znaenja, nego i negujui njen znaaj.
Interes korporacija je profit koji stoji iza bankarskih kredita za nabavku
semena, ubriva i pesticida i koji uvlai lokalne farmere u krug zadueno-
sti nudei im zajmove za kupovinu semena koja su modifikovana sa ciljem
maksimizacije prinosa. Meutim, kada se ima u vidu varijabilnost klimatskih
uslova, uspeh prinosa ostaje neizvestan, a ukoliko izostane, obru dugova e
dovesti do osiromaenja i propasti lokalnih poljoprivrednika, dok e spasio-
ci profitirati.6
U pomenutom filmu, jasno je pokazano kako je za opstanak opisane afri-
ke visoravni od vitalne vanosti agrikulturna raznovrsnost ekosistema koja je
izgleda povezana sa tamonjom raznovrsnou ljudskih kultura. Petnaestak
razliitih plemena se svake godine okuplja na proslavi gde se pokazuje sva raz-
liitost njihovih kulturnih naslea. Istovremeno, svaka od tih zajednica na svoj
poseban nain pokazuje svoju povezanost sa prirodom. Iako izmeu njih esto
nema jezikog razumevanja, svi oni zajedno uvaavaju granice, ne samo svojih
plemenskih zajednica, nego i one granice koje odreuju da se od zemlje moe
uzeti samo ono to im je neophodno pazei da se ne ugrozi i ne uniti ostalo.
Taj princip se odnosi na sav ivi svet jer postoji svest da je prirodno okruenje
neophodno ouvati i za naredne generacije.
Nasuprot bezobzirnom iskoriavanju prirode, kritiari antropocentri-
zma mogu da zauzmu neodobravajui stav prema svakom kultivisanju zemlje;
s druge strane, u meri u kojoj ljudi, neskloni samovanosti, ipak nisu spremni
na samoponitenje, te pokuavaju da nau srednje reenje, zemljoradnja e biti
svedoanstvo ljudskog odnosa prema oblikovanju onoga to omoguava odr-
anje. To ne mora da bude neto strano i destruktivno prema prirodi, ve moe
da bude u skladu sa njom i da predstavlja integralni deo ljudskog ivota. To je
odriva zemljoradnja koja je u stvari holistika, to znai da uzima u obzir kul-
turne, drutvene i duhovne potrebe ljudi. Kao i odriva kultura i ona ne ide za
tim da ostvari kratkorone interese profita, nego koristi obnovljive potencijale
okruenja. Ukoliko je biodiverzitet ekosistema uniten usled zanemarivanja
odnosa izmeu ekologije i duhovnosti, onda je kljuno da se ponovo uspostavi
odnos izmeu ljudi i ekosistema, a u tome se duhovnost javlja kao vaan fak-
tor njihovo povezivanja. Povratak odnosa sa okruenjem za modernog oveka
moe da znai ponovo otkrivanje naina na koji bi trebalo da vodi svoj ivot,
6
Jalovost ulaganja u pesticide ili u genetski modifikovana semena izraena je kroz Envi-
ronmentalni program Ujedinjenih nacija (UNEP) koji je 2008. godine sproveo istraivanje pod
nazivom Organska agrikultura i sigurnost hrane u Africi. U njemu je na osnovu poreenja
konvencionalne i organske zemljoradnje ustanovljeno da je, posebno u istonoj Africi, prinos
porastao na 128% na bazi sprovoenja tradicionalne zemljoradnje, uz neke oblike moderni-
zacije. Prema izvetaju o tom istraivanju, organska proizvodnja je znaajan faktor doprinosa
redukovanju nesigurnosti hrane i siromatva u Africi a prosek prinosa itarica je porastao za
78% (Upor.UNEP 2008)
ne oslanjajui se iskljuivo na svoje snage nego pozivajui univerzalne kosmi-

ke sile kroz posredujuu mo prirode u svom traganju za odrivim energijama
koje su duhovne isto koliko i fizike.
Postoje savremene interkulturne zajednice koje deluju u slinom duhu, a
koje se u celom svetu organizuju na lokalnom nivou da bi omoguile ljudima
da odgovore na izazove osiromaenja i poskupljenja izvora energije, finansij-
ske nestabilnosti i promena u okruenju. Dugometrani film In Transition 2.0
(Hopkins 2013) prikazuje takve zajednice, okupljene oko pokreta Tranzicija,
koje nastoje da kreativno osmisle i samoorganizuju razne aspekte svog sva-
kodnevnog ivota, u pogledu: hrane, druenja, uzajamne pomoi i tsl. To su
pokuaji voenja odrivog naina ivota koji ljude pripremaju da osete sebe i
druge u onome to zamiljaju kao svoj ivot, u nekoj ne tako dalekoj budu-
nosti u kojoj moe da doi do uruavanja neodrivih sistema. Pokreti poput:
Smanjivanja, Tranzicije i Permakulture, predstavljaju aspekte ovog sve ireg
drutvenog pokuaja stvaranja odrive kulture. To je eksperiment za koji se ne
zna da li e uspeti, ali u svakom sluaju treba pokuati njegovo sprovoenje, jer
ekati da to uini neko drugi za nas moe biti nedovoljno dobro reenje, ili pre-
vie kasno. Za stvaranje odrive kulture, pojedinano delovanje nije dovoljno.
Neophodno je, dakle, zajedniko delovanje i ono se moe pokazati kao sasvim
dovoljno i kao pravo reenje, u pravo vreme.
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ages/sir_fazle_abed_transcript_final.pdf pristupljeno 20.03.2014.
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Jelena uri
Institute for Philosophy and Social Theory, University of Belgrade
THE MEANING OF SUSTAINABLE CULTURE
The meaning of sustainable culture and, beforehand, of the notion of sustainability,

begins its definition with critique of sustainable development, as the legitimization of
economic growth. One way the critique of growth is expressed is through the principle
of sustainable degrowth. This sort of critique has influenced the provision of different
meanings of sustainable development which, by consideration of the possibility of get-
ting out of (economic, ecological and social) crisis, begins to connect with culture. The
concept of sustainable development is compatible with sustainable culture, only if culture
is not viewed as a mean to economic growth. Its meaning is discovered and realized by
principles of sustainability which are potential factors of social transformation directed
towards connecting ecological and human values.
The problem is that the abilities for political engagement are weak, especially in the
underdeveloped countries, and there are only few of those dedicated to raise awareness on
the necessity for change. The problem is also that most people do not see the connection
between the ideas and values that are spread out through media and education, and con-
sumer lifestyle that endangers environment. This situation shows unsustainability of the
dominant culture, which unfortunately could last until it is late for necessary changes.
However, there are ideas and movements that practically show the meaning of sus-
tainable culture by choosing the lifestyles which include natural economy, reduced con-
sumption, creative approach to life and work within community, dedication of time to
art, to neighbors, community, and simply to life. These modern tendencies and practices
have their counterpart in ancient worldviews and ways of life. In the past, they were pres-
ent worldwide, yet their existence today, which is rare, shows that human kind in crisis
should turn to the fundamental questions and explore spirituality in order to reestablish
its relationship with nature and to discover the real meaning of sustainable culture.
Liljn Rog Mijtovi

Fkultet drmskih umetnosti, Univerzitet umetnosti u Beogrdu
ISTRIVNJE KULTURNE ODRIVOSTI U DOB

NEIZVESNOSTI
Verovtno po prvi put u istoriji, milioni ljudi, irom plnete, dolze do

istog zkljuk, u isto vreme, o tome t ini dugoronu ljudsku sreu, op-
tu prvdu i jednkost, i stvrnu odrivost. Dolo se do opte sglsnosti d
ovekove ktivnosti ne mogu biti odvojene od prirode i potrebno je izni
sistem ivljenj koji nije destruktivn z prirodne sisteme od kojih zvisi n
sopstveni opstnk.
(Suzuki and Dressel 2002, 88)
N1 poetku novog milenijum ovenstvo se suov s sloenim
izzovim, jer je globlizcij donel trnsncionlne izzove ko to su
ugroenost ivotne sredine, globlne finnsijske krize, epidemije, imigrciju
i meunrodni terorizm. Rstu integrcij ekonomij i drutv pojl
je potrebe z promenm u globlnom okruenju, koje su izrene u vidu
zbrinutosti z odrivost resurs i ivotne sredine. Kultur je tkoe postl
deo rzvojnih pitnj u kontekstu rspodele kulturnih dobr, uslug i
intelektulne svojine u svetskoj trgovini, li pre sveg zbog ugroenosti kultur-
nih rznolikosti i identitet u svremenim okvirim kulture svet (Lener, Boli
2006). Dob neizvesnosti, rstuih nejednkosti i diskontinuitet obelev
ivot u svetu koji se globlizuje, u kome je sve tee ostvrivnje kolektivne
sigurnosti z loklne zjednice i ncije.
Iko se pojmu globlizcije pripisuju veom rzliit, p i meusobno
iskljuiv znenj, u odnosu n rzliite ideoloko-politike i ekonomske vi-
zije drutv u svremenom svetu, utemeljeno je rzlikovnje globlizcije ko
1
lnk je nsto ko rezultt rd n projektu Fkultet drmskih umetnosti u Beogrdu
Identitet i senje: trnskulturlni tekstovi drmskih umetnosti i medij (Srbij 1989-2014),
br. 178012, koji finnsir Ministrstvo prosvete nuke i tehnolokog rzvoj Republike Srbije,
ko i ue u COST IS1007 projektu Istrivnje kulturne odrivosti (Investigating Cultural
Sustainability).
objektivnog istorijskog proces i globlizm ko oblik svetske domincije.

Gidens opisuje globlizciju ko kompleksni niz proces [...] koji funkcio-
niu n kontrdiktorni ili opozicioni nin (Giddens 2002, 1213). Ovi pro-
cesi ukljuuju politiku, tehnologiju, kulturu i ekonomiju, i n njih je u veli-
koj meri uticl revolucij u komunikcijm ezdesetih godin dvdesetog
vek. Robertson je zinteresovn pre sveg z ljudske potrebe koje su uobliile
ovj fenomen mnogo pre nego to je on etiketirn ko globlizcij, tvrde-
i d globlizcij odrv mterijlne posledice nih elj z bezbedno-
u i blgostnjem (Robertson 2004, 229). On nglv d je neophodn
globln svest kko bi se omoguilo d ove interkcije (p)ostnu obostrno
korisne i osnujue z sve kolektivitete i individue. S klimtskim promenm
i globlnim nejednkostim, potreb z globlnom srdnjom nikd nije bil
ve, jer ovi rizici predstvljju izzove koji se jedino mogu efiksno reiti kroz
zjednike npore.
Meutim, snge globlizcije su od koristi smo odbrnoj mnjini i
u sutini izvor su drutvenih, ekonomskih, kulturnih nejednkosti, p i onih
veznih z ivotnu sredinu, ovo su uprvo neke od idej koje se vezuju z
koncept odrivog rzvoj. Prem Bumnu (Bauman), iskustvo negtivne
globlizcije ispunjeno je povenjem nksioznosti, strh i sumnji, koji
proizlze iz ivot u nestbilnom, nepredvidivom, rizinom i opsnom
svetu nd kojim nemmo kontrolu. U tom neprvednom svetu, ljudi su pri-
nueni d rzvijju strtegije koje gotovo uvek podrzumevju postvljnje
preprek koje e ns ztititi od opsnih drugih, ili podrzumevju beg od
svet koji se doivljv ko ne vie vredn ivljenj (Bauman 2007). Gidens
ukzuje d je koncept rizik nsto kd su drutv poel d se orijentiu k
budunosti ko neemu to treb drti pod kontrolom ili k osvojiti. On tvr-
di d se sm prirod rizik promenil, to jest, d je vrlo mlo prirodnog svet
ostlo netknuto od strne ljudskog delovnj, i d uprvo iz tog proizlzi
nesigurnost d li su rizici koji dolze iz prirodnog svet zist prirodni ili su
oni rezultt ljudske intervencije (Giddens 2002, 27). ivot drutv posle krj
prirode, prem Gidensu, odreen je rizikom koji proizlzi iz ljudskog delnj
i menj u prirodne procese, i to je ono to izziv neizvesnost i zbrinutost,
jer se ne znju mogui ishodi ovih proces. Bek je rzvio tezu d se dru-
tvo rizik rzvij kd vie ne moemo uzeti zdrvo z gotovo trdicionlne
izvesnosti (Beck 1998, 9). Ovde se postvlj pitnje: t se u dob neizvesno-
sti moe uopte smtrti trdicionlnom izvesnou kojom se ostvruju
kontinuitet, stbilnost i osej sigurnosti kolektivitet i individu? S pozicije
kulture u kontekstu odrivosti i odrivog rzvoj, ovim pitnjem se pokreu i
mnog drug, n primer, pitnje o smislu odrivosti kulturnog sistem i nje-
govog odrivog rzvoj u dob krize.
Globlizcij, dkle, dns ne gubi n svom znju i ktuelnosti, ve
pokzuje rstuu prisutnost u drutvenim procesim i tko zhtev ozbiljnu
pnju, posebno u odreenju koncept koji se oslnjju n odrivi rzvoj.
Rzumevnje odnos kulture, odrivosti i odrivog rzvoj

Osnovn idej odrivosti sdrn je u potrebi z sprevnjem
potencijlno tetnih ljudskih ili industrijskih prksi u svetu rzvijnjem novih
proces koji e omoguiti izblnsirne ekonomske, ekoloke i drutvene isho-
de. U svom osnovnom obliku, odrivost se tie dugoronih vizij z budunost
svet i njegovog ekonomskog, prirodnog i kulturnog okruenj. Uprvljnje
isprepletnim principim rzvoj n svim nivoim i odnosom ovek i prirode
nlzi se u sri proces odrivosti2.
Uobijeno poimnje odrivog rzvoj vezno je z ekoloki okvir, u
kome se prednost dje pitnjim ekoloke degrdcije i devstcije. Moe se
rei d su ekoloki problemi kmen temeljc odrivog rzvoj, i d je ovj
koncept donedvno bio vien iskljuivo kroz ekoloku prizmu. Idej odri-
vog rzvoj ul je u globlni diskurs rzvoj rnih osmdesetih godin XX
vek, ko pokuj d se prevzie suprotnost izmeu ntropocentrinog i
biocentrinog pristup u progrmim ekoloke politike. Uvezivnjem odr-
ivosti i rzvoj otvoren je put z koncept odrivog rzvoj, ko vid
izrvnj drutvene promene trdicionlnih rzvojnih pretpostvki, zrd
ouvnj ekoloke odrivosti (Miti 2007, 376). Odrivi rzvoj je 1987. godi-
ne promovisl Svetsk komisij z ivotnu sredinu i rzvoj u izvetju N
zjednik budunost (Bruntlnd izvetj) ko rzvoj koji zdovoljv po-
trebe dnnjice ne ugrovjui budue genercije u zdovoljenju svojih
sopstvenih potreb (WCED 1987, 43). Koncept odrivog rzvoj steko je
dodtni ligitimitet nkon Konferencije Ujedinjenih ncij o ivotnoj sredini i
rzvoju u Rio de neiru 1992. godine, ko i posle Svetskog smit o odrivom
rzvoju u Johnesburgu 2002. godine. Ztim ovj koncept biv prihven u
irim meunrodnim okvirim i ko politiki pojm i postje okosnic mno-
gih strtekih dokument. U svremenom kontekstu, odrivi rzvoj, dkle,
zsniv se n tri bitn stub: odrivost ivotne sredine, ekonomsk odrivost i
drutveno-politik odrivost (OECD 2001).
Povezivnje odrivosti s konceptom rzvoj oznilo je preokret u od-
nosu n uske interese vodeih tokov ekonomije i teorij modernizcije.
Ukzivnjem n to d je odnos izmeu rzvoj i ekonomskog rst prenglen,
dok su drugi vitlni spekti, ko to su socijln prvd, solidrnost, brig z
siromne u svetu i potovnje ekolokih ogrnienj u globlnom rzvoju, u
velikoj meri znemreni, odrivi rzvoj se jednim delom prikljuio tokovim
kritike neoliberlnih rzvojnih model koji su dominirli diskursom rzvoj
2
Pojm odrivost u poetku se odnosio n prinose i ouvnje obnovljivih resurs u
oblsti umrstv i vodoprivrede, s idejom d definie ekonomiju koj je u rvnotei s os-
novnim ekolokim sistemim. Pojm odrivi prinos (od nemkog nachhaltiger Ertrag)
dtir iz 1713. godine, kd se prvi put pojvio u knjizi Sylvicultura oeconomica, njstrijem
sveobuhvtnom priruniku o umrstvu nemkog utor Hns Krl fon Krlovic (Hanns
Carl von Carlowitz, 1645 - 1714) (Grober 2007, 8-9).
poetkom osmdesetih godin XX vek. Osim tog, sm idej odrivosti je,

pored ekonomskog, dobil i ire drutveno, politiko i kulturno znenje.
Meutim, odrivi rzvoj je, uz veliku populrnost i znj n meu-
nrodnom politikom plnu, izzvo znjn broj kritikih primedbi i
rzmtrnj, pre sveg u nunim krugovim. Te polemike voene su u vezi
s smom definicijom i interpretcijm idej odrivosti i odrivog rzvoj,
one u okolnostim svremene (ekonomske) krize dobijju n jo veoj
ktuelnosti. Postoji stnovite d odrivi rzvoj zprvo dopunjuje, pre nego
to se suprotstvlj neoliberlnoj ekonomskoj hegemoniji, jer se zsniv n
slinoj pretpostvci ko hegemonistiki rzvojni pristupi, u kojim se dje pri-
oritet kumulciji kpitl, to se potvruje injenicom d pojmovi ko to su
rst i efiksnost ostju deo diskurs odrivog rzvoj. Neki utori k tvrde d
je i sm idej odrivosti ne smo pogren, ve i nemogu.
Ekstremni konsenzus sm po sebi moe d bude nemorln. U svom
njpstrktnijem obliku, odrivost nem inherentne vrednosti. Stndrdni
rgument z trenutnu politiku odrivosti meugenercijsk odgovornost
sm po sebi nije etin. Odrivost je ideologij koj se koristi ne bi li se
oprvdle postojee politike i postojei drutveni poredk.
(Treanor 1997, 1)
Ljubinko Pui sledi ovj otklon prem idejm odrivosti i odrivog r-

zvoj, rzvijjui kritiku odrivog rzvoj ko novi skepticizm.
Stojimo n stnovitu d je ideju o odrivom rzvoju mogue zstupti ili pk
osporvti s gotovo identinih polznih pozicij; bilo d je re o ekologiji,
ekonomiji, politici, tehnologiji, kulturi ili drutvenom rzvoju. Ono to, me-
utim, predstvlj preduslov svih pojedinnih idej usmerenih k projek-
tu odrivosti, odnosi se n prirodne resurse, odnosno njihovo iscrpljivnje.
Smo u tom sluju idej o odrivom rzvoju moe d se svodi n mnji broj
inilc, li ne i d ide k eljenom univerzlizmu. Slemo se d bi u tom
sluju odrivost mogl d zvui i onko kko se to populrno iskzuje d
smo pozjmili vie novc nego to smo u stnju d vrtimo!
(Pui, 2012, str. 436)
Idej o znju kulture ko element odrivog rzvoj prisutn je n

meunrodnoj politikoj sceni od devedesetih godin dvdesetog vek. Jo
tokom UNESKO Dekde z kulturu i rzvoj (19881997), odnos izmeu kul-
ture i rzvoj rzmtrn je u nekoliko strtekih dokument, n primer u
izvetju N kretivn rznolikost (WCCD 1995). Od td, vez izmeu
odrivog rzvoj i kulture bil je predmet drugih meunrodnih politikih
dokument i konvencij, ko to su Unutr s mrgine (European Coun-
cil 1997), Konvencij o ouvnju nemterijlnog nsle (UNESCO 2001),
Konvencij o ztiti i promociji rznolikosti kulturnih izrz (UNESCO
2005), Agend 21 z kulturu (Agenda 21 for culture 2009), ko i Deklrcij o
kulturi ko kljunom stubu odrivog rzvoj (UNESCO 2013). Dkle, postoje
dokumenti koji ozkonjuju i prepoznju kulturu ko spekt odrivog rzvoj.
Meutim, rtikulisnje koncept kulturne odrivosti komplikuje se ne smo

ve nznenom sloenou moguih itnj koncept odrivog rzvoj,
nego i rzliitim tumenjim definicij smog pojm kulture.
Kultur se, u uobijenom shvtnju, odnosi n identifikciju drutve-
nih ili grupnih sistem vrednosti ili n sme umetnike i kulturne prkse. U
ntropolokom objnjenju kulture mogu se izdvojiti dv glvn pristup. Prvi,
klsini pozitivistiki empirijski pristup E. Tejlor (E. Taylor), definie kulturu
ko kompleksnu celinu objektivno dtih element relnosti: znnj, verovnj,
umetnosti, morl, zkon, obij i drugih drutvenih svojstv ovek to je
kultur ko nin ivot. Drugi, moderni normtivno-konceptulni pristup,
prepoznje se u definiciji kulture K. Gerc (Geertz 1973), ko znenj koj
se pridju stvrim, simboliki progrm upisn u vreme i prostor drutve-
nog ivot to je kultur ko simboliki univerzum. I dok je u prethodnoj
prdigmi modern kultur smtrn sttikom ktegorijom, u postmoderno
dob neizvesnosti kultur je postl dinmik ktegorij koj je izren
kroz niz konstrukcij.
Kultur, dkle, nije smo spisk stvri i injenic, ve pre nin percipirnj
i nlizirnj injenic. Kultur ko man-made environment (M. Hersko-
vits) nije smo kontekst svet u kome ivimo, ve je on sm obrzc ivot,
simboliki sistem kojim se izrvju interiorizovn iskustv, ideje i vredno-
sti. Kultur je i lino i drutveno nslee informcij, znnj i kodov, koji su
selektivni i nueni, u kojim se ostvruje kontinuitet ljudske istorije i kolek-
tivnog pmenj. Kultur je u isto vreme i potvrd i projekcij ivot, osetljiv
konstrukcij ljudske relnosti i trnsbioloki prostor u kome se odvij ljud-
ski rzvoj (Golubovi 2007, p. 5).
Iko je kultur pojm koji izmie potpunim definicijm, moe se rei d
je u kontekstu odrivosti i rzvoj vno rzumevti kulturu ko utonomni
i centrlni prostor drutvenosti, ko koncept koji ukljuuje vie meusobno
poveznih, ne iskljuujuih definicij. U tom smislu, kultur je i sistem vred-
nosti ljudi koji dje smiso ivotu uopte, i kolektivni nin ivot (Williams
1981) ljudi koji se povezuju prem identitetu i oseju z mesto (sense of
place). Dkle, posredi je hibridno povezivnje koncept kulture ko vrednosti
i koncept kulture ko identitet, koje ide u susret kritici neoliberlne ideolo-
gije globlizcije, odnosno globlizm.
Meu utorim rzliitih orijentcij, kultur je predmet teorijskih
rsprv, u ijoj osnovi je izzov rzumevnj mbivlentnog odnos izmeu
kulture, rzvoj i odrivosti (Hawkes 2001; Throsby 2001; Nurse 2006; Duxbury
and Gillette 2007; Miltojevi 2011; Pui 2012; Nielsen et al. 2012, itd.). Don
Houks je uveo kulturnu odrivost ko etvrti stub odrivosti, istiui ulogu
kulture u loklnom plnirnju (Hawkes 2001), dok je Nurs istrivo kulturnu
odrivost u kontekstu rzvoj drutv (Nurse 2006). Dejvid Trosbi je tretiro
ovu temu iz perspektive kulturne ekonomije nsprm optih princip odrivo-
sti (Throsby 2001). Ipk, kultur u okvirim odrivog rzvoj u kdemskom
svetu ostl je nedovoljno istren i nepotpuno teorijski rtikulisn (Thro-

sby 2008).
Stog je vno njpre postviti pitnje: Kkv je budunost kulture u
okolnostim izmenjenog poretk svet koji je proet kontrdiktornim proce-
sim u vremenu proizvodnje neizvesnosti (Giddens 1991) i impertiv glo-
blizcije? Poznt Robertsonov shem (Robertson) pokzuje etiri mogu
prvc kulturnog rzvoj u kontekstu globlizcije, od globlne hegemonizcije,
do rvnoprvnog dijlog i rzmene kulturnih dobr izmeu centr i perife-
rije (Robertson 1996, pp. 35-37).
Kulturn erozij postl je pitnje globlne zbrinutosti u svetlu do-
minntnog uticj tehnoloki posredovnih zpdnih prdigmi. To pitnje
je komplikovnije zbog injenice d trgovin i kulturni trnsfer uvek podr-
zumevju procese dptcije i, u sve sloenijem i interktivnom globlnom
okruenju obino se ne odvijju jednostrno (Rog 2009). Smirs (Smiers)
konkretizuje pitnje o vnosti kulturne odrivosti, u kontekstu ljudskih prv
i identitet (Smirs 2004, str. 122).
U kontekstu globlizcije i povenih migrcij i urbnizcije, meusobno
povezni izzovi ouvnj kulturnog identitet i promovisnj interkulturlnog
dijlog dobijju novi znj.
U firmciji kulturne odrivosti, to jest kulture ko fktor odrivog
rzvoj, sdrni su i vrednost rznolikosti kulturnih izrz i ouvnje kul-
turnog nsle. Odriv kulturn rznolikost zni d sve grupe ljudi imju
kolektivni izbor d neguju svoju kulturu i, jednko vno, kolektivni izbor
d odrede prirodu i sredstv kulturne promene. Nsuprot ovoj firmciji
rzliitosti je pojm globlne homogene kulture. Kulturn rznolikost ko
jedn od kljunih fktor kulturno odrivog rzvoj. To zni d se kultur ne
moe posmtrti ko sredstvo z postiznje viih ciljev, ve ko nerzdvojn
element rzvoj, ko i d ... odnos izmeu kulture i rzvoj treb d bude
rzjnjen i produbljen, n prktine i konstruktivne nine (World Bank
1998, p. 12).
Trosbi (David Trosby) identifikuje veze izmeu kulture i odrivosti,
ukzujui n slinosti u definicijm kulturnog kpitl i prirodnog kpitl.
Ob koncept se nslnjju n nsleeni kulturni i prirodni kpitl kroz kul-
turno nslee i ivotnu sredinu. Prirodn rvnote podrv i odrv eko-
sisteme, dok kulturn rvnote podrv i odrv rznolikost i vitlnost
ivot zjednice. I prirodni i kulturni kpitl nmeu dunost z brigu
svremenih genercij zrd buduih genercij, idui u susret principim
meugenercijske jednkosti i mterijlnog i nemterijlnog npretk, slino
konceptu odrivosti (Throsby 2001, p. 51).
Kultur je vn spekt odrivog rzvoj, jer se odnosi n to kko
rzumemo i cenimo prirodu i jedni druge, i ndovezuje se n rstue ekoloke,
ekonomske i socijlne izzove u ispunjvnju ciljev odrivosti u neizvesno
dob koje donosi globlizcij. Kulturn odrivost moe se posmtrti i ko
novi multidisciplinrni pristup s ciljem podiznj znj kulture ko fktor

u loklnom, regionlnom i globlnom odrivom rzvoju.
U dosdnjim rsprvm koje se tiu odrivog rzvoj, fokus je bio pre
sveg n ztiti plnete od preternih efekt industrijlizcije i privrednog
rst po svku cenu. Nkon tog, u diskurs su poeli d se ukljuuju i pitnj
ztite kultur zemlj u rzvoju koji su, zbog proces globlizcije, bili u
opsnosti d izgube svoju kulturu (u ntropolokom smislu te rei). Odtle
se pomk dogodio k ztiti rznolikosti kulturnih izrz i, nroito, k ztiti
kulturnog nsle ekonomski slbih i zemlj u rzvoju. Drstini pomk u
ispitivnju uloge kulture u odrivom rzvoju desio se kd je pojm ztite
nsle zemlj u rzvoju proiren i n nslee bogtih zemlj, posebno u
vezi s produkcijom umetnikih del profesionlnih umetnik koji ive u ovim
bogtim zemljm. Neki utori smtrju d je tj ceo proces zprvo povrtk
n rsprve o kulturnoj demokrtizciji (Dallaire and Colbert 2012, p. 9).
Kultur je kljun z procese rzvoj, smi kulturni procesi nisu po sebi
ni dobri ni loi, ko ni sttini. Ovi procesi mogu biti izvor duboke drutve-
ne i ekonomske trnsformcije mogu imti uticj n spircije i kolektiv-
no delovnje. P ipk, oni mogu biti i iskljuivi i mogu voditi k pojvnju
nejednkosti (Rao and Walton 2004).
Mpirnje kulturne odrivosti

Mpirnje koncept kulturne odrivosti u kontekstu globlizcije preno
je mnogim tenzijm, protivrenostim: promen - kontinuitet, loklno -
globlno, kulturn rznolikost - kulturn homogenost, slobod - odgovornost,
itd. Stog se integrcij kulture u odrivi rzvoj, to jest sm koncept kulturne
odrivosti, moe odrediti n nekoliko nin, ko: deo drutvene odrivosti
(jednkost, prvd, itd.), preduslov kulturnog kontinuitet (sistem vredno-
sti), loklno zsnovni rzvoj (sense of place), podsticj z ekonomsku odr-
ivost (kretivne industrije, turizm), izzov z ekoloku odrivost, kulturn
promen (Birkeland and Soini 2014).
Z mpirnje koncept kulturne odrivosti u fokusu istrivnj bil
je COST IS1007 kcij Ispitivnje kulturne odrivosti3, odnosno nune
publikcije koje su nstle ko rezultt rd nune zjednice (88 lnov iz 27
evropskih zemlj) koj je okupljen oko ovog projekt, od 2011. godine. N
osnovu dosdnjeg istrivnj, dolzimo do skup tem iz nunih rdov i
strunih tekstov (priblino 100 pstrkt), n osnovu kojih se u odreenoj
meri definie koncept kulturne odrivosti. To su kulturno nslee, kulturn
vitlnost, ekonomsk odrivost kroz kulturu, kulturn rznolikost i ekoloko-
kulturn rezilijentnost (upor. Duxbury and Gillette 2007; Birkeland and Soini
3
COST IS1007 projekt Istrivnje kulturne odrivosti (Investigating Cultural Sus-
tainability) http://www.culturalsustainability.eu/about-is-1007/ pristupljeno 15. jnur 2014.
2014). Iko su nvedene teme izdvojene ko dominntne, kd je re o odnosu

kulture, odrivosti i odrivog rzvoj, ztim i sme kulturne odrivosti, u
pokuju d se one nlizirju sprm prmetr globlizcije, dolzi se do
novih preprek u smislu opercionlizcije pojmov i strtegij njihove pri-
mene u domenu, n primer kulturnih politik.
Kulturno nslee. Osnovn pretpostvk je d kulturno nslee ini

deo kulturnog kpitl, koji smo nsledili od prethodnih genercij i
koji mogu biti predti buduim genercijm (Throsby 2008). Ouvnje
mterijlne kulturne btine (istorijskih zgrd, spomenik prirode i sl.)
i nemterijlnog nsle (znnj, trdicij, itd.) njee su meusobno
povezni, jer doprinose ne smo odrivosti u fizikom i vizuelnom smislu,
ve i kulturnih identitet i osej z mesto (sense of place). Glvni izzovi
u vezi s ouvnjem nsle proistiu iz rstuih efekt globlizcije, ko
i smog proces selekcije i specifine kulture senj.
Kulturn vitlnost. U kontekstu globlizcije, upotrebe nsle i ostle kul-
turne usluge dobijju n znju, posebno u odnosu n rzvoj zjednice.
Dkle, pitnje n koji nin ukljuiti ljude u kulturne prkse i korie-
nje kulturnog kpitl, d se pri tome obezbedi loklni rzvoj zjednic
n dugoronom plnu otvr mnoge izzove, koji se prepliu s svim
spektim odrivog rzvoj.
Ekonomsk odrivost kroz kulturu. Kultur ko resurs z ekonom-
ski rzvoj njbolje se vidi n primerim kulturnog turizm i kulturnih
industrij. U ovom kontekstu, kulturn odrivost podrzumev svojevr-
snu instrumentlizciju kulture, i ovo rzumevnje zprvo ide u susret
principim globlizcije, ne njihovoj kritici.
Kulturn rznolikost. U irem smislu, kulturn rznolikost se odnosi n
priznvnje rzliitosti vrednosti, percepcij i stvov, ko i mterijlnih
kulturnih rtefkt koje su povezne s ovim vrednostim, koji su ine
ugroeni procesim globlizcije. Rznolikost kulturnih vrednosti je od
posebne vnosti u procesim plnirnj u drutvu, posebno kd se od-
nose n kulture dijspore, mnjinskih grup i sl.
Ekoloko-kulturn rezilijentnost. Usredsreivnje n odnos ovek, tj.
zjednice prem prirodi u sreditu je ove teme kulturne odrivosti, i u
njirem se tie promene nin miljenj o svetu i ivotnoj sredini. To
zni d i kulturne i ekoloke spekte treb uzeti u obzir, odnosno, d su
prirodn i drutven znnj potrebn u kreirnju politik koje promoviu
ekoloku i kulturnu odrivost.
Zkljuk
U dob neizvesnosti, kulturn odrivost se izrv u smislu ztite kul-
turne vitlnosti i rznolikosti u svetu gde vldju drutv unitvju, homo-
genizuju ili ne uspevju d ztite kulturu, identitet, p i cele drutvene sisteme

mnjih grup i zjednic u potrzi z ekonomskim rstom.
Kulturn odrivost se moe sgledti i ko kulturn promen, jer je uprvo
i nstl iz potrebe z drugijim promiljnjem svet oko ns i ponnjem
u njemu. Kulturni stvovi su u osnovi ljudskih vrednosti i stog uprvljju u
utiu n ivotne izbore i odluke, kko n individulnom tko i n kolektivnom
plnu. Uprvo zto, proces odrivog rzvoj treb d uzme u obzir kulturne
vrednosti koje e pokrenuti neophodne promene u individulnom i drutve-
nom ponnju. Stvovi koji idu u prilog zlgnju z kulturnu odrivost slini
su onim rgumentim koji se tiu biodiverzitet, to jest odrivosti prirodne
sredine, koj je ozbiljno ugroen globlnim zgrevnjem i promenm klime.
Kulturn odrivost zni d je potrebno svim ljudim obezbediti kvlitet ivot
i kulturno blgostnje, jednki pristup kulturnim resursim, ko i ztitu kul-
turnog nsle, odrvjui prirodnu rvnoteu s okruenjem. Mogunosti
se ne iscrpljuju s ovim nbrjnjem, ve se otvrju nove socijcije z mogu-
u konceptulizciju i opercionlizciju pojm kulturne odrivosti. Koncept
kulturne odrivosti se, dkle, tek pojvljuje ko novi multidisciplinrni pri-
stup u promiljnju tem i izzov z ukljuivnje kulture u rzvojne principe
i politike. Uticj rzliitih prmetr globlizcije, proizvodnje neizvesno-
sti u drutvu rizik n ostvrivnje kulturne odrivosti je nizgled jsn i
doreen pri.
Meutim, kko smo pokzli n primeru nlize nunog diskurs kul-
turne odrivosti, ideli o opstjnju i negovnju rznolikosti u hrmoniji tek
treb d poku svoju rezilijentnost sprm proces globlizcije i globlnih
ideoloko-politikih stremljenj. Kultur je vn u rzvojnim procesim,
jednko ko ekonomij i politik. Ali n koji nin je vn i s kkvim
krjnjim ishodim to ostje otvoreno pitnje.
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Ljiljana Roga Mijatovi

Faculty of Dramatic Arts, University of Arts in Belgrade
INVESTIGATING CULTURAL SUSTAINABILITY AT

THE AGE OF UNCERTAINTY
The article deals with the scientific and practical articulation and use of cultural
sustainability, as well as the key topics covered by this concept. After presenting the main
challenges that humanity is facing today, such as the vulnerability of the environment
and resources, intensive integration of economies, rising inequalities and discontinuities,
the author presents the arguments of the globalization theory and discusses the effects of
globalization on contemporary society, as a wide context in which the concept of sustain-
able development had been developed. By reviewing the basic ideas of sustainability and
sustainable development, as well as its current criticisms, the author points out the lack
of coherence in meaning and functions of these concepts, which are gaining popularity
and importance in scientific discourse, as well as at the wider international political level.
Within the new options for consideration of sustainability and sustainable development
in the methodological and applicative terms, the question about the importance of culture
in this context is being raised. Among the authors of different orientation, culture is being
the subject of theoretical debate, with the the challenge of understanding the ambivalent
relationship between culture, development and sustainability. In the central part of the
paper, the author examines the concepts of culture in the search for an adequate defini-
tion that meets the ideas of sustainability and sustainable development, and poses the
question: What is the future of culture in the circumstances of the changed world order,
in times of manufacturing uncertainty under the imperatives of globalization? Then the
author identifies the links between culture and sustainability, and represents a possible
definition of the concept of cultural sustainability, such as: a part of social sustainability
(equity, justice, etc..), a prerequisite for cultural continuity (value system), locally based
development (sense of place), incentives for economic viability (creative industries, tour-
ism), the challenge for environmental sustainability, cultural change. In the final sec-
tion, the author suggests a set of topics that are included in current scientific discourse
of cultural sustainability: cultural heritage, cultural vitality and economic sustainability
through culture, cultural diversity, environmental and cultural resilience.
II
CULTURAL HERITAGE, PLACE

AND SUSTAINABLE COMMUNITY
DEVELOPMENT /
KULTURNO NASLEE, MESTO I ODRIVI
RAZVOJ ZAJEDNICE
Kenneth Aitchison
Landward Research Ltd, United Kingdom
CULTURAL AND ENVIRONMENTAL

SUSTAINABILITY DELIVERING ARCHAEOLOGICAL
PRACTICE IN TIMES OF ECONOMIC CRISIS
Archaeology as an Environmental Resource1

Applied archaeological practice, as a means of investigating and protect-
ing archaeological sites, landscapes and material, is a young profession which
emerged across the world during the 20th century. Economically, the environ-
ment is a finite (scarce) resource, with both renewable and non-renewable ele-
ments. Archaeology falls into the latter category, it is a finite and non-renew-
able resource; once it is gone, it is gone for ever but this does not mean that
it is literally invaluable, allowing notions of economic value and techniques for
quantifying environmental assets to be borrowed for application in archaeol-
ogy (Carman, Carnegie and Wolnizer, 1999: 145).
McGimsey (1972: 24) was the writer to first explicitly articulate the prin-
ciple that archaeological remains are not only fragile, but also a finite environ-
mental resource. Lipe (1974) further elaborated the idea that this resource is
not developed, but consumed:
Archaeological research on any particular segment of the past is based on
a non-renewable resource, and one that is being very rapidly eroded. If ar-
chaeological field-work is to continue very much into the future, we must
1
Parts of this paper have been previously published in Aitchison, K. 2014. Cultural he-
ritage in times of economic crisis, in C. Smith (ed.) Encyclopedia of Global Archaeology. New
York: Springer and in Aitchison, K., 2012, Breaking New Ground: how archaeology works, Shef-
field: Landward Research.
slow down the attrition of the resource base and see that from now on it is
expended very frugally.
This argument had been made before the sphere of archaeology was
hyper-extended to the immediate, contemporary past with the consequent
growth of the overall archaeological resource that this has entailed but it
still remains completely valid with regard to each component of the resource,
whether that is by material type, period or location.
If development pressures will damage or destroy archaeological remains,
their physical preservation necessitates the redesign of the development. The
principle of sustainable development means that, if the economic (and/or
social) value of the development outweighs the environmental advantage of
in situ preservation, those features or remains can only be preserved in the
abstract by record. Archaeological material has no inherent intellectual (or
economic) value; it is only through the process of interpretation that material
is transformed into information and then value is placed upon that informa-
tion, which can be economic or aesthetic value. Sustainable development for
archaeology does not mean replacing and renewing the material it means
interrogating it, adding value to it, and preserving that in the form of inter-
preted value-rich records.
In terms of current archaeological practice and protection, the polluter
pays principle has been extended so much that, through developer-funding,
impact is mitigated as the resource is transformed into an off-site record. This
funding allows archaeologists to work in the interests of the archaeological
resource (and consequently the greater public) by helping the developer to
minimise their actions impact upon the resource.
As a practice that has become increasingly linked to land-use change and
development expenditure, it has been impacted upon by all of the crises that
the global economy has gone through in the 20th and 21st centuries.
Key Issues/Current Debates/Future Directions/Examples
Since the early 1970s, there have been four international waves of financial
crises and each of these waves has been followed by recession, with the fourth
wave, which began in 2007 and was followed by recession from 2008, being
the most severe and the most global since the Great Depression of the 1930s
(Kindleberger & Aliber 2011: 1). The Great Depression led to the first examples
of archaeological practice being affected by an economic crisis. The recovery
plans of Roosevelts New Deal involved federal investment in capital projects,
some of which funded archaeological work, specifically via the Tennessee Val-
ley Authoritys dam building programme where extensive excavations were
funded providing an income to otherwise unemployed labourers ahead of
dam construction and subsequent reservoir flooding (Jameson 2004).
Patterson (1999) considers that the emergence of commercial archaeo-

logical practice in the United States (as part of cultural resource management)
was a consequence of legislative changes that coincided with a transition from
Keynesian to monetarist policies in response to the global economic crisis of
the 1970s. This crisis had followed the enormous costs to the US government
of the Vietnam War and the rapid rise in oil prices following the Arab-Israeli
War of 1973.
From that point on, the commercialisation of archaeology in the US be-
came the norm, and this model has been subsequently adopted or adapted
in many states around the world. This means that the political response to
that economic situation which then shaped how archaeology is undertaken
has been the most significant effect that an economic crisis has ever had upon
archaeological practice.
In the United Kingdom, recession at the start of the 1980s led to a lengthy
period of mass unemployment. The Community Programme of the Manpower
Services Commission (MSC), a governmental agency established to introduce
unemployment relief measures, funded a very significant number of archaeo-
logical projects. These initiatives like those of the Tennessee Valley Authority
fifty years before aimed to provide work for long-term unemployed individu-
als, and tended to be labour-intensive excavation and post-excavation process-
ing projects.
British archaeology then became significantly reliant upon MSC funding,
and by 1986-7, the majority of individuals working in UK applied archaeology
were employed on MSC projects (Aitchison 2009a).
Following recovery led by developer funding and the end of the MSC pro-
gramme, during another period of recession in 1990-91 approximately 300
staff were made redundant by the Museum of London (Young & OSullivan
1991).
There were also state programmes to reduce unemployment in Germany
in the 1970s and 80s, the most significant of which for archaeology was the
ABM (Arbeitsbeschaffungs-manahmen); this was continued post-1989 in
the Lnder of former East Germany. Across central and eastern Europe the
years of transition from 1989-1996 (the year in which Polands GDP surpassed
its 1989 level) were marked by significant reductions in the education and cul-
ture budgets which had previously funded archaeology (Lozny 2011: 27), but
following the transition the polluter-pays principle was enthusiastically ad-
opted, removing archaeologys reliance on state funding, but in turn exposing
archaeological practice to the risks of market engagement.
The Asian Financial Crisis affected east and south-east Asian countries
from mid-1997, with the most significant impact on archaeological practice
being in Japan where a system of pre-development archaeological intervention
had developed in response to economic growth, rather than through legislative
direction (Okamura & Matsuda 2010). The annual number of pre-construction
excavations in Japan peaked in 1996, with a decline following the onset of the
crisis, but then stabilising at around 75% of the 1996 level from 2000 onwards
(Ikawa-Smith 2011: 696; Okamura 2011: 78). There has been a decline in the
number of individual archaeologists working in Japanese archaeology from
1997 but this has not been dramatic what economic stagnation has done is to
reduce worker mobility (90% of Japanese archaeologists work for local govern-
ment or semi-pubic foundations, Okamura 2011: 77) and to reduce opportuni-
ties for new entrants only 3% of field archaeologists were aged in their 20s
in 2008 (Okamura 2011: 85).
An economic crisis in Russia in 1998 had little immediate impact upon ar-
chaeology, but two years later the effects of recession on the building industry
then led to a significant reduction in the amount of archaeological work being
undertaken (Engovatova 2010: 100). Subsequent recovery was again threat-
ened from 2008, but investment in infrastructure projects protected the sector
from immediate effects (Engovatova 2010: 101-2; Kradin 2011: 248).
The scale of the global financial crisis of 2008 and subsequent investment
by national governments is vastly greater than any of the previous crises. John
Lanchester suggests that it has cost the US taxpayer $7.76trn, which is more
than the cost of the Marshall Plan, the Louisiana Purchase, the 1980s savings
and loans crisis, the Korean war, the New Deal, the invasion of Iraq, the Viet-
nam war and the total cost of NASA including the moon landings, all added
together [and adjusted upwards for inflation] (Lanchester 2010).
The impact on archaeological practice has, accordingly, been consider-
able. Different approaches to market engagement have been central to the vis-
ibility of the effects of the economic crisis on archaeological practice in differ-
ent countries around the world, with impact being most immediately visible
where archaeology is most commercialised and relying primarily on private
sources of funding.
Altschul and Patterson (2010) estimated that approximately 11,350 people
worked as professional archaeologists in the United States in 2008, with spend-
ing on cultural resource management between US$600m and $1bn at that time,
which was just as the crisis was beginning to break. While US federal expendi-
ture on archaeology remained roughly constant in the short term through the
indirect benets of federal economic stimulus legislation (The American Rein-
vestment and Recovery Act (ARRA) was signed into law by President Obama
in February 2009), private sector spending on cultural resource management
dropped significantly in 2009 and ARRA funding was slow to come on stream
(Altschul 2010: 104-5).
Archaeological work in the UK is very closely linked to land use change
and property development, with 93% of all archaeological projects in 2007 be-
ing initiated through the land-use planning system (Aitchison 2009a). The vol-
ume of housebuilding began to decline from 2007 and effectively halted in the
autumn of 2008, with applied archaeology being seriously and rapidly affected
(10% of all jobs in archaeology were lost in the six months to April 2009, and
spending by developers on archaeology falling by 12% between 2007-08 and
2009-10 (Aitchison 2010: 26).
State funding for national and local government archaeological agencies
in the UK then began to fall considerably from 2010, with numerous individu-
al archaeological advisers losing their jobs and the effective levels of protection
for archaeological sites and landscapes being compromised (Aitchison 2011).
In Ireland, the effects of the economic crisis were even more extreme. Irish
archaeology grew at a remarkable rate in the early 21st century, funded by in-
frastructure projects that were then able to access European Union support
and by a private housing boom, with the numbers of individual archaeologists
in employment increasing from 650 in 2002 to 1,709 in 2007 (McDermott &
La Piscopia 2008: 5). When the crisis led to the end of the building boom,
between July 2008 and January 2009 there was a 52% reduction in the total
number of archaeological staff employed in Ireland . . . an 82% reduction in
contract [commercial] archaeologists employed in the same period (Eogan &
Sullivan 2009), and by early 2011 it was estimated that only 350 people were
still working in the sector (Heritage Council 2011).
By contrast with some of the countries discussed here, Australian archae-
ology has been only slightly affected by the effects of the economic crisis, as
archaeological practice in that country is significantly funded by the miner-
als industry, which has continued to supply a high level of demand (largely
from China) (Aitchison 2009b: 663). Applied archaeological practice in the
countries that joined the European Union in 2004 and 2007, including ten cen-
tral European states, has been partly cushioned by European Union structural
funding investment in infrastructure projects which have led to significant
amounts of archaeological work (Aitchison 2009b: 663).
Discovering the Archaeologists of Europe 2014

The European Union has a role in cultural, environmental and economic
policies across Europe. It formally seeks to ensure that Europes cultural heri-
tage is safeguarded and enhanced (EU 1992, article 3.3) and that it will do this
by encouraging cooperation between Member States and, if necessary, sup-
porting and supplementing their action in the field of culture (EU 2008, article
167), and it has responded to the global economic crisis that began in 2008 by
introducing (through the European Commission) new project funding poli-
cies, one of which is New skills for New Jobs. This sets out to Promote better
anticipation of future skills needs, develop better matching between skills and
labour market needs [and to] bridge the gap between the worlds of education
and work (EC 2008).
The Discovering the Archaeologists of Europe 2014 project (YAT 2014) is
being supported by the European Commissions Lifelong Learning Programme
under the New Skills for New Jobs policy. This project, which involves 23 part-
ner organisations from 21 European states (19 of them within the European
Union), is looking at employment in professional archaeology and skills issues,
particularly in response to the economic changes that have affected Europe
since 2008, with the intention of this capacity mapping exercise then function-
ing as a baseline for building, or rebuilding, sectoral capacity.
Conclusions
Commercial archaeology has been described as an economic canary
(Schlanger 2010), considered vulnerable to rapid changes and one of the first
sectors to suffer the impacts of economic crisis. Because archaeology has re-
ceived funding in times of crisis from capital expenditure programmes (and
unemployment reduction initiatives), some mistakenly believe that crises have
a positive effect on archaeology (such arguments are referred to by Altschul
2010: 104 and are presented by Merrony & Eisenburg 2009). The amounts that
have been spent on archaeological practice through these measures since 2008
are insignificant when compared with the sums that were being invested by de-
velopers and other funders pre-crisis. All of the crises discussed here have had
significant, and long-lasting effects on the delivery of archaeological practice
and the careers and livelihoods of individual archaeologists, and thus upon the
protection of the material remains of the human past.
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Vesna uki
THE SPIRIT OF A PLACE MANAGEMENT AND ITS

GOVERNANCE, AS AN INNOVATIVE MODEL OF
PLACE-BASED SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT:
CASE STUDY OF OMOLJICA VILLAGE (SERBIA)
Introduction
This paper deals with strategic dilemmas of social development that have
great potential to affect the quality of life of citizens of rural communities in
Vojvodina (Serbia). The topic of the paper is the spirit of a place (Quebec de-
claration on the preservation of the spirit of the place, ICOMOS, 2008) mana-
gement and its governance as an innovative model of place-based sustainable
development. Research question is how to manage and governance place-
based sustainable development of rural community in the territory of the na-
ture park based on safeguarding and use of neglected tangible and intangible
cultural and nature heritage. The aim is to highlight conditions for change dri-
ven by specific physical and social potentials of rural communities, including
physical and spiritual elements that give meaning, value, emotion and mystery
to the place and which can enhance rural cultural and natural heritage tourism
in South-East Banat region of the Autonomous Province of Vojvodina in the
Republic of Serbia.
Theoretical research is focused on the attempt of establishing of a relation
between the social phenomenons related with sustainable development: pro-
tection of cultural an natural heritage building of identity and branding of the
place policy of memory and oblivion safeguarding local initiatives pos-
sibilities of use of local resources. The identity relates to the collective identity
of the village as a social community, as well as the individual identities of rural
population that are members of such society. By recollecting of cultural policy
of village transformation in socialism, the issue of the relationship between

contemporary cultural policy towards village and rural population today is be-
ing problematized. Finally, the third phenomenon is viewed as a public sector
institutional organized oblivion of the rural cultural tradition, embodied in the
tangible and intangible village cultural heritage, which is still awaiting an op-
portunity to influence the formation of collective and individual identities.
The research includes theoretical knowledge of rural geography, ethno-
ecology, cultural and social anthropology, rural sociology, historiography, eth-
nography, cultural heritage tourism management and others to cultural ma-
nagement and cultural policy. The empirical study is based on top-down and
bottom-up policy study of the village Omoljica in the municipality of Pancevo
in whose territory Nature Park Ponjavica is located this is the one of 16
protected natural parks in Serbia. Paper identifies ideological, economical and
cultural concepts and changes over time on international, national and local
territory level, from the 18th century until nowadays, as well as conceptual
relationships between neo-endogenous (Ray, 2006) and exogenous concepts
(juki Dojinovi, 1997) of development (Sach, 1999) and dimensions of
sustainability: ecological, economic, social and cultural.
The empirical research has been based on the case study of village Omolji-
ca located, in the teritory of administrative, industrial, cultural centre of the
Southern Banat city of Panevo, which can be perceived as a representa-
tive example of balancing action of economic, educational and cultural policy
guided in the period of socialism that has crucial influence on the quality of
contemporary life of citizens. The study of theoretical and empirical sources
demonstrates the results of public policies led since the early phase of indus-
trialization, at the beginning of the 18th century, all through current times and
by analyzing its strenghts and weaknesses, it intends to indicate the course of
action of cultural, educational and tourism policies in the future. The crisis
of contemporary urban-industrial civilization is an opportunity for better ac-
quaitance of repressed notional concepts on the other pole of the dychotomy
(interior culture, endogenous development, rural communities), whereby dis-
covering values with those concepts that are worth reviving, as well as incor-
porating into contemporary development strategies.
The study of place management and governance of Nature Park Ponjavica

(Serbia)1
Village Omoljica is founded in the 18th century. There are 6.518 inhabi-
tants living in Omoljica today; the majority are the Serbs although in the past
1
The research was conducted as a part of international project of the University of Arts in
Belgrade Investigating Cultural Sustainability realized as a part of COST Actions IS1007 (Euro-
pean Cooperation in the Field of Scientific and Technical Research).
there also lived the Germans and Hungarians. Other nearby villages with signi-
ficant natural and cultural potentials for sustainable development, which have
not been activated, are located in in the close environment of 20-km diameter:
Banatski Brestovac a part of Nature Park Ponjavica spans to its territory,
Staevo, known for its eponymous early Neolithic site Starevo grad, which
landed its name to all similar sites in Balkan Starevo Culture. The third
prominent place nearby Omoljica is a suburb Vojlovica. What is special about
Vojlovica is that an Orthodox monastery from the 14th century is located in its
territory, now surrounded by plants of Panevo Oil Refinery. Protected natural
monument Ivankovaka ada is located in the surrounding village Ivanovo,
located on the bank of the river Danube.
Nature Park Ponjavica is located in the villages Omoljica and Banatski
Brestovac in on the theritory of Panevo. According to the Proposal for Pro-
tection of Nature Park Ponjavica, this park is characterized by a variation of
habitats in natural and semi-natural condition representing the last remains
of the formerly large water and swamp complex diluvial area of the Danube
river, as well as a refuge for the species, whose habitats were destroyed during
water regulation. Ponjavica also represents an ecological corridor connecting
torn remains of the primal vegetation along the current of Ponjavica river
with the ecological corridor of the Danube. Those characteristics can incor-
porate this Park into Ramsar wetlands (Stojanovi, 2011:20), ten of which
exist in Serbia. However, this possibility was not utilized, even though by ac-
quiring of an international protected status, tourist activity would be signifi-
cantly altered.
From the standpoint of legislation in the field of nature conservation in
Serbia, in the Proposal, it was recognized as a protected area with local sig-
nificance, which until recently did not have an international dimension. Tour-
ism is mentioned as one of the possibilities of sustainable use by means of
increasing of diversity and volume of ecotourism and ethno-tourism, as well
as improved tourist offer, whereby as its possible forms the following are list-
ed: ecotourism, fishing tourism, excursions, educational tourism and cultural
event tourism. This implies the orientation towards local tourism market of
the two closest and biggest emitting destinations. As a result of the geographi-
cal location of this protected area, these are: the capital of Belgrade (distance
22 kilometers, 1,5 million inhabitants) economic and cultural center of Juni
Banat Panevo, as one of the most polluted towns in Serbia (distance 15 ki-
lometers, 75.000 inhabitants). Due to the way of life in these places and high
level of pollution of its environment, population has a need to enjoy preserved
natural setting, which provides quality and authenticity of experience, yet due
to the lack of promotion and attractive tourist offer, most people are not aware
that such need can be fulfilled in their immediate surroundings. Therefore, the
basic research question upon which case study Omoljica is based is how to
manage and governance place-based sustainable devolopment and steer the
local initiations towards creation of attractive and dynamic life that can satisfy
the needs of local population and draw in domestic and foreign visitors?
As the basic characteristics of Nature park Ponjavica are associated with
the Danube river, which has international significance, as well as the fact that
a part of the international bicycle path Eurovelo 6, through which around
thousand cyclists pass on their way to confluence of the Danube river into
Black Sea,2 goes through the Park, even now from the standpoint of ecotou-
rism, the Park has an international dimension.
Bearing in mind that indigenous cultures prevailing in natural areas are
the basic characteristic of ecotourism, international film festival on village life
Zisel, held in Omoljica since 1970, contributes to the international activity of
this protected area. By means of cinematic art, it bears witness to the unique
cultural relationship between inhabitants of Omoljica and nature, demons-
trating the synergy of nature and culture, that is natural and anthropogenic
factors, using arts as its means. On the other hand, it points out to the interna-
tional perception of Omoljica from the standpoint of filmmakers worldwide,
who participate in the competition of this festival with their films. However,
local community still does not recognize this event as a development potential
for ecotourism. Since its foundation in 1970, isel has not been supported by
towns tourist or cultural policy; it has neither stable sources of financing, nor
promotional channels (Djukic Dojcinovic, 1992:193-194). Even though in its
first years, as the only film village in the entire former Yugoslavia, the festival
attracted thousands of visitors and tourists, in the last few years it has been
interesting only to filmmakers, whose films take part in the competitions, as
well as to the small groups of local population. This is the main reason, why
a group of young inhabitants of Omoljica started the initiative for Internatio-
nal Volunteer Camp Sunflower to be held immediately before the start of the
festival, so that the local and international volunteers could have time to help
in the organization of the festival isel, as well as its promotion and cultural
program. Such events represent a true basis for community-based ecotourism,
initiated and developed by the local community.3
The above mentioned, despite defined local significance of the Park from
the standpoint of nature conservation, attracts the visitors from all over the
world, and assigns characteristics of international ecotourism center to the
Natural Park Ponjavica and village of Omoljica. On the territory of this village
community and its closest environment, other cultural historical values exist
that have not been identified in the conservation study, thereby its develop-
2
According to the data from Department for Village and Rural Development, City of
Panevo http://www.pancevo.rs/Podrska_lokalne_samouprave_Panceva_razvoju_seoskog_tur-
izma-1-1-2176 [Acessed on May 2, 2013]
3
Lifestyle urban guidebook for Panevo, International Volunteer Camp Sunflower (2013)
http://www.pancevolifestyle.rs/index.php/lifestyle-magazin/magazin/173-medunarodni-
volonterski-kamp-sunflower
mental function has not been considered at all. Pump station on the regional
hydro system Nadela in Ivanovo, built in 1897, is among them and it has not
been included in the conservation regime yet, even though due to its value, it
was recommended for a conservation status, as an industrial-technical herita-
ge4. Two machine mills, typical for Vojvodina and wider region, have been pre-
served, which were built during industrialization of the village between 1910.
and 1930. They have been classified as industrial-technical heritage5, repre-
senting a way of life and work of the village population, which was primarily
agricultural in the past, owing to the exceptionally fertile soil of the diluvial
area of the Danube.
Written history of the 18th and 19th century testifies of the fertility of
the soil, when Omoljica was an important geostrategic point on the border of
Austro-Hungarian Empire. It is recorded in this period that fertility was co-
lossal to the degree that the spreading of the manure was damaging (Mileker,
2004:37). Along with industrial-technical heritage, in the vicinity of protected
Natural park Ponjavica, alongside the Nadel channel, a miraculous spring
with healing water is located, which Omoljica inhabitants used in the first half
of the 20th century to cure various diseases. Numerous accounts regarding this
custom and beliefs were not recorded6, which is why younger generations of
Omoljica inhabitants and visitors to this village are not familiar with it, even
though the spring still exist. Not far from it, one of the oldest Orthodox Chris-
tian temples in Vojvodina was built in 1780, in which liturgies are held; it par-
ticipates actively in the religious life of the Orthodox population of Omoljica.
In this church, various Patron Saint days of the village inhabitants are marked,
which being a unique custom, are included in the List of intangible cultural
heritage of Serbia, closely associated with the social and economic develop-
ment of local communities. In the domain of intangible heritage, hospitability
and cinema tradition lasting over a century are significant for the development
of ecotourism in village Omoljica. In order to honor the memory of it, two
commemorative plaques were displayed in August 2012, upon the initiative of
a village chronicler and founder of festival isel. First marks the 100th anni-
versary of the moment when electrical current aggregators were acquired, and
the other marks 100 years since the first cinema in this part of Banat region
started operating. The plaques were displayed on the location of former Selei
4
Data gathered in the interview with the Associate of the Institute for Protection of Cul-
tural Heritage, Jasmina Vujovi and Sonja Zimonjic, M.Sc, Director of the Museum of Science
and Technology; interviews were conducted as a part of the research for this paper on April 19
and May 2013.
5
Data from the file of the Museum of Science and Technology in Belgrade, acquired in
the interview with the Director, Sonja Zimonjic, M.Sc, conducted as a part of the research for
this paper, May 24, 2013.
6
As a part of the research for this paper, local Lj. K. was interviewed, who claimed that she
was cured from scabies as a girl, on this spring, interview held on February 1st, 2013.
Hotel, which was widely famous for its innovations at the beginning of 20th
century7. However, none of these physical artifacts and intangible heritage is
neither protected by law, nor the means of its usage is prescribed, which de-
monstrates the lack of awareness about the significance of cultural heritage for
the development of village Omoljica and other village communities on protec-
ted areas in Serbia. The only exception is recently renovated Ethno House on
the fringe of the village race track. Citizens of Omoljica always loved horses,
which is why there is a race track in the village, where races are occasionally
held. The Ethno house of the Equestrian Club, closed to the public, is an old
border patrol house dating in 1900, decorated like typical Panonian house of
the 19th century, however it not intended for tourists, but exclusively for the
needs of the Equestrian Club.
Unlike mentioned ad hoc initiatives, Association of Environmentalists
Ponjavica8, handles all the aspects of ecotourism on the protected area of
Omoljica in a comprehensive and long-term manner. Its long-term integrated
management project (2012-2017) is aimed at creating a consistent and cohe-
rent concept of viable community based ecotourism in Omoljica. It consists of
three different, yet connected groups of activities ensuring quality and authen-
ticity of ecotourism: research of natural and cultural potentials for education
(of visitors, local population, policy makers, scientific and expert community),
interpretation of heritage, functioning as a preparation of destination for vi-
sitors and promotion, aimed to attract visitors. The research began by investi-
gation of development potentials and opportunities of village Omoljica, whe-
reby the results were presented on the scientific conferences and published in
journals (Djukic, 2013), so that the scientific community could get acquainted
with the problems of the development of this village, on whose territory the
protected nature park is located.
Based on the results, project has been continued with an interpretation of
the forgotten intangible heritage by means of popular narratives, published on
the website of the Association, in the form of a short story9. The goals of these
stories are to educate and raise awareness of local population of the natural and
cultural values, to redefine identity of the protected area and build the recogni-
7
Radio Television Panevo (2012) http://rtvpancevo.rs/Vesti/Lokal/omoljani-obeleili-
dve-stogodinjice.html [Accessed on August 12, 2013]
8
The Association was founded in June 2012, upon initiative of several young Belgrade
citzens, with an aim of promoting of healthy lifestyle, ecotourism and similar tourist niches,
as means of safeguarding the environment and sustainable development of local community;
Association Founding Document http://www.ponjavica.org.rs/o-nama/skupstina/osnivacki-akt
[Accessed on May 15, 2013]
9
Stories on Omoljica, Association of Environmentalists Ponjavica
http://www.ponjavica.org.rs/o-omoljici/price [Accessed on May 15, 2013]
zable spirit of the place (ICOMOS, 2008)10 that can attract local visitors. The
stories, published on the website of the Association11, are structured in a way
that each represents a particular topic from village life (barn, cinema, water,
mulberry tree, Zisel, soil, mill, Nadela, etc.), reconstructed from written sour-
ces or memories of local population. Beside being suitable for guided tours,
its purpose is to motivate local population to participate in the development
of ecotourism on the area of their village. This is particularly significant, since
village school and library were not designed as memory institutions (Djukic,
2013:10), due to which locals do not know their past, they lack awareness on
the natural and cultural-historical values of the village and its attractiveness
for domestic and international visitors. By their education and subsequent in-
clusion in the development of ecotourism, a conflict can be prevented, which
can occur when locals do not feel the benefits of such development. The in-
terpretation has been continued by the creation of tourist paths that include
the most significant natural and cultural localities in Omoljica village. They
were conceived as a map, and can be used when walking, for bicycle and canoe
tours; it will be placed on the website of the Association and available to each
visitor of Nature park12.
As a part of promotion, the Association set up an interactive web presen-
tation containing diverse and rich content, intended for the local population
and visitors. Website has been active since June 28, 2013 and it got 3000 visits
in 10 months. In the poll How do you like our website?, 97% of visitors mar-
ked it as excellent13. To sum up, bearing in mind that Nature Park Ponjavica
is an unknown tourist destination, the statistics shows that domestic visitors
are beginning to recognize its natural and cultural values. With an aim of at-
tracting visitors to Nature Park Ponjavica, the Association organized three
gastronomic and sports-recreations events in the summer of 2013 (making
of mulberry brandy, from the last remaining trees, in the traditional manner,
according to the old recipe; photo safari by canoe on the river Ponjavica; a
contest in making of the fish pot that is a part of celebration of village slava
Preobraenje). Along with the website, these events, in which approximately
150 visitors from Belgrade, Panevo and Omoljica participated, also contribu-
ted to the promotion of local ecotourism values and attracting of visitors from
the two closest tourist destinations with the highest emission potential. The
10
ICOMOS. Quebec declaration on the preservation of the spirit of the place. Canada,
2008. http://whc.unesco.org/uploads/activities/documents/activity-646-2.pdf [Accessed on Oc-
tober 9, 2012]
11
Stories on Omoljica, Association of Environmentalists Ponjavica
http://www.ponjavica.org.rs/o-omoljici/price [Accessed on July 30, 2013]
12
Data gathered in the interview with the President of the Board of Association of Envi-
ronmentalists Ponjavica, Zoran Dojcinovic, conducted on August 18, 2013.
13
News http://www.ponjavica.org.rs/vesti/obavestenja/25-vest-1 [Accessed on Septem-
ber 24, 2013].
number of visitors was in accordance with the ecotourism principles that this
alternative form of tourism is organized for small groups of visitors in order to
prevent dangers to the environment and prevent socio-cultural damage, due to
the great number of tourists.
In the following period, as a part of preparation of the destination for
visitors, the Association is planning the restoration of the vineyard cottage,
which is 100 years old, that would increase lodging capacities for visitors. The
problem of all realized, as well as planned activities of this NGO is sustainable
funding, since all the funds invested last year were acquired from sponsors and
individual donations of the Association founders. Even though the Associa-
tion applied on three public competition for funding in culture and tourism
in 2013, none of the projects received state support on both republic and
province level14. This demonstrates that the Government and responsible min-
istries do not recognize development potentials of ecotourism, even though by
activating of natural and cultural heritage it can contribute to the attractive-
ness of Serbia on both local and international ecotourism market.
Discussion
Numerous potentials are located on the area of Nature Park Ponjavica
and village Omoljica: for ecology, rural tourism, events, culture, religion, sports
hunting and fishing, which have not been activated for tourism or integrated
in a unique tourist product, despite attracting many visitors. The lack of top-
down initiatives of public administration of both Republic of Serbia and Pro-
vince of Vojvodina, as well as local authorities, aimed at planning of ecotou-
rism and similar tourist products (rural, cultural, heritage, event tourism, etc.)
adds to this conclusion. The research shows discrepancy in regulations, applied
in the study for protection of Nature Park Ponjavica and its attractiveness for
domestic and foreign visitors. Certain number of bottom-up initiatives of civil
and private sector (evaluation of the community attractions, visitor services,
organizational capabilities, ability to protect resources, as well as marketing)
can be noted. Most of it is short-term, ad-hoc in nature, whereby there is only
one bottom-up integration management project, conducted by the recently
founded Association of Environmentalists Ponjavica. Even though Omoljica
municipality participates in most private and civil sector initiatives, public sec-
tor lacks vision for the development of the village on the protected area and
management plan of Nature Park Ponjavica, adjusted with the existing civil
and private initiatives in sustainable development of rural community, espe-
cialy in ecotourism. From the standpoint of responsible tourism, it demonstra-
tes that public utility company DVP Tami Dunav, as a caretaker in charge of
14
Data gathered in the interview with the President of the Board of Association of Envi-
ronmentalists Ponjavica, Zoran Dojcinovic, conducted on August 18, 2013.
managing Nature Park Ponjavica, lacks planning that would define priorities
and measurable aims, based on which destination management, product deve-
lopment and marketing to bring about positive economic, social, cultural and
environmental impacts, could be developed.
In the case of Nature Park Ponjavica, it is obvious that different levels of
territorial jurisdiction are present. On the one hand, there are state and provin-
cial activities reflected on legislative regulation and occasional funding. On the
other hand, there are efforts of individual initiatives in the local community
with a number of activities financed by their personal means. Represented as
local government, Municipality of Panevo is the weakest stakeholder in terms
of protection, management and funding, and until it takes a more active role
in the maintenance and development of continuous strategic activities none
of the activities at local community level could be expected (Djuki, Voli,
Tima, Jelini, 2014). On the other hand, village schools and libraries have a
particularly significant role in this area and so far they have not showed awa-
reness of the value of rural cultural heritage, or its role in its protection, pre-
servation, conveyance and usage. In the comunities, in which those two types
of institutions of culture and education are organizationally separate, schools
and libraries represent a complementary institutional framework of potential
partnership for sustainable development (Djuki, 2013).
Conclusion
Research results show how power (policy and politics), culture, nature,
economy and sustainability interact in human environmental relations on the
specific territory and mutually construct characteristics that sometimes en-
hance and sometimes hamper the territorialization. Also, these results indicate
that the process of change is practically feasible by balanced action (Matarasso,
Landry, 1999; Djukic, 2012) on internal and external development potentials.
Since, internal potentials have been neglected and forgotten in the past few
decades, it is necessary to revive its tangible and intagible natural and cultural
heritage and re-discover the spirit of the place. If it is a strategic objective of
rural communities, management & governance needs balancing act between
respect for the past and the needs of the present as wel as betweene heritage
protection and creativity in its interpretation and use. It needs intercultural
dialogue between town and villages representatives and active participation of
all stakeholders in public, private and civil sectors in the process of decission
making.
Traditional forms of knowledge and organization, which have contribu-
ted to sustainable development in the past, can be learnt from and built upon
(Leach, 1998) through educational and cultural programs and projects aimed
to safeguard, transfer and promote traditional practices, representations, ex-
pressions, knowledge, skills as well as the instruments, objects, artifacts and
cultural spaces associated there with (Convention of safeguarding of intangi-

ble heritage, UNESCO, 2003).
Activation and use of local heritage through rural heritage tourism and
community based eco-tourism (du Cross, 2001; Djuki Dojinovi 1992;
Djuki, Voli, Tima, Jelini 2014; and other) could be effective model that
has potential to foster sustainable development and enhance process which
aims to link physical and social cultural place-based conditions of rural com-
munities in protected areas for change and sustainable development. In order
to develop a destination in line with this concept it needs to include all the
efforts of individuals and organizations on the site, so to supplement the stra-
tegic plan with the bottom-up activities, without which there cannot be a de-
velopment of a successful community-based ecotourism destination. Unified
actions of the state and local governments, as well as individuals and groups at
the local level, should be interwoven throughout all stages of the development
of destinations and products from resources mapping, through products
creating, promotion, sales and use of revenues. It is of particular importance
that revenues stay in the community and that the authenticity of the environ-
ment and the local traditional values are not violated. Also, very significant
matter in setting the model is a creation of measurable instruments that may
(in addition to the number and satisfaction of visitors and tourism revenues)
also measure community satisfaction regarding the tourism development. On
the other hand, it is very important not to allow uncontrolled development of
tourism, as well as to leave the opportunity for the changes, if it turns out to be
the wish of a local community.
But, the basic condition for implementation of systemic structural changes
in the management and governance that may encourage the development of
these forms of tourism is the changed atitude of public policies educational,
cultural, tourism and others, towards endogenous resources of the village and
reaffirmation of the tangible and intangible characteristics that give a specific
meaning to the place and makes it an interesting place for the local population,
as well as for visitors and tourists.
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Vinja Kisi
Faculty of Philosophy, University of Belgrade
SUSTAINING, OR EVOLVING VALUES

IN ORDER TO SUSTAIN?
A (PARADOXICAL) RELATIONSHIP OF CULTURAL
SUSTAINABILITY AND HERITAGE
Despite of being the most common feel-good buzzword (Dunning, 2006;

Marchal and Toffel, 2005; Eccleston and March, 2011: 12, 68; Egan, 2014; Alex-
ius, Furusten and Lwenberg, 2013) and contemporary political ideal (Mead-
owcroft, 1997), the concept of sustainability is not offering us universal axi-
ological solutions of what is good and valuable. Rather, as Ratner (2004: 62)
suggests, concept of sustainability is a dialogue of values that brings differ-
ences into a common field of dispute, dialogue, and potential agreement as
the basis of collective action. Therefore, setting the priorities for sustaining or
being sustained, and at what costs, is a value-laden process, in a way that, as
Milbrath (1984) argues, sustainability is ultimately about a value structure that
embeds, enables and acts towards sustainable society as an ideal.
The lobbying for cultural aspects of sustainability, recognition of cul-
ture as the fourth pillar of sustainable development (UCLG, 2010; ECOSOC,
2013; Rio+20, 2012) or as the over encompassing feature of any development
(CoE, 1997; Duxbury and Gillette, 2007; UNESCO, 2013; Rio+20, 2012), have
brought new wave of scientific writings (Amoeda, Lira, Pinheiro, 2010; Amoe-
da, Lira, Pinheiro, 2012) and political arguments related to heritage safeguard-
ing (CoE, 2002; Europa Nostra, 2013). Most of current efforts, or dialogues of
values about cultural sustainability and heritage, even though diverse to cer-
tain extent, could be pinned down and structured within two main streams
of thoughts, which I argue create a paradoxical relationship between heritage
and cultural sustainability. In this light of sustainability as a dialogue of values
which escapes consensual definition, I would like to reflect upon these two con-
tradictory relationships between cultural sustainability and heritage that aim

to inform our attitudes and actions towards heritage safeguarding.
Each of these two groups of ideas understands heritage and its values in
different terms, foresees different end goals of sustainability, and ends up with
different viewpoints towards why and what safeguarding of heritage for sus-
tainable society would be. One group is claiming that (cultural) sustainability
comes by ensuring sustainability of cultural capital by reproduction of cul-
tural practices and preservation of heritage as non-renewable resource. The
other, more diachronic group of ideas understands heritage as always evolving
in the present moment, actualized by contemporary values and aspirations,
and therefore claims the potential of heritage in rethinking and reshaping cul-
ture so to enable more sustainable ways of life. I argue that the ultimate, para-
doxical dilemma coming from these contradictory views of the relationship
of cultural sustainability and heritage is whether we should sustain or evolve
values in order to be sustainable?
Heritage as non-renewable cultural capital of intrinsic value cultural

sustainability as heritage safeguarding
The first framework we will be looking at falls into a broad definition of
the authorized heritage discourse (Smith, 2006: 4-5, 87-192). It is the framework
which primarily understands heritage values as intrinsic, as a given, and treats
sustainability as the value chain endurance over time, from one generation to
another. It promotes the idea that heritage is the expression of national and
community inheritance and identity via intrinsic values; it implies singular
past that has to be protected as it once was, and that is visible through monu-
ments, material remains, practices, beliefs; its valorization is a consequence of
universal aesthetics, taste and values determined by the experts, not the laic
judgment; and laics as audiences and tourists are passively introduces and in-
structed to understand it. Within this view, heritage is understood not only as
intrinsic value but as a fixed, passive one, temporally and spatially embedded.
Understood in these terms it acts as the transmitter of the chain of values that
should not be questioned, since they are, almost genetically given from one
generation to another, and can be sustained only if preserved so that future
generations can enjoy them. As such heritage is a special sort of cultural capi-
tal that is non-renewable, and would vanish if not protected (ICOMOS, 1990;
Cameron, 1994).
Authorized heritage discourse has been a dominant understanding of her-
itage from its birth in 18th century France (Chastel, 1986) until the critical
heritage studies. It is a powerful conceptual framework which aims to hide
the ideological basis of heritage creation and management, and which legiti-
mizes and delegitimizes certain cultures and nations (Smith, 2006: 4). These
mainly mono-cultural readings take heritage as independent, unchanging and
unchangeable and often lead towards cultural determinism in which effects of

globalization are seen as one of the main treats (Sen, 2004: 46-50).
The authorized heritage discourse even though slightly changed and
broadened so to encompass intangible practices, involve recognition of com-
munities and leverage west-centered hegemony (UNESCO, 1972; UNESCO,
2001; UNESCO, 2003; UNESCO, 2005), is still prevailing in the writings,
speeches and lobbying efforts of diverse heritage groups, public memory insti-
tutions and politicians, and remains important factor in constituting the field,
definitions and values of heritage, as well as in legitimizing dominant ideas of
nation, class, gender, culture, ethnicity, progress, and relations towards sus-
tainable development.
Not surprisingly, discourse of preservation of value chain via heritage pro-
tection, has been playing one of the central roles in linking heritage with cul-
tural sustainability. Cultural sustainability, understood as the effort to sustain
cultural capital values, ideas, beliefs, traditions - by maintaining, supporting
and enduring them, creates strong links with the idea of inheritance of all types
of cultural capital as intergenerational equity. Throsby explains the intergener-
ational equity of natural and cultural capital as Both being inherited from the
distant or recent past, the former provided as a gift of nature, the latter deriving
from human creativity. Both impose a duty of care on the present generation,
the essence of sustainability (Throsby, 2003: 143-144).
Cultural sustainability is therefore linked to the continuance of heritage as
value chain. In its essence is the idea of maintaining the sense of self, belong-
ing, social inclusiveness and rootedness through maintaining and protecting
identities and values embedded in heritage via conservation (UNESCO, 2001;
UNESCO, 2003; UNESCO, 2005; Rio20+ 2012; UN 2012). Furthermore, in the
light of counteracting cultural imperialism of the West, international conven-
tions (UNESCO, 2001; UNESCO, 2003; UNESCO, 2005) advice and support
smaller communities to strengthen and fix identities in order not to endanger
them by West dominant globalization allowed by the nature of market culture
(Sen, 2004: 52-55).
This localizing and communitarian view is challenged by the globalizing
economic vitality arguments (Birkeland and Soini, 2014: 217) when mixed
with heritage as a cultural and economic capital. One can notice that the tool-
kit providing support for maintaining certain endangered traditions, values
and practices offers capitalist led solutions of framing heritage within global
consumerism, creative industries and tourism (Dorsey, Steeves, and Porras,
2004; Askegaard and Kjeldgaard, 2007; Jamal and Stronza, 2008; Farsini, 2011;
UN 2012; Birkeland and Soini, 2014: 217). Exactly the authorized heritage
discourse has successfully linked itself with sustainability, not only in terms
of identity and intrinsic value protection but within the neoliberal capitalist
paradigm of development and global market space (UN 2012). Since heritage
generates not only cultural and social capital, but economic one stimulates
employment, local development and entrepreneurship the capitalization of

heritage contribution to economic development and poverty reduction be-
comes another cornerstone in advocating for the links with sustainability (UN
2012).
Thus, this first stream of thoughts proposes the application of idea of sus-
tainability to cultural concerns in which heritage protection is seen as the ends
of cultural sustainability by more conservative advocates, an instrument for
social cohesion and social sustainable development by the communitarian ad-
vocates and finally as an instrument for sectoral sustainable economic devel-
opment by the neoliberal advocates.
The paradoxical relationship between heritage and cultural sustainability
is however posing the question: if we keep cherishing and sustaining inherited
values, lifestyles, consumption patterns, environmental degradation practices,
power relations, injustices and desires towards economic growth, would we
really be heading towards global sustainability? And if not, what can be the
alternative roles of heritage in sustainability?
Heritage as a social practice and (diachronic) process cultural

sustainability as cultural evolution towards more sustainable way of life
If the authorized heritage discourse envisions heritage protection as an
end for sustainability, the diachronic discourse tries to define alternative role
served by heritage in formation of values, above all for envisioning, planning
for and enabling sustainability. This is of particular importance since sustain-
ability is a political process, a call to action that requires common goals and
values (Milne, Kearins, Walton, 2006). Cultural sustainability can then be un-
derstood as a cultural evolution towards more sustainable ways of life, based
on value structures for sustainable society and ethical choices in the everyday
activities (Milbrath, 1984).
In trying to create a theory of value in which what is valued are not things
but everyday actions, Graeber suggests that the understanding of things and
people through their dynamic potential is the only solution which is allowing
for change, transformation and flexibility. He understands society as an ac-
tive project and values as processes the ways in which people who could do
anything (including the creation of new types of social relations) give impor-
tance to their actions, while they are doing them (Graeber, 2001: 49-91, 254).
Value, he claims, is the power of creating social relations, based on imagin-
ing and recognizing values which exist as transformative potential and human
capacity (Graeber, 2001: 43-47, 88). The core political freedom would not be
the freedom to reproduce, appropriate and preserve values, but the power to
decide what the value is (Turner 1978; 1979c; Myers nd Brenneis 1991: 45,
in Greaber, 2001: 88). In this respect we should ask how and why we make and
protect heritage, how and why heritage can influence aspirations and actions,
suggest responses and adaptations, help resolve problems and conflicts (Fair-
clough, 2010: 31)?
Opposite to seeing heritage as embedding intrinsic values, the second
group of ideas understands values of heritage as instrumental and relative, as
they are always culturally, socially and historically conditioned. Heritage is al-
ways under subjective-utilitarian treatment which selects only those informa-
tion and things from the past that fit into someones interpretative ideological
creative project (Tomic, 1987: 43-46). Heritage seen as the actualization of the
past (, 2009: 21-22), or meaningful past (Popadic, 2014: 13), means
that we find contemporary relevance in the things from the past, and recog-
nize pasts values as ours. Some information will have priority over others we
will decide to remember them in order to support, enforce or produce certain
values.
In her study about Uses of heritage, Smith (2006: 82-84) tries to move
from authorized heritage discourse and defines heritage as cultural process,
as a communicative practice in which past gives resources for conflicts and
dispute over what should be valued, why and in which ways. She understands
heritage as relational idea, as a way in which individuals and groups actively
take positions in relation to objects, places, buildings, events. In communi-
cation with heritage people produce values, (de)construct and (re)construct
their identities and social structures. People relations with heritage do not end
in diverse opinions and values, but in the ways in which people are involved in
series of activities that include remembrance, forgetting, communication and
appropriation of values.
Heritage as process, therefore, connects three interdependent categories
(re)production as the process of creation or preservation of desired image
of the world; values as process of reflection, recognition and formulation of
desires and choices, and as intended results of creation; and identities or new
social structures as forms of shaping and representing values (Popadic, 2014:
46). Therefore, if we consider heritage as a process, as a verb, it would not
exclusively mean to protect, restore or conserve, but also to understand, to
celebrate, to change and modify, to destroy and replace, to share and to use
(Fairclough, 2010: 30).
This second understanding would imply heritage for sustainability not
only as a resource or outcome, but a process of negotiation, rethinking, resil-
ience, innovation and creativity. Heritage is not a static but interactive, hetero-
geneous endeavor which means that learning from the pasts regimes of values
(Kopitoff, 1986) around the globe can have transformative power on existing
development approaches. Heritage as a document of diverse value regimes of
different societies, times and spaces can serve as a witness of diachronic struc-
ture and transformations, and as such as a base for critical realism (Bhaskar,
1998) towards the present and future. Contextual potentiality of heritage
(, 2004: 141) allows actualization of the past in the present through
critical, imaginative and creative potential of people (Greber, 2001: 253, 259-
260) in envisioning the best possible future models and acting towards achiev-
ing them. Heritage as communication medium (Sola, 2011) offers diverse ways
for action which contribute to shaping, abandoning, transmitting and gener-
ating values. Practicing heritage in these terms, as way of understanding, re-
thinking and creating ones own view of the world, implies active citizenship,
inclusiveness, pluralism and participative decision-making over in which kind
of society a person wants to live in.
This transformative, diachronic discourse of heritage and its relationship
with sustainable development is not by itself leading towards social change and
transformation of worldviews and values. This discourse is often being (miss)
used by the neo-liberal, capitalist market oriented tendencies when needing to
differentiate from mainly conservative authorized heritage discourse and by
communitarian and environmental advocates that understand heritage as al-
ways changing. However, from the point of view of its main advocates, within
eco-cultural civilization storyline (Birkeland and Soini, 2014), this diachronic
discourse does create space for social transformation as cultural change in
achieving the overall aims of sustainability. The re-negotiation of values, beliefs
and practices are seen as a main driving force for either rejecting or accepting a
sustainable situation of cultural transformation, or for evolutionary redesign
of worldviews, institutions, and technologies to reach the goals of sustainabil-
ity (Beddoe et al., 2009). The key ways for achieving these ideals are education
for various groups, participation and bottom-up initiatives (Goncz et al., 2007;
Birkeland, 2008).
From paradoxes to dialoguing values

Even though the two discussed groups of ideas seem to be radically dif-
ferent and in many ways contradictory, more and more are they being used
interchangeably. Part of the reason for this comes from the fact that most in-
ternational and national cultural policy documents and systems for heritage
protection have historically been built up around the first group of ideas and
are impossible to be restructured over a day. Furthermore, the second group
of ideas, apart from questioning the current heritage system, does not give the
secure ground base and clear recipe for an alternative approach to heritage
safeguarding, which makes it less appealing to policy makers. Even when it
does create alternative approaches, they act as sparks of initiatives, projects,
and forward thinking conventions within the old fashioned systems of heri-
tage protection. These alternative discourses often get infected by the domi-
nant discourse, especially when they are translated to policy documents, such
as Burra Charter of Faro Framework Convention for the Value of Heritage
for the Society (Waterton, Smith, Campbell, 2006). For all these reasons the
measurement of any long term results and benefits of an over-encompassing
alternative approach is impossible, which makes safe ground for the dominant
system to prevail.
Despite of slow pace paradigm shift, the second group of ideas is getting
more and more advocates in the academia and practice and therefore becom-
ing hard to ignore. Furthermore, not all the uses of one or the other discourse
are going to extremes of conservativism vs radical (r)evolutionarism, but get
connected to a variety of meanings (story lines) that represent different inter-
ests and solutions and are differently placed in relation to the discourse on cul-
tural sustainability (Birkeland and Soini, 2014: 221). As Birkeland and Soini
(2014: 220-221) show,
under the umbrella of cultural sustainability there is a range of represen-
tations of political ideologies, from conservatism to liberalism to commu-
nitarianism and environmentalism that express solutions to various social
interests and show institutional ambiguity that characterizes the debates on
both culture and sustainability and environmental problems related to sus-
tainable development.
Apart from noticing that cultural sustainability is at an early stage in its
conceptual evolution (Birkeland and Soini, 2014: 221) one has to recognize
that both heritage and sustainability are concepts of family resemblance or
polytypic concepts, (Wittgenstein, 1953: 31-2; Popadic, 2014: 28-29). Accord-
ing to Wittgenstein (1953: 31-2), polytypic concept encompasses all its diversi-
ties and is related to group of objects, not because they have common char-
acteristic, but because they have different similarities which partially overlap.
Understood as polytypic concepts, heritage and sustainability are allowed to
vary depending on the context and act as a dialogue of values that defies con-
sensus (Ratner, 2004).
Therefore, the ultimate point between two presented views on relation-
ship of heritage and sustainability is not in the dilemma whether to preserve
the inherited values or not in order to be sustainable (Sen, 2004:56), but in rec-
ognizing that there are diverse dynamic options to heritage. It is in relation to
this that the new governance structures have to enable and support dialogues
of values, allowing social actors to have an informed, critical worldview, to
discuss and participate in decisions over a collective memory and collective
future .
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Mervat Abdel Nasser

New Hermopolis, Kings College University, UK
CULTURAL HERITAGE FOR SUSTAINABLE

DEVELOPMENT - THE NEW HERMOPOLIS MODEL
Hermopolis is the name given by the Greeks to the city of Thoth that lies
in El Minia governorate, middle Egypt. It was named after Hermes, the Greek
equivalent of Thoth, the lord of time, the guardian of thought and the ultim-
ate communicator of knowledge. Hermopolis became a world capital of learn-
ing in Greco-Roman Egypt and enjoyed close links with the ancient library
of Alexandria. It was inspirational to the Alexandrian Neo-Platonist circle of
philosophers and had its impact on advancing the spiritual side of almost all
religions. The sum of knowledge produced by the ancient Hermopolis (Her-
metica) was brought to Florence in the 15th century and had a great influence
on the philosophy of Europe from the Renaissance to the Enlightenment and
beyond. This is reflected in the life and work of major European figures of sci-
ence, philosophy, art and literature. It shows the enduring legacy of this city
and the tendency of its thought to emerge at times when humanity is faced
with difficulties and uncertainties, making a persuasive argument for the need
to revive its spirit to serve our turbulent times. New Hermopolis is a cultural
village established within walking distance from the ancient one at Tuna El
Gebel, Mallawi- El Minia. In spite of its wealth in cultural heritage, the area is
culturally and economically disadvantaged and suffers from a long standing
religious and fictional strife. The re-discovery of the intellectual innovation
and cultural dialogue which once flourished in this region could therefore be a
catalyst for the development of the region and the re-integration of the worlds
civilizations once more. This is perhaps the only way to secure long term sus-
tainable and peaceful development.
Culture, Heritage and Sustainability

Culture is one of the most elusive terms in the history of modern thought.
In anthropology it refers to social heritage and encompasses ideas, beliefs, aes-
thetic perceptions and values (Nasser 1997). All peoples believe in their own
distinctive culture and vehemently defend the need to preserve and promote it.
The legacy of the past that is maintained in the present and bestowed for
the benefit of future generations is commonly defined as cultural heritage.
UNESCO (2003) divides cultural heritage into tangible, natural and intan-
gible. There is an increasing awareness, however, of the arbitrariness and the
interrelatedness between these categories.
Tangible heritage is regarded as a monument, a group of buildings or site
of historical, aesthetic, archaeological, scientific, ethnological or anthropologi-
cal value. Natural heritage, on the other hand, refers to outstanding physical,
biological and geographical features including habitats of threatened plants or
animal species and are of value on scientific or aesthetic grounds. Both tangi-
ble and natural heritage are considered easy to define, but the case with intan-
gible heritage is rather different. The term has been surrounded with difficul-
ties from the start. It commonly refers to all forms of traditional and popular
folk culture that are transmitted and recreated overtime through a process of
collective recreation within specific geo-cultural spheres (Nasser 2008).
Cultural memory, on the other hand, which the author espouses to was
first coined by Jan Assmann (1988a) to describe the societal dimension of hu-
man memory where by cultural continuity is preserved and passed on from
one generation to the next. More importantly, however, is how this cultural
memory helps human communities to arrive to meaningful statements about
their past that can be of service to their present. Through projecting this rel-
evant past onto the present, humans may learn to understand and cope with
the world they inhabit (Friedman 1992, Shanks 1996).
Regardless of all these definitions, cultural policy makers have for years
restricted their discussion to only the narrow and limited definition of culture
as reflected in forms of artistic expression created by people who practice art in
an amateur or professional capacity. This means that culture in its broadest and
meaningful way has often been overlooked and ignored (Colbert 2012).
Integral, however, to the issue of policy making is the debate about devel-
opment and sustainability. A reflection on the theme of culture and sustainable
development began to emerge starting in the 1990s. Then, in 2001, UNESCO
adopted its Universal Declaration on Cultural Diversity, cautioning against the
danger of cultural standardisation and impoverishment engendered by glo-
balisation. Article 1 of the convention calls on governments to integrate cul-
ture and not just cultural expressions in their development policies. This was
taken further to present culture in its broader definition as the fourth pillar of
sustainable development (Nurse 2006, Dallaire & Colbert 2012).
Within this framework, Hermopolis is discussed as an example of a

heritage city that revealed itself from the beginning as a space of enlightenment
that has a vision for humanity with its emphasis on harmony between man, the
other and the universe (Nasser 2011). This is precisely the ethos that under-
pins any strategy for sustainable development which aims to promote harmony
among human beings and between humanity and nature (WCED 1988).
Hermopolis the archeological and historical city

Ancient Hermopolis was the capital city of the 15th Nome of Upper Egypt.
It lies now in Mallawi, governorate of El-Minia, and stretches from Al-As-
hmunin (eastern Hermopolis) to Tuna El Gebel (western Hermopolis). The
city was named after Hermes the Greek equivalent of the Egyptian Thoth,
the lord of time, the inventor of writing and the guardian of thought. Prior to
Ptolemaic times, the city carried its Coptic name Shumun that is derived
from the ancient Egyptian Khmnu, which means the city of eight or Ogdoad,
referring to its mythological origin which later gave rise to its current Arabic
name Ashmunin. The Ogdoad are made of four male deities and their femi-
nine counterparts, the principals of creative powers whose interaction enabled
harmony to be born. This mythological wisdom predates the Pythagorean kos-
mos that is rooted in harmonia i.e. the fitting together of opposite, through the
principle of logos or proportion. In other words, it is the place where world
soul resides, as described in Platos cosmological dialogue of the Timaeus (Fi-
dler 1996).
Archeologically, the city of Ashmunin contains remnants of a temple de-
dicated to Thoth, known as the temple of elevated Spirits. There are also re-
mains of a Roman basilica as well as a place named after the famous Cleopatra
VII who was reputed for her love of knowledge and was considered a great
scholar in her own right. She is thought to have frequented the academy of
Hermopolis and may have built a harbour there. In fact the city of Hermopolis
had in ancient times close links with Alexandria and its famous library and
there was a constant flow of ideas between these two major capitals of thought
(Abadi 2002, Nasser 2011).
In Tuna El-Gebel (western Hermopolis), the main highlight is Petosiris,
the scribe of Thoth at the time of Alexander the Great. The tomb in fact belongs
to the whole family which consists of five generations of writers. It has the ap-
pearance of a small temple and the reliefs on its walls attest to the multiple
influences witnessed by this city, Egyptian, Persian and Greek. Also, the poetic
inscriptions of Petosiris in this tomb reveal his concern with what was later
referred to in the Hermetica as the perfect discourse. It describes a true way of
life that sees knowledge as the source of salvation for mankind. He pledged to
preserve this city and its knowledge for the benefit of humanity, for it is in his
own words the birthplace of every god (Lichtheim1980).
Hermetic philosophy and the fundamentals of Humanism

The sum of knowledge produced by the ancient Hermopolis is contained
in the Corpus Hermeticum/ Hermetica. It is a collection of writings attributed
to Hermes and were collected in the city of Alexandria in the Second and
Third century. It consists of a number of treatises and dialogues written in
Greek, Latin and Coptic languages, representing the intellectual and reflective
tradition of both Egypt and Greece. It is a multifaceted body of thought that
echoes much of the wisdom of ancient Egypt, but also that of Greek philoso-
phical works (Foweden 1986).
The Hermetic text developed in the postAlexandrine era, hand in hand
with the Stoic philosophy and taught that all people belong to the single family
of mankind and that the universe contained a principle of order and to find
inner happiness, humans need to live in harmony with their unified universe
(Kreis 2000, Freke &Gandy 1999).
Hermetic philosophy emerged as well in parallel with Neoplatonism and
Gnosticism and was instrumental in developing spiritual forms of theology
including Judaic Kabala, Gnostic Christianity and Islamic Sufism. All have the
Unity of Being as a fundamental ethos despite the multitude of expressions
and share the same desire of helping humanity to evolve into greater perfec-
tion. It also brought to humanity the potential of self-transformation through
the allegory of an alchemical journey that takes place within mans body, mind
and soul (Freke & Gandy 1999).
The Corpus Hermeticum was brought to Florence in the 15th century and
was translated by the Greek Scholar Marsillio Ficino and his translation had a
profound influence on major intellectual figures of this period including all the
artists that we came to associate with the Renaissance. As in Alexandria thou-
sand year earlier, the Renaissance viewed science, art, literature and religion as
part of a united whole to be studied together and all aspects of human life were
open for investigation (Cronin 1967, Ebling 2005).
The other side of the Renaissance was to found itself north of the Alps,
mainly in Germany. It was based more on Medieval Arab scholars understand-
ing of the Hermetic texts particularly the connection between wisdom and
healing (Okasha 2005). However, the true influence of Hermetism on the Ger-
man mind did not reach its peak until the age of German Romanticism (Hor-
nung 1999, Ebling 2005).
As for England, historians argue that the Elizabethan court was greatly in-
spired by Hermetic humanism, particularly its emphasis on the idea of religious
freedom (French 1972). This age of enlightened humanism was later to find its
influence on the development of the new continent of America. Emerson, the
prophet of American idealism, as he is commonly referred to, realised that the
seeds of future thought were to be found in ancient wisdom. He talked about
a life force that lies within an all embracing soul or an over- soul (Emerson
& Needleman 2008). Also, the American philosopher William James regarded
diversity to be the default state of human experience, and taught that in order
to reach peace and satisfaction humans need to live in harmony with their dif-
ferent mosaic parts (James 1902). This was further elaborated on in Jungs al-
chemy of the soul, which states that the balanced/harmonised soul cannot be
achieved except through the union of its conscious and the unconscious cha-
otic parts (Jung 1968). The emphasis on the necessity to live in harmony with
ones self and the universe and the capacity to save ones self through gnosis or
self-discovery has found expression in our times in many of the popular spiri-
tual and selftherapy literature that pervade our markets today (Nasser 2012).
This means that the Hermetic discourse has finally evolved into a kind of
encyclopaedic one. Many elements of which were embraced in several move-
ments developed in the West in the nineteenth and twentieth century (Assman
1997 & Hornung 1999). It also continued to influence many major figures in
art, philosophy and literature to this day, including Italo Calvino, Louis Borg-
es Umberto Eco and Fernando Pessoa, and artists such as Max Ernst, Rene
Magritte, Frida Kahlo and Rebecca Horn (Nasser 2011).
Perhaps the reason for this is the fact that it managed to offer a different
conceptualisation of the Self and succeeded in reformulating new ways of how
the self/being relates to an ever- changing diverse world. This has interfaced in
several ways with humanistic psychology that is grounded in this ancient phi-
losophy and focuses on the hidden potential of human beings and the power
of hope. The enduring legacy of this philosophy throughout the ages and its
tendency to emerge at times when humanity is faced with difficulties and un-
certainties supports the claim that it is a philosophia perennis, namely that it
has something in it that speaks to the human condition regardless of time, race
and place (Nasser 2012).
New Hermopolis
New Hermopolis was born out of the need to revive and reclaim such
ancient city with its unique humanistic heritage that celebrates diversity and
embraces differences. The project aims to marry the tangible monumental
heritage of this site with its intangible associative elements represented in the
ideas that were directly or indirectly generated by it. In so doing, the spirit of
this place genius loci will be preserved (Petzet 2009). Revival of the spirit of
this place with its relevance to humanity at large is certainly a major aim of
this project, but the main aim of it is to capitalise on this philosophy to offer a
model of sustainable development to the region itself.
New Hermopolis serves the main city of Mallawi and its surrounding vil-
lages (approx. one million inhabitants). The nearest village is Tuna El Gebel
(55.000 inhabitants). For decades, this region has experienced neglect and mar-
ginalization. Despite its wealth of culture, the land that was once a great centre
for learning and cultural dialogue has become impoverished and overlooked.
Middle Egypt exhibits some of the highest levels of poverty and marginaliza-
tion in the country. Economic opportunities are scarce, but opportunities for
free self-expression are even scarcer. Partisanship and intolerance of alternate
belief systems has risen, particularly along the Christian-Muslim juxtaposi-
tion, higher in this region than many other areas of Egypt.
Description
New Hermopolis is a retreat built on ecological principles in the middle of
sprawling, breathtaking desert and mountain landscape. It is located in Tuna
el Gebel village within 20 KM from the main city of Mallawi, approximately
320 kilometres from Cairo. The area is central to a number of archaeological
and historical treasures, including ancient temples, monuments, tombs, and
museums.
It consists of a place for visitors and a cultural space designed to hold
academic and artistic activities for the benefit of the local community and in-
ternational visitors. With 16 guest lodges that have the capacity for 52 visitors,
it is an open environment for local cultural groups, cultural tourists, artists,
writers and other retreat groups. It has an unusual reception area, reading cor-
ner, banquet room, library/conference facility, as well as an exhibition/per-
formance space. There are also a number of attractive locations for outdoor
performances, including those around the lotus lake, swimming pool and the
mountain terrace.
This creative medium is open to ideas and activities drawn from a wide
range of sectors covering creative writing, visual and performing arts. It carries
the ethos of engaging with the local heritage and art, both tangible and intan-
gible to generate new ideas and experiences.
Operational Model
New Hermopolis employs a hybrid social-business model that raises rev-
enue from business activities to invest in social change programs within our
local communities. Using the principles of solidarity and sustainable tourism,
our aim is to reach out to niche customer bases interested in heritage tourism
packages and community investment and development. Through marketing
the unique qualities of New Hermopolis to Egyptian and international audi-
ences, we plan to reach those who are interested in cultural heritage and sus-
tainable, responsible, and inclusive tourism practices.
New Hermopolis tour packages include guided itineraries to the different
heritage sites of this region. We encourage our visitors, when possible, to deep-
en their engagement with our local communities. We design unique opportuni-
ties for cross-cultural sharing, learning, and collaboration. Visiting musicians

and artists will be encouraged to exchange work, concepts, and ideas with local
youth. Residencies for cultural/heritage researchers, artists, writers, musicians,
and scholars in related fields are on offer, also the space at New Hermopolis is
an ideal retreat for training, business meetings, educational conferences, and
events, complete with catering and entertainment packages. Products such as
locally-designed, fair trade handicrafts and specialty food products from our
gardens are also on offer. And agro-tourists will have opportunities for hands-
on training in desert farming techniques. Our goal is to ensure that visitors
leave with better appreciations for local communities, and feel like participants
rather than observers of village life.
Although the aim is to generate income through the hospitality business,
the overall aim of the project is to deliver programming benefiting local com-
munities. To see this through, the revenue from the centre will be combined
with grant support to a) increase economic opportunities by building skills in
hospitality, art, and agriculture, and b) develop softer skills through art and
heritage education that build stronger local cultures and foster tolerant, un-
derstanding societies.
The second piece of our social sculpting is to provide training and space
for creative expression through art and heritage awareness programmes. With
a focus on children and youth, we aim to foster practice of self-expression,
critical thought, and creativity. This is normally delivered in the form of free
workshops and trainings that teach through hands-on activities various art
forms. These could include performance art such as music and theatre, poetry
and creative writing, paint, sculpture, and photography. This milieu is meant
to widen the scope of engagement to take on board audiences that traditionally
would not have considered themselves as art audiences. In this way we hope
to succeed in removing the boundary between audience/participants encour-
aging all forms of creative expression from story-telling, improvisation and
interactive theatre. We have also adopted an unusual outreach programme en-
couraging the creation of a number of cultural bodies in nearby villages where
New Hermopolis acts a collective focus, a hub and incubator to give guidance,
support and insure their continued growth.
Various avenues are available for youth to demonstrate and showcase
their work to local communities. There are also plans in the future to develop
a roaming cultural festival through the local villages. Competitions featur-
ing poetry, essays, design, and music are also planned to be held periodically,
teaching youth that art production can yield reward and help us in identifying
truly talented local artists. By offering these public outlets for voicing of opin-
ions, we hope to encourage discussion of belief, tolerance, and respect.
Heritage education/ appreciation programmes include lectures, field trips
to nearby sites, and provision of books and informative material, drawing on
the aesthetic and humanistic values of this important heritage site. Through
awareness and integration with a past that is built on marriage of ideas, the
local community should arrive to the realisation that ideas of tolerance, har-
mony and acceptance are home-grown. This is likely to combat fundamental-
ism and attachment to exclusionist periods, in addition to instilling a sense of
pride and ownership of ones own heritage.
Conclusion
The paper presented the model of New Hermopolis as a sustainable model
of development inspired by cultural heritage. This project clearly attempts to
deal with our often neglected cultural heritage and its relevance to us today. We
certainly live in an age not very different from the post-Alexandrine one. We
are living through the second wave of historical globalisation where the world
has become a strange mixture of languages, ideologies and cultural forms. The
appeal of Hermopolis and its philosophy in these difficult times stem from its
premise of universal oneness whilst embracing multiplicity as well as its be-
lief in the human versatility and the capacity to evolve in a creative way with the
ever-changing life processes.This project goes beyond the territorial specificity
of this heritage to include all the minds that were inspired and influenced by it
and whose creativity informed and developed this tradition and contributed to
its continual regeneration and reproduction. Therefore, the project is simply a
cultural environment geared towards facilitating the exchange of thought and
the transmission of values that bind humanity together. The overall aim is to
bring together creative minds from different backgrounds and walks of life to
think about the world in different ways and imagine creative answers to some
of the urgent problems we face today (Nasser 2012).
The emphasis the New Hermopolis places oncultural discourse, dialogue
and development is essential to the notion of sustainability. Time and again,
expression through the arts has been demonstrated as an effective tool for buil-
ding open-minded and respectful societies. Art can bring to light issues dif-
ficult to address head-on, promoting creative thought, constructive dialogue
and social cohesion. Culture in its wider sense is perhaps the only way to build
stronger senses of local heritage, community harmony, and pride in ones own
culture, whilst celebrating the rich diversity of the global culture we live in and
the many possibilities it carries for a more tolerant future and a better humane
world.
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Jagoda Stamenkovi
Fakultet dramskih umetnosti, Univerzitet umetnosti u Beogradu
DUNAVSKA STRATEGIJA I ODRIVI RAZVOJ

KULTURNOG PROSTORA PODUNAVLJA U SRBIJI
Uvod
Prostorno-vremenski realitet dananjeg Podunavlja crpi svoje korene u
vievekovnim slojevitim istorijskim i socio-kulturnim procesima koji su se
odvijali u ovom regionu. Karakteristiku ovog podneblja ine brojni kulturni
identiteti, ali i kulturni diskontinuitet koji je uticao na neformiranje zajedni-
kog kulturnog obrasca u Podunavlju. Meutim, nigde u Evropi nije tako ja-
sno vidljivo jedinstvo u razlikama, osnov evropskog kulturnog identiteta, kao
na obalama Dunava. Usvajanjem Sveobuhvatne strategije Evropske unije za
region Dunava (2010), pruen je okvir za politiku integracije i koherentni /
odrivi razvoj Dunavskog regiona i zemalja lanica, s tim da svaka dodatno
odreuje svoje prioritete. Ono to je, meutim, zajedniko jeste to da se je-
dan cilj namee kao interes celog regiona, a to je odrivi razvoj. U ovom radu,
posebno e biti obraena panja na odnos kulture i odrivog razvoja, kako
kroz Dunavsku strategiju, tako i u setu dokumenata koji predstavljaju okvir i
za njenu implementaciju, sa posebnim osvrtom na temu odrivosti kulturnog
prostora u Republici Srbiji.
Dunavska strategija i odrivi razvoj

Dunav je reka koja spaja najvie evropskih naroda i Evropljana koji ive u
priobalnom pojasu ovog znaajnog plovnog puta (3.505 km), vezujui za nju
i drutveni i ekonomski razvoj zajednica na svojim obalama. Taj vaan pan-
evropski reni put obiluje bogatim kulturno-istorijskim nasleem, razliitih
civilizacija i kultura, materijalnim i nematerijalnim kulturnim kapitalom kao
odrivim izvorom sredstava (Throsby, 2005) od razliitih tradicija i obiaja,
jezik i dijalekata, religija, do znaajnih arheolokih nalazita, podvodnih lo-

kaliteta, srednjevekovnih graevina, industrijskog naslea, itd. do savremenih
kulturnih i umetnikih izraza koji predstavljaju znaajne potencijale za ravno-
merniji drutveno-ekonomski razvoj regiona. Multikulturalnost i kulturno na-
slee Dunava predstavljaju resurse od posebnog znaaja za budunost Evrope.
Tema Dunava oduvek je bila aktuelna, a osnovna pitanja vezivala su se
za utvrivanje pravil o regulisanju plovidbe Dunavom (prve Dunavske komi-
sije1), dok je saradnja u oblastima koje nisu bile vezane za ekonomske potrebe
bila nedovoljno razvijena; na Beogradskoj konferenciji (30. juna 1948.), kojom
je po prvi put organizovana jedinstvena komisija za ceo reni tok, u uslovima
polarizovanih meunarodnih odnosa, usvojena je Dunavska konvencija na
kojoj je kao osnovni cilj istaknuto [...] i uvrivanje ekonomskih i kulturnih
veza [...]2. Tako se ovim meunarodnim aktom, zajedno sa ekonomskim na-
pretkom, uvodi i tema kulture u Podunavlju.
Evropska unija, svesna potencijala koji ovaj makro-region poseduje, po-
krenula je 2009. godine, usvajanje posebnog stratekog dokumenta kojim bi se
definisali i naglasili iri prioriteti i stvorili preduslovi za umreavanje i saradnju
aktera u Podunavlju. Sveobuhvatna strategija Evropske unije za region Dunava
(EUSDR)3 predstavlja regionalnu inicijativu koja spaja etrnaest zemalja kroz
ije teritorije protie Dunav, a obuhvata oko 115 miliona stanovnika (oko 23%
EU populacije) devet zemalja lanica EU (Nemaka / Baden Virtemberg,
Bavarska), Austrija, Maarska, R. eka, R. Slovaka, Slovenija, Bugarska,
Rumunija i Hrvatska) i pet zemalja koje nisu u EU (R. Srbija, BiH, Ukrajina,
Moldavija i Crna Gora). Dunavska strategija kreirana je na temeljima iskustva
prethodne strategije EU za makro-region, za Baltike zemlje (2009)4. U pri-
premi su jo dve sline strategije: Jadransko-jonska (osam zemalja) i Alpska
(sedam zemalja), to ukazuje na potrebu za vrim povezivanjem zajedni-
kih interesa i partnerstava na makro planu. Strategija predstavlja platformu
Evropske unije kojom se doprinosi sistematinom pristupu u identifikaciji pri-
oriteta i zajednikih tema kojima se podie kvalitet ivota zajednica koje su u
kontaktu sa Dunavom. Jedan od optih razvojnih ciljeva Strategije je i kultura,
odnosno kulturni turizam.
1
Prva Dunavska komisija stvorena Pariskim mirovnim sporazumom, 1856. godine (l.
15-20.). Trajala je do 1938.godine i bavila se pitanjima regulisanja plovidbe Dunavom. Dananja
Dunavska komisija je meunarodna, meuvladina organizacija, uspostavljena Beogradskom
konvencijom.
2
Konvencija o reimu plovidbe na Dunavu iz 1948. godine (Slubeni list FNRJ, br. 8/49)
3
Savet EU dao je mandat Evropskoj komisiji, juna 2009. godine, za izradu sveobuhvatne
strategije za zemlje podunavskog sliva. Nakon opsenih priprema, 8. decembra 2010. godine,
Evropska komisija usvojila je zavrni dokument Strategije i uputila ga na usvajanje Savetu mi-
nistara EU. Uz dokument je usvojen i Akcioni plan o sprovoenju Strategije. Tokom maarskog
predsedavanja EU, 24. juna 2011. godine, Savet EU doneo je zakljuak u kome je pozvao sve ak-
tere da se aktivno ukljue u implementaciju Strategije, ime je Strategija i formalno usvojena.
4
85 miliona Eu poulacije (17%)
Strategija je podeljena na 11 prioritetnih oblasti u okviru 4 stuba (povezi-

vanje, zatita ivotne sredine, izgradnja prosperiteta, jaanje Dunavskog regio-
na), dok je trea prioritetna oblast (PA3): promovisanje kulture, turizma i kon-
takata meu ljudima.5; pri tom se istie potreba jaanja interresorne saradnje u
regionu, kao i vea sinergija oblasti kulture sa drugim resorima.
Dunavska strategija, za razliku od Baltike, na agendu uvodi i kulturu, te
ova oblast postaje jedan od vanih faktora odrivosti, uz naglasak da upravlja-
nje savremenim promenama, posebno u multikulturalnim drutvima, zahte-
va, holistiki pristup aspektima razvoja i meusobnu povezanost kulturnih i
drugih javnih politika: ekonomske, ekoloke, obrazovne, urbanistike, itd., to
stoji i na samom poetku obraanja Evropskog saveta Evropskoj komisiji za
pripremu EU strategije za Dunavski region, u zakljuku od 19. juna 2009. go-
dine: Odrivi razvoj treba da se sprovodi kroz integrisani pristup u specifi-
nim izazovima sa kojima se suoavaju odreeni regioni [...]6, a s obzirom da
strategija od usvajanja nema fond, prateu regulativu, niti nova tela, klju lei u
novim idejama, boljoj koordinaciji, saradnji i oslanjanju na postojee. Sutina
odrivog razvoja, koje u svojim dokumentima, rezolucijama i deklaracijama
propisuju i znaajne meunarodne organizacije (UN, UNESCO, Savet Evrope,
Evropska, WTO, i dr.), na kome poiva i Dunavska strategija, jesu procesi pro-
mena u kojima se upravo koriste postojei resursi u cilju omoguavanja dugo-
ronog razvoja odreene sredine, ime se briga o resursima dovodi u direktnu
vezu sa blagostanjem sadanjih i buduih generacija (meugeneracijska so-
lidarnost).7 U razmatranju dugorone perspektive opstanka i napretka ove-
anstva, pojam odrivi razvoj (1972) kao jedan od osnovnih koncepta razvoja
ljudskog drutva, koncept ekonomike resursa, predstavlja multidisciplinarni
koncept povezanosti drutva, ekonomije i okruenja. Zavrni izvetaj Brun-
tland-ove komisije (WCED, 1987: 43)8 kao globalna agenda promena, kako
navode i Ujedinjene nacije, definie odrivi razvoj (ivotne sredine) kao rea-
vanje naih potreba tako da se ne ugroavaju potrebe generacija koje e doi.
Primenjeno na kulturnu odrivost, ovaj koncept bi se mogao posmatrati
kao blizak upravljanju kulturnim kapitalom, s obzirom da stanje kulturnog ka-
pitala, materijalnog i nematerijalnog, otelotvoruje kulturu koju smo nasledi-
li od naih predaka i koju predajemo buduim generacijama. (Throsby, 2005)9
5
Koordinatori (PA 3) su Bugarska i Rumunija.
6
Sustainable development should also be pursued through an integrated approach to the
specific challenges facing particular regions ().
7
Ministri Jugoistone Evrope su tokom nekoliko regionalnih konferencija Kulturno na-
slee: Most ka budunosti potpisali deklaracije koje se odnose na vanost kulturnog naslea za
integraciju i odrivi razvoj regiona (npr. Mostarska 2004, Venecijanska 2005, Zadarska 2007).
8
Izvetaj Naa zajednika budunost (Our Common Future), Bruntlandova komisija
(1987) http://conspect.nl/pdf/Our_Common_Future-Brundtland_Report_1987.pdf
9
http://www.businessandeconomics.mq.edu.au/our_departments/Economics/econ_re-
search/2005/cult_cap_throsby.pdf
Dunavska strategija prua, dakle, odrivi okvir za koherentni razvoj regi-

ona Podunavlja, u kome se kreiraju uslovi za bolju saradnju zemalja uesnica i
ostvarenje zajednikih ciljeva u vie oblasti10, ija interakcija stvara potrebu za
novim konceptima, strategijama i politikama razvoja.
Preduslovi za odrivost kulturnog prostora Podunavlja u R. Srbiji

Kultura Srbije zauzima znaajno mesto u Podunavlju. Geografski poloaj
Srbije u sreditu Podunavlja, sa najduim tokom (588 km), predstavlja kompa-
rativnu prednost u regionu a privredni i kulturni centri u neposrednoj blizini
Dunava, znaajne take u kojima se mogu obezbediti adekvatni uslovi za odrivi
razvoj. Izuzetno je veliki i broj kulturno-istorijskih spomenika na celom ovom
podruju. Od praistorijskog naslea, preko rimskog, romanikog, vizantijskog,
otomanskog, do savremenog industrijskog, prepliu se uticaji i mogunosti du-
goronog korienja ovih resursa u cilju stvaranja okruenja blagostanja.
Povodom saradnje u Podunavlju, na osnovu Radne grupe oformljene za
saradnju sa EU, Vlada R. Srbije donela je dokument pod nazivom Pozicija
Republike Srbije za uee u izradi sveobuhvatne strategije Evropske unije za
region Dunava (2009), koji se odnosio na Prioritetne aktivnosti u buduoj Du-
navskoj strategiji (EUSDR). U delu platforme Ekonomski razvoj i jaanje re-
gionalne saradnje i partnerstva u regionu Podunavlja, istie se i uloga kulture
kao Zatita i promocija zajednikih vrednosti i kulturnog naslea u regionu
Podunavlja11: [...]. Kulturno naslee, a posebno spomenici kulture i lokali-
teti, tretiraju se kao znaajan resurs za razvoj lokalnih sredina, te takoe mogu
dati poseban doprinos odrivom razvoju kako u R. Srbije, tako i u celom re-
gionu Podunavlja. Stoga je zatita kulturne batine, kao jedinstvenog i neza-
menljivog bogatstva, od posebnog znaaja za R. Srbiju i region Podunavlja...
Pritom, kulturno naslee ne treba da postane roba koja slui za turizam, ve se
dve oblasti dovode u odnos uzajamne podrke (WCCD, 1996 : 36), kao to bi
trebalo da bude i sa drugim resorima. U daljem tekstu stoji: Razvoj puteva
kulture i drugih oblika klasterskog povezivanja lokaliteta kulturnog naslea
pomoi e veoj vidljivosti naslea, ali i stvaranju kooperativnih mrea koje e
pomoi da naslee dobije status vanog resursa u razvoju kulturnog turizma i
bude ukljueno u planove razvoja upravljanja destinacijama. U tom cilju se raz-
vijaju i ve zapoeti projekti poput Tvrava na Dunavu kao i projekti u okviru
Ljubljanskog procesa.12 Kao prioriteti u oblasti zatite i promocije zajedni-
10
http://www.danube-region.eu/contact/contact-pacs-ncps
11
Nacrt teksta Ministarstvo kulture i informisanja RS
12
Ljubljana proces (2009) tako predstavlja kljuni dokument za ouvanje i rehabilitaciju
kulturnog naslea u regionu JIE (ukljuujui Dunav), prepoznajui socio-ekonomski potencijal
naslea, jaajui regionalnu saradnju i interkulturni dijalog kojima se omoguavaju zajednike
aktivnosti i odrivost.
kih evropskih vrednosti i kulturnog naslea u regionu Podunavlja, u platformi

je navedena i: Promocija [...] kulturnih razliitosti [...] u regionu Podunavlja;
podizanje svesti o znaaju i potencijalima Dunava u oblasti kulture; podrka
razvoju odrivog kulturnog turizma kao faktora ekonomskog, drutvenog i
kulturnog razvoja, koji donosi korist lokalnim zajednicama, kroz razvoj kva-
litetnih proizvoda i usluga; [...]. U navedenim preporukama Republike Srbije,
jedan od glavnih ciljeva jeste i mudro i odrivo korienje resursa kulture.
Kako bismo potvrdili okvire u kojima se strategija implementira u Re-
publici Srbiji, naveemo nekolicinu dokumenata, na koje se moe osloniti i
Dunavska strategija, posebno u kontekstu kulture i odrivosti. Zakon o kulturi
Republike Srbije (2009) 13, kao najvaniji resorni akt, donosi naela kultur-
nog razvoja, nalae skup ciljeva i mera za ostvarenje optih interesa u kulturi
kao i sprovoenju kulturne politike. Zakonom o kulturi stvoreni su zakonski
preduslovi (npr. u l. 3 - integrisanje kulturnog razvoja u socio-ekonomski i
politiki dugoroni razvoj demokratskog drutva;), s tim da, da bi sistem bio
efikasan i efektivno odgovarao potrebama drutva, on mora da ima oslonac u
adekvatnim instrumentima koji bi trebalo da budu deo (nepostojee) Nacio-
nalne strategije za kulturu, sa dugoronom vizijom, prioritetima i stratekim
ciljevima kulture kao razvojne oblasti na celoj teritoriji Republike Srbije.
U daljem tekstu navode se strategije drugih razvojnih, komplementarnih
oblasti u kojima se kultura prepoznaje kao element odrivog razvoja. U Na-
cionalnoj strategiji odrivog razvoja Srbije (2008), koja prethodi Dunavskoj
strategiji, navodi se da je Odrivi razvoj ciljno orijentisan, dugoroan, ne-
prekidan, sveobuhvatan i sinergetski proces koji utie na sve aspekte ivota
(ekonomski, socijalni, ekoloki i institucionalni). U kontekstu odrivog raz-
voja, kultura se pominje kroz socio-kulturni razvoj i kao znaajan nemateri-
jalni faktor ekonomskog rasta, a razmiljajui interresorno, prepoznaje se i u
drugim segmentima (nova radna mesta, smanjenje rodne i drutvene nejedna-
kosti marginalizovanih grupa, ekonomija znanja, itd. (poglavlje III - 3), pa se
treba voditi potrebama buduih generacija.
U Nacionalnoj strategiji privrednog razvoja Republike Srbije 2006-2012.14
kultura, odnosno ouvana kulturno-istorijska batina, pominje se kao strate-
ki potencijal, u poglavlju Turizam(str.135). U stratekim prednostima navo-
di se da: kulturno-istorijska batina, s naglaskom na manastire, daje Republici
Srbiji jake argumente za afirmaciju i prezentaciju kao destinaciji s vrednom
istorijskom i kulturnom batinom. Kultura je prisutna i kao aktuelno du-
hovno stvaralatvo i sklonost festivalima, slavljima i dogaajima koji omogu-
uju Republici Srbiji predstavljanje vlastitog stila ivljenja. Odrivost kulture,
u ovoj strategiji, pominje se, kao faktor privrednog razvoja.
13
Zakon o kulturi - http://www.paragraf.rs/propisi/zakon_o_kulturi.html
14
file:///C:/Documents%20and%20Settings/Ada/Bureau/DUNAV%20diff%20DOC%20
-%20ODRZIVI%20RAZVOJ/SKUPSTINA-NSPRS.pdf
Strategija razvoja turizma u R. Srbiji 2005 - 2015. godine, navodi kao je-
dan od osnovnih ciljeva odrivo korienje prirode i kulturnog naslea kao
resursa za razvoj turizma a u strateke potencijale ubraja i bogato arheoloko
i arhitektonsko naslee [...] na teritoriji R. Srbije, a posebno visoko vredno-
vano istorijsko i umetniko naslee srpskih srednjevekovnih manastira i ar-
heolokih lokaliteta kao izvora nadahnua srpske dravnosti. Strategiju prate
Master planovi turistikih destinacija Gornje Podunavlje i Donje Podu-
navlje15 koji se bave i resursima kulture. Ovo bi, naime, trebalo da je kljuna
strategija kada je re o valorizaciji, interpretaciji i promociji resursa kulture.
injenica je da region Podunavlja u Srbiji obiluje bogatom kulturnom bati-
nom, ali sve vie i manifestacijama i stecitima savremene umetnike produk-
cije, te ovaj region predstavlja idealno podruje za turistiku eksploataciju
kulturni turizam kao vane take na skali odrivog razvoja.
Nacionalna strategija regionalnog razvoja Republike Srbije za period
2007-2012. godine, kao vaan princip ekonomske i drutvene kohezije navo-
di multikulturalnost (poglavlje II - 9 /17; str.65) kao i da npr. obezvreivanje
tradicionalnih kultura ne doprinosi napretku i odrivom razvoju (poglavlje
III 2.3; str. 77).
Nacionalna strategija razvoja obrazovanja u Srbiji do 2020. godine16 kao
jednu od potreba i razvojnih opredeljenja navodi i interesorno delovanje: (3)
da se [...] kultura, obrazovanje i druge delatnosti u Republici Srbiji pridruuju
zajednikom evropskom prostoru, sa ciljem da postanu konkurentan i pro-
duktivan inilac ukupnih razvojnih stremljenja koja sledi Evropa [...]. (str.5).
Ova strategija je posebno vana jer se odnosi na kulturni kapital i kulturni,
nauni i intelektualni razvoj.
Sve navedene nacionalne strategije, uglavnom, pominju kulturu i resurse
kulture kao znaajne faktore u postizanju odrivog drutva u Republici Srbi-
ji, i tog dela Podunavlja, iako to nije uvek najbolje artikulisano. Stoga, kao i s
obzirom na period vaenja odreenih dokumenata, pojavljuje se potreba za
novim stratekim okvirima. Nedostaje, meutim, Strategija za kulturu koja bi
eksplicitnije podrala kulturu u kontekstu odrivog razvoja, a definisala viziju,
ciljeve i principe kojima bi se vodili akteri u kulturi, i u delu Podunavlja.
Resursi kulture na Dunavu u Srbiji

U delu Dunava koji prolazi kroz Srbiju, na ovu reku direktno izlazi 29
gradova i optina, odnosno lokalnih samouprava: Grad Sombor; optina Apa-
15
MP Donje Podunavlje - http://futurehospitalityleaders.files.wordpress.com/2012/08/
master-plan-turisticke-destinacije-donje-podunavlje.pdf ; MP Gornje Podunavlje - http://fu-
turehospitalityleaders.files.wordpress.com/2012/08/master-plan-tursiticke-destinacije-gornje-
podunavlje.pdf
16
http://www.ff.uns.ac.rs/Files/StrategijaObrazovanja.pdf
tin; optina Odaci; optina Ba; optina Baka Palanka; optina Beoin; op-
tina Baki Petrovac; grad Novi Sad; optina Sremski Karlovci; optina Inija;
optina Titel; optina Stara Pazova; grad Zrenjanin; grad Beograd (optine
Zemun, Novi Beograd, Savski venac, Stari grad, Palilula i Grocka); grad Pan-
evo; optina Kovin; optina Bela Crkva; grad Smederevo; grad Poarevac;
optina Veliko Gradite; optina Golubac; optina Majdanpek; optina Kla-
dovo; optina Negotin. Svaka od navedenih optina ili gradova na Dunavu
poseduju znaajne resurse koji predstavljaju znaajan potencijal za dugoroni
razvoj regiona. Od neolitskih naselja Lepenski Vir (Donji Milanovac), Star-
evo, Vina (kraj Beograda); rimskog naslea dela Puta rimskih careva
za koji postoji Master plan kulturno-istorijske rute (2007)17 u kome su: Sir-
mium, Singidunum, Viminacijum, Diana i Pontes, Trajanova tabla, Gamzi-
grad Felix Romuliana / na UNESCO listi svetske kulturne batine/; ili dela
romanikog naslea povezanog kroz Put kulture Saveta Evrope Transro-
manika koji povezuje i promovie zajedniko naslee Evrope (romaniki ele-
menti u srpskoj srednjovekovnoj umetnosti i najreprezentativniji spomenici
Rake kole); srednjevekovnih tvrava Petrovaradinska tvrava, Beograd-
ska tvrava, Smederevska tvrava, tvrava Ram, Golubaka tvrava, Baka
tvrava, tvrava Fetislam, koje uestvuju u projektu Put kulture Tvrave
na Dunavu; gradova kao to je npr. Sombor sa mnogobrojnim spomenicima
kulture iz razliitih epoha i nekoliko pozorita na manjinskim jezicima (ma-
arsko, jevrejsko, hr vatsko, nemako, romsko); Apatin koji je u 2013. godini
obeleio hiljadu godina postojanja; Ba u kome se odnedavno odvija projekat
integrativne zatite uz podrku EU (Franjevaki manastir, manastir Boani,
ugarsko utvrenje i turski hamam); Sremski Karlovci i spomeniki i arhitek-
tonski biseri XVIII i XIX veka (Patrijarijski dvor, Saborna crkva, Karlovaka
gimnazija, Kapela mira, itd.); do npr. Negotina (Rajake pimnice, kandidatura
za upis na UNESCO listu svetske kulturne batine); brojni elementi nemate-
rijalnog naslea tradicije, obiaja, igara, kulture, itd. ima se u vidu da vaan
inilac odrivog razvoja u kulturi predstavlja upravo briga o nasleu zatita,
revitalizacija, rehabilitacija i/ili rekonstrukcija, kada je re o spomenikom
nasleu.
Pri pominjanju resursa kulture, u delu platforme, pomenuti su i poten-
cijali savremene umetnosti: Projekti koji promoviu savremenu umetniku
scenu i mobilnost umetnika meu gradovima na Dunavu takoe predstavljaju
znaajan faktor u konstituisanju zajednikog kulturnog prostora Podunavlja
ali i odrivog razvoja. [...]18 Zajednice na Dunavu poseduju potencijale i ka-
da je re o ustanovama kulture (npr. regionalni zavodi, muzeji, biblioteke), ali
17
MP Put rimskih careva - http://futurehospitalityleaders.files.wordpress.com/2012/08/
master-plan-kulturnoistorijske-rute-put-rimskih-careva.pdf
18
Dokument 4. - Ekonomski razvoj i jaanje regionalne saradnje i partnerstva u regionu
Podunavlja
i manifestacijama i produkciji. Umetnost i kreativne industrije su sektor koji

odraava i savremena drutvena kretanja, a koji se sve vie predstavlja kao ras-
tui i dinamini sektor privrede; iako je u sluaju savremenog stvaralatva tee
predvideti, ali i planirati odrivost.
Poslednjih nekoliko godina, u Srbiji je prisutan i fenomen razvoja i ulaga-
nja privatne inicijative u savremenu umetnost. U najblioj okolini i u samom
Beogradu, na obali Dunava, podiu se novi objekti manji umetniki centri
sa orijentacijom ka predstavljanju savremenih umetnikih praksi. To je po-
zitivan podatak, imajui u vidu da umetnost predstavlja znaajan faktor koji
doprinosi socijalnoj koheziji kao bitnom preduslovu razvoja. Izdvaja se i ne-
koliko reprezentativnih objekata: Muzej Macura (Novi Banovci, 2008) jed-
na od najveih privatnih kolekcija neoavangardne umetnosti u regionu; Trei
Beograd (Krnjaa, 2009) slobodna umetnika zadruga nastala iz potrebe za
poveanjem mogunosti umetnikog delovanja razliitih umetnickih pozi-
cija; ITS-Z1 (Ritopek, 2009) eksperimentalna umetnika laboratorija koja
okuplja i predstavlja radove eminentnih svetskih umetnika; Livnica Kuzma-
novi-Jugovo (Smederevo, 2003) stecite umetnika iz celog Regiona; i dr.
Ovoj listi se moe pridodati jo slinih objekata: rezidencijalni centar fondacije
Balkankult u Sremskim Karlovcima, Zemunski mali umetniki centar Ze-
munski kej (2006)19 kao i nekolicina umetnikih stecita na prostoru Bara
Venecija u centru Beograda (Mikser, KC Grad (2009), prostor Magacin...) a u
najavi je i revitalizacija Broda, galerije /Donau Kulturstrasse, i dr.
Kulturni turizam postaje sve znaajnija forma mobilnosti evropskog sta-
novnitva sa mnogostrukim pozitivnim implikacijama na socio-ekonomskom
planu (uki, 2010 : 361). Poslednjih godina veliki je i broj dogaaja, manife-
stacija i meunarodnih festivala (kulturno stvaralatvo), koji bi svojim kvalite-
tom mogli da poseduju potencijal za razvoj lokalne zajednice, regiona i drave,
meutim, na njih se jo uvek ne gleda kao na ekonomski ili atraktivan kultur-
no-turistiki proizvod. Neke uspene manifestacije, nisu uvek odrive. Mani-
festacija se mora osmisliti kao deo dinaminog, dugoronog procesa razvoja u
kulturi, drutvu i ekonomiji. (Riards, Palmer, 2013 : 347). Kulturna odrivost
zavisi, naime, od finansijske, drutvene ali i politike odrivosti.
Iako npr. festivali poseduju sposobnost da re-modeluju kulturni i dru-
tveni ivot pojedinaca i odreenih grupa u zajednici, izuzetan porast broja i
urbanih i lokalnih festivala i njihovih podvrsta (od muzike do gastronomije), u
poslednjih nekoliko decenija, na Dunavu u Republici Srbiji, pokazuje da rezul-
tati nisu dovoljni. Vlasti esto zanemaruju viu vrednost festivala doivljavaju-
i ih uglavnom kao kratkorono sredstvo zabave i eventualno promocije kraja.
Stoga, iako festival generie neke ekonomske benefite, njegov iri uticaj, kao
deo zajednikog oekivanja, ostaje na kraju vrlo ograniavajui. Takav festival,
meutim, moe biti vaan deo ireg mozaika u strategiji razvoja zajednica u
19
Podaci dobijeni iz udruenja i galerije savremene umetnosti Remont (2010)
Podunavlju, to zemlje potpisnice Strategije praktikuju (npr. Dunavski festival

u Ulmu). Postoje naravno i drugi primeri gde su festivali, npr. posveeni ou-
vanju tradicije u emu se ogleda i njihova odrivost.
Neki festivali se svojom posebnou vezuju za javne prostore i lokacije
kulturnog naslea, ime se pledira i na dugoronost, kao npr. meunarod-
ni pozorini festival Tvrava teatar (tvrava Smederevo), muziki festival
Exit (tvrava Petrovaradin), scensko-muziki festival Dunav fest (Kula
Neboja, Beograd), i dr. Oivljavanje ovih prostora na jedan novi nain, svaka-
ko doprinosi odrivosti kulturnog prostora. Odrivi razvoj otvara, meutim,
i brojna pitanja, posebno kada se radi o upotrebi kulturnog naslea u funk-
ciji turizma ili savremene umetnike produkcije. Kulturni rast pri kome su u
upotrebi arheoloki ili srednjevekovni lokaliteti (npr. festivali na tvravama),
moe doprineti i negativnim efektima ukoliko se paljivije ne postave granice.
Jer, nepotovanje koncepta odrivog razvoja vodi ka neefikasnom razvoju, u
smislu rasipanja odnosno oteenja resursa kulture. S druge strane, upravo te
manifestacije doprinose popularizaciji lokaliteta i njihovoj odrivosti, te tako
ovo pitanje ostaje dvojno i do daljeg otvoreno.
Jedan od kljunih meunarodnih dokumenata, posveen lokalnom kul-
turnom razvoju, na koji bi ovde trebalo skrenuti panju, koji sublimira kulturu
i odrivost, je svakako Agenda 21 za kulturu (2004), Ujedinjenih gradova
i lokalnih samouprava UGLS / Komiteta za kulturu (svetske mree grado-
va), kao osnova lokalnih javnih kulturnih politika, odnosno osnova za preu-
zimanje odgovornosti gradova i lokalnih uprava za kulturni razvoj, koja svoje
preporuke, upuuje lokalnim zajednicama, vladama, meunarodnim organi-
zacijama. Principi i smernice koje donosi Agenda 21 za kulturu mogu do-
prineti i kulturnoj odrivosti regiona i gradova i u Podunavlju Srbije, a odnose
se, izmeu ostalog, na: afirmaciju kulture, potovanje kulturne razlnolikosti,
zatitu i promociju razliitih kulturnih izraza, izradu javnih politika u cilju
izgradnje i jaanja kulturnih kapaciteta, promovisanje slobodnog govora, pro-
mociju i valorizaciju korienja kulturnog naslea, vee ukljuivanje zajednice
u programe kulture (participativni projekti), ukljuivanje mladih, korienje i
oivljavanje javnih prostora i dr.
Agenda 21 za kulturu dostavljena je i Ujedinjenim nacijama, Socijalno-
ekonomskom savetu UN (ECOSOC) kao vid preporuke za novu Agendu za
post-15 UN ciljeve (za period 2015-2030), kako bi uloga kulture postala vidlji-
vija i prihvaenija u odrivom razvoju.
Ovi dokumenti predstavljaju vaan osnov za drugaije razumevanje i
vrednovanje kulture u budunosti, kao i u odnosu prema njenim resursima.
Zakljuak
Rad se bavi odnosom kulture i odrivog razvoja, u kontekstu implementa-
cije Dunavske strategije u Republici Srbiji. Koncept kulturne odrivosti sagle-
dava se prvo kroz istorijski socio-kulturni kontekst Podunavlja, a potom kroz

regulativu, resurse i potencijale kulture u Srbiji.
Zakljuak koji se namee je da u uslovima opte nedovoljne brige za re-
surse odrivost kulture predstavlja vrlo sloen zadatak. Unitavanje resursa,
smanjenje ekonomskog rasta, drutvena (ne)odgovornost, ubrzana globali-
zacija, nedovoljna pratea regulativa... trendovi su koji ne idu uvek u prilog
odrivom razvoju kulture u Republici Srbiji. S obzirom da koncept odrivosti
predstavlja multidisciplinarni princip, a odrivost kulture esencijalnu potrebu,
potrebna je i vea pozornost spram resursa kulture, te intenzivnija zajednika
borba za uspostavljanje socio-ekonomske ravnotee, kako u Republici Srbiji,
tako i u celom regionu Podunavlja. Dunavska strategija, stoga, predstavlja an-
su i instrument u zajednikim naporima zemalja Podunavlja da se meuresor-
no i meusektorski reavaju znaajna zajednika pitanja, u emu Srbija20 ima
ansu da svoje kulturne resurse mudrije koristi, imajui prvenstveno u vidu da
upravo kultura ukrta razliite razvojne ciljeve. Potreba za integrativnim inter-
disciplinarnim pristupom ini da kultura postaje neodvojivi segment i drugih
oblasti ljudskog delovanja. Republika Srbija, svojim ueem u procesu izrade
i primenom Dunavske strategije, potvruje svoje strateko opredeljenje za in-
tenziviranje saradnje u Podunavlju, kao i za punopravno lanstvo u Evropskoj
uniji, dok svojom kulturnom batinom i ouvanjem ovih resursa doprinosi i
ouvanju evropskih vrednosti.
S obzirom da odrivi razvoj kulture u Podunavlju zavisi od razliitih sek-
torskih politika, za Republiku Srbiju posebno je vana bolja i intenzivnija in-
terresorna saradnja, ali i politika podrka, gde svi akteri sveobuhvatno sagle-
davaju zajednike interese za budunost. Stoga je znaaj postojeih stratekih
dokumenata u oblastima odrivog razvoja, privrednog razvoja, razvoja turi-
zma, obrazovanja kao i regionalnog razvoja, u kojima se kulturi priznaje uloga
aktera u odrivom razvoju, dobar ali nedovoljan inicijalni korak. Potrebno je,
naime, bolje definisanje uloge kulture u odrivom razvoju kroz politike drugih
resora, kao i donoenje Nacionalne strategije za kulturu, kojom bi se dugoro-
no planirali ciljevi vezani za kulturu Republike Srbije, te i Podunavlja. Kako bi
se odgovorilo potrebama implementacije same Dunavske strategije, preporuka
je da se u okviru nadlenog Ministarstva kulture i informisanja osnuje Radna
20
Ministarstvo kulture i informisanja RS je 2009/10. godine razvilo pilot projekat Put
kulture: Tvrave na Dunavu koji je povezao sedam lokalnih zajednica okupljenih oko sedam
tvrava. Okupljena su po etiri predstavnika iz svake od sedam lokalnih sredina: lokalne zajed-
nice, ustanove kulture / zavoda, civilnog sektora i turistikog biroa. Projekat je pokazao sna-
gu umreavanja lokalnih aktera kao vanih inilaca u kreiranju dugoronog kulturnog razvoja
na Dunavu. Nakon objavljivanja rezultata i promocije projekta (izlobe organizovane tokom
2010/11.godine u seditima znaajnih meunarodnih organizacija Savetu Evrope u Strazbu-
ru, Evropskoj komisji u Briselu, UNESCO-u u Parizu i dr.), projekat je proiren na 12 lokalnih
samouprava na ijoj teritoriji se nalazi naslee razliitih perioda. Naredna faza ovog projekta,
meutim, nije dospela na realizaciju, iz vie objektivnih razloga.
grupa koja bi se bavila iskljuivo planiranjem kulturnog razvoja u Podunavlju,

koja bi bila interresorna, ali i ukljuila i privatni i civilni sektor.
* * *
Uivanje i uee u umetnosti su bitni za sr uspenog odrivog razvoja,

dobrog kvaliteta ivota. Umetnost se oduvek koristila da angauje, informi-
e, kao i da zabavi i korienjem mate i kreativnosti podstakne promenu u
stavu, drutveni preobraaj ivotne sredine, to je sve neophodno da bi se
omoguio istinski razvoj.
(Riards, Palmer, 2013 : 346)
Literatura
Biblioteka Narodne skuptine. 2012. Reka Dunav i Dunavska strategija. Istraivanje.
Br.: 01/12. Datum: 08/03/2012. Beograd, Republika Srbija, Narodna Skuptina.
Sektor za zakonodavstvo
uki, Vesna. 2010. Drava i kultura. Studije savremene kulturne politike. Beograd, In-
stitut za pozorite, film, radio i televiziju. Fakultet dramskih umetnosti
Matarasso, Francois. 1997. Use or Ornament: The social impact of participation in the
arts. Stroud. Comedia
Medakovi, Dejan. 1998. Dunav, reka jedinstva Evrope. Novi Sad, Prometej
Riards, Greg. Palmer, Robert.2013.Uzbudljivi gradovi. Kreativni menadment i revita-
lizacija grada. Beograd, KLIO
Throsby, David. 2001. Economics and culture. Cambridge. Cambridge University
Press
Throsby, David. 2005. On the Sustainability of Cultural Capital. Sydney, Macquarie
University http://www.businessandeconomics.mq.edu.au/our_departments/Eco-
nomics/econ_research/2005/cult_cap_throsby.pdf
Web stranice / Dokumenti:

Vlada Republike Srbije. 2008. Nacionalna strategija odrivog razvoja Republike Srbije.
Beograd, Slubeni glasnik RS, br. 57/2008
Vlada Republike Srbije. 2006. Nacionalna strategija privrednog razvoja 2006-2012.
file:///C:/Documents%20and%20Settings/Ada/Bureau/DUNAV%20diff%20DOC%20
-%20ODRZIVI%20RAZVOJ/SKUPSTINA-NSPRS.pdf
Vlada Republike Srbije. 2006. Strategija razvoja turizma u Republici Srbiji za period
2006-2015.godine. (Slubeni glasnik RS, broj 91/06)
Vlada Republike Srbije. 2005. Nacionalna strategija regionalnog razvoja Republike Srbi-
je. (Slubeni glasnik RS, br. 55/05 i 71/05 ispravka)
Vlada Republike Srbije. 2012. Nacionalna startegija obrazovanja u Srbiji do 2020. go-
dine. (Slubeni glasnik RS, br. 107/2012) http://www.ff.uns.ac.rs/Files/Strategi-
jaObrazovanja.pdf
World Commission. 1996. Our Creative Diversity. Report of the World Commis-
sion on Culture and Development: http://unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0010/
001055/105586e.pdf pristup 25.04.2014. 20:20.
Strategija Evropske unije za Region Dunava (EUSDR) http://eur-lex.europa.eu/legal-

content/EN/TXT/PDF/?uri=CELEX:52010DC0715&from=EN pristup 19.04. u
22:10
http://www.danube-region.eu
http://www.danube-region.eu/contact/contact-pacs-ncps pristup 24.04. u 21:30
Akcioni plan (EUSDR) file:///C:/Documents%20and%20Settings/Ada/Mes%20docu-
ments/Downloads/Action%20Plan%20EUSDR.pdf
Agenda 21 za kulturu file:///C:/Documents%20and%20Settings/Ada/Mes%20docu-
ments/Downloads/ag21c_sr%20(1).pdf - pristup 19.04. u 23:20
UN Rezolucija 68/223 (2013) http://www.un.org/en/ga/search/view_doc.asp?symbol=A/
RES/68/223 - pristup 25.04.2014. u 2:10
The European Task Force on Culture and Development. 1997. In from the Margins, A
contribution to the debate on Culture and Development in Europe. Report for the
Council of Europe by The European Task Force on Culture and Development.
Brussels http://www.coe.int/t/dg4/cultureheritage/culture/resources/Publicati-
ons/InFromTheMargins_EN.pdf pristup 24.04. u 23:40
Jagoda Stamenkovi
DANUBE STRATEGY AND SUSTAINABLE

DEVELOPMENT OF CULTURAL SPACE OF THE
DANUBE REGION IN SERBIA
This paper deals with the phenomenon of sustainable development of the Danube
Basin in the field of culture, especially in terms of the Danube River Basin which belongs
to the Republic of Serbia. The Danube River, an important pan-European road has a
considerable historical and cultural resources, as well as significant potential for socio-
economic development. The first part of the paper presents the Danube River, in the frame
of socio-historical and cultural aspects. There are also the principles and aims of the
Danube Strategy and its structure focusing on the role and synergy of culture with other
areas within this strategic EU document. The second part of this paper presents several
national documents / strategies of the Republic of Serbia in different areas related to
sustainability (culture, sustainable development, economic development, tourism devel-
opment, regional development) whereas the culture is recognised as significant generator
and contributor of sustainable development. The documents mention the culture of the
Danube River Basin in Serbia, as vital for sustainability of the cities and local commu-
nities, where one of the main priorities should be protection of cultural heritage, both
tangible and intangible from archaeological sites, architectural and industrial heritage,
underwater heritage, archives, library and museums collections, etc. toward folk dances,
oral traditions, etc. The paper presents the local governments (29) directly out of the Dan-
ube and their resources in the area of culture that can enhance sustainable development,
taking into account the principles of the Danube Strategy (EUSDR), in which culture
and tourism are in the same priority are (PA3). The fact that the Danube River Basin
encompasses the global cities, heritage sites and places of artistic practice, including many
capitals and their cultural offers, requires a wise use of all resources, modern tourism and
infrastructure as well as adequate legal framework all aiming at recognition of culture
as an important actor in sustainability.
III
SUSTAINABILITY OF MEDIA AND ARTS

PRACTICES /
ODRIVOST MEDIJSKIH I UMETNIKIH
PRAKSI
Mirjana Nikoli
ODRIVI RAZVOJ MEDIJA KAO PRETPOSTAVKA

ODRIVOG RAZVOJA DRUTVA1
Uvod
Iako smo danas vie nego ikada izloeni informacijama o stepenu zagae-
nosti, nestanku brojnih ivotinjskih i biljnih vrsta, globalnom zagrevanju kao
najozbiljnijim opasnostima po razvoj drutva, skloni smo da ovakve pretnje i
apele da se individualno i kolektivno angaujemo u reavanju ovih problema,
ne shvatamo ozbiljno i da i dalje bezbrino i nezainteresovano pratimo situa-
ciju.
Jo 1972. Godine, na Konferenciji Ujedinjenih nacija o ovekovoj sredini
u Stokholmu, usvojena je Deklaracija iji je cilj bio da ukae na novonastale
globalne promene. Vie od decenije kasnije, 1987. godine, Gro Harlem Brund-
tland (Gro Harlem Brundtland)2, sa vodee pozicije Svetske komisije za ivot-
nu sredinu i razvoj (World Commission on Environment and Development
- WCED)3, donosi izvetaj Naa zajednika budunost. Ovaj izvetaj je pod-
stakao javnu raspravu o problemima ugroenosti planete i afirmisao koncept
odrivog razvoja koji postepeno postaje i neka vrsta politikog koncepta svih
vlada i dravnika koji su se smatrali odgovornim za ovo pitanje.
1
Ovaj tekst je nastao u okviru rada na projektu br. 178012 Identitet i seanja: transkulturalni
tekstovi dramskih umetnosti i medija (Srbija 1989-2014), Fakulteta dramskih umetnosti
(Univerzitet Umetnosti u Beogradu), koji finansira Ministarsto prosvete, nauke i tehnolokog
razvoja Republike Srbije i meunarodnog projekta Investigating cultural sustainability Univerzi-
teta umetnosti u Beogradu, koji se realizuje u okviru projekta COST IS 1007.
2
Prema obrazovanju lekar, norveki Ministar za ekologiju, prvi norveki premijer. Kroz
rad u Svetskoj komisiji za ivotnu sredinu i razvoj (World Commission on Environment and
Development - WCED), snano uticala na razvoj koncepta drivog razvoja i podstakla iru
javnu raspravu po ovom pitanju.
3
esto nazivane i Bruntland komisija.
Godine 1992, na Konferenciji UN o ivotnoj sredini i razvoju, poznatoj

kao Samit u Riu4, doneta je Deklaracija o ivotnoj sredini i odrivom razvoju,
kojom je nastavljena praksa definisanja problema, ali iza koje nee uslediti ko-
renite akcije kako bi se otklonili negativni trendovi.
Dakle, pre vie od etiri decenije, najvie meunarodne institucije postale
su svesne i poele da ukazuju na izazove pred kojima se nalazi moderno drutvo,
pre svega kad je u pitanju ugroenost prirodnih resursa, to je ujedno i pretnja
ukupnom razvoju drutva i svih njegovih pojedinanih sektora. Time, od glo-
balnog do lokalnog nivoa, imperativ postaje briga za odrivi razvoj kao razvoj
koji omoguava zadovoljenje dananjih potreba, bez dovoenja u pitanje mo-
gunosti zadovoljenja potreba buduih generacija (Kates and all 2005: 10).
U aktuelnim debatama o odrivom razvoju, najee se koristi sistemski
pristup5 u kome se celokupan svet vidi kao sistem koji povezuje prostor i si-
stem koji povezuje vreme. Sutina ova dva sistema je u dva kljuna koncepta:
koncept potreba najveeg broja drutvenih grupa, ukljuujui i siromane, to
je jedna od vanih taaka na drutvenoj agendi i koncept ogranienja kroz
koji svesno ne koristimo sve dostupne kapacitete i potencijale, posebno one
koje nam pruaju tehniko-tehnoloki razvoj i drutvena organizacija, a iji je
cilj da se sauva integritet ivotne sredine. Kada se u koordinatnom sistemu
koji ine prostor i vreme, postavi zadatak usklaivanja potreba i raspoloivih
resursa, rezultat bi trebalo da bude odgovorno postupanje, zahvaljujui kome
emo iskoristiti deo kapaciteta u sadanjem trenutku i na lokalu u kome ivi-
mo, kako bi ti kapaciteti i dalje bili dostupni u budunosti i irom planete.
Dakle, odrivi razvoj i briga o njegovom konsekventnom obezbeenju
jedno je od temeljnih izazova savremenog doba. Bavljenje njime nametnuo
je aktuelni tehniko-tehnoloki i opti drutveni razvoj, a pred pojedincima,
drutvima, dravama, pa i civilnim sektorom, stoji sistemski razvoj svesti o
tome da je neophodno da sva dobra ne potroimo u ovom trenutku, ve da ih
sauvamo, kako bismo odgovorno obezbedili izvesnu budunost.
Uloga medij u odrivom razvoju drutva

Iako izmeu medij i odrivog razvoja ne postoji najdirektnija veza, me-
diji se u razliitim formama i obimima bave odrivim razvojem drutva u celi-
ni, njegovim resursima i potencijalima, od ekonomije do ekologije, od identi-
teta i obrazovanja do kulture i umetnosti.
4
Konferencija je odrana u Rio de aneiru.
5
Dr Duan Simi sistem definie kao izdvojenu, funkcionalnu celinu, sastavljenu od
objekata, njihovih atributa i relacija koje povezuju objekte i njihova svojstva (Simi 1981), ma-
da se moe rei da je sistem
skp (kompozicija) elemenata (delova) iji meusobni odnosi poivaju na odreenim
zakonima ili principima. (Kukolea, 1980).
Tradicionalni i posebno novi/digitalni mediji, nastali su kao produkt teh-

nolokog razvoja. Sa aspekta njihove drutvene funkcije, nesporno je da imaju
obavezu i veliku odgovornost kada je re o praenju i izvetavanju o bitnim
temama koje nisu samo politika ve i socijalna pitanja, obrazovanje, ekologija,
estetika, etika... dakle sve ono to u sebi integrie brigu o odrivom razvoju. Ori-
jentacija ka brizi o odrivom razvoju koju mediji vode ide u korak sa odgovor-
nou prema drutvu, zajednici, okruenju od globalnog do lokalnog nivoa,
odnosno o onome to kao kapital ostaje pokoljenjima, dakle, nama samima.
Mediji imaju mandat, sposobnost i mo da kreiraju tematski okvir svojih
sadraja, budu pokretai, promoteri bitnih pitanja, drutvena tribina, prostor
debate i diskusije o brojnim temama ukljuujui i odrivi razvoj. Kroz medij-
ske projekte koji mogu biti u formi tekstova, radio/TV emisija/serijala, filmo-
va, portala, drutvenih mrea, mediji imaju potencijal da budu reprezenti i
promoteri novih i pozitivnih drutvenih modela, a to je jo bitnije, da otvore
prostor za participaciju graana i usmerenje njihove energije ka bavljenju i re-
avanju bitnih pitanja upravo sa agende odrivog razvoja6.
Ukoliko postulate i ciljeve ekoloke filozofije7 pokuamo da primenimo
na medije i njihovu ulogu u obezbeenju odrivog razvoja drutva, jasno je
da su oni nezaobilazni u smislu informisanja o problemima ivotne sredine i
generalno upravljaju njome. U tom smislu, u filozofiju medijske produkcije i
poslovnu strategiju menadmenta, bez obzira da li je re o komercijalnim ili
medijima sa funkcijom javnog servisa8, moraju biti utkani postulati odgovor-
nosti i posveenosti humanistikim i demokratskim ciljevima od kojih je je-
dan briga o odrivom razvoju. Monitoring i evaluacija rada medija moraju biti
usmereni i na sadraje i na menadment, a svakako bi kao jedan od parameta-
ra trebalo da se uvede procena participacije medija u smislu brige o odrivom
razvoju drutva. Bitan saveznik ovog procesa trebalo bi da bude zakonska re-
gulativa koja bi predviala razliite olakice9 za medije koji pokau spremnost
da podre ovako bitno drutveno pitanje koje nije futuristika projekcija, ve
realna pretnja budunosti.
Ipak, kada je re o ulozi medija u odrivom razvoju pojavljuje se nekoliko
vrlo vanih dilema. S obzirom na to da je kvalitet ivotne sredine neka vrsta
ekonomskog dobra, pitanje je spremnosti medija da deluju u ovom pravcu,
odnosno kako da mediji govore i upozoravaju na one pojedince i grupe koji
deluju drutveno neodgovorno i predstavljaju prepreku odrivom razvoju. To
je pretnja svim tipovima i modelima medija i medijskih sistema, s obzirom da
6
Teorija dnevnog reda - Agenda setting.
7
Ekoloka filozofija pokuava da pronikne u sutinu dominantnog i moguih odnosa
prema prirodi, uz razmatranje filozofski utemeljene ekoloke paradigme miljenja i ekolokih
zapovesti. Jedan od ciljeva je i podizanje nivoa ekoloke svesti ime bi se doprinelo odgovorni-
jem stavu prema zatiti ivotne sredine.
8
Za koje je briga o odrivom razvoju imperativ.
9
Od finansijskih do onih koji se na primer odnose na dobijanje dozvola za emitovanje.
afirmativno delovanje u navedenom pravcu moe da bude kontra produktivno

za ekonomski opstanak samih medija, odnosno da mediji, zarad drutvene od-
govornosti, moraju da skreu panju na negativnosti u radu svojih finansijera,
predstavnika dravne administracije, vlade....10
Interesantno je sagledati i dualitet u smislu kapaciteta tradicionalnih i di-
gitalnih/novih medija da pokrenu debatu o ovim pitanjima i obezbede parti-
cipaciju graana u njihovom reenju. Nesporna je nadmo digitalnih medija,
ali i opasnost od moguih oblika manipulacije uz korienje ovih sadraja. U
toj situaciji, toliko eljena participacija publike, korisnik, moe imati veoma
pozitivne efekte, ali i dovesti u pitanje kredibilitet konkretnih medija.
Konano, najznaajnija dilema tie se ontologije odnosa medija prema
odrivom razvoju. Tu je veoma esto pitanje koje se postavlja koliko mediji,
javni/komercijalni, digitalni/tradicionalni, svoje potencijale koriste iskljuivo
da bi ukazali, ili jo ee, samo informisali o nekom problemu iz dijapazona
odrivog razvoja, ili pak aktivno prate odreene pojave, koriste kapacitete is-
traivakog novinarstva, predlau reenja, ukazuju na krivce, ne prestaju sa
aktivnostima dok neko pitanje ne bude reeno, a negativne posledice potpuno
izolovane. Ovo pitanje je i pitanje kapaciteta medija da animiraju, prue okvir
za participaciju, budu proaktivni i konano budu edukator i nezaobilazni part-
ner u stvaranju medijski pismene i aktivne publike koja e u realnim uslovima
preduzimati konkretne akcije.
Odrivi razvoj medija pretnje i mogunosti

Drugi ugao iz koga moemo govoriti o medijima i odrivom razvoju, ve-
zan je za analizu nastanka, razvoja, opstanka, potencijalnih pretnji, i konano,
nestanka odreenih kako medija, tako i medijskih sistema, dakle ugao u ijem
fokusu je odrivost samih medija.
Ovaj aspekt se moda moe smatrati bitnijim i za drutvo i za medije, jer
ukazuje na vanost konsekventne brige o egzistenciji medija. Ukoliko se me-
diji, njihova orijentacija, poslovanje, delovanje, etika, uruavaju, ukoliko de-
tektujemo negativnosti na polju medijske ekologije, onda nema potencijala da
govorimo o njihovom zdravom i funkcionalnom postojanju, izmeu, ostalog i
u smislu odrivog razvoja drutva i brige o bitnim drutvenim pitanjima.
Ekonomski aspekti
Startna taka diskusije o odrivosti medija je ekonomski aspekt njihovog
osnivanja, postojanja i opstanka. Medijska produkcija koja u sebi objedinjuje
10
Dobar primer ovakve situacije bio je skandal u vezi sa dozvoljenom koliinom aflatok-
sina u mleku, pri emu je Srbija bila evropski presedan sa dozvoljenom koliinom od 0,5 mikro-
grama po kilogramu, za razliku od regionalnog i evropskog standarda koji je 0,05.
kreativne i industrijske momente, odlikuje se menadmentom koji se bazira

na optim, ali i vrlo specifinim principima. S obzirom na to da mediji ne pro-
izvode robu u klasinom smislu, na njihovo poslovanje ne moemo linearno
primeniti bazne ekonomske zakone i principe. Meutim, iako vrlo specifina,
medijska produkcija nalae obavezu definisanja odgovora na neka od baznih
ekonomskih pitanja: ta su proizvodi odreene medijske produkcije?; U kom
obimu se odvija ta produkcija11?; Koliki su trokovi produkcije i ta nam je sve
za nju potrebno?; Ko su stvarni i potencijalni korisnici navedenih produkata/
proizvoda?
Koristei ekonomske parametre za davanje odgovora na ova pitanja, su-
tinski ocrtavamo okvir ekonomske odrivosti medija i definiemo: ta radi-
mo produkujemo; radimo li ono to smo rekli da moemo; koliko to dobro
radimo; da li ono to radimo postie efekte; da li postoje korisnici koji su za
njih zainteresovani, i konano, u kojoj meri je ta produkcija usklaena sa po-
trebama publike/auditorijuma. Kao i u bilo kojoj industrijskoj, materijalnoj
proizvodnji, i za odrivi razvoj medija bitni su usaglaeni odgovori na ove pa-
rametre, odnosno usaglaenost obima i cene kotanja produkcije12 sa tranjom
sa potrebama i eljama publike, jer emo samo na taj nain imati zatvoren
ciklus u kome e biti obezbeena sredstva (iz komercijalnih ili javnih izvora)
za njihovo poslovanje.
Srbija i srpski mediji kao jednu od najznaajnijih pretnji postojanju i op-
stanku medija imaju u veoma looj ekonomskoj situaciji koja se sa nivoa itave
drave preslikava na sve delatnosti. Tranzicioni proces u Srbiji nije izveden ni
uspeno ni efikasno kao u nekim evropskim, bivim socijalistikim zemalja-
ma, to se odrazilo na privredu, ekonomiju, politiku stabilnost i konano se-
kundarne drutvene delatnosti kakve su zdravstveni, obrazovni, pa i medijski
sistem. Devedesetih godina 20. veka, u Srbiji se afirmiu politike promene oli-
ene u uspostavljanju viepartijskog sistema. U ekonomskom smislu, odustaje
se od dirigovane i afirmie se trina privreda, dok u sferi medija zapoinje
proces deregulacije kojim se otvara mogunost za privatne inicijative u oblasti
osnivanja i rukovoenja rada medija. Ovi procesi, ukljuujui i novo ureenje
medijske sfere, kao da ni tada, a ni posle petooktobarskih promena 2000. godi-
ne, nisu izvedeni do kraja zadovoljavajue.
Mediji devedesetih bili su snano polarizovani na opozicione i one u slu-
bi vladajueg reima, naravno uz dominantnu poziciju Javnog preduzea RTS.
Nakon demokratskih promena, zahvaljujui novoj zakonskoj regulativi, afirmi-
11
Obim produkcije moe da se posmatra u odnosu na nekoliko parametara: vrstu i tip
medijske organizacije, zonu pokrivanja, medijsku monolitnost ili polivalentnost (delovanje u
domenu vie razliitih medija na primer radio, televizija, Internet), vlasnike odnose, poreklo
kapitala...
12
Kvalitet bi bio jedan od oekivanih parametara ekonomskog uspeha medijske produkci-
je; meutim, u uslovima krajnje liberalizovanog trita i eskapistikih i unienih potreba publi-
ke, kvalitet medijskih sadraja nije direktna garancija za njihovo uspeno i isplativo poslovanje.
u se tri modela elektronskih medija javni servis, komercijalni mediji i me-

diji civilnog sektora13. Iako je postavljanje zakonskog okvira bilo promiljeno
i bazirano na preporukama evropskih institucija i pozitivnoj evropskoj praksi,
znaajno je rei da je implementacija usvojenih zakona tekla sporo, produkuju-
i nefunkcionalan medijski sistem. Vrlo velika potekoa medijske transforma-
cije vezana je i za postepeno odustajanje od navedena tri modela organizacije
elektronskih medija i ostavljanje prostora za razliite modalitete preivljavanja
elektronskih medija lokalne i regionalne zajednice, bilo da je re o RTV stanici
iji je osniva Skuptina glavnog grada Beograda14; RTV stanica kroz ije pro-
grame se zadovoljavaju potrebe nacionalnih manjina, ili je re o reenjima koja
su bila nametnuta jer nije bilo zainteresovanih subjekata za kupovinu istih.
Novi drutveni uslovi pruili su mogunost liberalizacije medijskog tri-
ta, koja je oliena u multiplikaciji broja tampanih i elektronskih medija. Jedan
od problema novih uslova i novog ustrojstva medija bio je nezdrav ekonomski
ambijent i simulacija potencijala da ovoliko veliki broj medija uopte moe da
opstane. U ovako nepovoljnim ekonomskim uslovima, mediji postaju prinue-
ni na razliite kompromise koji se kreu u dijapazonu od stvaranja neprincipi-
jelnih koalicija sa nosiocima politike moi, preko zagrljaja sa nosiocima eko-
nomske moi15, do vrlo bliskih veza sa estradom, svetom kriminala, sporta...
Multiplikacija medija, naalost, nije proizvela jasniju sadrinsku diferen-
cijaciju i usmerenje medijskih kua na produkciju raznovrsnih i kvalitetnih
sadraja. Suprotno oekivanjima i potencijalima, dolazi do unifikacije kako
programskih sadraja, tako i izraajnih formi. Mediji se pretvaraju u dinovske
megafone ili video rikordere/DVD plejere, kojima se samo distribuiraju goto-
vo neograniene koliine sadraja od kojih mnogi nisu autentina produkcija
odreenih medija, a previe esto je re i o repriznim izdanjima.
Druga pretnja po ekonomski opstanak medija svakako je vezana za ne-
usaglaenost broja medija i potencijala trita oglaivaa, to se reperkutuje
i na javne i na komercijalne medije. Reenje ovakve disharmonije svakako bi
zahtevalo bolne racionalizacije16. U trenutnoj situaciji, za 90 miliona evra, ko-
liko se procenjuju budeti za televizijsko oglaavanje bori se 278 televizijskih
stanica est nacionalnih, 28 regionalnih, 81 lokalni emiter i ak 129 kablov-
skih televizija17.
13
Zakon o radiodifuziji 2002, Slubeni glasnik RS, jul 2002.
14
RTV Studio B.
15
ak i situacije da su finansijski monici skriveni vlasnici medija.
16
Jo 2006. Godine, Savet Evrope je preporuio da je Srbiji dovoljan jedan javni servis i
dve nacionalne komercijalne televizijske stanice, to je ve u procesu raspodele frekvencija bitno
uvean dodelom pet nacionalnih dozvola TV emiterima,
http://www.novosti.rs/vesti/naslovna/drustvo/aktuelno.290.html:486809-Za-90-miliona-
evra-bori-se-278-TV-stanica, pristupljeno 10. aprila 2014.
17
Veernje novosti, http://www.novosti.rs/vesti/naslovna/drustvo/aktuelno.290.html:
486809-Za-90-miliona-evra-bori-se-278-TV-stanica, pristupljeno 10. aprila 2014.
Borba za opstanak, posebno televizijskih stanica ija delatnost je finan-

sijski vrlo zahtevna, proizvela je anomaliju vezanu za fenomen manipulacije
rezultatima istraivanja gledanosti TV programa i uopte merenjem rejtinga,
ak i u situaciji kada se ovaj postupak ostvaruje uz pomo relativno pouzdanih
ureaja kakvi su piplmetri. Visok rejting, bilo da je rezultat tane ili frizirane
obrade podataka, medijima obezbeuje prepoznatljivost kod oglaivaa koji
su zainteresovani za kupovinu oglasnog prostora kod onih emitera koji nekim
osobenostima18, imaju mo da obezbede ili brojnu ili odreenu, eljenu publi-
ku koja je potencijalni kupac proizvoda/usluga koje taj oglaiva promovie.
Upravo kada je re o korisnicima medijskih sadraja, koji su i potroai
proizvoda koji se u tim medijima predstavljaju, dolazimo do pitanja ekonom-
skog poloaja stanovnitva koje je i publika i potroa. Ekonomski poloaj,
prosena primanja, budeti za potronju, jasno determiniu kupovnu mo pu-
blike koja je po pravilu niska, to dalje uzrokuje devalvaciju visoke izloenosti
publike medijskim sadrajima, pogotovo elektronskih medija. S obzirom da
publika ima nisku kupovnu mo, postaje nebitno koliko i kojim oglasnim po-
rukama je izloena, jer jednostavno do potronje ne moe da doe u eljenom
obimu.
Lo ekonomski poloaj stanovnitva rezultirao je i nezadovoljavajuom
naplatom RTV pretplate iz koje se finansiraju javni servisi, koja je danas toliko
mala da je dolo do ugroenosti stabilnosti njihovog finansiranja, a otvaraju se
mogunosti da drava intervenie i kroz budetska izdvajanja pomogne opsta-
nak javnog servisa kao jedne od znaajnih demokratskih institucija. Iako fi-
nansiranje javnog servisa iz budetskih sredstava ne bi bio presedan u odnosu
na praksu nekih evropskih zemalja (panija na primer), ipak afirmacija ovog
modela u nestabilnim uslovima, otvara mogunost uticaja koje politike elite
veoma rado koriste. Iz ovih razloga, verujemo da je prelazak srpskih javnih
servisa na budetsko finansiranje istinski privremena mera i da e od 2016. go-
dine zaiveti pretplata kao istinski najbolji model finansiranja javnih servisa.
Kada je re o srpskim javnim servisima RDU RTS i RDU RTV, izo-
stajanje finansijske participacije publike nije jedini uzrok loeg ekonomskog
poloaja. Drugi razlog vezan je za injenicu da su domae ustanove javnog
servisa institucionalno preglomazni sistemi u kojima je zaposlen mnogo vei
broj radnika od potrebnog. Iako su menadmenti javnih servisa svesni ovog
problema, nita se ne preduzima, jer izmeu armije nezaposlenih na birou i
struno osposobljenih, a nedovoljno iskorienih radnika, javni servisi bira-
ju drugu opciju. Izvesno je da se po ovom pitanju mora neto uiniti; s druge
strane, nijedno rukovodstvo ne eli da preduzme nepopularne mere, iako e, u
perspektivi, to postati neminovnost. U tim situacijama jedan od problema e
biti zatita prava zaposlenih, ali se ne moe nazreti ko e preuzeti inicijativu po
tom pitanju, s obzirom da je za zaposlene u javnom servisu i uopte medijske
18
to ne mora biti samo kvalitet programa.
radnike karakteristina nedovoljna sindikalna organizovanost, to podrazu-

meva postojanje brojnih i nekoherentnih sindikata.
Socio-ekonomske promene u drutvu i bolne posledice tranzicije uzro-
kovale su promene u pogledu odnosa izmeu elektronskih medija i publike,
aktuelizujui pitanja sociologije publike. Sve vei broj nezaposlenih u naoj
zemlji, iji broj se prema podacima Republikog zavoda za statistiku procenju-
je na ak 25% ukupne populacije, veliki broj penzionera, potom deca, uenici
i studenti, doveli su do promene naina upranjavanja medijskih sadraja i
uopte odnosa prema medijima. S jedne strane, belei se pd interesovanja za
tampane medije, tanije za kupovinu istih, mada se njihovim sadrajima i da-
lje pristupa online putem. Zahvaljujui novim tehnikim mogunostima, dola-
zi do viestrukog uveanja pristupa publike ovoj vrsti sadraja, ali su umanjeni
prihodi koji su nekada dolazili od kupovine tampe, posebno dnevnih novina.
Kada je re o elektronskim medijima, radio i televizijski sadraji se nekritiki
upranjavaju i to u proseku od oko pet sati i dva minuta dnevno19, to je vie-
struko iznad evropskog proseka. Re je najee o sadrajima niskog kvaliteta
koji nude eskapizam, bekstvo od realnosti u svet imaginacije, distraktivnih sa-
draja i poruka; serijskih, muzikih, rijaliti i kontakt-programa.
Loa ekonomska situacija u drutvu, lo poloaj stanovnitva i medija, re-
perkutuje se na lo poloaj medijskih radnika, koji su esto prvo vie meseci an-
gaovani kao volonteri, potom je njihov rad vrlo skromno honorisan, dugi niz
godina su u statusu honorarnih saradnika i retko budu primljeni u stalni radni
odnos. Prema istraivanjima, medijski radnici, posebno enskog pola, perma-
netno su izloeni proverama i procenama, ak bi se moglo rei da je stepen
eksploatacije novinara visok u smislu dueg radnog vremena, prihoda i uskra-
ivanja doprinosa (Radojkovi 2011: 21). Svojevrstan mobing na relaciji poslo-
davac i medijski radnik, proizvodi i u privatnom i u javnom sektoru, stalni strah
da im se ne obnove ugovori ili da budu raskinuti, a egzistencija ugroena.
Privatno vlasnitvo kao posledica tranzicije socijalistikih u liberalne, ka-
pitalistike odnose, u sferi medija je aktuelizovala pitanje realnog i fiktivnog
vlasnitva nad medijima. Nepoznato, ukrteno, skriveno, netransparentno vla-
snitvo nad medijima20, samo su neke od ozbiljnih pretnji odrivom razvoju
medija, bez obzira da li je re o horizontalnoj ili vertikalnoj koncentraciji (Pe-
ruko 2003: 41, 42). Pluralizam kao bitna pretpostavka demokratskog razvoja
medija, podrazumeva ograniavanje konkurencije i spreavanje monopola to
se moe postii direktnim ili indirektnim subvencijama. U ovom smislu, po-
stoje dileme u vezi sa dravnom intervencijom generalno, a posebno u sferi
medija, i pitanje koliko je bilo kakvo uplitanje drave potrebno i poeljno
ak i kada je u pitanju ogranienje konkurencije i demonopolizacija. Zdrava
19
Politika Online, 2. januara 2012, http://www.politika.rs/rubrike/spektar/zivot-i-stil/Sr-
bi-rekorderi-u-gledanju-televizije.lt.html
20
Brisel: regulisati medijski sektor u Srbiji, izvor: Politika, 02.04.2014; Strana: A8.
trina utakmica i jasna zakonska regulativa, apsolutno bi trebalo da obezbede

i transparentnost vlasnitva i spreavanje medijske koncentracije, to na alost
u srpskim uslovima nije situacija21.
Za komercijalne medije koji se nalaze pred izazovima teke finansijske si-
tuacije, jedna od moguih mera koja bi omoguila bolji poloaj, ali i veu moti-
visanost medija da proizvode programe koji nee biti surovo komercijalizovani,
bila bi vezana za uvoenje finansijskih stimulansa za medije koji su drutveno
odgovorni i angaovani. Ovo bi moda bio dobar posredni nain stimulacije
rada medija uz participaciju drave, ali tek kada mediji pokau svoju orijenta-
ciju, drutveni angaman i odgovornost, kao i brigu za drutveni interes.
Zakonska regulativa
Politike promene u Srbiji, posebno nakon 5. oktobra 2000. godine, tre-
balo je da obezbede unapreenje svih sfera ivota, pa tako i sfere medija. Prvi
korak je bio donoenje nove zakonske regulative ija je intencija bila, izmeu
ostalog, uspostavljanje pravnog okvira za odrivi razvoj medija.
Iako se dugo i uz preporuke meunarodnih medijskih organizacija radilo
na novim zakonima22, njihovo usvajanje i poetak primene nisu koincidirali23.
Vodee medijske strategije i zakoni permanentno se rekonstruiu i prepravlja-
ju, odnosno simulira se njihova primena. Slina situacija je, naalost, karakte-
ristina i danas, jer dve i po godine od usvajanja medijske strategije, Srbija nije
donela nove, pratee zakone. O konkretnoj i izvrnoj neefikasnosti zakonske
regulative govore i neki od postupaka nezavisnih regulatornih tela. Konkretno,
prema odredbama Zakona o radiodifuziji (2002), u sluaju da emiter prekr-
i neku njegovu odredbu, nadleno telo ima pravo da izrie opomenu; druga
mera je zabrana emitovanja programa u trajanju od 30 dana, a ukoliko emiter
ne popravi svoje ponaanje, preti mu konana mera potpunog oduzimanja
dozvole za emitovanje programa. Zanimljivo je da i pored grubih krenja od-
redbi zakona, nijednom elektronskom mediju nije nikada oduzeta, ak ni pri-
vremeno, dozvola.
21
Aktuelna situacija u Srbiji pokazuje brojne negativnosti kada je re o nedozvoljenoj me-
dijskoj koncentraciji. Dve komercijalne TV stanice sa nacionalnim pokrivanjem i jedna radio
stanica takoe sa nacionalnim pokrivanjem, imaju istovetnog vlasnika (RTV B92 i TV Prva)
ili injenica da isti vlasnik poseduje Radio S sa nacionalnim pokrivanjem i Gradski radio sa
regionalnim ili NIP Novosti koje uz tampani medij poseduje u prikrivenom obliku regionalnu
radio-stanicu Radio Novosti ili Vasnik RTV sistema PINK eljko Mitrovi koji je bio manjinski
vlasnik TV Avale, stanice sa nacionalnim pokrivanjem, dok je vlasniku TV Happy pozajmio
novac za kupovinu celog paketa vlasnitva nad sistemom TV Happy/Koava.
22
Prvi zakon koji je trebalo da uredi oblast elektronskih medija bio je Zakon o radiodifu-
ziji (2002), potom Zakon o telekomunikacijama (2003) i Zakon o javnom informisanju (2003).
23
Konkretno, od donoenja Zakona o radiodifuziji do njegove primene, prolo je etiri
godine.
U ovom trenutku u Srbiji je u toku priprema novih reformi medijskih za-

kona i oekuje se usvajanje tri nova Zakona Zakon o elektronskim medijima,
Zakon o javnom informisanju i Zakon o javnim medijskim servisima, pri e-
mu e prva dva verovatno biti usvojena po konstituisanju parlamenta, dok kod
Zakona o javnim medijskim servisima postoje izvesne nedostatnosti vezane
za nepostojanje politikog konsenzusa prvenstveno vezanog za pitanje naina
finansiranja javnog servisa i dilemu da li e se zakonodavac opredeliti za pret-
platu ili budetski nain njegovog finansiraja. U ovom kontekstu, odriv razvoj
svakako pre obezbeuje budetsko finansiranje, ali veliko je pitanje da li je ova-
kav odrivi razvoj usklaen sa demokratskim oekivanjima i nastojanjima.
Ono to ak i kada se postigne solidan zakonski okvir ostaje kao nepre-
mostiva prepreka odrivom razvoju medija jeste nemogunost depolitizacije
medija, vrst zagrljaj koji postoji izmeu politiar i novinar i to nekada samo
novinar tabloidnih i tampanih i elektronskih medija, a danas ak i onih koji
se smatraju vrlo ozbiljnim i respektabilnim.
Za razliku od vremena u kojima su totalitarni politiki reimi snano uti-
cali na kreiranje medijskih sadraja, najee uz korienje cenzure, jedan od
osnovnih savremenih problema medijskog delovanja je izrazito prisustvo auto-
cenzure i dobrovoljno odricanje sloboda od strane samih medijskih radnika
kako bi obezbedili lagodnu i prosperitetnu karijeru. Prisusutvo cenzure kao
mere, a potom i autocenzure, predstavlja ozbiljnu pretnju i odrivom razvoju
medija i odrivom razvoju drutva. Novinarstvo prepuno servilnosti i konica
za posledicu e imati izostanak istraivakog i kritikog novinarstva, brisanje
provokativnih i drutveno vanih tema sa medijske agende, amputaciju de-
mokratskog potencijala medija, ali bezbednu i sigurnu poziciju i pojedinanih
medija i medijskih radnika.
Nove tehnologije
Poseban aspekt odrivog razvoja medija svakako postavlja tehnoloki pro-
gres koji ubrzano redefinie i naine produkcije i distribucije, ali i uloge aktera
u procesu kreiranja strategija, obavljanja bazne delatnosti, drutvene opravda-
nosti i afirmacije ljudskih i profesionalnih sloboda medijskih radnika.
Nove medijske tehnologije predstavljaju veliku opasnost, ali su, istovre-
meno, i saveznik odrivog razvoja medija. S jedne strane, u smislu produkcije,
distribucije i difuzije medijskih sadraja, promenila se filozofija i logika me-
dija, pri emu se informacije vie ne odailjaju iz centra ka mnogima, ve od
mnogih ka mnogima. Tehnoloki progres koji je omoguio demokratizaciju
procesa kreiranja medijskih sadraja, broj dostupnih medija i medijskih for-
mi, naalost nije reflektovao proporcionalni ekonomski rast. Uvean kvantitet
poiljalaca i primalaca poruka, nije doprineo kvalitetu, ali nije poveao ni pri-
hode. tavie, nove tehnologije su snano naruile ekonomske principe poslo-
vanja i dovele do situacije u kojoj je deljenje (share) bez finansijske naknade
osnovna komparativna prednost, a prihodi su neto to moe biti rezultat sve-

sti graana i potrebe da novano stimuliu neiji rad.
Konano, nezaobilazno pitanje u kontekstu novih medija je piraterija, za-
hvaljujui kojoj mediji, a posebno muzika i filmska industrija belee jako ve-
like gubitke i afirmaciju sive zone koja je destimulativna i za autore i za izvo-
ae, ali i tehniko osoblje angaovano u produkcionom procesu.
Medijska pismenost i medijska edukacija

Pretnja odrivom razvoju medija moe se vezati i za obrazovanje medij-
skih radnika, obrazovni nivo publike, a potom i stepen medijske pismenosti
graana24. Nizak nivo medijske pismenosti ozbiljna je pretnja ne samo razvoju,
ve i aktuelnoj poziciji i funkcionalnom delovanju medija. Medijska (ne)pi-
smenost istovremeno je prepreka u kreiranju medijskih sadraja; produkuje
skromno i ogranieno korienje izraajnih formi i sredstava, neinventivnost
u izboru sadraja, pri emu vrlo esto izostaje senzibiliziranost za bavljenje
temama koje se bave odrivim razvojem drutva i baznim ekolokim, energet-
skim, ekonomskim pitanjima od lokalnog do globalnog nivoa.
S druge strane, publika sa ogranienim kapacitetima za kogniciju svih
specifinosti i medija i medijske produkcije, ne samo da e biti zadovoljna pa-
sivnom recepcijom medijskih sadraja, ve e uivati u eskapizmu u koji ih
oni vode i bez svesti o vanosti brojnih drutvenih problema, od kojih neki
neminovno vode drutvo u degradaciju koja ne mora biti vidljiva danas i sutra,
ali koja nosi nesagledive posledice. Medijski nepismena publika ne moe biti
dobar korisnik novih tehnologija i novih medija, ne moe biti aktivan borac za
demokratske principe, ne moe participirati u razvoju drutva i brizi za njegov
odrivi razvoj.
Zakljuak
Iako se odrivim razvojem u ekolokom i irem drutvenom smislu, glo-
balna zajednica bavi neto manje od pola veka, fenomen odrivog razvoja
medija tek od nedavno je predmet istraivanja i bavljenja. Razlog tome je i-
njenica da su mediji snano sredstvo podizanja drutvene motivacije u odno-
su na pitanje odrivog razvoja drutva. S druge strane, sami mediji se nalaze
24
Na Meunarodnom skupu Kultura i odrivi razvoj u doba krize (Beograd, Univerzitet
umetnosti u Beogradu, 27. i 28. mart 2014. godine) u okviru panela Mediji i odrivi razvoj u
doba krize, panelisti, izmeu ostalog Gordana Predi, dravni sekretar u Ministarstvu kulture
i informisanja RS, dr Rade Veljanovski, Fakultet politikih nauka u Beogradu, dr Boris Begovi,
Pravni fakultet u Beogradu, konstatovali su veoma primetnu medijsku nepismenost medijskih
radnika koji u agencijskim informacijama ili sadrajima drugih medija ne umeju da prepoznaju
elemente manipulacije.
pred izazovom sopstvene odrivosti koja je u uslovima politikih previranja,

ekonomske nestabilnosti, ekspanzije novih tehnologija sve neizvesnija. Odr-
ivi razvoj medija ide ka tome da se uspostavi ravnotea izmeu raspoloivih
resursa i njihove potronje, to bi trebalo da garantuje odrivost medija kao
drutvenih podsistema. Naravno, u toj misiji pojavljuju se brojni izazovi iji su
izvori politiari i politike elite, nosioci ekonomske moi, (nezavisna) regula-
torna tela, vlasnici medija, sami medijski stvaraoci koji svojom neprofesional-
nou i oportunizmom naruavaju realne potencijale i misiju medija.
Meunarodna neprofitna organizacija IREX kao organizacija koja pru-
a podrku inovativnim projektima u promovisanju pozitivnih promena na
globalnom nivou, izmeu ostalog i u oblasti medija, sprovela je 2013. godine
istraivanje Indeks odrivosti medija za 2013 godinu25 koje je za cilj imalo
da utvrdi kapacitete medija kao sedme sile u odrivom razvoju drutva. Is-
traivanje je sprovedeno na uzorku od 21 zemlje Evrope i Evroazije i pokaza-
lo je vrlo ogranien kapacitet za odrivi razvoj prvo samih medija, a potom i
drutva u celini. Kljuna pitanja koja su postavljena kao indikatori odrivog
razvoja medija i uspenog medijskog sistema i koja su procenjivana ocenama
od 1 do 5, pokuavala su da utvrde:
- Koliko se pravnim i drutvenim normama u jednom drutvu promoviu

slobode govora i obezbeuje pristup javnim informacijama;
- Koliko se u oblasti novinarstva potuju kvalitet i profesionalni standardi;
- Koliko je izraena objektivnost u prikupljanju i obradi informacija i da li
postoji vei broj izvora informacija koji bi trebalo da obezbede pouzda-
nost;
- Koliko je kvalitetan menadment medija i koliko se potuje urednika ne-
zavisnost i
- Kolika je i kakva institucionalna podrka nezavisnim medijima, slobodi
govora, profesionalizaciji novinarskog poziva.
Zemlje koje su prema ovom istraivanju dobile najbolje ocene i iji su me-
diji procenjeni sa najveim kapacitetom odrivog razvoja su Kosovo (prosena
ocena 2,46) i Moldavija (2,42), dok su od evropskih zemalja najgore rangirane
Makedonija i Rusija sa ocenom 1,5426. U ovom istraivanju, kapaciteti Srbije i
srpskih medija procenjeni su ocenom 1,92, pri emu je najviom ocenom 2,25
25
MEDIA SUSTAINABILITY INDEX 2013 - The Development of Sustainable Indepen-
dent Media in Europe and Eurasia, (2013) Washington, DC, Irex.
26
Najloije rangirane zemlje Evrope i Evroazije su: Turkmenistan (0,44), Uzbekistan
(0,69), Belorusija (1,09).
procenjena podrka nezavisnim medijima, a najloije profesionalnost novina-

ra, dakle ljudski faktor 1,67, sa ime apsolutno ne moemo biti zadovoljni27.
Odrivi razvoj medija kao bitno pitanje drutvene i medijske politike, na
globalnom i srpskom, lokalnom nivou, nezaobilazno je, te drutva koja ele
prosperitet i razvoj neminovno moraju povesti bitku za zdravo drutvo, a pro-
tiv zagaivaa koji uruavaju medije i drutvo. Pretnje dolaze i iz okruenja u
vidu uticaja politikih, ekonomskih, zakonskih, sociodemografskih, tehnolo-
kih faktora, ali i iz samih medija u smislu niskog kvaliteta medijskih sadraja,
prisustva tabloidizacije i autocenzure, netransparentnog vlasnitva, loeg po-
loaja medijskih radnika, generalno niskih kapaciteta da se deluje u skladu sa
imperativima demokratskog drutva od kojih je jedan briga o odrivom razvo-
ju. Prognoze ne izgledaju sjajno, ali verujemo da ako ne zaustavimo negativne
trendove, onda bar moramo pokuavati da ih smanjimo, jer odrivost medija
moe biti startna taka ekonomskog, politikog, normativnog, ekolokog i kul-
turnog opstanka i odrivog razvoja svakog, pa i srpskog drutva.
Literatura
Enviromental Management Handbook. (1992). IOS Press, Amsterdam, Lewis Publis-
her, Boca Raton, Florida.
Kates, Robert W., Thomas M. Parris, and Anthony A. Leiserowitz. What is sustainable
development? goals, indicators, values, and practice, Issue of Environment: Scien-
ce and Policy for Sustainable Development, April, 2005, Volume 47, Number 3, pp.
821, http://www.heldref.org/env.php
Kukolea, dr Stevan (1980) Osnovi teorije organizacionih sistema, Beograd: IRO Pri-
vredno finansijski vodi.
MEDIA SUSTAINABILITY INDEX 2013 - The Development of Sustainable Indepen-
dent Media in Europe and Eurasia, (2013) Washington, DC, Irex
Radojkovi, Miroljub (2011) Socijalno-ekonomski poloaj novinara, CM asopis za
upravljanje komuniciranjem, br 20, godina VI, Beograd: Fakultet politikih nau-
ka, str. 2138.
Peruko Zrinka (2003) Medijska koncentracija: izazov pluralizmu medija u Srednjoj i
Istonoj Europi, Medijska istraivanja, br. 1, god. 9, str. 39-58.
Politika, dnevne novine, 2. april 2014, Brisel: regulisati medijski sektor u Srbiji, str. A8.
Politika Online, 2. januara 2012, http://www.politika.rs/rubrike/spektar/zivot-i-stil/Sr-
bi-rekorderi-u-gledanju-televizije.lt.html
Simi, dr Duan (1981) Osnovi kibernetike, Beograd: Nauna knjiga.
Veernje novosti, http://www.novosti.rs/vesti/naslovna/drustvo/aktuelno.290.html:
486809-Za-90-miliona-evra-bori-se-278-TV-stanica, pristupljeno 10. aprila 2014.
World Commission on Environment and Development (WCED) (1987), Our Com-
mon Future, (New York: Oxford University Press, 1987).
Zakon o radiodifuziji (2002). Beograd: Slubeni glasnik RS.
27
Sloboda govora 2.03; profesionalnost novinara 1.67; pluralizam izvora informacija 1.94:
menadment medija 1.72; podrka nezavisnim medijima 2.25
Mirjana Nikoli
SUSTAINABLE MEDIA DEVELOPMENT AS AN

ASSUMPTION OF THE SOCIETYS SUSTAINABLE
DEVELOPMENT
The main focus of this paper is to analyze the specific media role in the sustainable
development of the society and civilization and to point out its capacity in the active role
of promoting issues in this domain. Another issue that this paper sheds light on is closely
related to the sustainable development of media itself and is more current from the posi-
tion of media theory and practice.
In modern terms, in the world and in our country, the position of media is influenced
by numerous external factors that often impair their stability and survival. Preferably it
is related to the economic factors, liberalization of the media market, the multipilication
of the number and types of the media, legislation, socio-demographic changes, challenges
that new technologies bring, changes related to the audience. Another type of threat that
endangers the sustainable media development, comes out of the media itself. It is a con-
flict between the quantity and quality of media content, the activity of trends such as tab-
loidisation and self-censorship, predominance of bad taste, shady and non-transparent
ownership, poor position of media workers, and also lack of their education and all in all
generally low capacity to act in accordance with the imperative of a democratic society,
one of which is a care for sustainable development.
UMNOAVANJE EKRANA U
SAVREMENOJ KULTURI I MEDIJIMA:
OD MINIJATURNIH DO KOLOSALNIH,
OD STATINIH DO POKRETNIH EKRANA
Niko ne moe porei injenicu da danas postoji vie naina za gledanje

filmova nego ikada ranije. (Chrstie 2012, 19). U savremenoj kulturi i mediji-
ma filmovi, migriraju kroz itav spektar razliitih veliina ekrana koji se kreu
od kolosalnih ekrana u zatvorenim prostorima (IMAX bioskopi, muzeji, kon-
certne hale, itd.), megaekrana na otvorenom (bioskopi na otvorenom, bilbordi,
izlozi, video bimovi, itd.), preko niza ekrana srednjih veliina (razliite vrste
televizora, kunih bioskopa, kompjuterskih ekrana, konzola za video igre, por-
tabl DVD ureaja, itd.), do minijaturnih koji su statini (u avionu, autobusu,
automobilu, tokom medicinskih intervencija, itd.) i mikroekrana koje nosimo
sa sobom dok smo u pokretu (iPhone, iPod Touch, smartphone, tablet, kindle,
notebook, itd.). Sve ove veliine ekrana utiu da, na primer, gledanje filmova,
koje je nekada bilo lokalizovano u bioskopu ili dnevnoj sobi, migrira, odnosno
relocira se na mesta gde se recipijenti i ekrani kreu. Tako Ijan Kristi (Ian Chri-
stie) u knjizi Publike (Audiences, 2012) pie da danas vie ne moemo govoriti
o filmskoj publici u singularu, ve da zbog toga to razliiti recipijenti imaju
razliite preferencije na kojim ekranima ele, i mogu, da gledaju filmove, kao
i zbog toga to razliiti reimi percepcije i recepcije filma prate izbor ekrana,
potrebno je da koristimo plural publike (audiences). Meutim, u razliitim
studijama koje analiziraju ovu migraciju i relokaciju igranih (bioskopskih) fil-
mova, naglaava se da mnogi od navedenih ekrana na kojima se filmovi mogu
gledati umanjuju estetski kvalitet filmova i lamentiraju nad idejom o smrti
bioskopa (the death of cinema)1 (Chrstie 2012, 19).
1
Za detaljniji rezime pogledati tekst Rejmonda Belura (Raymond Bellour) Filmski gle-
dalac, posebno seanje (The Cinema Spectator: A Special Memory) objavljen 2012. godine u
knjizi Publike (Audiences), str. 206217.
Lev Manovi (Lev Manovich) u tekstu Ka arheologiji kompjuterskog ekra-

na (Towards an Archaeology of the Computer Screen, 1998) smatra da je dru-
tvo u kojem ivimo nedvosmisleno drutvo ekrana (society of a screen)
(Manovich 1998, 27). Kao kljuna pitanja ekranskog drutva, Manovi navodi
istorijske faze njegovog razvoja, kao i na koje naine proliferacija ekrana od
minijaturnih do kolosalnih i od statinih do pokretnih u isto vreme i nasta-
vlja i osporava istoriju ekrana (Manovich 1998, 27). Sve promene u savreme-
noj kuturi i medijima razvijaju se velikom brzinom, a njihovi efekti i uticaji jo
se ispituju, tako da je u ovom trenutku mogue samo uoiti i kategorisati ih,
dok na njihove dugorone efekte treba saekati. Na primeru filmske umetno-
sti, odnosno umnoavanju ekrana na kojima danas gledamo filmove, njihove
dostupnosti, migracije i relokacije, kao i na osnovu promena u nainu gledanja
filmova koje zbog toga nastaju, moe se istraiti uloga ekrana u savremenoj
kulturi, i to kroz pitanja: 1) veliine i mobilnosti ekrana na kojima se filmovi
mogu gledati; 2) promene mesta na kojem se filmovi gledaju; 3) novonastalih
promena u procesima percepcije i recepcije filmske publike.
Slika 1. Spektar ekrana i mesta na kojima se

u savremenoj kulturi i medijima filmovi mogu gledati2
Pitanje veliine ekrana (question of scale) na kojima moemo gledati fil-

move postalo je veoma znaajno zbog proliferacije veliine ekrana u savreme-
2
Ijan Kristi u tekstu ta zaista znamo o filmskim publikama? (What Do We Really Know
About Film Audiences?, 2012) navodi da je britanski institut za film (UK Film Council) 2009. i
2011. godine sproveo dva istraivanja koja su imala cilj da ispitaju vanost i gledanost filma u
savremenoj kulturi. Istraivanja su pokazala da se broj gledalaca u odnosu na rekordnu posetu
bioskopa 1946. godine, kada je zabeleeno 1.6 milijardi posetilaca poveao na pet milijardi. Ta-
koe se pokazalo da su filmovi najvie gledani na televiziji i kompjuteru, 57% filmova gledano je
na televiziji, 23% na DVD i Blu-ray diskovima, 8% na internetu (download, online stream), dok
je 6% filmova pogledano u bioskopu, 4% na mobilnom telefonu i 2% u avionu.
noj kulturi i medijima. Poslednjih decenija veliina ekrana znaajno se smanji-

vala na veliinu tableta i mobilnog telefona, ali i poveavala (urban screens).
Kao kriterijum za kategorizaciju savremenih ekrana Aleks Munt (lex Munt)
u tekstu S, M, L, XL, pitanje veliine u ekranskim medijima (S, M, L, XL, The
Question of Scale in Screen Media, 2007) uzima njihovu veliinu i klasifikuje ih
kao XL ekrane (extra large) bioskopsko 3D platno, sinemaskop, IMAX; kao
L (large) bioskopska 2D platna (koja se nalaze u najveem broju bioskopa);
kao M (medium) kune ekrane (televizor i kompjuter); i kao S (small)
ekrane na mobilnim telefonima, tabletima, itd. Ona navodi da se sve navedene
veliine ekrana od XL do S danas bore za nau panju (Munt 2007, 1). Na
fragmentaciju savremenog irokog spektra (contemporary screenscape) veli-
ine ekrana utiu ubrzani razvoj digitalnih platformi za distribuciju filmova i
usavravanje formata digitalne kompresije filmova (avi, mov, mpeg, mkv, mp4,
wmv, flv, itd.). Sve ea pitanja kao to su: ta da gledam?, Kada da gledam?,
Na kojem ekranu to da gledam?, za Muntovu su odraz sve prisutnog povie-
nog nivoa ekranske anksioznosti (screen-anxiety) (Munt 2007, 1).
U tekstu etvrti ekran (The Fourth Screen, 2005) Dulijana Pirs (Juli-
ana Pierce) uspostavlja svoju podelu ekrana takoe na osnovu njihove veliine
i smatra da postoje etiri vrste ekrana na kojima se mogu gledati filmovi u
savremenoj kulturi: prvi je bioskop (the large cinema screen); drugi je tele-
vizor (the medium-sized TV screen); trei je kompjuter (the small computer
screen); a etvrti je mobilni telefon (the micro display of mobile devices)3. Za
razliku od Pirove, Tod Braun (Tod Brown) za osnovu svoje klasifikacije uzima
tehnologiju koja se koristi u prikazivanju filmova i deli savremene ekrane na
kojima se filmovi mogu prikazivati na: analogne (bioskop), elektronske (tele-
vizor) i digitalne ekrane (kompjuter i mobilni telefon)4. Meutim, dok se ove
dve podele zasnivaju na veliini i tehnologiji ekrana, Nana Verhof (Nanna Ver-
hoeff ) u knjizi Mobilni ekrani, navigacioni vizuelni reim (Mobile Screens, The
Visual Regime of Navigation, 2012) svoju podelu zasniva na mestu na kojem se
sve ekrani na kojima se filmovi prikazuju mogu nalaziti, zbog ega pored pret-
hodno navedenih ekrana (koji su uglavnom locirani u zatvorenim prostorima)
uvodi kategoriju urbanih ekrana (urban screens) ili ekrana u javnom prosto-
ru. To su, smatra ona, video zidovi (video walls) na muzikim koncertima,
sportskim i politikim manifestacijama, televizijski ili kompjuterski ekrani u
javnom prostoru (izlog, javni prevoz, trni centar, itd.), kao i ogromni bilbor-
di kojih je sve vie na ulicama, trgovima, javnim prostorima urbanih sredina i
3
Ijan Simons (Ian Simons) u tekstu Izmeu mobilnog telefona i Jutjuba, filmovi u po-
kretu (Between Iphone and YouTube, movies on the move, 2011) smatra da bi shodno ovoj
numeraciji peti ekran na primer bio tablet, itd.
4
Za ovu podelu moemo rei da e uskoro, ako ve i nije, nestati, jer televizori ve uve-
liko prikazuju digitalnu sliku i zvuk (plazma TV, LCD TV, DVD, satelit, Internet), dok se u bio-
skopima prikazuju digitalni filmovi i digitalno remasterovani filmski klasici.
pretvaraju fasade zgrada u povrine na kojima se slike i informacije dinamino

smenjuju (Verhoeff 2012, 83).
Istorijski posmatrano, veliina ekrana, od njihovog nastanka do danas,
permanentno se menjala, navodi Ani van den Over (Annie van den Oever)
u tekstu Estetika i vizuelni reimi filma i televizije (The Aesthetics and Viewing
Regimes of Cinema and Television, 2012), a na osnovu analize dijalektikog
uticaja bioskopskog i televizijskog ekrana u pogledu njihove veliine. Ubrzani
razvoj televizije uslovio je da mnogi gledaoci umesto odlaska u bioskop ostanu
kod kue i gledaju filmove. Meutim, veliina ekrana prvih televizora (RCA
630 i RCA 621) bila je 710 ina, tako da je filmska industrija na ovaj izazov
odgovorila snimanjem filmova za vee i kolosalnije bioskopske ekrane (Wide-
screen, CinemaScope, VistaVision, itd.). Filmovi pravljeni za ove iroke ekrane
imali su cilj da ekran televizora u dnevnoj sobi izgleda siuno (miniscule),
podseajui publiku da su za sinemaskop filmove potrebni mamutski ekrani
(mammoth screens) (Oever, 2012, 121). Danas su se televizijski ekrani pove-
ali na veliinu kunog bioskopa (home theater sistems), iji je kvalitet slike i
zvuka isti kao u bioskopu (ako ne i bolji)5. Odgovor filmske industrije na ovaj
izazov su 3D i IMAX bioskopi u kojima se nalaze platna veliine do 200 me-
tara kvadratnih i ije dimenzije oigledno imaju izuzetan efekat na gledaoce
(Over 2012, 121).
Migracija/relokacija ekrana
Ubrzano umnoavanje veliine ekrana u savremenoj kulturi i medijima
uticalo je na dalju migraciju i relokaciju filmova, od bioskop i televizor do
mobilnih telefona i tablet. Mobilni filmovi (mobile films, portable films), mi-
Slika 2. Promena veliine slike na filmskoj traci
5
U skladu sa trendom ubrzanog rasta veliine ekrana, bitno je naglasiti da su dimenzije
TV ekrana dugo smatrani relativno nevanim, kao i da su veliki televizori, kao deo kunog na-
metaja, samatrani nepraktinim.
krofilmovi (micromovie, cellphone movies) i depni filmovi (pocket films)

slini su depnim knjigama (pocket books), smatra Ijan Simons (Ian Simons)
u tekstu Izmeu mobilnog telefona i Jutjuba, filmovi u pokretu (Between
Iphone and YouTube, movies on the move, 2011), pozivajui se na slinost u
njihovoj veliini (portability), mobilnosti (mobility) i jednostavnosti (easy di-
gestibility) (Simons 2011, 98).
Simons navodi da se na mobilnom telefonu mogu gledati filmovi pravlje-
ni na i za mobilni telefon6, ali i filmovi namenjeni bioskopskom prikazivanju7.
To dalje pokree pitanje korienja ureaja sa malim ekranima za remedijaci-
ju8 filmskih, televizijskih i drugih formata9. Danijel Terdiman (Daniel Terdi-
man) u tekstu Velianje mobilnog filma (A Celebration of Cell-Phone Film,
2004), analizirajui veliinu i mobilnost ureaja sa mikroekranima, navodi tri
kategorije formata koji se gledaju na tabletima i mobilnim telefonima. Najpre
su to paratekstovi (trejleri, tizeri, dinglovi, fotografije, muzike numere, itd.)
i komplementarni dodaci (kratki inserti, minizode, itd.) namenjeni promociji
igranih filmova. Druga kategorija formata su filmovi pravljeni na i za urea-
je sa malim ekranima, dok treu kategoriju ine igrani filmovi koji se uprkos
skepticizmu koji je uslovljen manama malog ekrana ipak gledaju na mobilnom
telefonu i tabletu10. Roder Odin (Roger Odin) u tekstu Gledalac, film i mo-
bilni telefon (Spectator, Film and the Mobile Phone, 2012) smatra da omo-
guavajui dostupnost (accessibility) filmova za gledanje u bilo koje vreme i na
6
Ova tvrdnja nije u potpunosti tana, jer ovakvi filmovi, iako su fiziki snimljeni mobil-
nim telefonom, njihova postprodukcija (montaa, dizajn zvuka, itd.) odvija se na kompjuteru.
Takoe, iako su najee estetikom prilagoeni gledanju na malom ekranu, mikrofilmovi ili
depni filmovi mogu se gledati i na velikim ekranima (festivali, prezentacije, izlobe, itd.) i na
kompjuterskim ekranima (Jutjub, Vimeo, itd.).
7
Ubrzani porast publike koja filmove gleda na mobilnom telefonu i tabletu umnogostru-
io je ponudu mobilnih operatera, posebno u zemljama kao to su Indija, Japan i Kina. Ovo je
rastui trend i u velikom broju afrikih zemalja u kojima su bioskopi skoro nestali nakon to su
gledaoci prestali da idu u njih iz bezbednosnih razloga (Odin 2012, 162).
8
Remedijacija je jedna od najvanijih karakteristika za definisanje novih digitalnih me-
dija, navode Bolter (Jay David Bolter) i Grusin (Richard Grusin) u knjizi Remedijacija, razume-
vanje novih medija (Remediation: Understanding New Media, 2000), smatrajui da remedijacija
predstavlja reprezentaciju jednog medija drugim (Bolter/ Grusin, 2000, 45).
9
Ijan Simons istie da iako se mobilni telefoni i tableti promoviu kao ureaji koji su vi-
soko tehnoloko razvijeni (hi-tech), oni ipak zaostaju u kvalitetu za bioskopskim prikazivanjem
filmova, kao i za kvalitetom savremenih televizijskih i kompjuterskih ekrana (u smislu kvaliteta
slike, zvuka, boje, itd.).
10
Mnogi mobilni operateri nude veliki broj filmova, televizijskih emisija, muzikih spo-
tova i video igara za preuzimanje na mobilnom telefonu i tabletu, zasnivajui svoje reklamne
kampanje na ovim ponudama gledajte filmove kada, kako i gde elite. Na primer Nokia, kao
jedan od najveih proizvoaa mobilnih telefona, promovisala je svoj najnoviji model nudei
film Nemogua misija III (Mission Impossible III, 2006). Generacijama gledalaca koje su odrasle
uz TV, kompjuter, mobilni telefon i konzole za video igre ne smeta da gledaju film na malom
ekranu. To ih naravno ne spreava da u isto vreme uivaju u gledanju filmova na velikim bio-
skopskom platnu i sa komplikovanim specijalnim efektima (3D projekcije).
bilo kom mestu mobilni telefoni i tableti otvaraju novi prostor za distribuciju
i recepciju filmova kakve ni na jedan drugi nain ne bi postojale (Odin 2012,
159).
Pitanje mesta gde gledamo filmove povezano je sa mobilnou ekrana koji
vie nisu fiksni (bioskopsko platno, televizijski prijemnik, itd.), ve se kreu sa
gledaocem (tablet, mobilni telefon), ili mogu biti kombinacija fiksnog i mo-
bilnog ekrana (gledanje filma u avionu, kolima, kafiu, autobus, itd.). Publika
danas vie ne ide na odreeno mesto na kojem moe da pogleda film, ve film
dolazi tamo gde je publika. U dananjoj medijskoj ekologiji (media ecology)11,
odnosno medijskom okruenju, ekrani su postali sveprisutni (Simons 2012,
101), jer gde god da se kreemo oni su svuda oko nas: kod kue, na poslu,
u koli, u javnom prevozu (autobus, voz), u privatnom automobilu, na ulici,
pored autoputa, u trnim centrima, ekaonicama, barovima, aerodromima,
sportskim arenama, itd., a u izuzetno retkim situacijama kada u naoj okolini
nema ekrana, uvek moemo da se okrenemo ekranu na svom telefonu koji je
uvek uz nas. Do pre tri decenije gledanje filmova bilo je lokalizovano i standar-
dizovano, film se mogao gledati u oputenoj kunoj atmosferi, u specijalizo-
vanim bioskopima (drive-in, filmski klub, kinoteka, muzej, itd.) i bioskopskoj
dvorani (pojedinanoj ili sinepleksu). Sa umnoavanjem i mobilnou ekrana,
pokretne slike su napustile poznata okruenja (biotopes), bioskopsku salu i
dnevnu sobu (Simons 2009, 7), to je za posledicu imalo to da gledaoci vie
nisu ili tamo gde je film, ve je on poeo da se kree sa gledaocima (Oever
2012, 117). Bioskop i televizija, nekada ekskluzivna mesta za gledanje filmo-
va danas su samo jedna od mogih (Simons 2011, 102). Meutim, iako se
savremena kultura i mediji danas sve vie okreu ka individualnom gledanju
filmova i mobilnim ekranima, publika i dalje odlazi u bioskop radi posebnosti
kolektivnog (plemenskog) doivljaja gledanja filma12.
Gledanje filmova na mikro i mobilnim ekranima podreeno je spolja-
njim okolnostima (external circumstances) i ima svoje prednosti, ali i mane,
jer se smatra manje kvalitetnim. Iskustvo gledanja filmova na ovim ekranima
suprotno je bioskopskom (u smislu zadovoljstva gledaoca)13: mali ekran, lo
11
Medijska ekologija je teorijski koncept koji je sredinom ezdesetih godina prolog veka
predstavio Maral Mekluan (Marshall McLuhan), dok je sam termin skovao Nil Postman (Neil
Postman), koji smatra da Medijska ekologija nain je na koji mediji utiu na nau percepci-
ju, razumevanje, oseanja i vrednosti. Re ekologija u ovom terminu upuuje da je to studija o
medijskom okruenju (environments): njihovoj strukturi, osobinama i uticaju na recipijente
(Postman 1979).
12
Za detaljniji rezime pogledati tekst Torbena Grodala (Torben Grodal) Oslukivanje
naeg plemenskog naslea, Gospodar prstenova i evolucija (Tapping into Our Tribal Heritage,
The Lord of the Ringsa and Brain Evolution) objavljen 2012. godine u knjizi Publike (Audien-
ces), str. 128142.
13
Mnogi filmski autori izraavaju otvoreno negodovanje prema gledanju njihovih filmova
na malim ekranima. Na primer Dejvid Lin (David Lynch) naglaava: Ako film gledate na mo-
Tabela 1. Tri faze diversifikacije filmske publike
kvalitet slike14 i zvuka15, buka koja dolazi iz neposredne okoline (kakofonija,

amor, saobraaj, itd.). Zbog toga su za gledanje filmova na malim ekranima
(thumbnail screens) ,,krupni i srednji planovi obavezni (Simons 2011, 99),
a ne preporuuju se iroki planovi i totali; brzi pokreti kamere, aktera i obje-
kata; komplikovani dijalozi, zvuni efekti i muzika. Kolosalni, megaekrani, u
javnom prostoru imaju sline mane kada su percepcija i recepcija filma u pita-
nju: loi svetlosni uslovi, okolna buka (drugi prolaznici, saobraaj, itd.), blizina
drugih ekrana (bilborda, neonskih reklama, izloga, i sl.). Zbog toga to su sme-
teni u javnom, urbanom i otvorenom prostoru (Time Square, Piccadilly Cir-
cus), filmovi se obino na ovim ekranima emituju bez zvuka ili sa dodatnom
opremom za zvuk (drive-in bioskopi, festivali na otvorenom, itd.).
Jedan od najveih problema u vezi sa gledanjem dugometranih filmova
na mikro i mobilnim ekranima jeste njihova duina. Dugometrani igrani fil-
movi obino traju od 90 do 120 minuta i recipijent e najee gledanje jednog
takvog filma nekoliko puta prekinuti ako ga gleda dok je na putu ka nekom
bilnom telefonu, vi ni za trilion godina ne moete doiveti taj film. Misliete da ste ga doiveli,
ali vi ste u stvari prevareni.
14
Zbog toga to audio-vizelni dokumenti sadre veliki broj digitalnih informacija, na kva-
litet filma koji se gleda na mikro i mobilnim ekranima utiu i mali kapacitet mobilnog telefona
(low frame rate, limited memory, storage capacity) i brzina internet konekcije (wireless internet
connections).
15
Za bolji kvalitet zvuka moe se povezati i dodatna oprema (slualice, zvunici, pojaalo,
itd.), ali je onda mobilnost ureaja smanjena.
odreditu (fragmented mobile viewing), ak i u sluaju da je paljivo planirao

izbor duine puta i duine filma. Drugi problem je zadravanje panje recipi-
jenata, kako na mikro tako i na makro ekranima. Vreme recipijentove panje
za film (ili neki drugi video sadraj) koji se emituje na urbanim megaekranima
u javnom prostoru, znaajno je krae od vremena usmerenosti panje na indi-
vidualne mikro i mobilne ekrane, na kojima recipijenti ipak biraju kada i gde
e film gledati, dok sliku na urbanim ekranima bukvalno gledaju u pokretu
(on the move) (Simons 2011, 102). Zbog navedenih uslovnosti, za sada su se
kratke forme (reklame, kratki filmovi, video spotovi, itd.) pokazale kao najpri-
kladnije za mikro i mega ekrane.
Sinefilija 2.0, od gledalake kulture ka kulturi uestvovanja

Na savremeno uslonjavanje percepcije i recepcije filma utiu umnoa-
vanje ekrana, mobilnost ekrana, veliina ekrana, ali i poveana dostupnost
filmova na: kablovskim, satelitskim i internet kanalima16 (pretplata ili naru-
ivanje pojedinanog programa); specijalizovanim kanalima (narrowcasting);
sistemima za odloeno gledanje omiljenih programa i izbegavanje reklama
(video-rikorder, TiVo, Replay); kroz internet redistribuciju, oficijalnu (online,
streaming, download, TV/dot-com, pay-per-view, Netfliks, Cinemax, SBB) i
neoficijalnu (p2p, torrent); na DVD-ju i Blu-ray disku (kupljenom ili iznajm-
ljenom), itd. Filmove moemo zaustaviti, pauzirati, vratiti unazad, premotati
unapred, moemo promeniti kanal ili raditi nekoliko radnji istovremeno na vi-
e ekrana (multi-tasking spectator). Navedene promene u reimima percepcije
i recepcije filma dodatno su uslonjene efektom drugog ekrana koji nasta-
Slika 3. Raznovrsnost veliina elektronskih i digitalnih ekrana
16
Sve ove inovacije u distribuciji filmova i televizijskog programa (u celini ili pojedina-
no) uticale su na promenu modela recepcije i svakodnevne navike gledaoca. Na primer, linearni
i monolitni model emitovanja televizijskog programa koji Rejmond Vilijams (Raymond Willi-
ams) u svojoj knjizi Televizija: tehnoloka i kulturalna forma (Television: Technology and Cultural
Form, 1974) opisuje kao koncept toka (flow) zamenio je fragmentarni model koji je nastao kao
posledica umnoavanja televizijskih kanala, pojave interneta, itd.
je kada gledalac u isto vreme na jednom ekranu prati film (u bioskopu ili na
televiziji), a na drugom ekranu (mobilnom telefonu, tabletu)17 alje SMS-ove i
tvitove, proverava elektronsku potu, itd.
Nekada je gledanje filmova uglavnom bilo vezano za odlazak u bioskop
(going out to the cinema) (Oever 2012, 117), dok su danas gledaoci osloboe-
ni prostornih i temporalnih bioskopskih ogranienja (vremena i mesta filmske
projekcije), a zahvaljujui diversifikaciji mesta i naina za gledanje filmova,
slobodni su da odlue gde, kada, kako i koje filmove e gledati18. Savremena
sinefilija (cinephilia)19 je u ekspanziji zahvaljujui procesu digitalizacije i lakoj
dostupnosti velikog broja ne samo novih i aktuelnih filmova, ve i zaboravlje-
nih, retkih i malo poznatih kinematografskih ostvarenja. Nikada u istoriji nije
bilo lake doi do filmova (access to films), informacija o filmovima, javno
postavljati komentare o njima i arhivirati ih, odnosno praviti linu kolekciju
filmova20. Juler (Laurent Jullier) i Leverato (Jean-Marc Leveratto) u tekstu Si-
nefilija u digitalno doba (Cinephilia in the Digital Age, 2012) uvode pojam
sinefilija 2.0 (cinephilia 2.0) i smatraju da danas vie nije problem doi do fil-
mova koji nas zanimaju, ve imati dovoljno vremena da ih odgledamo i pro-
itamo sve dostupne informacije o njima (Jullier/Leveratto 2012, 147). Kako
emo gledati film (bioskop, DVD, Internet) zavisi od razliitih faktora (vreme,
novac, itd.), a kako emo izabrati film koji je dostupan na razliitim medijskim
platformama pomoi e nam baze podataka o filmovima koje su organizovane
na osnovu: informacija o filmu (IMBD, Wikipedia, itd.), komentara recipije-
nata (forumi, blogovi) i promotivnih materijala za film kao to su trejler, tizer,
muzike numere (YouTube, DailyMotion). Najee ovi sajtovi sadre hiper-
linkove (hyperlinks) koji omoguavaju jednostavno kretanje izmeu njih, to
pomae gledaocu da lako izabere film koji eli da pogleda.
17
Korienje drugog ekrana moe biti potpuno nezavisno od prvog, ali moe biti i u nje-
govoj slubi. Na primer, u bioskopu ili kod kue dok gledamo film moemo da tvitujemo o nje-
mu, postavljamo komentare na internet, itd.
18
Ovaj proces odomaivanja filma (the domestication of film) (Jullier/Leveratto 2012,
153) oslobodio je gledaoce komercijalnog filmskog repertoara u bioskopskoj distribuciji koja se
u najveoj meri oslanjala na trenutnu ponudu aktuelnih filmova.
19
Sinefilija (cinephilia) predstavlja nain na koji je svaka generacija uila da voli film
(Jullier/Leveratto 2012, 153). Savremena sinefilija koja je pod uticajem televizije i Interneta dru-
gaija je od klasine sinefilije koja je bila vezana iskljuivo za bioskopsko gledanje filmova. Ter-
min sinefilija pojavio se ezdesetih godina prolog veka u francuskoj kritici. Za dalje reference
pogledati: Cinephilia and History (Christian Keathley, 2006), Cinephilia, Movies, Love and Me-
mory (Marijke De Valck/Malte Hagener, 2005), Cinephilia in the Age of Digital Reproduction,
Film, Pleasure and Digital Culture (Scott Balcerzak/Jason Sperb, 2009).
20
Digitalizacijom velikog broja filmova (DVD, Blu-ray, digital film print) filmovi ne sa-
mo to su spaseni od prirodnog propadanja na filmskoj traci, ve su kroz proces digitalizacije
prestali da budu iskljuivo povezani sa nacionalnim institucijama, muzejima, arhivama, itd., to
omoguava svakome ko ih poseduje da oformi svoju privatnu arhivu, odnosno privatnu istori-
ju filma (Jullier/Leveratto 2012, 151).
U savremenoj industriji filmske zabave, znaajni faktori koji utiu na raz-

voj sinefilije su i strategije transmedijalnosti i krosmedijalnosti. Ove strategije
podstiu publiku da aktivno trai informacije o omiljenim filmovima van gra-
nica pojedinanih medija. Gledaoci znaju da pria nije ograniena na jedan
medij i da zbog toga treba da tragaju za drugim delovima prie u drugim me-
dijima (franiza/megasaga serija niz/knjiga film TV serija video igra
strip)21. Publika preuzima ulogu lovca i sakupljaa, juri delie prie kroz
razliite medije, uporeujui beleke sa drugim gledaocima putem internet di-
skusija (online discussion groups), blisko saraujui kako bi osigurala da e
svako ko uloi vreme i trud dobiti bogatije iskustvo u zabavi (Jankins, 2006,
18). U savremenoj kulturi i medijima, participativna uloga gledaoca nije sa-
mo njegova sposobnost da aktivno prati priu, ve i da stvori nove prie. Novi
digitalni mediji omoguavaju svakome da nastavi priu kroz poruke na Fej-
sbuku, Majspejsu, viteru, blogu, u et sobama, interent fan klubovima, wiki
stranama, itd. Publika je pozvana da aktivno uestvuje u stvaranju i cirkulaciji
novih sadraja (Jankins 2006, 294). Zbog toga savremene publike u digital-
nom dobu sve vie su komentatori i uesnici, nego pasivni filmski gledaoci.
(Christie 2012, 21) Na ovaj nain stvara se promena od gledalake kulture
(spectatorial culture) ka kulturi uestvovanja (participatory culture). Umrea-
vanje publike, smatra Denkins, stvara zajednice novih znanja (new knowledge
communities), a Pjer Levi (Pierre Levy) ovaj proces proizvodnje i cirkulacije
znanja sa umreenim uesnicima naziva kolektivnom inteligencijom (collective
intelligence).
Okvir ekrana/slike kao apsolutni pokazatelj

U raznolikom spektru ekrana svih veliina i oblika, koji se nalaze svuda
oko nas, postoji konstanta, a to je njihov okvir koji je manje ili vie naglaenog
pravougaonog oblika (rectangular shape). Sadraj filmskog kadra dat je u okvi-
ru i organizovan je u odnosu na njega. To znai da su sve linije koje sainjavaju
filmsku sliku povezane sa parom vertikalnih i parom horizontalnih linija tog
okvira, odnosno etvorougla, koji igra ulogu apsolutnog pokazatelja. Zbog toga
svaki filmski kadar, bez obzira na veliinu plana, ugao, osvetljenje, boju, ima
jedan zajedniki imenitelj: okvir slike, odnosno ivice filmskog platna. Okvir je
osnovni uslov za filmski oblik, jer odreuje igru uglova i planova, kompoziciju
slike i njenu likovnu strukturu, i stvara prostor u kome se odvijaju predstavlje-
ni dogaaji. (Mitri 1971, 166). Stalno napredovanje radnje i audio-vizuelno
bogatstvo filma navode gledaoca da zaboravi na prisustvo okvira. Ali, psiholo-
21
Meutim, ak i kada jedan film nije deo ireg transmedijalnog sveta (transmedial uni-
verse), na DVD-ju se mogu nalaziti njegovi paratekstovi (bonus scene, intervjui, audio komen-
tari, making of, itd.), ili sam film moe biti dostupan u nekoliko verzija (rediteljska verzija, ne-
cenzurisana verzija, i sl.).
ki, on je uvek prisutan i svojim postojanjem utie na gledaoevo uestvovanje

i sauestvovanje u filmu. Studije filma koje analiziraju odnos okvira filmske
slike i recepcije filma smatraju da iako je na doivljaj prostora u kadru ogra-
nien njegovim okvirom, to ne znai da se taj prostor, odnosno svet koji kadar
prikazuje, tim okvirom iscrpljuje. an-Pjer Udar (Jean-Pierre Oudart) u tek-
stu Filmski av navodi da svakom polju koje kamera prikazuje kao prisutno
odgovara, poput eha, jedno odsutno polje izvan ivica slike (Udar 1978, 473),
koje gledalac nasluuje, dopisuje, priiva postojeem. Udar u svom teorijskom
modelu otkriva ime i za koga se vri operacija filmski av. Filmski gledalac je
taj koji se priiva za filmski subjekat, smatra on, jer itanje i recepcija filma za-
vise od gledaoeve spremnosti da uestvuje.
Analizirajui genealogiju modernih ekrana, Lev Manovi polazi od inje-
nice da su svi ekrani ravnog etvorougaonog oblika i navodi etiri vrste ekrana:
klasian ekran (classical screen), dinamiki ekran (dynamic screen), ekran koji
prikazuje sliku u realnom vremenu (real-time screen) i interaktivni ekran (in-
teractive screen). Kako bi ih blie definisao pored kriterijuma oblika, Manovi
dodaje i kriterijum temporalnosti i smatra da: klasini ekran ima ravnu, etvo-
rougaonu povrinu i sadri statinu sliku; dinamiki ekran zadrava osnovne
osobine klasinog ekrana, ali sadri pokretnu sliku (bioskop, televizija, video);
kod ekrana koji prikazuje sliku u realnom vremenu, slika se kontinuirano me-
nja u realnom vremenu (radar, satelit, Google maps); a kompjuterski, interak-
tivni ekran, najee umesto jednog sadri vei broj ekrana koji koegzistiraju,
tako da panja gledaoca nije usmerena na pojedinanu sliku, odnosno ekran
(Manovich 1998, 28)22. Pored okvira, konstanta koja je izuzetno vana za pro-
cese percepcije i recepcije filmova jeste postojanje prostorne udaljenosti izme-
u recipijenta i ekrana. Ova uslovnost postoji od makro do mikro ekrana, to
znai da se bez obzira na veliinu i mobilnost ekrana film konstruie na postu-
latu neprelazne distance, odnosno na jednostavnoj vrsti voajerizma23. Kod svih
vrsta ekrana kao i pre jednog veka, mi jo uvek gledamo u ravnu etvorouga-
onu povrinu okvira slike, koja je prostorno udaljena od naeg tela, a slui kao
prozor u drugi prostor (Manovich 1998, 37).
22
Ovaj trend pokuavaju da prate televizijski ekrani koji imaju mogunost prikazivanja
dve i vie slika u podeljenom ekranu.
23
Psihologija percepcije posmatra film kao sloen sistem pomou kojeg filmski autori ve-
to strukturiraju nain gledanja i uivanja filmskog gledaoca. Film koristi voajeristike fantazije
gledaoca, uspeno manipuliui njegovim vizuelnim uivanjem. Lora Malvi (Laura Mulvey) u
svom tekstu Vizuelno uivanje i narativni film (Visual Pleasure and Narrative Cinema, 1975)
pie da uslovi projekcije i narativne konvencije filma pruaju gledaocu iluziju posmatranja pri-
vatnog sveta. (Mulvey 1975, 3) Percepcija filma nije mogua bez voajeristikih strasti: elje za
gledanjem i sluanjem. Ta perceptivna strast povezana je sa eljom da se posmatrani objekat
zadri na distanci, odvojen. Voajer veoma brine da odri otvorenost praznog prostora izmeu
objekta i oka, objekta i sopstvenog tela: njegov pogled prikovan je za objekat na dobroj udalje-
nosti, kao kod filmskih gledalaca koji paze da ne budu ni previe daleko ni previe blizu ekranu.
(Kazeti 2001, 38).
Postoje li onda promene u procesima percepcije i recepcije filmova usled

umnoavanja ekrana, njihove mobilnosti i promene veliine? Proteklih dece-
nija veliina ekrana na kojima gledamo filmove znaajno se poveala, ali da li
su zbog toga, usled popularnog miljenja da je vee i bolje, i naa percepcija i
recepcija filma dobile na kvalitetu?24 Analizirajui odnos veliine ekrana i ve-
liine plana u slici (krupni plan, total, ameriken, itd.) koju taj ekran prikazuje
(shot/scale regimes), Ani Van Den Over smatra da za razliku od bioskopa, u
kojem recipijenti na primer krupni plan i detalj doivljavaju kao naglaavanje
odreene radnje ili emocije, na televiziji ih recipiraju kao deo rutine i stan-
darda25. Ovo se moe objasniti jednostavnom injenicom, pie Over, a to je
da na televizoru krupni plan odgovara proporcijama lica koje gledalac sree u
svakodnevnom ivotu, dok se na bioskopskom platnu te proporcije uveava-
ju i po nekoliko puta, zbog ega ljudsko lice izgleda deformisano i izoblie-
no (Oever 2012, 121). Suprotno naravno vai za odnos irokih planova u slici
i veliine ekrana, jer se na mikroekranima grandioznost scena u, na primer,
istorijskom spektaklu ili ratnom filmu ne moe doiveti kao na makroekrani-
ma gde se vidi svaki njihov detalj. Zbog toga Ijan Simons istie vanost izbora
veliine ekrana u odnosu na vizuelni sadraj koji emo na tom ekranu gledati.
Meutim, vane promene u percepciji i recepciji filma nisu uslovljene samo
poveanjem ekrana ve i njihovim smanjenjem. Recipijenti danas, smatra Na-
na Verhof, imaju mnogo liniji odnos prema ekranima, jer ureaje sa mikroe-
kranima mogu da nose sa sobom, dre u ruci, dodiruju ih (touch screen), itd.
Da bi opisala sve ove novonastale promene, ona uvodi pojam taktilne recepcije
(tactile reception) koja proizvodi efekat umrljanih ekrana (a dirty window)
(Verhoeff 2012, 8289). Tokom prikazivanja filma u bioskopu ili na televiziji,
smatra Verhof, recipijenti nikada ne dodiruju ekran (ili to nije uobiajeno),
dok na mobilnom telefonu i tabletu zbog interaktivnosti njihovih ekrana reci-
pijenti dodirom ekrana pokreu film, preskau njegove delove, ubrzavaju ga,
zaustavljaju, prate nekoliko ekrana na jednom, poveavaju sliku (resize) kako
bi to bolje videli odreeni detalj u njoj, itd.
Svaki postupak u izradi filma ima usmeravajuu epistemoloku svrhu i
ovaj komunikacijski kontekst vaan je kako za autore filmova, tako i za njihove
gledaoce. Autori trae najbolje planove i uglove snimanja (koji su podreeni
okviru slike), kao i prelaze izmeu njih, a gledaoci pokuavaju da odgonet-
nu njihov smisao, ime se stvara odnos izmeu autorove namere i gledaoevog
shvatanja dela (Milovanovi 2011, 37). Tokom filma gledalac stalno rekapi-
24
Za detaljniji rezime pogledati tekst Percepcija filmova, efekti odnosa fizike veliine
ekrana i vrste kadra koja se na njemu prikazuje (Perception While Watching Movies, Effects
of Physical Screen Size and Scene Type) Troijanka, Misa i Hinda (T. Troscianko, T. S. Meese, S.
Hinde) objavljen 2012. godine u asopisu i-Perception 3, no.7, str. 414425.
25
Jo ezdesetih godina prolog veka, Maral Mekluan je pisao da je televizija medij
krupnog plana. Dok se u filmu krupni plan koristi za ok, na televiziji je on uobiajena praksa
(McLuhan 1964, 350).
tulira dogaaje koje je video i uo, stvarajui mozaik informacija i traei nji-
hovu narativnu, estetsku ili psiholoku vezu, ime se ostvaruje proces itanja
i interpretacije filma. Takoe, dok gleda film recipijent se uvek nalazi ispred
ekrana (bez obzira na njegovu veliinu i mobilnost) i izmeu njega i ekrana
uvek postoji neprelazna distanca (ma koliko ona bila mala kod mikroekrana),
a razlika u percepciji istog filma na makro i mikro ekranu nastaje u odnosu
sadraja kadra i veliine ekrana (Simons 2011 102). Zbog toga razliite veli-
ine ekrana, odnosno filmske slike, utiu samo na percepciju filma na prvom
nivou, ali ne menjaju univerzalni proces recepcije, itanja i interpretacije koji
je zajedniki za sve recipijente, medije i razliite veliine ekrana.
Futuristiki pogled na ekrane

Jedno od najeih pitanja u vezi sa budunou ekrana u novom mileni-
jumu jeste ta je sledee? U savremenom ekranskom drutvu ekran je jo uvek
fiziki objekat, meutim futuristika predvianja i razvoj digitalnih platformi
za gledanje filmova navode nas na miljenje da e moda on uskoro nestati.
Vizije budunosti ekrana kreu se od njihove distopijske verzije, predstavljene
kroz virtualnu stvarnost26 (VR-Virtual reality, omnidirectional treadmills, im-
mersive multimedia) i bajonika soiva (bionic eyes)27, do utopijske, predsta-
vljene kroz Gugl naoare (Google Glass). injenicu da se ekrani nalaze svuda
oko nas i uz nas za jo jedan korak unapredile su Gugl naoare. Kao i mobilni
telefoni28 i tableti, Gugl naoare su vienamenski ureaj (mobile multi-pur-
pose device) koji je opremljen za snimanje i prikazivanje filmova. Zbog toga
to sadre ekran, kameru, mikrofon i zvunike, Gugl naoare su paradigma
savremene konvergencije, hibridnosti i multimodalnosti medija. Novina ekra-
na Gugl naoara, u odnosu na ekran mobilnog telefona i tableta, jeste da se on
26
U tekstu Virtualni prostor, budunost filma (Virtual Space, The Movies Of The Fu-
ture, 2014) Bob Jarvud (Bob Yarwood) navodi da je za VR najvaniji imerzivni (immersive) i
interaktivni odnos izmeu virtualnog prostora i recipijenta. On smatra da e recipijenti eleti
da gledaju filmove i televizijske programe na ekranu koji se nalazi neposredno uz njihove oi
(head-mounted display), zbog ega e imati utisak da se nalaze u filmskoj sceni i da se akcija
odvija oko njih. Za dalje reference pogledati: Multimedia: from Wagner to Virtual Reality (Ran-
dall Packer and Ken Jordan, 2001); Get Real: A Philosophical Adventure in Virtual Reality (Philip
Zhai, 1998); Digital Sensations: Space, Identity and Embodiment in Virtual Reality (Ken Hillis,
1999), itd.
27
Bajonika soiva predstavljaju novu generaciju ekrana u kojima su ekrani i oko slepljeni
i nema vie prostorne distance izmeu njih. Ovu distopijsku viziju ekrana kao zaplet koristi bri-
tanska serija Crno ogledalo (Black Mirror, 2012) u epizodi Tvoja istorija (The Entire History of
You, 1.03), u kojoj se predstavlja mogui razvoj uticaja novih medija i tehnologije na recipijente
u bliskoj ili daljoj budunosti.
28
Roder Odin u tekstu Gledalac, film i mobilni telefon naglaava da je najznaajnija
promena koju je filmskim gledaocima doneo mobilni telefon injenica da najvei broj savreme-
nih mobilnih telefona moe i da snima i da prikazuje filmove.
nalazi na glavi recipijenta, odnosno neposredno ispred njegovih oiju, ime se

gubi distanca izmeu ekrana i recipijenta, a zbog ega njegovo celokupno vi-
zuelno polje zauzima filmska slika.
Lev Manovi je jo krajem devedesetih godina prolog veka, piui o vir-
tualnoj stvarnosti, predviao nestanak ekrana u smislu ravne etvorougaone
povrine koja je locirana na jednom mestu, ispred recipijenta na odreenoj
daljini i koja ima funkciju prozora u drugi prostor (Manovich 1998, 28). Zbog
toga to e filmska slika obuhvatati njegovo itavo vizuelno polje, recipijent
e imati oseaj da se unutar tog drugog prostora i nalazi (Manovich 1998,
28). Dosadanja posmatraka uloga (spectatorial role) bie zamenjena aktiv-
nom ulogom (immersive role) recipijenata zbog njegovog doivljaja uea
u filmskoj sceni. Stoga vie nee biti vane razlike u veliini ekrana na kojima
filmove gledamo, kao ni njihova mobilnost, odnosno diversifikacija mesta na
kojima ekrani mogu da se nalaze i na koje su filmovi relocirani, jer e se u slu-
aju virtualne stvarnosti i nestanka ekrana recipijenti relocirati u film. Ipak,
mi se danas, bez obzira na futuristiki pogled na ekrane, jo uvek nalazimo u
eri ekranskog drutva i kulture, u kojoj su i dalje ekrani sveprisutni.
R/evolucija ekrana ili zakljuak

Izazovi i efekti razvoja medija i koegzistencija starih i novih (digitalnih)
medija usko su povezani sa promenom uloge, funkcije i znaaja ekrana u sa-
vremenoj kulturi. U poslednje tri decenije, dolo je do znaajne proliferacije
veliine ekrana i oni su se smanjivali (na veliinu tableta i mobilnog telefona),
ali i poveavali (bioskopi na otvorenom, IMAX bioskopi, bilbordi, izlozi, video
bimovi, itd.), zbog ega je pitanje veliine ekrana (question of scale) na kojima
moemo gledati filmove postalo veoma znaajno.
Pitanje mesta na kojem gledamo film povezano je sa mobilnou ekrana
koji vie nisu fiksni (bioskopsko platno, televizijski prijemnik, itd.), ve se kre-
u sa gledaocem (tablet, mobilni telefon), ili mogu biti kombinacija fiksnog i
mobilnog ekrana (gledanje filma u avionu, kolima, kafiu, autobus, itd.), to
je dalje uticalo na relokaciju filmova. Takoe, gledaoci sve ee obavljaju vi-
e radnji istovremeno (gledaju film, dok alju SMS-ove, tvitove, itd.) na vie
ekrana (multi-tasking spectator), zbog ega se reimi percepcije i recepcije fil-
ma sve vie uslonjavaju (efekat drugog ekrana). Jo jedna znaajna promena
odnosi se na promenu reima u kojem gledamo film, jer film koji gledamo na
internetu (online, download), kablovskim kanalima (pretplata ili naruivanje),
ili na DVD-ju (kupljenom ili iznajmljenom) moemo zaustaviti, pauzirati, vra-
titi unazad, premotati unapred, moemo promeniti kanal, itd. Iz svega nave-
denog proistie da na uslonjavanje percepcije i recepcije filma u savremenoj,
ekranskoj, kulturi utiu veliina ekrana, od minijaturnog do kolosalnog, mo-
bilnost i relokacija ekrana i umnoavanje ekrana.
Bibliografija
Bellour, Raymond (2012) The Cinema Spectator: A Special Memory in I. Christie
(ed.) Audiences, Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press. pp. 206217
Bolter, Jay and Grusin, Richard. (2000) Remediation: Understanding New Media, Cam-
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ences, Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press. pp. 1122.
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(ed.) Audiences, Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press. pp. 225234
Dakovi, Nevena (1999) Model poimanja filmske prie, Filmske sveske br. 1, Beograd:
Institut za film
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sity Press. pp. 128142
Jenkins, Henry (2006) Convergence Culture Where Old and New Media Collide, NY:
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Christie (ed.) Audiences, Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press. pp. 143154
Kazeti, Franesko (2001) Filmska psihoanaliza, asopis Filmske sveske - nova serija,
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Massachusetts: Perseus Books
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ser and K. Hoffmann (eds.) Cinema Futures: Cain, Abel or Cable? The Screen Arts
in the Digital Age, Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press. pp. 27-44
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don:McGraw Hill
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Beograd: Zadubina Andrejevi
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razlika-differance.com/Razlika%2034/RD3-Mulvey.pdf pristupljeno marta 2014.
Odin, Roger (2012) Spectator, Film and the Mobile Phone, in I. Christie (ed.) Audi-
ences, Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press. pp. 155169
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Television, in I. Christie (ed.) Audiences, Amsterdam: Amsterdam University
Press. pp. 113127.
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www.joemiale.com/press/screenrights_01.pdf pristupljeno marta 2014.
Postman, Neil (1979) Teaching As a Conserving Activity, New York: Delacorte Press
Simons, Ian (2011) Between IPhone and Youtube: Movies on the Move, in Lovink,
Geert & Somers Miles, Rachel (eds), Video Vortex Reader II: Moving Images Be-
yond YouTube, Amsterdam: Institute of Network Cultures, pp. 95-107
T. Troscianko, T. S. Meese, S. Hinde (2012) Perception While Watching Movies: Ef-
fects of Physical Screen Size and Scene Type, i-Perception 3, no.7 pp. 414-425.
Udar, an Pjer (1978) Filmski av, u D. Stojanovi (ed.) Teorija filma, Beograd:
Nolit
Verhoeff, Nanna (2012) Mobile Screens, The Visual Regime of Navigation, Amsterdam:
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lins
Vebografija
Brown, Tod (2008) Isabella Rosellini Does Bug Porn, Twitch, http://twitchfilm.
com/2008/01/isabella-rossellini-does-bug-porn.html pristupljeno marta 2014.
Lynch, David (2008) David Lynch on the iPhone https://www.youtube.com/watch?v
=wKiIroiCvZ0&list=RDwKiIroiCvZ0, pristupljeno marta 2014.
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ski asopis Flow na adresi http://flowtv.org/2007/09/diagram-of-comparative-
screen-sizes/, pristupljeno marta 2014.
Rex Sorgatz, (2013) The Case of the Trombone and the Mysterious Disappearing
Camera http://tribecafilm.com/stories/google-glass-go-pro-disappearing-cam-
era-trombone pristupljeno marta 2014.
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http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/health-15817316, pristupljeno marta 2014.
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web.mit.edu/comm-forum/mit6/papers/Simons.pdf, pristupljeno marta 2014.
Terdiman, Daniel (2004) A Celebration of Cell-Phone Film, http://www.wired.com,
pristupljeno marta 2014.
Vanairsdale S.T. (2013) How Will Google Glass Change Filmmaking? http://www.
tribecafilm.com/future-of-film/will-google-glass-change-filmmaking pristuplje-
no marta 2014.
Yarwood, Bob (2014) Virtual Space - The Movies Of The Future http://www.virtual-
space.org.uk/ pristupljeno marta 2014.
Faculty of Dramatic Arts, University of Arts, Belgrade
MULTIPLICATION OF SCREENS IN CONTEMPORARY

CULTURE AND MEDIA: FROM MINIATURE TO
COLOSSAL, FROM STATIC TO MOVABLE SCREENS
The challenges and effects presented by the accelerating technological development

of media and the coexistence of old and new (digital) media are closely connected to the
changing role, function and significance of the screen in contemporary culture. This paper
will assess and analyse the numerous repercussions of these processes, using the example
of the shift in the perception and reception of films (viewing films on mobile, multiplied
and other various scales of screens). Hence the key questions being posed and examned in
studying screen culture, in relation to film are: size and mobility of screens as the media
for watching films; changes in venues where films are watched; looking at multiple screens
during a film screening, changes in the processes of perception and reception by the film
audience. The issue of the scale of screens (screen size) utilized to watch films has become
very important due to the proliferation of the size of screens in contemporary culture and
media. During the last three decades, the size of the screens is gradually being reduced (to
the size of a tablet and a mobile telephone), but also increased (open-air cinemas). The
issue of the venue is connected to the mobility of screens which are not static any more
(cinema screen, television receiver, etc.), but can be moved along with the viewer (tablet,
mobile phone), or can be a combination of a fixed and a mobile screen (watching films
in a aeroplane; in a car, cafe, coach etc.). Also, due to the changes of size and mobility of
screens, recipients more often engage in several activities simultaneoulsy (watching a film
and sending text messages, or tweeting) across several screens (multi-tasking spectator)
which results in complex modes of perception and reception of a film (effect of the second
screen). Also important is the change of the regime in which we watch films, because
films we watch on the Internet (online, download); on cable TV channels (prepaid, or
pre-ordered); or on DVD (bought or rented) can be stopped, paused, rewound or fast-
forwarded, or we can change a channel. From the above-mentioned, one can conclude
that the contemporary complexity of film perception and reception is affected by the size
of the screen (from the miniature to colossal), screen mobility (from static to moveable
ones) and screen multiplication.
Ana Martinoli
CROWDFUNDING KAO STRATEGIJA OPSTANKA I

RAZVOJA NEZAVISNIH MEDIJA STUDIJA SLUAJA
INDIEVOICES1
Uvod
ivimo estu informacionu revoluciju, doba demasifikacije kao prirod-
nog proizvoda postindustrijske informacione revolucije (Fang, 1997). Masov-
na publika, bar onakva kakva je postojala u vreme tradicionalnih medija, pola-
ko prelazi u istoriju medijske teorije, a nastupa vreme pojedinca.
U eri samosvesnog, probirljivog medijskog korisnika, ne vie samo po-
troaa, neophodno je uspostaviti nove biznis modele koji e u digitalnom
medijskom okruenju istovremeno obezbediti opstanak medijskih projekata
i produkciju sadraja koji zadovoljavaju kompleksne, raznolike potrebe publi-
ke. U pitanju je biznis model koji e odgovoriti na zahteve koje namee par-
ticipatorno, digitalno okruenje, uz ouvanje nezavisne ureivake politike sa
fokusom na interes i potrebe javnosti. Dok mainstream medijima dominiraju
zabavni sadraji kao najisplativiji i najprimamljiviji irokoj publici, zanemaru-
ju se kompleksnije potrebe publike, ali i njena mo da u stvaranju tih sadraja
uestvuje. Medijske inicijative i projekti poput IndieVoices, koji e biti u fokusu
ovog rada, uspeno odgovaraju na realnost medijskog trita kreirajui nove
forme i naine produkcije i distribucije, jaajui nezavisne medije koji su brzi,
precizni, relevantni, podstiui uenje i razmenu iskustava i znanja, umrea-
vanje pojedinaca i medijskih inicijativa i, konano, promoviui nove pristupe
1
tekst je nastao u okviru projekta Identitet i seanje: transkulturni tekstovi dramskih
umetnosti i medija (Srbija 19892014). Kraa verzija ovog teksta, pod nazivom Uloga nezavi-
snih medija: IndieVoices - primer dobre prakse crowdfundinga, objavljena je u zborniku Kreativ-
na i kolaborativna ekonomija i lokalni razvoj, (103-111str), Academica, april 2014.
publici, te otvarajui mogunosti za participatornost. Podravajui otvorenost

kao osnovni princip savremenih medija i razmene na relaciji medij-publika/
korisnik, Arnison(2002) koncept otvorenosti vidi kao revolucionaran i evolutiv-
ni odgovor na privatizaciju informacija od strane multinacionalnih monopoli-
sta. On smatra da u dominantno multinacionalnom globalnom news sistemu,
mi kao potroai ne znamo nita o agendama informativnih programa koji
nam se plasiraju, pri emu je proces produkcije netransparentan, a publika
se esto potcenjuje. Kroz medijske sadraje mainstream medija prelamaju se
interesi vlasnika medijskih kompanija, interesi komercijalnih oglaivaa, to
ukrteno sa sve veom centralizacijom produkcije zarad poveanja efikasnosti
dovodi do nekvalitetnih, pristrasnih medijskih pria.
IndieVoices2 je na mnogo naina pionirski projekat, iako se mogu identi-
fikovati sline medijske inicijative takoe zasnovane na crowdfunding-u kao
osnovnom modelu finansiranja zanimljivo je setiti se lokalnog primera, radi-
ja B92, koji je daleke 1998. godine u okviru akcije Dinar za predajnik pozvao
sluaoce da participiraju u prikupljanju sredstava za kupovinu novog predaj-
nika koji bi omoguio kvalitetniji signal i bolji prijem programa stanice, ne
slutei da ovom akcijom nagovetava nove mogunosti finansiranja medija.
IndieVoices projekat, iz perspektive ideje o crowdfunding-u kao modelu
finansiranja medijskih sadraja, nije jedinstven, medijska praksa belei sli-
ne inicijative poput, recimo, O Sujeito (Subject - Tema) platforme. O Sujeito
je, po reima svojih osnivaa, bila alternativa tradicionalnom biznis modelu
medijske produkcije, sa ciljem da se podstakne i podri nezavisno novinar-
stvo u Brazilu. Plasiran kroz crowdfunding websajt Catarse, O Sujeito misija
je opisivana3:
Print mediji su u krizi. Novinarstvo nije. Kao to e uvek biti muzike i bio-
skopa, nevezano od glavnih producenata, novinarstvo je autonomno u od-
nosu na velike medije.
U ovoj izjavi o ciljevima O Sujeito, svakako je najvanije podvlaenje auto-
nomne pozicije novinara, njegovog odvojenog, samostalnog nastupa, nespu-
tanog ureivakom politikom medija, potencijalnom cenzurom, nametnutim
ideolokim ili drugim imperativima. Ono to razlikuje O Sujeito u odnosu na
IndieVoices je njena orijentacija na ogranienu, geografsku teritoriju Brazil.
IndieVoices pokuava da animira i aktivira globalnu publiku, jo jednom skre-
ui panju na proces formiranja globalne javne sfere. U tom smislu, zanimljiv
je nain na koji IndieVoices problematizuje i pitanje javne sfere, shvaene u
tradicionalnom smislu kao prostor omeen nacionalnim granicama, doprino-
sei afirmaciji ideje o globalnoj javnoj sferi, kao posledici globalizacije medija.
Nije sve i nisu svi globalizovani, ali globalne mree koje strukturiraju planetu
2
http://indievoic.es/
3
http://globalvoicesonline.org/2014/03/24/brazil-crowdfunding-independent-media-
osujeito_/, pristupljeno 1. maja 2014.
utiu na sve i svakoga, tvrdi Kastels (Castells, 2008). To je zbog toga to su sve
kljune ekonomske, komunikacione i kulturne aktivnosti globalizovane.
Javna sfera je kljuna komponenta sociopolitike organizacije, jer je to
prostor u kom se ljudi okupljaju kao graani i artikuliu svoje autonomne sta-
vove, sa ciljem uticanja na politike institucije drutva (Habermas).
Don Tomson (John Thompson, 2000, kod Kastelsa, 2008) navodi da su i
mediji postali glavna komponenta javne sfere u industrijskom drutvu. tavi-
e, ako komunikacione mree bilo koje vrste formiraju javnu sferu, onda na-
e drutvo, umreeno drutvo (network society, Manuel Kastels), organizu-
je sopstvenu javnu sferu na bazi medijske komunikacije. U digitalnoj eri, to
ukljuuje diverzitet i masovnih medija i Interneta i beinih komunikacionih
mrea (Mekesni, 1997, kod Kastelsa, 2008). IndieVoices, tako, ne samo to
umreava publiku i medijske producente, i ne samo to to ini na globalnom
nivou, omoguavajui publici iz Sjedinjenih Drava da se zainteresuje i podr-
i medijske projekte poreklom iz Etiopije ili Nikaragve, ve se na najaktivniji
nain ukljuuje u proces kreiranja novih produkcionih oblika, novih naina
komuniciranja.
Morli i Robins (Morley i Robins, 1995:11) citiraju Stivena Rosa, nekada-
njeg elnika Time Warnera, koji je o poziciji medija, a moemo primeniti na
razmiljanja i o globalnoj javnoj sferi, rekao od nas zavisi, producenata i
distributera ideja, da olakamo ovaj pokret i participiramo u njemu sa punom
sveu o svojoj odgovornosti kao graana sveta. Mi moemo da pomognemo
da ljudi svih rasa, religija, nacionalnosti budu jednaki i potovani. On prepo-
znaje proces globalizacije kome mediji doprinose, a budunost vidi u otvara-
nju medijskog prostora, bez iskljuivanja bilo koje grupe publike. Konano,
Morli i Robins (1995:5) iznose zanimljivu tezu za razumevanje potencijala In-
dieVoices projekta da je:
teret opsluivanja razliitih oblika nostalgija za oseanjem zajednice, tra-
dicije, identiteta i pripadanja pao na elektronske medije, u trenutku kada
on poinju da funkcioniu na nove naine, najee se obraajui geografski
disperziranim segmentima razliitih nacionalnosti i zajednica.
Kljuno pitanje koja se postavlja u sluaju projekata zasnovanih na crowd-
funding-u, pa samim tim i u sluaju IndieVoices projekta je zbog ega bi se
publika aktivno angaovala u stvaranju ili podrci autonomnih, nezavisnih
medijskih sadraja? Da bi premostila nedostatke kontrolisanih, korporativnih
medija, da bi umanjila oseaj manipulisanosti od strane medija, da bi stvorila
bogatije medijsko okruenje i da bi se direktnije odgovorilo na potrebe zajed-
nica, bilo da su one geografske ili interesne, vrednosne.
Projekat IndieVoices, transparentan u ambicijama osnivaa, okrenut e-
lji da povea diverzitet medijskog trita, izrastao na logici digitalnih, novih
medija, kao i na idejama o aktivnoj, kritiki nastrojenoj, medijski pismenoj i
angaovanoj publici, uzima u obzir savremene medijske trendove, od globa-
lizacije, preko finansijske konsolidacije i konglomerizacije, do fragmentacije
publike i pokuava da stvori sistem informisanja i medijske produkcije koji

e moi da odgovori na nove zahteve trita, zanemarene od strane medijskih
korporacija orijentisanih samo i iskljuivo na uveanje profita.
Ono to elim da pokaem ovim radom je da crowdfunding, to se na pri-
meru IndieVoices moe videti, zapravo publiku ini monijom ne samo u po-
trazi za sadrajima nedostupnim u tzv. mainstream medijima, ve je istovre-
meno ini odgovornom za taj isti sadraj, njegovu produkciju i selekciju.
Odrivost medija
Raznovrsnost medijskih sadraja, decentralizacija produkcije, potrebe
manjinskih grupa, inovativnost u produkcionim formama i nainu izraava-
nja, zapravo su jednako vane dimenzije i pokazatelji odrivosti jednog me-
dijskog trita, koliko i njegovi finansijski kapaciteti. Jedan od naina da se
razume kompleksnost pojma odrivosti u medijima je i tzv. Media Sustaina-
bility Index4 (MSI) koji vie godina unazad, na tranzicionim medijskim tri-
tima utvruje IREX. Kako se navodi u godinjim izvetajima MSI-ja, njegova
funkcija je da izmeri mogunost medija da odigraju kljunu ulogu kao etvrti
stale, ali i da pokae koliko je medijski sektor odriv u smislu obezbeivanja
javnosti korisnog, pravovremenog, objektivnog informisanja.
Tako IREX za MSI kao kljune identifikuje pet faktora koje oznaava me-
rilom zdravlja jednog medijskog sistema, a to su:
a) Sloboda govora, koja se ogleda u zakonskim i drutvenim garancija-
ma slobode govora, licenciranju i registrovanju medija u procesima koji su fer,
kompetitivni, apolitini, zatiti ureivake politike, slobodnom pristupu infor-
macijama, slobodnom ulasku na trite.
b) Profesionalno novinarstvo, koje podrazumeva fer i objektivno izve-
tavanje zasnovano na razliitim izvorima, potovanje poznatih i prihvaenih
etikih i profesionalnih standarda u novinarstvu, nedominantno prisustvo za-
bavnih sadraja u odnosu na news i informativne programe, prisustvo istrai-
vakog novinarstva, sadraja vezanih za ekonomiju i lokalne vesti.
c) Viestrukost izvora vesti se odnosi na prisustvo javnih i privatnih iz-
vora vesti koji nude razliita miljenja, neogranien pristup domaim i meu-
narodnim medijima, transparentnost medijskog vlasnitva, irok spektar dru-
tvenih interesa reprezentovanih u medijima.
d) Biznis menadment medija iskazuje se kroz stepen funkcionisanja
medija kao efikasnih i samoodrivih, prihodovanje iz viestrukih izvora, pri-
menu istraivanja trita u formulisanju stratekih planova, postojanju nezavi-
snih agencija koje obezbeuju pouzdane podatke o rejtinzima i tiraima.
e) Institucije kao podrka medijima podrazumevaju postojanje sindikata
kao posrednika u komunikaciji izmeu vlasnika i zaposlenih, profesionalnih
4
http://www.irex.org/project/media-sustainability-index-msi
udruenja koja slue zatiti novinarskih prava i promociji kvalitetnog novi-

narstva, funkcionisanje NGO sektora koji podravaju slobodan govor i neza-
visne medije, postojanje kvalitetnih programa za obuku novinara, tamparije i
distributivne kanale koji su apolitini, nisu monopolizovani, nepostojanje re-
strikcija i, konano, postojanje informacione i komunikacione tehnologije i
infrastrukture koje zadovoljavaju potrebe medija i graana.
Uprkos zamerkama koje se povremeno uju, uglavnom na raun meto-
dologije utvrivanja MSI-ja, ono to ga ini korisnim i vanim iz perspektive
ovog teksta je njegov pokuaj da pojam odrivosti u oblasti medija sagleda
to sveobuhvatnije i prikae njegovu kompleksnost. Tako, na osnovu MSI-ja
moemo zakljuiti da je za evaluaciju stepena odrivosti vano sagledati broj-
ne faktore od finansijske stabilnosti i pluraliteta izvora finansiranja medija,
preko prateih institucija sistema koje su neophodne za razvoj medija, pozici-
je profesije novinara do samog medijskog sadraja, njegove proizvodnje i di-
stribucije. IndieVoices odgovara upravo na neke od ve pomenutih indikatora
medijski odrivih sistema odnosno pokuava da obezbedi okruenje za raz-
voj projekata koje e pokazati visok stepen ispunjavanja nekih od navedenih
kriterijuma.
Finansiranje nezavisnih medijskih sadraja od crowdfunding-a do

publike kao vlasnika
crowdfunding vraa ekonomiji neku slinost sa meritokratijom. Svi inve-

stiramo vreme u medije i trebalo bi da zauzvrat dobijamo neto za tu investi-
ciju. Uklanjanjem uvara prolaza svi moemo biti slobodni.
(Maks Kajzer (Max Keiser), Pirate My Film,
kod Loton i Marom (Lawton i Marom), 2010)
Tradicionalni oblici finansiranja medijskih sadraja od pretplata, pro-

daje reklamnog prostora, pa i prodaje samog medijskog sadraja pokazuju
ozbiljne nedostatke na savremenom medijskom tritu. U trci za to veom
publikom, koja e kasnije biti prodata oglaivaima, prve rtve su nekomer-
cijalni medijski programi, programi namenjeni manjinskim grupama, ekspe-
rimentalne programske forme, istraivako novinarstvo... Potraga za raznim
oblicima dodatnih prihoda, pored uobiajene prodaje oglasnog prostora ili
samog medijskog sadraja putem pretplate, nije retkost Banyan Project je
zasnovan na tzv ko-vlasnikom modelu, agencija AP prodaje sponzorisane
tvitove, New York Times nudi pristup online sadrajima sve dok je korisnik
prikaen na wi-fi mreu Starbucks kafea (Ananny).
Demokratizacija medijskog vlasnitva i procesa medijske produkcije obo-
gauje medijski ekosistem, a jedna od strategija u ostvarivanju tog procesa je i
crowdfunding. Crowdfunding je proces u kome finansijske donacije kroz online
zajednice omoguavaju da ve osmiljeni medijski projekti dou do trita i pu-
blike (Jenkins, 2013). Uloga publike u procesu crowdfunding-a, dakle, nije kre-
ativne prirode, publika ne moe uticati na sam projekat, ne moe ga oblikovati,
menjati, ali moe uticati na sadraj koji eli da gleda, slua, ita, direktno podr-
avajui sadraje koji e, u idealnom sluaju, obogatiti, unaprediti zajednicu...
Crowdfunding u fokus vraa angaman, relevantnost, aktivizam, ali i emo-
cionalnu vezu koja se ostvaruje na relaciji publika-producenti-medijski sadr-
aj. Potencijal crowdfunding-a lei ne samo u njegovom kapacitetu da izmeni
dosadanje tokove kapitala, ve da izvri ozbiljan ekonomski i drutveni uticaj
na trite (Loton i Marom, 2010).
Kickstarter5 je svakako prva platforma koja asocira na mehanizam crowd-
funding-a, mogunosti da pojedinci ili grupe pozovu potencijalnu, buduu
publiku, da podri finansijski projekte u koje veruje, ije sadraje smatra za-
nimljivim. Kickstarter tako otvara kanal komunikacije izmeu producenata i
publike, omoguavajui realizaciju medijskih projekata i, ultimativno, i ostva-
rivanje profita za autore. Pokrenut idejom da podri projekte nezavisnih pro-
ducenata, autor, ustanovio je jasna pravila za projekte koji se mogu kvalifiko-
vati za podrku vreme za prikupljanje sredstava je ogranieno i definisano, a
svaki projekat mora imati jasan cilj, odnosno proizvod koji e biti realizovan
ukoliko prikupi sredstva.
Kickstarter uzima 5% od prikupljenog novca po projektu, a ostatak ide di-
rektno pokretau projekta, bez posrednika.
Kickstarter-ova `gomila` je.. mnogo ee aktivacija zajednice ili subkultur-
ne grupe, nego sluajnog skupa ljudi u virtuelnoj ulici. Onog trenutka kada
reformuliemo Kickstarter kao platformu koja pokree i pokriva interese za-
jednice, pre nego neke nedefinisane grupe ljudi, moemo jasnije razmiljati
o tome kako crowdfunding radi.
(rok i Klouz (Schrock i Close), 2013).
Ve u ovom osvrtu na prirodu Kickstarter-a vano je naglasiti neophod-
nost postojanja zajednikog interesa, elje publike, da se oko nekog sadraja
okupi, postojanja vrednosti koje ta grupa ljudi deli i tih vrednosti kao koheziv-
nog elementa. U tome je i razlika izmeu publike okupljene oko crowdfunding
projekata i masovne publike za koju se proizvodi najvei broj sadraja ma-
instream medija publici crowdfunding-a je stalo da odreeni projekat bude
realizovan, publika se aktivno angauje, participira, aktivira.
Jo jedna zanimljiva platforma zasnovana na konceptu crowdfundinga je
Citizinvestor6, platforma koja publiku poziva da investira u javne projekte koji
im najvie privlae panju i istovremeno poziva posetioce da predloe aktiv-
nosti koje bi unapredile njihove zajednice. Citizinvestor je fokusiran na projek-
te koji dolaze iz lokalnih i dravnih uprava ili njihovih partnerskih organiza-
cija, a kao kljune smernice svoje misije navodi transparentnost, samosvest,
5
http://www.kickstarter.com/
6
http://www.citizinvestor.com/
brigu za sredinu u kojoj se ivi i, konano, kreiranje nove trine vrednosti

ime naglaavaju istovremenu posveenost drutvenom unapreenju i ostva-
rivanju profita.
Imajui u vidu navedene primere, Saa Vuini, pokreta IndieVoices pro-
jekta, navodi da se moe identifikovati ogroman prostor koji ne pokriva nije-
dan od dva navedena modela organizovani neprofitni sektor. On smatra da
upravo ukrtanje potreba i aktivnosti pojedinaca (the crowd), javnog sektora,
profitnih i drutvenih sektora predstavlja najplodonosniju primenu graan-
skog crowdfundinga, i u tom polju pokuava da izvri angaman projekta In-
dieVoices. Saa Vuini istie da IndieVoices kompanijama omoguava da za-
korae u budunost, u kojoj je angaman publike fundamentalan. Stepen veze
i angamana publike proporcionalan je ansi za opstanak, smatra Vuini. U
sluaju IndieVoices, publika se nee samo angaovati, ve e i investirati na
osnovu tog angamana, to nas dovodi do sasvim novog nivoa samoodrivosti,
a menja potrebu za oglaivaima. Ultimativni cilj je kreiranje velike, obrazova-
ne, sofisticirane i drutveno odgovorne grupe investitora spremne da preuzme
odgovornost za medije, zakljuuje on7.
U savremenom medijskom okruenju, poseban problem predstavlja po-
zicija novinara, zaduenih da selektuju, obrade i plasiraju nam informacije i
prie koje vide kao relevantne. Koliko su u tom procesu nezavisni, koliko taj
proces odreuju njihovi profesionalni, etiki standardi, a koliko interesi vla-
snika medija, oglaivaa, i gde je u svemu tome interes zajednice tema je za
neki poseban rad. Ono to je injenica je da veina medijskih trita pati
od imperativa poveanja efikasnosti produkcije, dominacije zabave nad dru-
tveno angaovanim, news ili sadrajima iz kulture, da se brzina informisanja
esto poveava na tetu kvaliteta i analitinosti novinarskih sadraja. Novinari
danas treba da donesu teku odluku da pristanu da budu FMCJ8 ili da piu,
istrauju i objavljuju zaista vane prie, koje su na liniji sa najviim etikim i
profesionalnim standardima.
Brett Scott (2014) elaborira nekoliko moguih alternativnih modela fi-
nansiranja novinarstva nezavisnog od komercijalnog pritiska, a ja izdvajam tri
zanimljiva za perspektivu ovog rada.
Crowdfunding novinarskih projekata

Scott razlikuje oslanjanje na platforme poput Kickstartera i Indiegogo koje
su zapravo namenjene prikupljanju sredstava za najrazliitije projekte, i priori-
tet daje platformama usko usmerenim na medije i novinarstvo.
7
Vuini, Saa, Media Angels Concept Paper, dobijen od autora, u prepisci povodom
ovog teksta
8
fast moving consumer journalism, skraenica koju je skovao Brett Scott aludirajui na
skraenicu za robu iroke potronje fmcg (fast moving consumer goods)
Pored IndieVoices, u ovu drugu grupu crowdfunding platformi spadaju

i Palast Investigative Fund9, neprofitni fond koji se oslanja na donacije poje-
dinaca i time omoguava realizaciju nezavisnih novinarskih projekata, kao i
Inkshares10 koji podstie izdavatvo iz oblasti nauke i dejih medijskih sadra-
ja i u crowdfunding-u vidi mogunost da se arhaini mehanizmi tradicional-
nog izdavatva prevaziu.
Kao primeri ovakvog naina finansiranja medija izdvajaju se i projekti:
- Spot.Us (community funded reporting), platformu koja donatorima pru-
a mogunost da zajedno sa novinarima razvijaju prie ili predlau teme,
kao i mogunost objavljivanja realizovanih sadraja kroz partnerske news
kanale
- Newsfunders.org, koja se bavi zanemarenim zajednicama i problemima
i koji ve u svom naslovu pokuava da sumira probleme savremenog no-
vinarstva - kriza novinarstva ima manje veze sa tehnologijom, a vie sa
finansiranjem. Crowdfunding vide kao zdravu i novu finansijsku ve-
zu izmeu javnosti i producenata news sadraja. Specifinost Newsfun-
ders-a je u tome to se ne doniraju sredstva za pojedinanu priu, ve za
tzv. beats, ire teme, koje se mogu razviti u prie vane za zajednice, a
ocenjene kao zanemarene od strane medija. Tako su februarske teme, u
fokusu Newsfunders platforme - graanske slobode, klimatske promene,
zagaenje i javno zdravlje, odrivost...
Primer da ovakvi projekti mogu zavriti i bez podrke je iEmphas.is, osno-
van sa ciljem da podri projekte iz oblasti foto-urnalizma, koji je nakon aku-
muliranog duga od preko $300.000 ugaen oktobra 2013. godine.
Crowdfunding zasnovan na pretplati

Razlika u odnosu na prethodnu kategoriju je to ova vrsta finansiranja
obezbeuje dugoroniju i stabilniju budunost medijskih projekata - neop-
hodno je da se odreeni broj pojedinaca obavee da e donirati novac meseno
ili nedeljno, u odreenom vremenskom periodu, u kom e medijski projekat
imati produkciju. Platforma Beacon11 koju Scott navodi kao primer ovakvog
modela finansiranja uspostavila je poseban sistem rasporeivanja sredstava
sa ciljem podizanja kvaliteta radova produciranih na ovaj nain, kao i kon-
stantnog rada autora koji svoje radove plasiraju kroz ovu platformu.
Iz perspektive novinarstva, interesantnija je platforma Uncoverage12, pokre-
nuta sa ciljem da ustanovi pretplatniku bazu za pojedinane autore fokusirane
9
http://www.palastinvestigativefund.org/
10
https://www.inkshares.com/
11
http://www.beaconreader.com/
12
http://signup.uncoverage.com/
na istraivako novinarstvo, ali je ideja dodatno razvijena u pravcu kreiranja

otvorene redakcije koja bi obezbeivala uredniku, pravnu, tehnoloku podr-
ku novinarskim priama finansiranim na ovaj nain, kreiranu kroz partnerstvo
sa reporterima i novinarima ve angaovanim u prestinim news medijima.
Credit Union
Ova vrsta finansiranja prilazi blie konceptu multi-stakeholderism-a koji
e biti detaljnije pomenut kasnije, s obzirom na to da crowd, vie nije samo
potencijalni finansijer, donator projekata koje eli da vidi realizovane, ve do-
bija mogunost predlaganja novinarskih tema, ureivaku superviziju proje-
kata koje finansira i sl. Scott kao primer navodi platformu Contributoria13, koja
je trenutno u probnoj fazi i, kako sam kae, bie zanimljivo videti da li e
postati iva samoodriva zajednica pisaca, italaca i urednik, ili e doprinosi
lanova ipak morati da se dopunjavaju novcem sponzora spolja. Ono to ovaj
projekat ini posebno uzbudljivim je mogunost da posetioci vide sve teme
koje su u procesu planiranja i da prate njihov razvoj.
Svi navedeni primeri u osnovi imaju oslanjanje na publiku kao delimini
ili potpuni izvor finansiranja, to pretpostavlja kapacitet i zainteresovanost pu-
blike da se aktivno angauje oko medijskih projekata koje prepozna kao bitne.
Ovakve pretpostavke su na liniji i teorijskih promiljanja o potencijalima i mo-
gunostima angaovane publike, njenoj aktivaciji i doprinosu razvijanju boljih
kvalitetnijih sadraja, o emu, izmeu ostalih, govori i Dejms Surovjecki /
James Surowiecki/ kada uvodi pojam pametne gomile (2005). Poseban fokus
Surovjecki stavlja na grupe koje nisu nastale organizovano, iji lanovi esto
nisu ni svesni da su pripadnici neke grupe, ali ipak zajednikim angamanom
doprinose reavanju nekog problema ili, u sluaju IndieVoices, produkciji ne-
kog medijskog sadraja.
Slinu tezu u teoriju je uveo i Hauard Rajngold (Howard Rheingold), go-
vorei o smart mobs (2003), pametnoj gomili kao najnovijem obliku drutvene
organizacije. Nove tehnologije osposobljavaju nas da budemo deo grupe koju
ne kontrolie pojedinac, ali koja ima zajedniku svest i cilj, one omoguavaju
ljudima da zajedno deluju na nove naine i u situacijama u kojima kolektivna
akcija nije bila mogua ranije, kae Rajngold. Konano, neki teoretiari komu-
nikacija Internet posmatraju kao ultimativan u individualizmu, medij sa spo-
sobnou da osposobi i opunomoi pojedinca istovremeno u pravcu dobijanja
informacije koju trai i informacije koju sam kreira (Singer 1998 kod Ruerija
(Ruggieri), 2000).
Markus Braukli (Marcus Brauchli), jedan od partnera investitora u projek-
tu IndieVoices navodi da je cilj obezbediti kapital bez elje da se ureivaki me-
amo u sadraj. Namera nam je da kreiramo apsolutno idealnog medijskog
13
https://www.contributoria.com/
investitora koga niko ne bi smeo da se plai. Zanima nas investiranje u news sa-
draje visokog kvaliteta, koji nisu manipulisani, koji ne pripadaju nijednoj poli-
tikoj partiji, ve samima sebi i sopstvenom nainu razmiljanja (Shu, 2014).
Potreba za projektima kao to je IndieVoices moe se identifikovati ne sa-
mo u drutveno-politiki represivnim, autokratskim okruenjima; naprotiv,
potreba za ovakvim projektom je jednako velika na medijskim tritima koja
su razvijena, pluralistika i slobodna, ali dominantno komercijalna i gde je
osnovni rezon produkcije i plasmana medijskog sadraja ostvarivanje profita,
a ne interes javnosti, relevantnost, drutvena vrednost. Na razvijenim tristima
centralizacija produkcije, homogenizacija sadraja, svoenje publike na naj-
manji zajedniki sadralac, banalizacija i vulgarizacija sadraja proizvedenog
sa ciljem da se dosegne to bolji trini rezultat, dovela je do stanja u medijima
koje filipinska novinarka, Malou Mangahas, definie kao siromatvo svrhe.
Vuini, meutim, istie da je za razumevanje savremenog medijskog pej-
zaa, kome su neophodni projekti poput IndieVoices, vano sagledati celu sliku,
a ona je daleko kompleksnija od svoenja problema na gramzivost i pohlepu
medijskih vlasnika. U novoj, digitalnoj realnosti, Vuini prepoznaje jednako
vaan odreujui faktor savremenih medija po njemu, medijska industrija,
ini se, previe sporo reaguje na promene koje je digitalna revolucija donela ne
samo tradicionalnim oblicima novinarstva, produkcije sadraja, ve jo vie u
izrastanju nove vrste proizvoaa sadraja koje smo nekada zvali publikom, a
danas ih nazivamo prosumerima, novim medijskim konzumentima osposo-
bljenim i zainteresovanim da i sami doprinesu procesu medijske komunikacije
i razmene.
Finansijska konsolidacija je na medijskom tritu dovela do koncentracije
medijskog vlasnitva, centralizacije produkcije, suavanju vidika, sniavanju
kvaliteta izvetavanja i dominacije zabavnih sadraja nad informativnim.
Vuini stoga smatra da je pitanje vlasnitva nad medijima kljuno tek
kada ponovo uspostavimo medijsko vlasnitvo i kreiramo nove odgovarajue
digitalnom oblike medijskog vlasnitva, moi emo da oslobodimo sve po-
tencijale digitalnih medija14. Svrha projekta kakav je IndieVoices je podsticanje
razvoja i osposobljavanje medijskih inicijativa koje kao svoj cilj vide obezbe-
ivanje pouzdanog, preciznog, pravovremenog informisanja svoje zajednice, a
ne sniavanje kvaliteta programa, dominantno zabavnu funkciju, a sve u po-
trazi za novim nainima poveanja profita. Trenutno, IndieVoices vebsajt nudi
opciju finansiranja projekata kroz donacije, ali su planovi za budunost am-
biciozniji15. Platforma bi trebalo da razvije mogunost investiranja u projekte
putem pozajmica i vlasnitva svi zainteresovani koji ele da podre odreeni
medijski projekat moi e to da urade bilo davanjem pozajmice pokretaima
14
Za potrebe pisanja ovog teksta, korieni su delovi prepiske sa Saom Vuiniem i nje-
gov Media Angels Concept Paper, dobijen od autora, u prepisci povodom ovog teksta.
15
https://indievoic.es/sites/how_it_works#all_or_nothing
projekta, bilo investiranjem i sticanjem vlasnitva nad delom projekta. Tako bi

IndieVoices mogao da se razvije u investicionu platformu koja nudi razliite in-
vesticione usluge od priloga i zajmova do klasinih vlasnikih ulaganja. Mo-
gunost participacije kroz vlasnitvo trebalo je da bude ponuena od marta
ove godine, a investitorima bi bilo omogueno da kupuju male vlasnike udele
u okviru modela frakcionog vlasnitva (fractional ownership units). Sledea
faza bi bila otvaranje trita, berze, u okviru koje bi investitori mogli da trguju
i razmenjuju sve navedene investicione proizvode vlasnitva, obveznice,
zajmove
Prema reima Vuinia, IndieVoices e asistirati gomili (crowd) nekada
poznatoj pod imenom publika da postane vlasnik u procesu u kome e podr-
ati produkciju i distribuciju kvalitetnih, nezavisnih informacija.
Osim obezbeivanja finansijske podrke, a u duhu medijske odrivosti,
IndieVoices podstie produkciju originalnih formata i razliitih izraajnih me-
dijskih i novinarskih oblika. Zainteresovana publika moe donirati novac pro-
jektima selektovanim bez ogranienja za anrove ili geografsku lokaciju od
dokumentarnih materijala, foto-urnalizma, radio stanica, do razvoja tehno-
logije za prikupljanje informacija ili pripovedanje. Od istraivakog novinar-
stva do online news portala i specijalizovanih blogova. Jedini zajedniki cilj je
unapreenje medijskog ekosistema.
Imajui u vidu sve do sada analizirano, namee se ideja da se projekat
IndieVoice moe posmatrati i iz perspektive procesa koji Hemati (Hemmati,
2002:2) definie kao multi-stakeholderism. Idealni tip multi-stakeholderskih
procesa ona opisuje kao procese koji za cilj imaju da spoje sve glavne stake-
holdere u novi oblik komunikacije, iznalaenje odluka (i potencijalno donoe-
nje odluka) o odreenom pitanju.
Termin multistakeholderism se koristi da oznai proces u kome se ujedi-
njuju razliite zainteresovane strane u procesima pregovaranja odreenih poli-
tika, a u poslednje vreme najvie u kontekstu uvoenja vee globalne kontrole
Interneta. Meutim, ako se prisetimo osnovne misije projekta IndieVoices
da postane taka susreta izmeu preduzetnika novinara i investitora, gde e
ovi prvi nai razliita sredstva finansiranja svojih sadraja i kreirati sopstvene
finansijske strategije, a ovi drugi bilo da su pojedinani donatori sa ulogom
od $20 ili fondacije spremne da uloe preko $10.000 biraju nain da kanaliu
tokove svog novca onda termin multistakeholderism moe biti apliciran u
smislu da vie zainteresovanih strana stupa u direktnu komunikaciju i preuzi-
ma zajedniku odgovornost za odreeni medijski projekat.
Kako Hemati navodi (2002:23), multi-stakeholders proces je vaan alat
odrivog razvoja i cilj mu je okupljanje svih relevantnih zainteresovanih strana
zarad:
promovisanja boljeg odluivanja kroz iri input i integrisanje razliitih ta-
aka gledita;
kreira obostranu korist;

dozvoli grupama koje nisu reprezentovane ili su nedovoljno vidljive u zva-
ninim strukturama, kako bi i one imale svoj glas u procesu kreiranja po-
litika;
kreira poverenje kroz potovanje svakog pojedinanog doprinosa kao
neophodne komponente ire slike.
Platforma IndieVoices raznovrsnou odabranih projekata, njihovim dru-
tvenim angamanom i podsticanju razvijanja aktivne veze izmeu publike i
producenata dugorono podstie i razvijanje veeg poverenja u medije.
Nezavisni mediji, community mediji, alternativni mediji

Kao to e kasnija analiza projekata ukljuenih u IndieVoices pokazati,
fokus ovog projekta ili crowdfunding platforme je na nezavisne, alternativne,
community, neprofitne medijske projekte. Ovo su samo neki od pokuaja da
se terminoloki obuhvati i definie medijska praksa koja izlazi iz tradicionalne
dihotomije na javni servis i komercijalne medije, praksa koja nije fokusirana
(samo) na profit, a koja drutveni angaman i javni interes stavlja u sredite
svog delovanja.
ini se da dominantni oblik community medija na jednom medijskom
tritu direktno proistie iz potreba tog trita, problema, nedostataka. Tako,
u represivnim sredinama izrastaju projekti koji tee da poboljaju stepen infor-
misanosti publike, razumevanja drutvene ili politike situacije, prue otpor.
U drugim sredinama, edukativna funkcija je kljuna, pa se na primeru com-
munity radio stanica, recimo, mogu identifikovati kao sredstvo obrazovanja,
opismenjavanja, alat za uenje.
Dauning (Downing, 2011) istie da community mediji problematizuju
dve osnovne razliitosti u odnosu na tradicionalne medije participativnost
i pristup. On dalje navodi da su, deklarativno, community mediji na svojim
poecima bili vezivani za neprofitne asocijacije, te da su izrasli prevashodno
iz kulturnih i politikih agendi, sa esto inovativnim tehniko-tehnolokim re-
enjima i entuzijazmom amateri i volonteri su zasluni za opstanak najveeg
broja community radijskih inicijativa i projekata. O pojmu zajednice, klju-
nom za razumevanje community radio koncepta, Dauning govori sa aspekta
drutvene povezanosti naina na koji smo mi, pojedinci, ukljueni, ugra-
eni u na lokalni, kulturni i nacionalni kontekst. On vidi community medije
kao mediasphere namerno kreirane da (zadovolje) svrhe zajednice (Dauning,
2011:116-117). Participatornost je jedna od kljunih odrednica alternativnih,
community medijskih projekata, participatornost shvaena kao mogunost
publike da bude aktivan uesnik svake javne debate u drutvu, bez postojanja
posrednika, te da u kreiranju miljenja ili medijskih reprezentacija ne uestvu-
ju samo elitni slojevi, ve ravnopravno svi graani. Tako, uticaj na kreiranje i
distribuciju sadraja postaje jo jedna komponenta i nain da se razume parti-
cipatornost, opunomoavanje publike da bude faktor u procesu medijske raz-

mene i da direktno utie na medijsku proizvodnju.
Bejli, Kamerts i Karpentijer (Bailey, Cammaerts i Carpentier, 2008) pred-
stavljaju dva mogua pristupa razumevanju pojma alternativnih medija je-
dan se odnosi na aspekt sluenja zajednici, a drugi na razumevanje alternativ-
nih medija kao opoziciji i alternativi mainstream medijima. Oslanjajui se na
definicije koje nudi AMARC, Bejli, Kamerts i Karpentijer navode da zajednica
moe znaiti geografsko odreenje, ali i interesne zajednice u okviru kojih
su okupljeni pojedinci sa slinim potrebama, oekivanjima, problemima. Bez
obzira na ova dva odreenja, alternativni mediji kreiraju posebnu vezu sa svo-
jom publikom koja transcendira `obinu` jednosmernu komunikaciju, gde
su teme izabrane tako da... ciljaju odreene potrebe i interese publike (Beri-
gan (Berrigan) 1979:7 kod Bejli, Kamerts i Karpentijer, 2008). Ako alternativ-
ne medije shvatimo kao alternativu mainstream medija, onda njihova pozicija
znai da su ili neka vrsta dodatka mainstream medijima ili pruaju kritiku ma-
instream-a koja kontrira dominantnim, vladajuim stavovima (Bailey, Cam-
maerts i Carpentier, 2008:15).
To moe biti kroz potpuno drugaiju ideoloku orijentaciju medijskih sa-
draja produciranih kao vesti ili kao promocija drugaijih, originalnih, novih
formata analiza projekata podranih kroz IndieVoices pokazae da su ove
pojedinane medijske inicijative daleko inovativnije, autentinije i relevantnije
od veine sadraja koji se publici nude kroz mainstream i konglomerizovane
medijske kanale.
U okvirima srpskog medijskog trita, posebno imajui u vidu naslee
devedesetih godina, termin nezavisnih medija najpre asocira na tzv. nereim-
ske medije, koji su izvetavali o dogaajima slobodnije, otvorenije, objektiv-
nije i esto sasvim suprotno od kursa dravnih medija, i mediji koji su svoj
opstanak zasnivali na inostranim donacijama. Na primeru srpskog medijskog
trita, termin nezavisni odnosi se i na ureivaku programsku politiku me-
dija i na nain finansiranja.
I u irim okvirima, ovakvo odreenje ostaje najveim delom relevantno
nezavisni mediji su mediji koji svoj angaman realizuju nezavisno od kor-
porativnih ili dravnih interesa i uticaja. Produkcija sadraja, analiziranje do-
gaaja, izvetavanje o dogaajima, selekcija informacija svaki od tih procesa
se, u sluaju nezavisnih medija, odvija bez pritiska dravnih ili korporativnih
institucija drutva.
Pozicija nezavisnih medija je posebno osetljiva na tranzicionim tritima,
koja prelaze iz represivnog sistema, u kome je jedini nain opstanka nezavi-
snih medija bila podrka kroz inostrane fondove i donacije, u strogo trino
orijentisana okruenja. Iskustvo, posebno istonoevropskih zemalja, pokazalo
je da u takvoj tranziciji, nezavisni medijski projekti nespremni za trine
uslove poslovanja i takmienje sa dominantno zabavnim komercijalnim sa-
drajima, istovremeno preputeni tritu koje je tek u nastanku i nije do kraja
regulisano praktino nemaju anse za opstanak. U takvim uslovima, najpre

se rtvuje drutveno odgovorna funkcija medija; prioritet se daje jeftinim pro-
dukcionim formama, ili se u cilju poveanja efikasnosti produkcije neminovno
gubi kvalitet, najpre news, drutvenih, ekonomskih ili sadraja iz kulture.
Ako se ponovo kratko osvrnemo na srpsko medijsko trite, kroz podatke
iz jedne od analiza sadraja ovdanjeg javnog servisa, jasno je da postoji ogro-
man prazan prostor za medijske sadraje koji su inovativni, aktuelni, angao-
vani, koji afirmiu vrednosti van puke zabave, koja afirmiu analizu, debatu, a
koje trenutno ne postoje u medijskoj ponudi.
Tako se u izvetaju Medijske slobode Srbije u evropskom ogledalu (ANEM,
2011) kae da:
Republiki javni servis RTS godinama ignorie injenicu da je Srbija mul-
tietniko drutvo i da je duan da u emitovanom programu obezbedi izra-
avanje kulturnog identiteta i nacionalnih manjina. Prema izvetaju RRA
iz 2010. godine, RTS je na prvom kanalu posvetio 0,45 odsto a na drugom
1,84 procenta ukupnog godinjeg emisionog vremena posebnim drutve-
nim grupama, meu koje se pored nacionalnih manjina ubrajaju deca i
omladina, hendikepirani, socijalno i zdravstveno ugroeni, itd. Pokrajinski
javni servis RTV, naprotiv, manjinama sveukupno posveuje veliku panju.
Meutim, istraivanja programa RTV pokazuju da radio i TV programe na
pojedinanim jezicima manjina karakteriu mali obim, siromana anrov-
ska struktura i niski produkcioni standardi. Gledaocima nacionalnog TV
kanala u proseku se tokom dana nudilo est sati informativnog programa, tri
i po sata filmova i serija, tri i po sata zabavnih oua, dva sata reklama i jedan
sat sporta. U preostala dva sata su smetani kulturni, umetniki, obrazovni,
verski, nauni, deji i drugi sadraji.
Osvrt na komercijalne kanale moe ponuditi samo jo vie uznemirava-
jue podatke, a jasno je da je broj podgrupa publike, kulturnih, nacionalnih,
drutvenih manjinskih grupa ije potrebe nisu ni izbliza zadovoljene, esto ni
prepoznate od strane medija ogroman. Nezavisni mediji vanu ulogu imaju
i na razvijenim tritima, poput amerikog, pa je tako, a ovde ga navodimo
kao samo jedan od brojnih primera, u znak otpora izvetavanju korporativ-
nih medija 1999. pokrenut Independent Media Center16, sa eljom da se stvori
globalna mrea koja e se baviti iskljuivo istinitim izvetavanjem, kritikom
neoliberalizma i korporatizacije i konglomerizacije medija.
Konano, posebnu grupu nezavisnih medija ine inicijative i projekti na
nerazvijenim tritima, u autokratskim i represivnim sredinama, gde se funk-
cije nezavisnih medija kreu od edukativne, preko mobilizatorske, do servisne,
i gde su u najveoj meri rezultat lokalnih inicijativa. Primarni cilj projekta In-
dieVoices je, po reima njegovog osnivaa, Sae Vuinia, da slui nezavisnim
medijskim inicijativama, baziranim primarno, ali ne i obavezno, na medijskim
tritima zemalja u razvoju u kojima ne postoje kultura i istorija slobodnih
16
https://www.indymedia.org/or/index.shtml
medija, kao i zadovoljavanju medijskih potreba manjinskih grupa publike, ko-

je su, po pravilu, na periferiji interesovanja komercijalnih, konglomerizovanih
medijskih grupa.
Selekcija i evaluacija IndieVoices projekata

Okruenje u kome se javljaju projekti poput IndieVoices je za medije, na
mnogo naina, izazovno legitimitet i povlaena pozicija nacionalnih, jav-
nih servisa ili konglomerizovanih mainstream komercijalnih medija u velikoj
meri su uzdrmani problemima kao to su sve slabiji diverzitet programskih sa-
draja, izostanak edukativne i informativne funkcije, neophodnost negovanja
potreba manjinskih grupa, dok se paralelno odvija smanjivanje opteg nivoa
poverenja u medije17.
U eri hiperprodukcije medijskih sadraja, jedno od pitanja tie se svakako
kanal i kriterijuma selekcije kako odabrati, u skladu sa kojim kriterijumima
i ko te kriterijume moe da propisuje.
IndieVoices posebnu panju posveuje pitanju selekcije, filtera, pa je u tom
smislu ova inicijativa posebna i drugaija od ostalih crowdfunding platformi18:
- namenjena je news i drutveno relevantnim medijima, ne bilo kojoj
ideji;
- striktno kurirana platforma, samo unapred prihvaeni i odobreni pro-
jekti se pojavljuju na platformi;
- svaki projekat prolazi due diligence, test kojim se pokazuje da e, ako bude
finansiran, unaprediti medijski ekosistem i zajednicu kojoj se obraa;
- svaki finansirani projekat e biti sainjen po najviim novinarskim stan-
dardima, inovativan, jedinstven i vredan podrke.
Ovako ustrojen projekat dalje brie, sve nevidljiviju granicu, izmeu me-
dijskog producenta i medijskog korisnika protok informacija je dvosmeran,
komunikacija je interaktivna, vie ne moemo govoriti o iskljuivo linearnom
medijskom toku. U trenutku pisanja ovog teksta, IndieVoices potencijalnim
donatorima prua mogunost da podre etiri projekta.
a) Pokrivanje trokova produkcije dokumentarnog filma o graanskoj ne-
poslunosti i Occupy pokretu u Hong Kongu koji je kineska dnevna tampa opi-
sala kao gori od SARS-a. Autor projekta je student poslediplomskih studija.
b) Afghanistan Peace Warriors projekat, interaktivna e-knjiga koja e kroz
narativ, video i foto sadraje predstaviti ivot onih koji su se borili u Avgani-
17
Prema podacima Gallupa, 2012, preko 60% Amerikanaca je izjavilo da ne veruje uop-
te ili veruje veoma malo medijima TV, radiju, tampi to je najvei procenat nepoverenja u
medije zabeleen u skorije vreme, a sa stepenom nepoverenja raste i negativan odnos prema me-
dijima. Prema podacima sa http://www.gallup.com/poll/157589/distrust-media-hits-new-high.
aspx, pristupljeno 3. Maja 2014.
18
https://www.indymedia.org/or/index.shtml , pristupljeno 20. aprila 2014.
stanu. Autor projekta je Reza, filantrop, idealista, humanista.. proslavljeni fo-

toreporter, a njegov projekat ve sponzorie The Photo Society.
c) Projekat koji dolazi iz Malezije, u kojoj su tradicionalni mediji striktno
kontrolisani od strane drave, dok se online mediji bore da dou do publike,
za cilj ima prikupljanje sredstava za kupovinu bespilotne letee kamere, koja e
omoguiti snimanje iz vazduha. Kako autori projekta kau policijska brutal-
nost se deava kada su kamere ugaene, a mi elimo da budemo sigurni da se
to nikad ne desi. Autor projekta je Malaysiakini, najuticajniji malezijski izvor
nezavisnih vesti, osnovan 1999, koji svoj opstanak duguje pretplati i prihodi-
ma od oglaavanja.
d) Konano, IndieVoices daje mogunost finansiranja projekta Mobile Va-
ani, pionirskog poduhvata audio novinarstva koji je zasnovan na snimanju
mobilnim telefonom glasova ljudi i njihovih ivotnih pria, pogoenih efek-
tima miniranja u jednoj od najsiromanijih drava u Indiji. Autor projekta je
kompanija Gram Vaani (Glas Sela), koja se bavi razvojem inovativnih teh-
nologija, sa ciljem da ojaa siromane i marginalizovane zajednice i da uini
vidljivim njihove zahteve i stavove.
Ako bismo se vratili na kriterijume odrivosti medija kakve definie IREX,
moe se zakljuiti da bi IndieVoices u celini mogao da dobije visoke ocene ka-
da su u pitanju podsticanje pluraliteta izvora informisanja, negovanje etikih
i profesionalnih standarda novinarske profesije, ali i viestruki izvori finansi-
ranja za neke od projekata, koji pribegavaju inventivnim nainima obezbei-
vanja sredstava sa ciljem da publici ponude kvalitetnije i relevantnije sadraje.
Takoe, oigledno je da su svi IndieVoices projekti iz kategorije nezavi-
snih, community, alternativnih medija o community medijima se najee
govori sa aspekta obrazovne i informativne funkcije, ali Jayaweera namee jo
jednu vanu perspektivu prouavanju ovog oblika produkcije sadraja pro-
movisanju i razvijanju medijske pismenosti (2008). Postavlja se pitanje na koji
nain je mogue evaluirati uspenost obavljanja funkcije community medija?
Jayaweera (2008:68) daje neke smernice, koje mogu posluiti i za evaluaci-
ju sadanjih i buduih projekata ukljuenih u IndieVoices platformu:
- da li community medij obezbeuje informacije i perspektive koje omogua-
vaju lanovima zajednice da uestvuju u javnom i politikom ivotu?
- da li obezbeuje adekvatnu reprezentaciju zajednice u upravljakoj struk-
turi?
- da li neguje ravnopravan i pravedan pristup pripremanju i produkciji pro-
grama?
- da li doprinosi objanjavanju vanih razvojnih procesa unutar drutva?
- da li odslikava razliitost miljenja, interesovanja, potreba?
- da li neguje inovativnosti i kreativnost?
- da li doprinosi razvoju kulture?
- da li doprinosi razreavanju konflikata?
Pitanja koja provocira IndieVoices projekat, koji je, inae, jo uvek u test
fazi, su brojna: da li je publika danas dovoljno zrela i odgovorna, dovoljno
medijski pismena, samostalna da preuzme ovako aktivnu ulogu koju joj Plat-
forma prua? Gde e biti mesto ovakvih projekata, na tritu kojim dominira-
ju medijske korporacije i globalni medijski formati? Koliko je ovakva ideja o
demokratizaciji medijskog vlasnitva utopistika, idealistika?
Prvih 100 dana rada IndieVoices platforme dali su neke nagovetaje poten-
cijalnih odgovora na pomenuta pitanja:
najvei broj finansijskih doprinosa za sada dolazi iz Sjedinjenih Drava,
to se, potencijalno, moe objasniti razvijenom kulturom donatorstva, po-
jedinane participacije kroz crowdfunding i sl;
Donatori nisu samo pojedinci, vei i manje fondacije, novinarske inicija-
tive i sl;
Foto-projekti su dobijali najveu podrku i veina njih je u prikupila po-
trebne fondove za realizaciju;
engleski ne sme biti dominantan na Platformi ukoliko se oekuje njen da-
lji razvoj, to je i u skladu sa njenim transnacionalnim i globalnim usme-
renjem;
Projekti moraju imati jasan cilj, moraju biti efikasno i precizno obrazlo-
eni i fokus mora biti na konkretnoj pomoi, sto je na liniji smernica ve
definisanih ranijim crowdfunding platformama poput Kickstartera.
Za kraj, Saa Vuini istie da je dosadanje iskustvo na projektu pokazalo
da neke procene nisu bile realne; pa tako, neki projekti kojima je davao velike
anse u realnosti, poput pokretanja javne televizije u Ukrajini, nisu naili na
razumevanje publike i za njih nisu obezbeena sredstva. Meutim, Projekat
e nastaviti da se razvija, kao i ideja o ukljuivanju i aktivaciji publike Indi-
eVoices e pozvati publiku da se angauje i u procesu selekcije projekata i od-
luivanja koji od predloga zasluuje da se nae na spisku onih kojima e biti
obezbeivana pomo19.
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http://blog.indievoic.es/2014/04/after-100-days-what-did-we-learn-part-2-who-is-
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Ana Martinoli
CROWDFUNDING AS A TOOL FOR DEVELOPEMENT

AND SUSTAINABILITY OF INDEPENDENT MEDIA -
INDIEVOICES CASE STUDY
Media sustaniability should be addressed not only through the financial aspects of
media operations, but even more through the existence of niche-oriented content pro-
duction, developed supporting institutions, objective and fair journalism with clear ethic
standards IndieVoices is the project aimed at engaging audience in supporting and
investing into selected media projects, qualified as the ones that will contribute to its
community, be it geographical, social, cultural. More focused at underdeveloped media
markets, IndieVoices founders nevertheless emphasize that the need for crowdfunded me-
dia projects that would nurture and develop independent media operations are equally
needed in the rich and developed markets as well, minding the poverty of purpose of
media oriented only at profit-making. Proposing some progresive ideas regarding media
ownership, introducing possibilities of fractional ownership in media projects which
would allow the members of a crowd to become responsible for particular media con-
tent, IndieVoices offers flexible funding options for the projects that will contribute to
more rich and diversified media landscape. Questions that rise from IndieVoices project
are numerous is there a critical mass of media literate, interested and active audience
inspired to invest in such media ventures, what will be the future position of such media
project in wider media landscape and will IndieVoices turn out to be really sustainable
project which will promote not only new financial models, but will shake somnolent me-
dia market.
Darko Nadi
Fakultet politikih nauka, Univerzitet u Beogradu
PROEKOLOKI AKTIVIZAM U POPULARNOJ MUZICI1
Backstage
U svetu u kome je brzina imperativ, gde informacije zastarevaju u roku
od nekoliko dana, ekoloka pitanja se postavljuju i procenjuju u onim sferama
umetnosti u kojima imaju mogunost da bre dopru do korisnika.
Muzika predstavlja poseban doivljaj, vrstu inspirativnog iskustva, koja
ostvaruje mogunost da ovek doivi odreene emocije koje mogu da prome-
ne odreene oblike ponaanja. Kombinovana sa idolatrijom i drugim vrstama
poistoveivanja, muzika ima sposobnost da utie na svest ljudi i da ih menja.
Kombinacija muzike i rei, u savremenoj, popularnoj, muzici stvara dvostru-
ku vrstu emocija. Uivanje u melodijama, ali i praenje poruka koje se nalaze
u stihovima odreene pesme, stvara posebnu kombinaciju. Muzika moe da
doara ubor potoka ili utanje lia na blagom povetarcu, da odreenim to-
novima iskae lepotu prirode. Kombinacija sa stihovima moe tu muziku da
usmeri u sasvim drugom pravcu, da pokae vanost vode za ljudski ivot ili
da ukae, zapravo, na bojni otrov, od koga opada lie u umi. Emocije koje
se stvaraju tom prilikom imaju moda veu vanost nego naune injenice. A
osim toga usmerene su na sasvim drugu ciljnu grupu omladinu. Zapravo,
kao to je izjavio Do Stramer (Joe Strummer): Muzika govori na svim jezici-
ma...emocije su internacionalni jezik. U tom kontekstu, emocije izazvane slu-
anjem odreene vrste muzike i porukom koja ona nosi sa sobom ne samo to
dovode do nekih novih emocionalnih stanja i promena odreenih modela po-
naanja, ve stvaraju i sasvim nove vrednosti. Tu ve moemo da govorimo o
1
Rad je nastao u okviru nauno istraivakog projekta Univerziteta u Beogradu - Fakul-
teta politikih nauka, Politiki identitet Srbije u regionalnom i globalnom kontekstu (evidencioni
broj 179076), koji finansira Ministarstvo prosvete i nauke Republike Srbije.
politikoj poruci, pa i o politikoj moi koju popularna muzika nosi sa sobom.

Naravno, te novostvorene vrednosti ne mogu se prouavati van konteksta u
kome one zapravo nastaju: politiki, socijalni i kulturni kontekst.
Popularna muzika se razliito definie, tako da ne postoji njena opte-
prihvaena definicija. Sam pojam popularna dovoljan je da bismo mogli da
jednu vrstu muzike odvojimo od neke druge vrste, tako da u ovom sluaju
moemo da govorimo o specifinim razlikama izmeu popularne i klasine
muzike. Popularna muzika je neosporno produkt 20. veka, to samo uslonja-
va pokuaje definisanja ovog pojma. Popularna muzika, kao viestruko sloeni
pojam, ne moe se samo definisati sa muzikolokog stanovita, niti samo sa
kulturolokog, ve definicija treba da obuhvati i socioloko, ali i ekonomsko
promiljanje te pojave. Pod pojmom popularna muzika uker (Shuker) pod-
razumeva:
Termin popularna muzika prkosi preciznom, jednostavnom definisanju.
Kulturoloki, sva popularna muzika se sastoji od hibrida muzikih tradicija,
stilova i uticaja. U isto vreme, to je ekonomski proizvod koji je stvoren na
ideolokim osnovama veine potroaa. S jedne strane, popularna muzika ob-
uhvata bilo koji stil muzike koji ima publiku, i onda bi prema tome trebalo da
ukljuuje mnoge anrove i stilove koji su veinom iskljueni iz ove grupe, od
kojih se najvie izdvajaju razne vrste klasine i dez muzike. Oigledno da je
kriterijum za ono to se smatra popularnim i njegova primena na specifine
muzike stilove i anrove, predmet mnogih rasprava. Prodaja albuma, posee-
nost koncerata, broj izvoaa, prisutnost na radiju i televiziji, su sasvim mer-
ljivi indikatori popularnosti, ali klasina muzika ima dovoljnu publiku da bi
se smatrala popularnom. Dalje, mnoge muzike forme sada menjaju poziciju
na tristu, sa razlikom izmeu visoke i niske, ili popularne, kulture koja
nije ba najjasnija (Shuker 2002: viii-ix).
Popularna muzika je definitivno muzika koja obuhvata razliite muzike
anrove, ali oni koji su dominantni su rok, pop muzika, dez, soul muzika itd.
U okviru ovih glavnih anrova, mogu se definisati i odreeni podanrovi koji
su u direktnoj vezi sa odreenim kontrakulturnim pojavama, razliitim stilo-
vima ivota, linim afinitetima muzikih stvaralaca itd. Drugo pitanje, takoe
metodoloki znaajno, jeste koje su to teme zastupljene u pesmama, a koje ine
da te iste pesme moemo da posmatramo kao pesme sa ekolokim sadrajem
ili ekolokom porukom. To su pre svega isticanje specifinih ekolokih proble-
ma, ekolokih vrednosti kao pozitivnih vrednosti, zabrinutost za stanje ivotne
sredine, kritika konzumerizma, prava ivotinja, klimatske promene, industri-
jalizacije i urbanizacije, mir i problem rata itd.
Naime, u ekolokom sluanju muzike usmereni smo na muziku i muzike
stilove, podkulture i anrove u kojima je ta vrsta muzike zasnovana, video di-
menziju kao propratni efekat ili marketinki smiljenu poruku koja prati mu-
ziku. Pravi cilj ekoloke analize popularne muzike jesu rei, tekst, odnosno
stihovi pesme. Sajmon Frit (Simon Frith) smatra da socioloka analiza tekstova
u popularnoj muzici nije ba smislena:
Dodatnu tekou stvara injenica da je rok oblik pesme, pa se pada u iskuenje

da se analiziraju rei na raun muzike; rei se lake komentariu, stihovi se
bolje razumeju od akorda; sociolozi popularne muzike su dosad redovno ili
lakim putem analizom teksta. Ovakav pristup, orijentisan na rei ne dopri-
nosi mnogo odreivanju ideologije roka; oboavatelji znaju da su (po reima
Grejla Markusa) rei zvuci koje oseamo, a ne iskazi za razumevanje. Veina
rok ploa zasniva svoj efekat na muzici nego na tekstu ukoliko se uopte i
zapaaju, rei se tek apsorbuju tek nakon to je muzika ve doivljena; odluu-
jue promenljive su zvuk i ritam (Frit 1987: 227)
Meutim, isto tako, svaka druga analiza ne bi vie bila socioloka, ve mu-
zikoloka, a to je neki sasvim drugi i nepoznati teren. Osim toga, popularnu
muziku prati i publika kao posebna kategorija kojima je muzika namenjena, ali
isto tako i festivali i ekonomski efekti koju ta muzika proizvodi. To samo doka-
zuje prethodnu tvrdnju da popularna muzika ne moe biti samo predmet sa-
mo kulturologije i muzikologije. Ekoloko sluanje popularne muzike podra-
zumeva jedan preduslov, a to je da je ekoloka poruka sadrana u stihovima.
U kontekstu ekolokog sluanja popularne muzike panja se mora obratiti
i na proekoloki aktivizam samih muziara i grupa, kao i na deavanja ko-
ja prate samu muziku i muziare, a utiu na njihove sluaoce, a tu konkret-
no mislim na muzike festivale na kojima se promovie i stimulie ekoloko
ponaanje publike. Engleski muziar Sting (The Police) je osniva Fondacije
kine ume (Rainforest Foundation Fund) koja je imala za cilj zatitu kinih u-
ma u Amazoniji, ali i etnikih grupa, odnosno, plemena koja tamo ive. Krisi
Hajnd (Chrissie Hynde) je jedna od velikih aktivistkinja organizacije PETA.
Morisi (Morrissey) po svojim skandaloznim i kontroverznim izjavama o pra-
vima je pravi Lenfant terrible sveta muzike. Pol Simonon (Paul Simonon), (The
Clash, The Good The Bad and The Queen, Gorillaz) je 2011. godine bio ak i u
uhapen kao (incognito) lan organizacije Grinpis (Greenpeace) i proveo dve
nedelje u zatvoru, jer je protestovao protiv naftnih istraivanja i buotina na
arktikom podruju. Grupe poput Perl Dem-a (Perl Jam) su donatori za zati-
tu kinih uma na Madagaskaru itd. Londonska grupa The Good, The Bad and
The Queen su novembra 2011.godine u Londonu odrali humanitarni koncert
posveen proslavi etrdeset godina od osnivanja Grinpisa.
Kako pria o ekologiji i popularnoj muzici ne bi otila isuvie daleko, do
sitnih detalja, za potrebe ovog rada zadrao sam se na istraivanju tri ekolo-
ko-politika fenomena i njihovoj zastupljenosti u popularnoj muzici: nuklear-
noj energiji (kao energetskom fenomenu i kao pretnji miru), pravima ivotinja
i klimatskim promenama.
Political Science
Kada danas spomenemo nuklearnu energiju ili nuklearne elektrane ret-
ko ko za prvu asocijaciju ima jeftinu struju ili smanjivanje globalnog zagre-
vanja. Prve asocijacije ine Ostrvo tri milje, ernobilj i Fukuima, odnosno
tragini incidenti sa katastrofinim posledicama. Istorija drutvene, odnosno,

energetske upotrebe nuklearne energije je u stvari posledica mnogo ozbiljnijeg
drutvenog, ekonomskog i politikog problema. Do pre samo dvadeset godina
prva asocijacija na re nuklearno je bila atomska bomba, Hiroima i Naga-
saki, stalna pretnja nuklearnim ratom i nuklearnom katastrofom. Nemirenje
sa postojanjem nuklearnog oruja i pretnje nuklearnim ratom uticale su da se
oforme dve vrste drutvenih pokreta: mirovni i antinuklearni.
Ameriki muziar Randi Njuman (Randy Newman) je bio izuzetno sarka-
stian kada je pisao i pevao o nuklearnoj opasnosti. U vodviljsko-kabaretskom
aranmanu pesme Politike nauke (Political Science) iz 1972. godine, Njuman
kreira satiru na ameriku kulturu i uopte ameriki nain ivota, kao i na
spoljnu politiku vienu od strane tipinog amerikog .redneck-a. Najlake je
baciti jednu veliku (atomsku) bombu i reiti sve svetske probleme koji mue
ameriku administraciju. U tom trenutku, to je bio Vijetnamski rat, faza u ko-
joj SAD ne samo to gube rat, ve gube i podrku svojih saveznika irom sveta,
politiki ugled i ekonomsku mo.
Niko nas ne voli - nemam pojma zato
Moda nismo savreni, ali nebesa znaju da smo se potrudili
Ali na kraju napustilo nas je i staro drutvo
Hajde da bacimo jednu veliku i da vidimo ta e da se desi
Dali smo im novac - ali da li su nam zahvalni?
Ne, bili su pakosni i mrski
Nemaju potovanja prema nama - pa hajde onda da ih iznenadimo
Baciemo jednu veliku i ima u prah da ih pretvorimo
Azija je prenaseljena a Evropa isuvie matora
Afrika je prevrua
A u Kanadi je previe hladno
Juna Amerika je ukrala nae ime
Hajde da bacimo jednu veliku
I nee ostati niko da nas optuuje
Spasiemo Australiju
Ne elimo da povredimo kengure
Izgradiemo jedan sveameriki zabavni park
a moi e i da se surfuje
Boom! i ode London i boom! ode i Pari(z)
Vie prostora za tebe i vie prostora za mene
I svaki grad na celom svetu
Bie jos samo jedan ameriki grad
Oh, kako e to miroljubivo biti
Sve emo ih osloboditi
Nosie japanski kimono
A bie i italijanskih cipela za mene
Ionako nas samo mrze
Pa hajde da im sad bacimo jednu veliku
Nuklearna energija je esto isticana kao najbolja alternativa zavisnosti ko-

je oveanstvo ima od fosilnih goriva. Meutim, ona to svakako danas nije
premda je oveanstvo imalo poverenja da se ak i loe stvari mogu pretvoriti
u dobre, ukoliko smo samo mi kao ljudi dobri. Bob Marli (Bob Marley) u Pe-
smi za spasenje (Redemption Song) iz 1979. godine, folk baladi, odsviranoj na
akustinoj gitari, pesmi kristalne lepote koja je predstavljala zbir cele Marlijeve
filozofije (Salewicz 2009: 379) kae:
...Oslobodite se mentalnog ropstva
Niko sem nas samih ne moe osloboditi nae umove
Ne plai se atomske energije
jer niko od njih ne moe zaustaviti vreme...
Ovde nije u pitanju Marlijeva vera u ispravnost nuklearne energije, a jo
manje propaganda iste. On nije postavio pitanje da li je ona ekonomska ispla-
tiva ili preopasna za oveanstvo. Stih predstavlja specifian i eklektian Marli-
jev rastafarijanski kornukopijanizam, veru u stalan napredak civilizacije i oslo-
boenje ljudske svesti od svih predrasuda, pa samim tim pozitivan pogled na
tehnoloki razvoj koji ne moe biti zaustavljen. Marli nije doiveo ernobilsku
katastrofu 1986. godine. Gil Skot Heron jeste.
Gil Skot Heron (Gil Scott Heron) je bio ameriki muziar koji je vie pred-
stavljao podzemnu (underground) i alternativnu struju u amerikoj popu-
larnoj muzici. Heron je, kombinujui tradicije bluza, deza i soul muzike, sa
nesumnjivim sposobnostima pravog pesnika, izraavao jasan politiki stav
takozvane vijetnamske generacije u Sjedinjenim Amerikim Dravama o
pitanjima koja su doslovno unitavala tu generaciju. Pitanje mira i rata, kor-
porativne i potroake Amerike, otuenosti i mimikrije, politike hipokrizije,
postaju ne samo slika jednog vremena u jednoj civilizaciji, ve i predvianje
budunosti, meunarodnih odnosa baziranih na dominaciji koji guraju svet u
propast. Iz tih razloga, ideja mira nasuprot ratu postaje jedna od centralnih te-
ma u pesmama i uopte u Heronovoj poeziji. Meutim,osim kritika amerikog
korporativnog i korumpiranog politikog sistema, puna Heronova ekoloka
svest, o nepotrebnosti i opasnosti koju nuklearna energija nosi sa sobom, do-
ivela je u njegovoj pesmi Zamalo da izgubimo Detroit (We almost lost Detroit)
iz 1977. godine. Pesma je posveena incidentu na nuklearnoj elektrani Fermi
u okrugu Monro u dravi Miigen 1966. godine. U sporom, melanholinom
bluzu, Heron peva o gubljenju razuma i brige politikih struktura za obine
ljude koje nuklearna energija moe da ugrozi:
...Stoji negde pored autoputa
kao Stvorenje iz nekog prolog doba
i inspirie bebe da zapitkuju
ta je ovo?
dok ih majke vozikaju unaokolo
Ali niko ne razmilja o bebama
ili o tome kako bi one preivele
i zamalo izgubismo Detroit

ovog puta
Kako bismo ikada preli preko gubljenja naeg razuma?
i otkucava svako vee dok grad spava
sekunde do unitenja
Samo trideset milja od Detroita
stoji ogromna elektrana
Ali niko ne razmilja o ljudima
i o tome kako bi oni preiveli
ovog puta
erif iz okruga Monro je imao ba na umu takvu nesreu
i ta bi Karen Silkvud rekla
da je jo uvek iva?
Da kada je u pitanju bezbednost ljudi
novac pobedi ba svaki put
ovaj put, ovaj put
Vidi, skoro smo tada izgubili Detroit
Kako bismo ikada preli preko...
jer razlozi su udni,
a izgubiemo ga jednog dana...2
Ali i pre ove pesme, tanije dve godine ranije, Heron je ukazao na jo je-
dan specifian problem: ekoloko-nuklearnog rasizma, kada je u predominant-
no afro-amerikoj dravi Junoj Karolini, drava odluila da izgradi fabriku
za preradu nuklearnog goriva. U pesmi Juna Karolina (South Carolina-Barn-
well), u snanom dez funk ritmu praenom ljutitim saksofonom, Heron uka-
zuje na ekoloki rasizam i politiku ba-me-briga, koju obian ovek nosi sa
sobom u Junoj Karolini ne videi potrebu za pobunom.
...uo sam da grade fabriku dole u Junoj Karolini
sa smrtonosnim potencijalom nekontrolisanim od strane vladinih dizajnera
Udomie atomski otpad da bude stalan podsetnik
da su dobili super veliku tempiranu bombu koja otkucava...
Rekoe da grade super veliku fabriku dole u Junoj Karolini
I vozovi e se kotrljati kroz zemlju sa svojim teretom za sobom
2
Gil Skot Heron je izveo Umalo izgubismo Detroit na jednom od Ne nuklearno koncera-
ta u Medison skver Gardenu u Njujorku, koji je organizovalo udruenje Ujedinjeni muziari za
bezbednu energiju (MUSE), grupa oformljena u septembru 1979. godine nakon nuklearnog in-
cidenta na Ostrvu tri milje, u martu te iste godine. Dekson Braun, Krozbi, Stils i Ne, Dejms
Tejlor, Tom Peti, Brus Springstin su bili meu ostalim muziarima koji su uzeli uea na tom
projektu. Kampanja protiv nuklearne energije, u kojoj je MUSE bila uesnik, je bila uspena. U
sledeih dvadeset godina, od 1978. godine, planovi za izgradnje novih nuklearnih elektrana su
bili ili otkazani ili odloeni na neodreeno vreme. (David Ingram, The Jukebox in the Garden.
Ecocriticism and American Popular Music Since 1960., Nature, Culture and Literature 07, Rodo-
pi, New York, 2010. str. 163)
Mogu uzeti milion ivota, brate moj, samo da te podsetim

I nemaju potovanja za ljudski ivot tamo dole Junoj Karolini
...rekoh ta se desilo sa protestima i besom?
ta se desilo sa glasovima razuma
ta se desilo sa ljudima kojima je ba bilo stalo
Nisu li se ba oni prijavili da umru u vijetnamskoj dungli?
Iste 1979. Godine, Heron od konstatacije problema i kritike rezignacije
prelazi u fazu poziva na pobunu u pesmi Ugasite ih (Shut em down)
...Da li si uo tu tutnjavu? Da li si uo taj zvuk?
Pa nije to bio zemljotres, ali je dobro prodrmao tlo
I podstaklo me to da razmislim o energiji, svidelo mi se to ili ne:
Moram da radim za Zemlju za ono to vredi
jer to je jedina Zemlja koju imamo
Ugasite ih!
Ako je to jedini nain da ih spreimo od topljenja
Ugasite ih!
uo sam dosta stvari o bezbednosti i ljudskoj greci
Nekoliko brojanika i meraa, sa tim moete samo da se nadate
Ako vam je potrebno savrenstvo, a to je ono to vam je potrebno
Onda ne trebate ljude, ne moete ukljuiti ljude
Znate ljudi prave greke...
Meat is murder
Prava ivotinja i njihovo tretiranje kao jedinki koje su po pravima jednake
sa ljudima nije bio problem koji je popularna muzika tretirala na adekvatan
nain. Ljubav prema ivotinjama je tretirana i objanjavana Diznijevim vie-
njima. Promene poinju nastankom organizacije PETA (People for Ethical Tre-
atment of Animals) koja je svoje javne aktiviste upravo nala u muziarima i
uopte umetnicima. Naime, politiku zatite domaih ivotinja PETA sprovodi
na etiri fronta, odnosno u etiri posebne politike. Prva se sprovodi kroz stav
PETA-e o potrebi kastracije, sterilizacije, pa ak i eutanazije kunih ljubima-
ca, kao i kroz politiku protiv dranja domaih ivotinja kao kunih ljubima-
ca. Druga posebna politika prema ivotinjama sprovodi se kroz insistiranje na
zabrani dranja ivotinja u svrhe ljudske zabave, to ukljuuje cirkuse, rodea,
zooloke vrtove. Trea posebna politika zatite ivotinja usmerena je na proti-
vljenje korienju ivotinja u eksperimentima, odnosno insistira se na zabrani
testiranja nad ivotinjama, i etvrta posebna politika jeste protivljenje orga-
nizacije PETA korienju ivotinja za izradu odee i obue, kao i za ljudsku
ishranu; drugim reima, PETA postaje jedina globalna ekoloka organizacija
koja popularie vegeterijanstvo kao nain ishrane ljudi i na nju PETA troi
najvie sredstava kroz kontroverzne medijske kampanje, ali i putem izdavanja
posebnih veganskih kuvara.
Morisi (Morrisey), bivi lider grupe Smits (The Smiths) jedan je od naja-
gilnijih, ali i najkontroverznijih aktivista za prava ivotinja. U pesmi Meso je
ubistvo (Meat is murder) iz 1985. godine Morisi je definisao svoj radikalni stav
prema zatiti ivotinja, izjednaavajui smrt ljudi sa smru ivotinja i prosto
kidiui na tradiciju mesoderstva u ljudskoj ishrani dok sama pesma poinje
uasnom rikom stoke koja umire u klaonicama.
...I meso koje strastveno prite
nije ukusno, sono i dobro
To je smrt bez razloga
Smrt bez ikakvog povoda je UBISTVO
I teletina koju reete sa osmehom
je UBISTVO
I uretina koju sveano seckate
je UBISTVO
Da li znate kako umiru ivotinje?
Kuhinjski mirisi nisu ba domainski
nisu ba uteni, veseli i ljubazni
to je svrea krv i nemoralni smrad
UBISTVA
I nije ba prirodno, normalno i lepo
to meso koje strastveno prite
Meso u vaim ustima
sauvalo je ukus
UBISTVA...
Pesma Meso je ubistvo nije bila putana u etar. Niti jedna radio stanica u
Velikoj Britaniji nije se odvaila da se suprotstavi tradiciji britanske kuhinje i
kulta nedeljnog ruka. U svojoj Autobiografiji, Morisi detaljnije obrazlae rani-
je izreene stavove u ovoj pesmi:
...Debata se znaajno otvorila u poslednjih nekoliko godina, i vie niko ne
negira da je jesti ivotinje i ribe okrutno. Ili dozvoljava nasilje ili ne, i nita
na zemlji nije vie nasilno ili ekstremno nego industrija mesa. Generalno,
mediji i dalje veruju da ivotinje zasluuju sve to dobiju na kraju krajeva,
oni nisu ljudi, pa zato bi njihova oseanja bila bitna? Za uzvrat, mesna in-
dustrija nudi ljudskoj rasi meni od raka debelog creva, sranih bolesti, svinj-
skog gripa, eerihije koli, salmonele, osteoporoze, gojaznosti, dijabetesa,
Kronove bolesti, bolesti ludih krava, listerioze, trovanja koljkama, ptijeg
gripa, raka jezika, i tako dalje. Bolest ludih krava je, naravno, bolest ludog
farmera jer ludilo farmera unitava kravu. Krava sama ne ini nita da
samu sebe zaludi. U SAD, domaa klanina industrija izaziva vie smrtnih
sluajeva Amerikancima nego bilo koji drugi poznati entitet i njen niz kon-
taminacije predstavlja najvei teret na medicinsku negu. U Velikoj Britaniji,
NHS (Nacionalna zdravstvena sluba) je izrazila ljutnju prema ljudima koji
pue, jer takva navika, koja se moe izbei, na kraju crpi NHS resurse. Ipak,
isto se moe rei i za ljude koji jedu svinje i ovce. Ekoloki, mesna industrija
teti Zemljinim resursima vie od bilo koje druge poznate pretnje, i 80 odsto
globalnog zagrevanja se pripisuje proizvodnji mesa...
(Morrissey 2013: 181-182)
Pria o Morisiju je zapravo pria o organizaciji PETA. Kada u svojim na-

stupima i intervjuima govori o klanicama, ubistvima ivotinja Morisi koristi
re holokaust: Ako podravate klanice onda biste podravali i Auvic. PETA
slino Morisiju i sledei njegove ideje, koje sam prethodno izneo, je nizom
kampanja razvijala vezu izmeu prava ivotinja i holokausta u Drugom svet-
skom ratu. Izloba postavljena 2003. godine pod nazivom Holocaust on Your
Plate (Holokaust na vaem tanjiru), sastojala se od osam panoa veliine 60
kvadratnih metara, od kojih je svaki uporeivao scene Holokausta sa slikama
ivotinja na farmama. Kampanju je inspirisao jevrejski pisac i dobitnik No-
belove nagrade, Isak Baevis Singer (Isaac Bashevis Singer), vegeterijanac koji
se zalagao za prava ivotinja. Prema njegovim reima, u svom odnosu prema
ivotinjima, svi ljudi su nacisti. U okviru ove izlobe, fotografije logoraa u
koncentracionom logoru, prikazivane su pored fotografija pilia zatvorenih u
kavezima, dok su na drugim slikama, nagomilana tela rtava Holokausta upo-
reivana sa gomilom svinjskih leina. Slike su propraene tekstom: Kao to
su nekada Jevreji mueni i ubijani u koncentracionim logorima, danas se nad
ivotinjama vri teror kada bivaju smetene u velika prljava skladita odakle e
biti transportovane na klanje. Autor izlobe bio je Met Preskot (Matt Prescot),
takoe Jevrejin, koji je izgubio nekoliko lanova familije u Holokaustu. On je
rekao: Razmiljanje koje je omoguilo Holokaust, da moemo initi ta god
elimo onima koje smatramo inferiornima, dozvoljava da se ine i zloini nad
ivotinjama. injenica je da sve ivotinje oseaju bol, strah i usamljenost. Tra-
imo da ljudi priznaju da je ono kroz ta su proli Jevreji i drugi u Holokaustu,
isto kroz ta prolaze ivotinje svakoga dana na farmama. Kampanja je otro
kritikovana, a nain na koji se uporeuje sistematsko ubijanje miliona Jevreja
sa pravima ivotinja, ocenjen je kao odvratan.
Organizacija je bila kritikovana zbog distribucije grafikih pamfleta za de-
cu. PETA kae da su broure usmerene na to da roditelji postanu svesni da
njihovi postupci utiu na decu. Pamflet sa natpisom Tvoj tata ubija ivotinje!,
na kome je nacrtan otac kako filetira ribu, poruuje: Dok tvoj tata ne naui
da nije zabavno ubijati, dri svoje kuce i mace podalje od njega! Budui da
je on toliko navuen na ubijanje nezatienih ivotinja, tvoji ljubimci mogu
biti sledei. Slian pamflet Tvoja mama ubija ivotinje! predstavlja crte
majke kako zabada no u stomak ivog zeca. U februaru 2010. godine, British
Advertising Standards Authority (ASA), zabranio je upotrebu plakata organi-
zacije PETA sa likom jednog zatvorenika i tekstom: Stiven Barker: zlostavlja
ivotinja, zlostavlja beba, silovatelj. Ljudi koji su nasilni prema ivotinjama,
retko se zaustavljaju na tome. ASA je izjavila da plakat predstavlja nepotrebnu
ok-taktiku. (Nadi 2012: 82-93)
Slino akcijama organizacije PETA, i Morisi ima za cilj da okira i javnost
i svoje fanove. Niko od poklonika njegovog dela ne moe da ostane po strani
ili da nema stav po pitanjima koje Morisi postavlja. A ta pitanja su vie nego
skandalozna i idu uporedo sa kampanjama organizacije PETA, kao to je sluaj
sa propagiranjem veganske ishrane. O promeni ishrane, kao promeni naina

ivota i pre svega kvaliteta ivota, on kae:
...Kaem ljudima da ponu postepeno. Ne morate preko noi da postanete
model ljudskog savrenstva. Ali, ako je moralno u osobi da izbegne mesnu
hranu onda im nita ne mora biti dodatno objanjavano. Jesti ivotinje je
oigledno veoma okrutno, a vi ili elite da izbegnete nanoenje bola drugom
ivom biu, ili vas ba briga. Argument nema nikakve veze sa time kakvog
je ukusa meso, ili sa mitom o proteinima, ili linim budetom, ili biti mao.
Ako jedete ivotinje sigurno ih mrzite... ako potujete ili volite ivotinje ni-
kad ne biste mogli da ih jedete. To je toliko jednostavno...
Skandali se ne zavravaju samo na pitanju ivotinjskog holokausta. Na
koncertu u Varavi 2011. Godine, Morisi se osvrnuo, kao uvod u pesmu Meso
je ubistvo, na masakr koji je poremeeni ubica Andreas Brejvik napravio u stu-
dentskom kampu u Norvekoj:
Ako su vas Norveka ubistva zaista uasnula, onda sigurno prirodno sledi da
vas uasava ubistvo bilo kog nevinog bia. Ne moete ignorisati ivotinjsku
patnju samo zato to ivotinje nisu mi.
Javnost, muziki svet i fanovi su bili uasnuti ovom Morisijevom izjavom.
Umesto da javnost ohladi, on je nastavio sa svojom zapaljivom retorikom
koja je samo dodatno zapetljala stvari:
...Komentar koji sam napravio na sceni u Varavi mogao bih dodatno obja-
sniti na sledei nain: milioni bia su rutinski ubijani svaki dan kako bi se
finansirao profit za McDonalds i KFCSurovost, ali zato to su ova ubistva
zatiena zakonima, od nas se trai da se oseamo ravnoduno o ubistvima,
i da se ne usuujemo da ih dovodimo u pitanje...
Osim zatite ivotinja, kao primarna mta Morisija su i korporacije koje
se bave proizvodnjom brze hrane, kao to su McDonalds i KFC. Meutim, on
ne preza ni od napada na poznate linosti. Iako ve dui niz godina ne ivi u
velikoj Britaniji, ne proputa priliku da makar jednom godinje napadne bri-
tansku kraljevsku porodicu, optuujui je za varvarizam prema ivotinjama:
...Kraljica se svake godine iskljui po pitanju terornog pokolja kanadskih od-
raslih mrkih medveda, kako bi njena lina garda bila opremljena sa fensi
eirima. Bebe odraslog medveda koje prisustvuju pokolju sopstvenih majki
su ostavljene da umru polako i same. Trezvena i gorka istina je da je kraljica
Engleske ravnoduno prema ovom varvarizmu, jer nikada nije izrazila za-
brinutost po tom pitanju (mada, da budemo iskreni, ne postoji osoba u celoj
Engleskoj koja moe da se seti ili ponovi i jednu re koju je kraljica ikada
izgovorila...
U istom kontekstu, mta retorikih napada bile su i kulinarske zvezde koje
promoviu konzumaciju mesa, kao to su Dejmi Oliver (Jamie Oliver) i Kla-
risa Dikson-Rajt (Clarissa Dickson Wright). Kao i prethodni, i ovi su moda
ispod svakog civilizacijskog ukusa:
Ako je Dejmi Odvratni toliko ubeen da je meso-hrana toliko ukusna, za-
to ne gurne jedno od svoje dece u mikrotalasnu penicu?
Na Morisijeve optube da podrava lov na lisice, kao tradicionalni bri-

tanski plemiki i snobovski sport, Dikson Rajt je odgovorila u Morisijevom
stilu: Njemu sigurno nedostaju ivotinjski proteini u ishrani, da bi ga zatim
optuila da podrava nasilje kao odgovor na takozvane patnje ivotinja:
Ono to oni (misli na ekoteroriste) ine istraivaima je uasno. Spaljuju im
kue, prebijaju ljude i bacaju kiselinu. To je ekstremno bezobrazan nain...
Morisi ohrabruje ljude da ine akte nasilja, a ja sam uvek svesna da mi se
neto loe vrlo verovatno moe desiti.
Dikson Rajt je pokrenula pitanje u kojoj meri je zapravo Morisi odgovo-
ran za akte nasilja nad ljudima i institucijama koje se bave unitavanjem ivo-
tinjskog fonda na bilo koji nain. Sasvim je sigurno da parole i direktan jezik
koje Morisi ispucava mogu da inspiriu pripadnike raznih ekoteroristikih
grupa, no moda odgovor lei u samoj Morisijevoj poeziji i video spotovima.
U spotu Zanimljiva droga (Interesting drug), Morisi napada britansku politiku
desnicu Ba ima nekih loih ljudi na desnici... (There are some bad people
on the RIGHT), i uvodi nas u jednu britansku kolu gde muki uenici nose
ensku obuu i prelistavaju enske modne magazine. Odmah nakon slike ma-
nekenke u belom krznu, ide dokumentarni iseak, odnosno slika bebe bele fo-
ke u svom prirodnom krznu, a onda je smenjuje slika iste te foke koja je odrana
do krvi. Pri kraju spota vidi se i sam Morisi kako prolazi ispod velikog bilborda
na kome stoji oglas za kampanju za zatitu ivotinja sa sloganom: Potrebno je
40 glupih ivotinja da bi se napravila jedna bunda. Ali samo jedna budala koja
bi je nosila. On susree grupu uenika i deli im letke koji pozivaju na zabranu
eksperimentisanja na ivotinjama. Nakon susreta sa Morisijem, uenici prova-
ljuju u laboratoriju i putaju zeeve na slobodu. Ovde je data direktna poruka i
sasvim je jasno da Morisi prua inspiraciju za akcije koje nisu nasilne, ali koje
se stanovita prava ipak definiu kao krivino delo.
London is drowning and I live by the river

Raspravu o tumaenju klimatskih promena u domenu popularne muzike
je nemogue zapoeti, a ne spomenuti pank kao pokret.
Pank (punk) revolucija sedamdesetih godina prolog veka je samo una-
predila tendenciju i tehnologiju pobune koja je postojala u hipi pokretu. Lepr-
avu garderobu zamenila je druga vrsta uniforme koja je za razliku od hipija
govorila ne o vezi sa prirodom, ve o otuenju od prirode. Iznoena garderoba,
prljava i poluunitena, kupljena po jeftinim buvljacima izraavala je drugu vr-
stu protesta i uspostavila drugi nain komuniciranja. Definisana potkultura je
izraavala jasan politiki stav. To najboljim reima opisuje Dik Hebdid (Dick
Hebdige):
Pank je reprodukovao celokupnu odevnu istoriju posleratnih radnikih omla-
dinskih kultura u formi iseaka, kombinujui elemente koji su prvobitno
pripadali razliitim epohama. Bio je to haos od kovrda i konih jakni, mekih

papua i imika, patika i kinih mantila, modovskih frizura i skinhedovskog
hoda, frulica i arapa u ivim bojama, proseenih pantalona i tekih izama
a sve to odravano na mestu i van vremena spektakularnim pridrivai-
ma: zihernadlama i plastinim tipaljkama, zavojima i pariima kanapa koji
su privlaili toliko uasnutu i zadivljenu panju (Hebdid 1980: 36)
Meutim, modni stil koji je pratio pank bio je dananjim terminom reeno
ekoloki. Bila je to reciklaa odbaene i iznoene garderobe. Taj reciklirani stil
oblaenja je bio u to vreme shvaen kao skaradan i opskuran, kako kae Heb-
did kao ekvivalent psovanju, ali on, ma kako ga danas definisali kao ekoloki,
nije bio motivisan da se pokae ekoloka svest panka kao pokreta (jer on to nije
ni bio), ve je pre bio odraz materijalnog siromatva. No, i pored toga pank je,
makar u modi, postao pretea ekolokog ponaanja, u smislu nita se ne baca.
Praen nihilizmom, kontroverzom i apokaliptinou (Nema buduno-
sti!) pank je kao pojava i kao potkultura upozoravao na moguu ekoloku ka-
tastrofu.
Ako pank uporedimo sa melodinou muzike iz hipi perioda, koja je i po
ritmu mirotvorna, pank je krenuo drugim pravcem. Mirotvorna melodija de-
ce cvea je zamenjena melodijom ulice, kao kada utanje lia na povetarcu
zamenite tektanjem mitraljeza. Snaga emocija je zemenjana snagom panike i
optube. Samim tim, pesme su nastavile da budu upozoravajue, ali uz dodatak
snane vizije budunosti koja nije bila melodramatina, ve katastrofina. Do
Stramer (Joe Strummer) lider britanske pank grupe Kle (The Clash) rekao je da
je pozadina tih pesama upravo u tome to su one oduvek bile politike pesme.
..Duga je istorija politikih pesama...no, one su oduvek bile narodne pesme,
mi smo ih uneli unutar zaslepljujue elektrine muzike. Na taj nain smo se
izloili prigovorima. Mnogo je sigurnije tvrditi To je samo zabava momci...
to nije zamiljeno da vas ugrozi, ili da bi vas nateralo na razmiljanje...No
stvar je upravo u tome da mi elimo da pretimo i da podstiemo na razmi-
ljanje... Glavan 2008: 213)
Prava slika stanja kako su Kle zamiljali kataklizmu, ekoloku i politiku,
data je u pesmi London zove (London Calling). Nezvanina himna olimpijskih
igara iz 2012. godine nije himna o otvorenoj i multikulturnoj metropoli:
...London zove daleke gradove
Sad je objavljen rat, bitka se odvija...
Ledeno doba dolazi, sunce se pribliava
oekuje se topljenje jezgra nuklearnog reaktora, penica raste sve tanja
Maine prestaju da rade, ali ja se ne plaim
Jer London se davi, a ja ivim pored reke...
...London zove, da, bejah ja tamo
I zna ta su rekli? Pa, neto od ovoga je istina!...
U dokumentarnom filmu posveenom Do Strameru Budunost je nena-
pisana (The future is unwritten, re. Julian Temple, 2007.), Stramer je objasnio
razloge i smisao nastanka ove pesme:
...U to vreme sam ivio pored Temze. Sluao sam proroanstva o smaku sve-
ta. Naunici su se svaali oko toga ko je u pravu, a ko ne. Jedan je rekao da
dolazi ledeno doba, a drugi da emo se sudariti sa Suncem, to te ini ma-
njim od mrava, a ivot bezvrednim. Onda su rekli: Bolje pripazite, vi dole
uz Temzu. Doi e poplava na prolee i utopiete se. Teio sam se stavljajui
sve te gluposti u jednu pesmu. Odsvirao sam je Miku i pesma mu se svidela.
Udarao je ritam prstima. Rekao mi je da napiem poruku koju emo moi
izvikivati irom sveta...
Mi zapravo nita nismo znali o ekologiji, mislim da nas je vie intereso-
vala nezaposlenost kao socijalni problem i torijevska vlada Margarete Taer,
kao i siromatvo, izjavio mi je u linom razgovoru bivi gitarista grupe Kle,
Mik Dounz (Mick Jones) 2010. godine, meutim Do je stalno gledao na
televiziji neka nauna upozorenja o svetskoj kataklizmi i smatrao je da je to
veoma opasno pitanje, te da treba da upozori javnost. Zaista, naunici umeju
konfuzno da predstave neke stvari. Ono to je Do tada smislio, danas se pod-
vodi pod `globalno zagrevanje`, zar ne? Ili smo dobar korak ispred nauke...
U intervju datom avgusta meseca 2013. godine Vol Strit Durnalu (Wall
Street Journal), Mick Jones izjavljuje slino:
Poetna inspiracija za pesmu London Zove (London Calling) nije bila bri-
tanska politika. Bio je to na strah od utapanja. Godine 1979, videli smo na-
slov na prvoj stranici London Evening Standarda koji je upozoravao da nivo
vode u Severnom moru moe da poraste i da potisne Temzu, plavei grad.
Bukvalno smo poludeli. Za nas je taj naslov bio jo jedan primer kako sve
postaje nesavreno...Do Stramer je iveo u zgradi pored Temze i plaio se
potencijalne poplave. Napravio je dve ili tri verzije stihova koje sam ja kasni-
je proirio dok pesma nije postala upozorenje o zloj sudbini svakodnevnog
ivota. Bili smo malo ispred globalnog zagrevanja, zar ne?
Ovaj strah nije bio utemeljen bez razloga. Zabeleeno je da se u poplavi
Temze 1928. udavilo 14 ljudi, dok je u poplavi zbog plimskog talasa sa Se-
vernog mora, 1953, nastradalo njih 307. To je dovelo do odluke da se tokom
1970-ih pone sa izgradnjom brane na Temzi koja je putena u rad 1982. Ova
pokretna brana nainjena je od 10 kapija vezanih za 39m visoke stubove, uko-
pane 24 metra u reno dno. Pojedinane kapije mogu da se zatvore u roku od
deset minuta, dok je za zatvaranje itave brane potrebno oko sat i po. Kada se
potpuno podigne, brana formira vrst elini zid, koji spreava da voda pritie
uzvodno ka Londonu. etiri glavne kapije imaju raspon od 61 metra, a svaka
od njih je teka preko 3.300 tona. Visoke su po 20m, i mogu da izdre pritisak
do 9.000 tona. Meutim, strah, sada ne vie u pesmi, koliko u stvarnosti op-
staje i danas.
Agencija za ivotnu sredinu Velike Britanije je, decembra 2013. godine,
izdala saoptenje u kome tvrdi da London i dalje ugroavaju poplave i veliki
plimski talasi koji sa Severnog mora idu ka kanalu La Man i uu Temze. To-
me je prethodila i injenica da je prve nedelje decembra 2013. godine Britaniju
pogodilo olujno nevreme koje je izazvalo najvee plimske talase u proteklih
60 godina. Poplavljeno je oko 1400 domova, od ega 300 u najtee pogoenoj

oblasti Linkolnir. Neto sline vremenske prilike desile su se i u prvoj nedelji
januara 2014. godine. Koliko je zaista realna opasnost od poplave Londona go-
vori i film Poplava (Flood), u reiji Tonija Miela (Tony Mitchell) iz 2007. godi-
ne. Dakle, strah nije bio bez razloga, a poplave su se ipak dogodile. Ve 10. fe-
bruara 2014. godine, skoro dva meseca nakon upozorenja Agencije za ivotnu
sredinu Velike Britanije, reka Temza izlila se uzvodno od Londona i poplavila
nekoliko gradova poto je dostigla najvii nivo poslednjih godina. Britanska
agencija za ivotnu okolinu izdala je 14 upozorenja o ozbiljnosti poplava, to
znai da su ugroeni i ivoti ljudi u gradovima uz Temzu istono od Vindzora,
32 kilometra od Londona. Direktor te slube je rekao da e opasnost od velikih
poplava pretiti cele prve i druge nedelje februara zbog ekstremnih vremenskih
uslova januara meseca 2014. godine je u Engleskoj palo najvie kie, imajui
u vidu dosadanji rekord iz januara 1766. godine.
Encore
I naravno, kako to obino moe da se desi, jedna velika Rendi Njumana
je baena. Izgubili smo Heronov Detroit. London Stramera i Dounza se
udavio, pojeli smo sve Morisijeve ivotinje. I poznat nam je verovatni kraj ljud-
ske gluposti prema odraslim ljudima. O tome kako izgleda kada se gasi jo ne-
roeni ivot u trenutku neke budue nuklearne eksplozije/katastrofe, i o tome
ta ta beba, ta budua generacija misli o nama, (dok nam odgovorni i suvopar-
ni muki glas saoptava kako da razlikujemo nuklearne eksplozije, kao da je to
neka vrsta uputstva) govori pesma Kejt Bu (Kate Bush) Disanje (Breathing):
...Napolje
Ulazi unutra
Kroz njenu kou
Ve sam bilo napolje
Ovog puta unutra je mnogo sigurnije
Sino
Na nebu
Toliko jaka svetlost
Moj radar javlja opasnost
Moj instinkt mi kae da nastavim
Disanje
(izdah, udah, izdah, udah, izdah, udah)
Diem
Udiem moju majku
Udiem moju voljenu
Diem
Udiem njen nikotin
Diem
Udiem spolja unutra
izdah, udah, izdah, udah, izdah, udah

Nemamo anse
Mi smo prvi i poslednji
Nakon eksplozije
Opiljci plutonijuma
Svetlucaju u svim pluima
Ja volim svoju
Voljenu
Sve njih i svuda
Budale su te koje su uprskale
Ti i ja
Znali smo da ivot jeste
Disanje
(izdah, udah, izdah, udah, izdah, udah)
Diem
Udiem moju majku
Udiem moju voljenu
Diem
Udiem njen nikotin
Diem
Udiem spolja unutra
(napolje, napolje, napolje, napolje)
U prilog injenici ide da je mogue razlikovati malu od velike nuklearne eks-
plozije veoma jednostavnom metodom.
Znak raspoznavanja nuklearne bombe je zaslepljujui bljesak, daleko vie
zasenjujui od bilo koje svetlosti na Zemlji, svetliji od samog sunca a duina
bljeska odaje nam veliinu ovog oruja.
Nakon bljeska moe se videti vatrena lopta kako se uzdie ka nebu, dok pod
sobom usisava ruevine, prainu i iva bia u okolini mesta eksplozije,
I kako se uzdie, ubrzo poprima prepoznatljiv oblik peurke.
Hajde da probamo da demonstriramo trajanje bljeska I brojimo sekunde du-
ine bljeska jedne veoma male bombe
Zatim jedne jae bombe srednje veliine
I najzad, jedne veoma snane, bombe visokog dometa
(ta emo da radimo bez)
Molim te
Pusti me da diem
Brzo, udahni duboko
Ostavi mi neto da diem
(ta emo da radimo bez)2x
Boe, ostavi nam neto da diemo
O, ivot je...
I vraam se na poetak ovog rada o smislu prethodnih ekoloko-politikih

poruka koje popularna muzika sa sobom nosi. I poinjem sa pitanjima jer ne-
mam odgovore. U kojoj meri ta ekoloka poruka ili ekoloko upozorenje moe
da komunicira sa publikom? Da li publika, kako istie Mark Pedelti (Mark
Pedelty) koristi ta nova saznanja i inspiraciju da napravi smislene promene
u svom individualnom i kolektivnom ivotu? (Pedelty 2012: 47) Ili publika u
ovim pesmama uiva kao u svakoj drugoj vrsti pop zvuka, povezujui slatkastu
melodiju sa nekim sopstvenim ivotnim iskustvom. Da li muziari, kao i svaka
druga korporacija, prodaju svoju ekoloku pesmu, svoju robu, nekoj novoj
ciljnoj grupi, i veto utapaju ekologizam na trite kao to je i Majkl Dekson
(Michael Jackson) uradio sa svojom Pesmom Zemlji (Earth Song)? Da li moda
ekoloka poruka u pesmi, ona jasna, pa i ona skrivena, moe da uini korak
vie, i promeni nas kao pojedince? Moe li pesma da promeni politiki reim?
I na kraju, da li emo se setiti svih ovih stihova onda kada bude prekasno, kad
nastupi potpuni sumrak, odnosno kad budale uprskaju stvar, kao to je to
lepo Kejt Bu ispevala...?
Literatura (Setlist)
Frit, Sajmon (1987), Sociologija roka, Beograd: IIC SSOS.
Hebdid, Dik, (1980), Potkultura: znaenje stila, Beograd: Rad.
Morrissey (2013)., Autobiography, London: Penguin Books Ltd.
Nadi, Darko (2012), Ogledi iz politike ekologije, Beograd: igoja tampa, Fakultet
politikih nauka.
Pedelty, Mark (2012), Ecomusicology. Rock, Folk, and the Environment, Philadelphia:
Temple University Press.
Salewicz, Chris, (2009), Bob Marley. The Untold Story, London: Harpers Collins
Publishers.
Shuker, Roy (2002), Popular Music. The Key Concepts, London, New York: Routledge.
Marvin Gaye, Mercy me (Ecology) 3:26
Randy Newman, Political Sience 2:02
Orchestral Manoeuvres in the Dark, Enola Gay 3:34
Bob Marley, Redemption Song 3:50
Gil Scott Heron, We almost Lost Detroit 5:20
Gil Scott Heron, South Carolina (Barnwell) 3:43
Gil Scott Heron, Shut em Down 3:49
Morrissey, Interesting Drug 3:53
The Smiths, Meat is Murder 6:23
The Clash, London Calling 3:23
Kate Bush, Breathing 5:35
Darko Nadi
Faculty of Political Science, University of Belgrade
PRO-ENVIRONMENTAL ACTIVISM IN POPULAR

MUSIC
Contemporary models of pro-environmental activism are largely different from those

types of activities that traditional politics analyses. Environmental movements replaced
the street as its stage of activities with social networks. Art and culture are becoming eco-
logically responsible. Environmental activism isnt based anymore just on spreading direct
messages on protests or other types of mass gatherings, but also on sending specific social
messages which are different from current known political phrases. Culture becomes a
tool and special type of modern pro-environmental activism. In this context, popular mu-
sic has its own specific role. It isnt just entertainment anymore; its also becoming a spe-
cial phenomenon that can reform and derail traditional human consciousness, not only
to the understanding of environmental issues, but also towards the change of traditional,
conservative models of individual and social groups behaviour. The subject of this paper
is to explore the extent to which popular music can affect the change in human behavior,
and the extent to which the music ceases to be mere entertainment, and how it becomes
socially, environmentally responsible. In the paper, emphasis is given to the study of three
eco-political phenomena and their representation in popular music: nuclear energy (as
energy phenomenon and a threat to peace), animal rights and climate changes.
Julija Mateji, Nevena Negojevi, Marion Renault (France)

CULTURAL PROJECTS AS AN IMPETUS FOR LOCAL

SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT1
Cultural heritage can provide people with opportunities to orient themselves

with their past and in relation to one another.
Rana S. J. B. Ratna and Awais L. Piracha (2007: 37)
Introduction to the concepts of cultural heritage and sustainability:

When present revives past, in order to contribute to a sustainable future
In recent decades, the definition of culture has undergone a profound
change, extending from the narrow understanding of culture as the arts, to
culture broadly defined as a way of life the whole complex of distinctive
spiritual, material, intellectual and emotional features that characterize a com-
munity, society or social group (ICOMOS 2002: 21).
Consequently, what is meant by cultural heritage has inevitably changed
over time as well. Once referring exclusively to the monumental remains of
cultures, the concept of cultural heritage nowadays encompasses ethnographic
and industrial, rural, urban and natural inheritance of a community, divided
into several main categories such as cultural heritage (tangible: paintings,
sculptures, manuscripts, monuments, archaeological sites, underwater ruins,
cities, and intangible: oral traditions, performing arts, rituals), natural heritage
(cultural landscapes, physical, biological or geological formations), as well as
the heritage in the event of armed conflict (UNESCO).
1
This research was done at the University of Arts in Belgrade, as part of the COST
(European Cooperation in the Field of Scientific and Technical Research) action IS1007: Inves-
tigating Cultural Sustainability (Working Group 2).
Such all-embracing meaning of cultural heritage is even more emphasised

in the Council of Europes Framework Convention on the Value of Cultural
Heritage for Society, known as the Faro Convention (2005). Focusing not only
on the value of cultural heritage itself (and how to protect it), but also on the
benefits it might bring to a community (why to protect it), the Convention
considers heritage as part of everyday life, stressing the importance of culture
in general as an inseparable component of sustainable development.
Since mid-1980s, the idea of sustainable development as development
which meets the needs of the present without compromising the ability of
future generations to meet their own needs (WCED 1987), has gradually
evolved too. Soon after the Brundtland Report was published, it became ap-
parent that environmental balance, economic growth and social inclusion, as
three dimensions of sustainable development, do not fully correspond to the
complexity of contemporary society and trends that affect our lives on a daily
basis. For that reason, an increasing number of researchers around the world
have tried to incorporate the notion of culture into this paradigm, placing it as
the fourth pillar of sustainable development of a society.2
Logically, cultural heritage defined as an expression of the ways of liv-
ing developed by a community and passed on from generation to generation,
including customs, practices, places, objects, artistic expressions and values
(ICOMOS 2002), imposes itself as an important asset for building social cohe-
sion and a sense of place, what is more, as a component of culture-led sustain-
able development.
Therefore, the authors of the paper explore the ways how and to which
extent cultural projects directed towards the revitalization and re-use of cul-
tural heritage can contribute to sustainable development of a community of
natural and rural settings, as well as small- and large-sized cities. For that rea-
son, it equally addresses case studies of natural, rural and urban inheritance, as
subcategories of cultural heritage and examples of top-down collaboration and
bottom-up approach towards achieving sustainability of both cultural heritage
and local settings, neighbourhoods and communities. In order to raise aware-
ness on cultural dimension of inter/transgenerational human development,
such method implies a shift from the once ingrained passive reflection, to the
increasingly present active approach to the concepts of cultural heritage and
sustainable development.
2
Some of the most important contributions on this matter are: Hawkes (2001), Nadara-
jah and Yamamoto (2007), Papageorgiou (2007), SALAR (2008), UCLG (2010), Duxbury and
Jeanotte (2010, 2011), COST Action IS1007 Investigating Cultural Sustainability (2011) etc.
Rural and natural heritage resources and the search for sustainability
Usually defined as museums that focus on diversity of a territory, its heri-
tage and population, eco museums are considered significant for the protec-
tion and display of heritage in its natural and social context (Gob, Druge 2009:
5053). Comprised of material and non-material legacy of a certain territory
(and their interrelation), such museums provide visibility of and meaning to
the local heritage, making it easily accessible to both local residents and tour-
ists (Papageorgiou 2007: 1617). Thus, it is believed that eco-museums con-
tribute to sustainable development of a territory in economic, cultural, social
and environmental sense.
Although touristic potentials of cultural heritage (ability to attract tourists
and positive effect that tourism is expected to have on income and employ-
ment) are usually emphasized as the most evident contributions of culture to
the local sustainable development (Papageorgiou 2007: 28), the idea behind
the case study gives a broader framework, not only for considering culture as a
component of sustainable development, but also for discussing the sustainable
use of cultural heritage itself.
The Eco Museum Ibar Valley3 (hereinafter, EMIV) is an example of the
effective reassessment of local rural natural heritage, recognised both by the
inhabitants and local authorities. The overall objective of the Project was to in-
troduce more sustainable model of cultural heritage management in the river
Ibar valley, in order to contribute to social cohesion, economic activity and
sustainable development of local community.
The Project was urged by the opposing characteristics of the City of Kralje-
vo. Due to turbulent recent history, Kraljevo has experienced an economic de-
cline which has produced the domino effect causing numerous social problems
and pure cultural life the atmosphere of overall city decadence.4 On the other
hand, rural area of the City (especially the Ibar Valley) is characterized by di-
versity and richness reflected in the stunning landscape widely recognized by
its cultural and natural heritage.5
3
The Project was implemented in the period between 2009 and 2013 within the pro-
gram SeeNet 2 (see: SeeNet 2, http://www.see-net.org/, June 2nd, 2014) by the joint partnership of
the Associazione Trentino con i Balcani (see: Trentino Balcani, http://www.trentinobalcani.eu/,
June 2nd, 2014), its local representative Sodalis Kraljevo and the City of Kraljevo.
4
Once the driving force of the city development, local industry of Kraljevo was almost
destroyed due to the overall decline during the 1990s and post 2000s (Grad Kraljevo, June 2nd,
2014). According to the Local Action Plan from 2013, unemployment rate is 34,15% (
2014: 10), intensive migration of the population creates numerous social and demo-
graphic problems, apparent intolerance especially towards the Roma people, refugees and IDPs,
as well as continuous extinction of the rural area ( 2009a: 1315;
2009: 13-15, 2044).
5
The entire area of the Ibar valley is well known by the Magli fortress (14th century),
medieval monasteries ia (13th century) and Studenica (12th century), preserved old crafts,
In order to reach the defined objective, the Project anticipated several ac-
tions the reconstruction of the medieval Magli fortress, mapping of both
cultural and touristic potentials of the area, as well as the establishment of
the EMIV. Conceived as a cooperation between the public sector on one side
(as the founder of the Museum), and private and civil actors on the other, the
EMIV project aimed to create a sustainable model for further balanced devel-
opment of the area. During its implementation, the Project initiated certain
changes in the community and brought positive impact to the territory, draw-
ing attention to local heritage by strengthening residents sense of place, thus,
representing a strategy towards the local development.6
Conversely, cultural and environmental sustainability were reflected in
the efforts of the local community to protect and foster cultural and natural
heritage. Since the locals usually do not perceive heritage as part of their every-
day, common life, the idea behind the Project was to invite them (re)discover
it all over again. As a result, being increasingly used by individuals on a daily
basis, local cultural and natural heritage has slowly started to become the sup-
porting pillar that brings social and economic benefits to the local community.
Such approach is particularly important for the reason that the heritage might
become an instrument of exclusion of the local community if not perceived as
part of everyday landscape and commonality. Only deeply embedded heritage
exercised by the community can become a mechanism of inclusion and thus a
precondition for genuine sustainability (Fairclough et al. 2014).
Considering this, we might say that the EMIV would have represented a
non-obligatory agreement based on which the local community would have
taken care not only of the territory itself, but of complex layers of cultural,
social and environmental values which define a unique local heritage (Maggi
2002: 9). However, despite all the positive impacts of the Project and due to
other similar initiatives,7 the City of Kraljevo withdrew from the Project dur-
ing the last phase of its implementation. Without this crucial support of local
government, the EMIV was never established as a legal entity.
Knowing that, in order to be successful, such initiatives need to be sup-
ported not only by the community but also by local authorities (Gob, Druge
2009: 52; Papageorgiou 2007: 17), we may conclude that not only that this
cuisine and old mills still in use by local inhabitants. Diverse natural heritage includes cha-
racteristic mountain terrain, thermo-mineral spa and springs (Bogutovaka Banja), as well as
numerous mountain streams and waterfalls.
6
For example, several old family households have been restored and converted into fully
equipped renting apartments Agritours. Apart from positive economic change, Agritours have
brought positive social impulse as many people returned to their villages so as to start their own
businesses.
7
In June 2013, local authorities launched a new project Kraljevgrad the first animated
medieval town in Serbia, the mixture of a museum and popular tourist resort (Grad Kraljevo,
June 2nd, 2014)
decision led to the non-achievement of the Project objective, but it also endan-
gered the idea of community-based development. Although the idea of the Eco
museum brought together diverse local stakeholders, without the structure
and general framework it is highly questionable how long the Project results
will last.
Urban heritage beautification: bottom-up approach aiming towards

revitalization and sustainable development
Urban heritage is not easy to define and it is usually identified as different
kinds of monuments (i.e. temples, fortresses, religious buildings etc.). Nev-
ertheless, the authors of the text focus on residential areas, everyday life and
non-tangible elements which equally represent the urban heritage, but are
somehow neglected in academic research.
Nicknamed MoTown or Motor City, Detroit has seen half of its residents
moving out in recent years, pushed by the unemployment, unsafe neighbour-
hoods and depression that followed the loss of major industries (Duperron
2013), leaving behind a huge number of facilities and residential areas as aban-
doned urban heritage. Once a prosper city, Detroit was the very first American
city to ask for a bankruptcy in 2013. Now, deterioration, dilapidation and decay
seem to be the operative words to depict urban environment, which is nothing
but a mirror of the unhealthy state of the City budget. Nonetheless, Detroit has
a rich and innovative cultural history that is a crucial component of its identity
and makes it an important cultural and creative space (Kyriou 2007: 68) an
essential part of American culture in general.8 Understood as an epicentre for
creativity, this Detroit needs to be put forward, for it reflects on the population.
Beyond the economic collapse, this unique tradition of artistic innovations of-
fers the foundations for building a sense of common belonging.
Since the image of creative and artistic city was slowly but surely fading
away, overshadowed by the industrial agony and the economic crisis, artists
decided to preserve the city Detroit as they knew once. Therefore, a group
of artists from far and wide assembling in the City has gathered around the
Detroit Beautification Project (hereinafter, DBP), with the goal to beautify the
city.9 The Project therefore focuses on reviving the artistic effervescence so as
to both restore the link with historical artistic achievements within the City,
as well as to overshadow the state of economic decay. The idea lying under the
DBP is quite simple graphic artists paint the ruined walls of what once used
8
Indeed, it was the cradle of emblematic artists for it hosted George Clinton, Diana
Ross, Jeff Mills, The White Stripes, among many others. From the funk to electronic music, this
cultural bubble gave birth to innovative music trends.
9
For more information about the Project please visit The Detroit Beautification Project.
Chapter 1, http://vimeo.com/44699407, June 2nd, 2014.
to be the symbol of American industrial strength, aiming at bring(ing) colours

and light back in Detroit.10. Thus, the artists started acting in public space, hid-
ing deteriorated parts of urban environment under their artworks. Not fully
admitted by the local authorities, this action gained momentum and numer-
ous artists joined the initiative soon. As one of the artists explains: this place
cannot be forgotten and neglected the way that it has.11 Directly targeting local
population, artists act in public spaces, exposing their artworks to the commu-
nitys judgment. By acting on/in citizens immediate environment, the expec-
tation to create social dialogue, to bring people to discuss among themselves as
well as with artists is certainly met. The dialogue is fuelled from a quite warm
debate in a town administration, to daily street chats, animating social link.
Challenging the formal codes of artistic expression and its legitimization,
the very nature of street art and post-graffitti12 have to be tackled in this matter
is it art or vandalism? The Project necessarily opened a breach for discus-
sions, with citizens expressing different opinions about it and its relevance.13
Very welcome and free to express their points of view, citizens mostly focused
on the artistic outcomes, such as turning the dirty walls into a more suitable
decorum for playgrounds for instance, which became a medium for reviving
the dialogue and, by extension, social link between people. Besides, converting
streets into open-air contemporary galleries has enabled the emulation among
the artists, a condition for creativity and innovation. This brief overview leads
to one conclusion the DBP encapsulates three combining fields: culture and
arts, social policy and urban revitalization.
The favourable reception by the local community and the great motiva-
tion shown by the artists are crucial elements that need to be pointed out as the
evidence of building the sense of belonging to the community of Detroit. How-
ever, weaknesses have to be highlighted too. Such bottom-up initiatives de-
mand a constant dialogue and a perpetual innovation, furthermore, firm and
strong organizational plan, which does not seem to be the DBPs main feature.
Although in its essence genuine and communicative, this artistic impulse seen
as the human gesture14 is nevertheless intrinsically a source of concerns, threat-
ened by its mode of participation. Would the participation come to shrink, the
impulse of the Project would be damaged. This unclear structure can be seen
10
Extracted from the testimony of an artist, The Detroit Beautification Project. Chapter 1,
http://vimeo.com/44699407, 7:27, June 2nd, 2014.
11
The Detroit Beautification Project. Chapter 1, http://vimeo.com/44699407, 1:30, June
nd
2 , 2014.
12
We use the term post-graffiti in order to make a distinction from the traditional graffiti,
usually perceived as vandalism (Reinecke, 2007).
13
A debate at the Town Council has been recorded and broadcasted on this website of
the Project.
14
The expression mentioned in The Detroit Beautification Project. Chapter 1, http://
vimeo.com/44699407, 1:55, June 2nd, 2014.
as jeopardy in the long-run, especially knowing that the Project is acting in the
public sphere. As a matter of fact, the latter is, if not ruled, at least coordinated
by public authorities that tend to be quite reluctant to cooperate with civil-
society nebulous projects, dreading slip-ups. The question of responsibility is
rather crucial in this regard.
However, the DBP can be considered as a tool for the revitalization of
Detroit as it shows to local residents that their city is more than just a harsh
example of what a crisis can lead to and constitutes a dynamic artistic bub-
ble. By emphasizing this intangible richness, it creates conditions for social
dialogue, community-building and common sense of identity and belonging,
leading to an improvement of a daily life, positively mobilizing the popula-
tion. Having that in mind, we may say that the DBP operates in the scope of
cultural sustainability sphere in which the community involvement is crucial.
As the research and the case study have shown, in numerous post-industrial
cities which are in decline, people have shown their willingness to stay in
their neighbourhood and contribute to its sustained development, but only
if felt attached to it through participation in different activities (especially)
of subversive nature (Bramley et al. 2010: 109; Dragievi ei, Brki and
Mateji 2015).
By highlighting the artistic creation as the core of Detroits spirit, the DBP
evokes the residents sense of pride. Thus, inclusion, identity and community-
building, as well as artistic emulation are the keywords encapsulating the rel-
evance of the Detroit Beautification Project.
Closing remarks
Based on the referred literature and analysed case studies, certain shared
conclusions can be drawn. To begin with, there is still no precise and common
definition of culture as the fourth pillar of sustainable development. In addi-
tion, sustainable development is not a short-term concern of only large cities
and urban environment it should be a long-term process of thinking globally
and acting locally, addressing the needs of the population. Furthermore, cul-
ture is and should be an important element of sustainable development, active-
ly inducing changes. In accordance with that, we may say that (cultural) proj-
ects have proven to be the most appropriate way to achieve social changes. Due
to their uniqueness and precise duration, defined as the ideas conceived as a
process that leads to specific results (Dragievi ei, Stojkovi 2007: 182),
projects imply both the process and the result efficiency and effectiveness.
Even though the long-term goals of neither the Eco Museum Ibar Valley
nor the Detroit Beautification Project are not that evident and fully achieved
(yet), authors do note that such projects can be of a great significance for
the local community planning, having in mind that they foster a strong lo-
cal identity, create preconditions for establishing community spirit, civic pride
and meeting places, as well as raise awareness, introduce critical rethinking

of neighbourhoods and environment, making them more attractive for both
residents and tourists.
Knowing that local and regional identity is created by a mixture of cul-
tural heritage and the contemporary (SALAR 2008: 11), projects aiming to
revitalize cultural, natural, rural and urban heritage should not threaten the lo-
cation itself. Therefore, local governance models should be more creative and
transparent, encouraging cross-sectoral interaction and cooperation, as well
as local citizens participation in the planning and decision-making processes.
Finally, we may conclude that the long-term sustainable development occurs
as a result (only) when these conditions are met.
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IV
SUSTAINABILITY OF INSTITUTIONS AND

ORGANIZATIONS IN CULTURE /
ODRIVOST INSTITUCIJA I ORGANIZACIJA U
KULTURI
Irina Suboti
MUSEUMS IN SERBIA AND SUSTAINABLE

DEVELOPMENT
Launched in 1995 by Carol Duncan (Duncan 1995 : 7-21) and later often
quoted in various museological situations, occasions and particular needs, the
expression civilizing rituals can be understood on different levels. One of them
surely means that museums now offer humanistic approach to the understand-
ing of people and the world in general, particularly opposed to massive cul-
tural industries and cultural tourism. But, at the same time, museums make
an enormous effort to attract visitors and to find the way to adapt to the so-
claimed and needed sustainable development. The cases of great, major muse-
ums in Europe and in the world, and their successful, provocative, emblematic
achievements in architecture (Giebelhausen 2003) are well known. At the same
time, the so-called Bazins museum era and museums-boom of the 1970s and
1980s nowadays put under certain question marks never happened in the
museums in Serbia.
The care for a museum object (or objects) is transferred to the care for and
of the visitor (or visitors) (Marstin 2013). This new statement of the museology
is changing the position of the museums in various societies giving them the
central place as permanent educational and cultural institutions. This process
of de-mythologizing or de-fetishizing museum object helps the basic concepts
of new museum installations which are not made according to the objects one
museum possesses, but according to the meanings that those objects emanate
and objectives and ideas we have in mind while exposing them. This is when,
again, we have public in view and when we want to underline the social role
of the museum, using all our creative potentials and inventive interpretations
how to make this idea realistic and practical in display. In that respect, we can
speak about the identity of the object, of the museum, of the community that
particular museum belongs to. This is how the added value is created and this
is the advantage of modern, that is, new museological approach.
Just one marvellous example coming from Vienna: several years ago a
modest private Museum of Contraception and Abortion was inaugurated due
to the bright initiative of a gynaecologist in his office as he, from his proper
experience, has understood how important is the education for young people,
both girls and boys. This museum has become the central point of sexual edu-
cation in the Austrian capital, with enormous almost massive number of
family and school visitors. Similar examples are numerous for various items,
themes, problems, ideas, concepts etc. all over the world. Obviously, the mu-
seums can become the central meeting points and socially involved and impli-
cated institutions.
My approach to the subject of this international conference will not be the
theoretical one, nor based upon the scientific research with relevant conclu-
sions, but written according to the long-lasting work in two major Belgrade
museums, as well as connected with my passionate following the local muse-
um activities. I will not discuss new great ideas nor new approaches to the mu-
seological problems: I will only try to explain and perhaps find out of course,
without firm deduction some of the reasons for serious destruction of the
proper notion of major Belgrade museums, claiming at the same time that the
situation in other centres like Novi Sad for example, or in the smaller Serbian
towns and cities as well, is different, more promising and more positive.
Our, local situation in Belgrade museums belongs to the tragic examples:

who can understand why the greatest, the oldest National Museum, founded
in 1844, with more than 150 000 museum items, has been closed for over ten
years? The Museum of Modern Art closed for almost seven years? The Mu-
seum of the City of Belgrade old more than 110 years, had never had an ap-
propriate museum permanent installation: as if the history of Belgrade the
living town for more than two millennia does not exist at all; one of the rich-
est Natural History Museums in the Balkans founded long ago, in the 19th
century in Belgrade, has only a small, miniature exhibition hall at the Belgrade
fortress (the former masonic temple); the Museum of Serbian History is proud
obviously without reason of having some thousand square meters for its
exhibition(s), but no one can be acquainted with the entire history of Serbia in
spite of the fact that we are living permanently all the achievements, sins, rises
and falls of the excessive amount of Serbian history, as it is used to be said.
Just to remind that in Zagreb new Museum of Contemporary Art has a display
of 15 000 m2 only for the art of the last decades of the 20th and the beginning
of the 21st century.
In the era of technological, informational, digital and other contemporary
accomplishments, the ideas is to build new Centre for the Promotion of Sci-
ence, meant to cost twice as the reconstruction of the National Museum, in
spite the fact the existing and very active Science and Technique Museum in
Belgrade may be an appropriate place for the promotion of science. It has got a
very suitable industrial building reconstructed partially but waiting for years
for the definitive solution proposed by one of the greatest European archi-
tects, Boris Podreka. The Museum of Applied Arts is situated in the imposing
private building: the heirs are claiming for restitution and the destiny of the
Museum is unpredictable. The Museum of Theatre History is also situated in
a very small historic building, so that the staff has no means to enlarge their
collections and follow contemporary theatre production at all, nor they have
an adequate permanent exhibition. Etc. Etc.
There are only two private museums inaugurated recently in Belgrade:
the first one is The Museum Macura, situated in a new attractive building in
the Belgrade suburb of Novi Banovci, and is dedicated to the avant-gardes and
the neo-avant-gardes of the 20th century in the region; the second one is the
Zepter Museum containing the Serbian art collection dating from the end of
the Second World War up to now, situated in downtown of the city. There are
many private galleries and cultural centres, some smaller private museums too,
outside Belgrade, but they do not change the general image of the situation in
Serbian, particularly in Belgrade, museum world.
In such a situation, it is very difficult to speak about the sustainability.
One must ask for the reasons of such situation in Belgrade which is not
due only to the actual world, global financial and consequently local crises, but
it can be considered as an almost permanent case; is the reason for that the
lack of understanding? In what sense, one would ask? On what level? What are
the reasons? Are there any issues? We can put many relevant questions and the
answers will be as articulated and various as the questions are.
Namely, one of the most discussed ideas of the new museology which is
almost 30 years old, it means in the age of its maturity is the changed context
in which museum specialists are working now. The importance, the successful-
ness and the significance of the museum is measured and this fact is accepted
worldwide by its social impact, what is its basic duty and the degree of its
prosperity: we, the museum people will accomplish our duties well, or we will
not accomplish them at all (ola 2011: 64).
The crises in Belgrade museums is not an actual one. It is the result of

many reasons existing for decades in our country, our society and our muse-
um world: we did not understand the importance of the museum institutions
at the moment long ago when they have become the essence of cultural
strategies of modern cultures. We remained without adequate and appropriate
cultural policy, without clear and applicable Law on Culture and particularly
without new Law on the Museums, without any strategy and systematic plan-
ning for museum developments, without highly qualified human resources for
museum management, and so on. Deficiency of financial means is the out-
come of the lack of awareness and consciousness of the place that museums
must have in modern societies.
Crucial is the question of the permanent education for museum staff on

all the levels: the specialists are educated in various fields and they become cu-
rators having only some general, almost exclusively theoretical knowledge in
museology and heritology. The questions put in the frame of new museology
stressing the social role of the museum performances are escaping. The Cura-
tors themselves, generally do not feel the need for re-education, for new knowl-
edge, for broadening the field of their activities or for mentors assistance, as
they are happy working with their particular collection, isolated and devoted
only to their objects, identifying museum work with the scientific institute.
Generally speaking, the consequence is the lack of inter sectorial cooperation
and even communication within the same museum: no team work is possible,
not general approaches to the museum plans, no common perspectives only
the individual plans are expected etc. Unlinked activities within one museum
provoke lack of activities on other levels from local to regional, national and
international. If museums do not have the notion of what should be praised as
important for public service, they do not fight for those achievements.
Like a broken chain public memory is losing its strength as museums
are not very active and conform to the new sensibility of the audience. In that
respect, the state and the public care are concentrated only on basic needs and
obligations towards museums: nothing additional, new, stimulating. No state
intervention. No public intervention. The questions about the situation in mu-
seums are seldom put in media. Silent voices have their price: museums (al-
most) do not exist in public.
This circulus viciosus is favourable for self-satisfaction without perspec-
tives, without openness or new approaches. In general, the result is a lack of
interest for the museums in public spaces and in the most frequently used
media, and so, gradually, museums are being deprived from their important
if not the privileged position in the society. Great problems consequently
appear: the news in media mostly cover only the events some exhibitions
or lectures, rarely museum publications, and they are not at all interested in
the basic museum activities. Museum directors and curators are silent. Only
rare unheard voices, a few texts in journals, sporadic claims in social media.
Museums are gradually disappearing from the eyes and ears of general public,
including the decision makers; nobody speaks about museums, as if they do
not exist in Belgrade.
Being a segment of collective and social memory, for transferring the ac-
cumulated values and knowledge, new types of museums have changed their
attitudes, and in that way have also changed their position in a society (ola
2011: 11). They have learned how to be communicative and how to become at-
tractive for all kinds of public, including the decision makers. This is one side
of the museums sustainability.
Education museum education for all levels of public, but also permanent
education for the museum staff in general is, fortunately, of fundamental
importance in all civilized countries; but not everywhere in Serbia this hu-
manistic practice has been known or accepted, again because of the lack of
knowledge and informational skills.
According to Tomislav ola, the way in which conventional museums

understand their activities is far away from actual real problems and, para-
doxically, they will be able to look only how the monstrous metamorphosis
of everything that we considered to be valuable is taking place in front of our
eyes (ola 2014: 96).
New knowledge, new practices, new needs, new realizations and commu-
nicational means thanks to new technologies and digital systems are enriching
traditional activities under the condition that all these aspects of new museol-
ogy are interconnected with new mental structure and professional interest
(Deloche 2001): younger generations of managerial museum teams have un-
derstood this new kind of activities and procedures and immediately results are
evident. I would mention only one example the Gallery of Matica srpska in
Novi Sad with the divided curatorial team: one part is opposed to new matrix,
they prefer to be isolated and to continue their traditional habits very often
hidden from the appearances in public, while the greater part of the younger
staff, led by the energetic, knowledgeable and well trained director, confronts
all kinds of new challenges, new openness toward new public, including the
foundation of the Friends of the Gallery under the slogan no one is praised
for what he receives, but the honours reward for those who give. This Friends
Club supports the activities actually with 5 to 10 % of Gallerys budget only and
this percentage could be much bigger if the Law on tax reduction for cultural
investments exists. I should also add that the combined financial resources on
the State level as well as from the Provincial government and in certain mea-
sure from the local community is beneficial for many museum institutions in
the Province of Vojvodina. This way of activities gives to the Gallery of Matica
srpska greater independence, freedom, more flexible activities and better po-
sition within the community they belong to. This is a good example where a
certain kind of sustainability is achieved, in spite of very negative environment
which museum world in Serbia lives in.
Substantial changes did not occur for long time in majority of Serbian
museums, and this explains the situation first of all in Belgrade museums, giv-
ing wrong signs to other museums in Serbia which are under the supervision
of national, central institutions. Anyhow, thanks to individual initiatives some
of our museums have achieved a certain level of their autonomy and conse-
quently good results are evident: beside the Gallery of Matica srpska, I would
mention the City museums in Valjevo, Zrenjanin, Sombor, Subotica, Sirogojno
Old Village. More? May be some.
As the ideal place for education, according to the International Com-
mittee of Museums /ICOM, museums may become also important elements
for economy where some cultural events, art market and touristic venues are
introduced, enlarging their sustainable position. On this issue there are plenty
of studies and books, all having in mind the possible excesses when museum
might lose its dignity, and consequently value. But, at the same time, Vladi-
mir Krivoejev is right when writing that it is a duty that museums continue
to be financed by their founders meaning also that the establishment of the
continuous and fruitful collaboration between public and private sectors in
all aspects of museum activities is not only needed and welcomed nowadays,
but must be an obligation too (Krivoejev 2012). Only this kind of diversifi-
cation in funding may contribute to the healthy and beneficiary position of
the museums and their sustainable development. One must have in mind the
variety of possibilities for better museum functioning, including the strategy
of cluster associations of museums on vertical and horizontal levels. Muse-
ums may build common strategies and also prepare common programmes
aimed at the development of certain branches, as well as the museum world
in general.
Still, an important aspect of museum identity is not often mentioned: it

is the question of the ethics in the museums which is also contributing to the
social position of these institutions, as argued by Gari Edson (Edson 2003).
Code of Ethics as edited by ICOM, puts highly museum activities and museum
specialists on the social scale, moderating in such a way the values which con-
tribute to the museum in general and to the museum staff status too. ICOM
Code of Ethics says that professional norms should be above the personal in-
terests, that national and international laws should be respected; no conflict
of interests is admitted, permanent education of museum staff is required, re-
sponsibility and self-evaluation is expected regularly, strategic planning must
be adapted to given conditions, preventive protection for any kind of collec-
tion is a must for all the museums in the world etc. This all would contribute to
the higher social position of the museums. And above all museum staff must
be liable to answer for the sustainable development having in mind future gen-
erations of visitors and beneficiaries to whom we have not only material, but
moral obligation too. Maybe first of all, moral obligation and responsibility.
The problem with adopting ICOM Code of Ethics in Serbia is in the fact that
only small number of museum professionals are members of ICOM, meaning
that this Code is not widely known, nor accepted.
Literature
Deloche, Bernard (2001) Le Muse Virtuel, Presse Universitaires de France.
Duncan, Carol (1995) The Art Museum as Ritual in: Civilizing Rituals: Inside Public
Art Museums, London & New York: Routledge, 7-21.
Giebelhausen, Michaela (ed.) (2003) The Architecture of the Museums: Symbolic Struc-
tures, Urban Contexts, Critical Perspectives in Art History series, Manchester &
New York: Manchester University Press.
Edson, Gari (ed.) (2003) Muzeji i etika, Beograd: Clio, (Museum Ethics, Edited by Gary
Edson, 1997).
Krivoejev, Vladimir (2012) Muzeji - menadment - turizam. Ka savremenom muzeju,
od teorije do prakse, Valjevo: Narodni muzej.
Marstine, Janet (ed.) (2006) New Museum Theory and Practice. An Introduction, Black-
well Publishing.
ola, Tomislav (2011) Prema totalnom muzeju, Beograd: Centar za muzeologiju i heri-
tologiju, Filozofski fakultet Univerziteta u Beogradu,11.
ola, Tomislav S. (2014) Javno pamenje. uvanje razliitosti i mogui projekti, Zagreb:
Zavod za informacijske studije, 96.
Janko Ljumovi
Fakultet dramskih umjetnosti, Cetinje, Crna Gora
REPERTOARSKE I DRUGE POLITIKE NACIONALNIH I

GRADSKIH POZORITA1
Mjesec mart 2014. godine je jednom gradu u Crnoj Gori donio repertoar.
Kao rezultat Vladinog Programa podrke razvoju kulture u Nikiu, ovaj grad,
drugi po veliini u Crnoj Gori, dobio je repertoar. Niki formalno ima pozo-
rite Nikiko pozorite, koje ima zaposlene, osnivaa i buet, ali godinama
unazad ni grad ni pozorite nijesu imali repertoar.
Uinkovitost jedne institucije kulture mjerljiva je repertoarom. Kultur-
na, umjetnika, programska, pozorina i svaka druga politika svoj iskaz nalazi
upravo u repertoaru, koji emanira sve ostale zone itanja. Mjera ivotnosti jed-
ne institucije kulture jeste njen mjeseni repertoar kao mjesto susreta instituci-
je i umjetnika sa zajednicom u kojoj pozorite djeluje. U tom smislu, ovaj esej
treba itati prvenstveno kao doprinos takvom razumijevanju repertoara.
Misao o vlastitoj praksi

Nije samo Nikiko pozorite bez repertoara, i nije samo ono zarobljeno
dilemom redizajna i dizajna, ije bi razrjeenje dalo mogui i poeljni pro-
dukcijski i programski model ne samo jedne institucije kulture, ve i jednog
ukupnog sistema kulture na gradskom i nacionalnom nivou. Zato je nuno
pokrenuti analizu repertoara u domaem kontekstu.
Debate o pozorinim politikama predstavljaju sr samog pozorita jer se u
njima ogleda polje uticaja repertoara u jednom drutvu, odnosno sve ono to
emanira utemeljene vrijednosti pozorita kao institucije i kao sistema. Danas
moemo itati esej Dragana Klaia Beleke o sistemu iz 1989. godine kao da
1
Kraa verzija teksta objavljena je u asopisu za pozorite, izvedbene umjetnosti i kulturu
Gest (05/II, mart 2014), Moj, tvoj, na repetoar, str.4-7.
u meuvremenu nije proteklo vie od dvije decenije; zapravo, moemo se pitati

da li i danas vae njegove rijei:
U javnosti se o pozoritu mahom govori i pie s povodom: kad se dogodi
neka premijera, festival, skandal. I u samim teatrima refleksija o sebi, vla-
stitoj profesiji i delatnosti zapetljana je u mitove o nekadanjoj, navodnoj,
pozorinoj slavi i veliini, kojima se protivstavljaju aktuelne nevolje. Roman-
tizuje se ono to je toboe bilo (a to, esto, u stvari nije ni postojalo), a o
budunosti se misli retko, nesistematino i mahom odve pragmatino: do
sledee premijere, sledeeg festivala, predstojee sednice umetnikog vea,
nove tezge i boljeg ugovora. Odve je zaronjenosti u neodlone probleme i
brige, a premalo sveobuhvatnih pogleda i globalne misli o vlastitoj praksi.
(Klai: 1989, 63)
Nikiko pozorite, kao pozorite diskontinuiteta, stvoreno i ugaeno u
doba socijalizma pedesetih i ezdesetih godina XX vijeka, a na njegovom kra-
ju opet formirano bez sistemske analize razloga koji su ve jednom doveli do
njegovog gaenja dobar je primjer za analizu. U meuvremenu je postalo in-
stitucija bez jasne kadrovske politike koja bi definisala potrebna i nuna umjet-
nika i struna zanimanja, bez zgrade i, vremenom bez repertoara. Gradska
kulturna politika koja je u meuvremenu postala standard u gradovima koji
su svoje kulturno nasljee i savremenu kulturu prepoznali kao svoju razvojnu
kulturnu, socijalnu, ali i ekonomsku politiku nije postala obavezujua praksa
u crnogorskom kontekstu. Glavni tok razvoja odvija se na nacionalnom nivou,
to objanjava ulogu Ministarstva kulture Crne Gore koje je posljednjih godina
realizovalo niz projekata koji su imali za cilj kulturoloko ureenje crnogor-
skih gradova. Tako su Programu podrke razvoju kulture u Nikiu, kao naj-
aktuelnijem, prethodili drugi projekti, kao to su program Cetinje grad kul-
ture i posebni oblici konstituisanja festivala od nacionalnog znaaja u Baru,
Bijelom Polju, Herceg Novom i Kotoru, koji bi mogli biti ne samo vane adrese
za razvoj festivala poezije, televizije, filma i umjetnosti u tim gradovima, ve
i njegove glavne produkcijske platforme za ukupan kulturni sistem i njegovu
dinamiku. Iako pomenutim gradovima treba, naravno, prepustiti da sami od-
lue na koji nain ele da uestvuju u ovom procesu i u kojoj mjeri ele da ih
razumiju (ili ne razumiju) namee se utisak da na lokalnom nivou nedostaju
ideje o znaaju tih procesa.
Vano bi bilo da te ideje postoje upravo zbog repertoara koji se nudi pu-
blici, koju ine graani koji u tim procesima participiraju, a upravo je partici-
pacija u kulturi mjera kulturnog razvoja: tamo gdje nema razvijenih kulturnih
potreba teko da moemo svjedoiti o drutvu sa perspektivom.
Stvaranje drutva sa perspektivom, izazov je svake kulturne politike, a
tom cilju teila je i socijalistika Jugoslavija nakon II svjetskog rata, koja se po-
letno okrenula razvoju kulture i konstituisanju institucija kulture posebno na
lokalnom nivou. Dominacija politikih odluka nad profesionalnim konano
su inspirisala jugoslovenskog i hrvatskog dramskog klasika Iva Breana, da na-
pie svoju uvenu dramu Predstava Hamleta u selu Mrdua Donja. Upravo je
levitiranje izmeu profesionalnih, poluprofesionalnih i amaterskih koncepata
tadanje mree gradskih pozorita dovela do njihove neodrivosti, odnosno
pitanja koje iz dananje perspektive moemo postaviti kroz pitanje kapacitira-
nosti tih vie idejnih, a manje sutinski odrivih institucija i repertoara.
Ako sada kompariramo dva vremenska toka i razloge konstituisanja u
vremenu socijalizma i postsocijalizma gradskih pozorita u Crnoj Gori, ta-
nije Nikikog pozorita, moemo doi do novog pitanja: Zato ponavljamo
iste greke?
Kulturni razvoj nuno mora poi od nasljea zajednice, koje treba manje
biti sklono romansiranim istorijskim itanjima, a vie sutinskom evaluacijom
uinkovitosti ostvarenog kulturnog razvoja. Svakako da obnova i izgradnja,
nakon koje je uslijedila turbulentna zavrnica XX vijeka, nije pogodovala su-
tinskim odgovorima stvaranja pozorita na lokalnom nivou, sve do dana da-
nanjeg. Vano je istai da je u Crnoj Gori prvi pregled, tj. Nacionalni izvjetaj
kulturne politike nastao 2004. godine, a Zakon o kulturi 2008. godine.2
Pozorite moe imati samo ona zajednica koja dri do pozorita, kao ozna-
itelja sopstvenog kulturnog identiteta, naravno uz sve produkcione i umjet-
nike standarde koji predstavljaju dodatni izazov za njihovo konstituisanje.
Sagledajmo ukratko kako je to izgledalo u Crnoj Gori pedesetih godina
XX vijeka, dakle - pokuaj prvi.
U ratnim danima formira se Zemaljsko narodno pozorite Crne Gore na
Cetinju (22. novembar 1944). U Kotoru 1948. godine formira se sresko Na-
rodno pozorite sa ciljem da razvija kulturno-umjetniki ivot u Boki Kotor-
skoj. Po odluci Vlade Narodne Republike Crne Gore, 1949. godine osnovano
je Narodno pozorite u Pljevljima, iste godine Narodni odbor u Nikiu osniva
nikiko Narodno pozorite, dok se u Titogradu 1953. godine formira Gradsko
narodno pozorite, koje nakon ukidanja mree gradskih i sreskih pozorita
ostaje jedino profesionalno pozorite u socijalistikom periodu Crne Gore, i
koje od 1969. dobija sadanji naziv Crnogorsko narodno pozorite.
2
Crna Gora tek 2004. godine donosi Nacionalni izvjetaj kulturne politike u okviru
Evropskog programa pregleda nacionalnih kulturnih politika (MOZAIK PROJEKAT Savjeta
Evrope). Taj dokument je pokrenuo sve kasnije strateke procese promjena u kulturi, koje do
tada nijesu poivale na standardima i instrumentima kulturne politike, koji su posebno vani
upravo za razvoj nevladinog sektora u kulturi. Ali ne samo za njega, jer tek nakon 2004. godine
poinje sutinska reforma kulture kroz politiki okvir djelovanja na nacionalnom nivou.
XX vijek Crnoj Gori nije donio izgraen sistem kulture u odnosu na razliite istorijske i
politike okolnosti burnog vijeka za nama. Navedeni kontekst je vano istai jer svjedoi o raz-
liitim poljima uticaja u kojima je Crna Gora uglavnom zaostajala u odnosu na druge centre i
dijelove novonastalih drava. U mnogim segmentima, a posebno u kulturi suoavala se kao si-
stem u razvoju, koji tek u savremenoj istoriji biljei sistemske promjene i konstituisanje kulturne
politike shodno meunarodnim standardima i projektovanim novim politikim i normativnim
ciljevima koje je kao odgovorno drutvo sebi postavila.
Gledano iz dananje perspektive, moe se rei da je takav plan podra-

zumijevao decentralizovan princip razvoja pozorine umjetnosti, ali i drugih
kulturno-umjetnikih programa, koji je novom politikom odlukom iz 1958.
godine od strane Glavnog odbora SSRN Crne Gore, s ambicijama da se ova
djelatnost centralizuje i stvori jedno jako, republiko pozorite u Titogradu.
Ta odluka, znaila je postepeno ukidanje dotadanjih gradskih i sreskih pozo-
rita, koja su najprije svedena na poluprofesionalne ili amaterske ansamble, a
1962. godine i potpuno prestala sa radom.
Politika racionalizacije s jedne strane na republikom nivou, a sa druge
strane poluprofesionalni koncept svih osnovanih pozorita, uticali su da razvoj
pozorinog i kulturnog ivota u Crnoj Gori ostane samo na poetnom zanosu,
bez sutinskih odgovora na standarde profesionalizacije ustanova kulture. Je-
dan od razloga jeste i prestanak prakse gostujuih glumaca tadanjeg jugoslo-
venskog prostora, koji su u u praksi putujuih glumaca i reditelja izgradnje
novog drutva davali doprinos i crnogorskim pozoritima, to je dovelo i do
prestanka interesa publike za pozorite. Odustajanje od politike razvoja kul-
ture i jaanja kulturnog sistema, znailo je pristajanje na crnogorski sistem
kulture u periodu socijalizma, kao konstantan sistem u razvoju, koji u kontek-
stu scio-kulturnog lanca pozorine umjetnosti nije znaio ispunjenje nunih
preduslova, prije svega izostala je odluka o visokom obrazovanju, to se desi-
lo tek u drugoj polovini devedesetih godina XX vijeka osnivanjem Fakulteta
dramskih umjetnosti na Cetinju, to je kasnije dovelo, a danas je to osnovni
oznaitelj crnogorskog pozorinog sistema profesionalizaciju pozorita.
Sumarno se moe rei da je jedan od osnovnih inilaca stabilnog i jakog
repertoara, prije svega profesionalan ansambl, koji privlai publiku, a sam mo-
del takvog pozorita moe dalje ii u svoj razvoj, poput ideje tadanjeg sreskog,
a sada mogue imenovanog regionalnog pozorita Boke Kotorske, projektna
ideja koja u savremenom periodu predstavlja strateki izazov za promiljanje
mogue regionalne kulturne politike ukoliko bi gradovi Herceg Novi, Tivat i
Kotor odluili da takva ideja predstavlja taku saradnje, i da takav novi model
jeste poeljni meeting point zajednice. Pokuaj drugi bi vrijedio ukoliko se ar-
tikulie kulturoloka osobenost Boke Kotorske kao jedinstvenog prostora, za
bolju mobilnost publike i umjetnika koji u kontekstu savremenog kulturnog
turizma mogu definisati takav projekat, dok je pokuaj drugi u stvaranju po-
novnog Nikikog pozorita pretrpio greke iz socijalistikog perioda, jer nije
zasnovan na profesionalcima.
I dok radimo na razvoju kulture i pitamo se kako da tome razvoju najbo-
lje pristupimo, korisno bi bilo prisjetiti se naela koja u teorijskoj i praktinoj
ravni konstituiu proces kreiranja repertoara na globalnom nivou, u kontekstu
savremene istorije i pozorinih praksi i, takoe, vidjeti kako ta naela funkcio-
niu upravo sada i ovdje, dakle u aktuelnom crnogorskom kontekstu.
Repertoar - pogled spolja

Moemo identifikovati etiri osnovna interesna polja uticaja koja domi-
nantno oblikuju pozorinu politiku, tj. repertoar:
umjetniko (autorske poetike, umjetniki i pozorini stilovi i mogunosti
ansambla, to jest autorske estetike koje imaju prepoznatljive kriterijume,
teme i metodologije izvoenja - tajn, Lapa, Vilson, Ostermajer);
komercijalno (trita i zadovoljenja postojeih potreba publike, poput
Brodveja ili West End-a u Londonu);
politiko (dominantne ideologije, direktni ili indirektni politiki uticaji na
pozorite, gdje spada i tzv. pseudopatriotsko pozorite) , i
kulturno-politiko (strategije razvoja kulture unutar koje se uspostavlja
eljeni model programskog i organizacionog razvoja).
U proirenoj zoni tumaenja pozorinih interesa od znaaja mogu biti
i interesi koji se uspostavljaju unutar:
svjetskih pozorinih trendova (npr. dokumentarno, postdramsko ili poli-
tiko pozorite);
savremenih teorijskih miljenja (npr. gender studies, u okviru kojih se raz-
vija feministiko pozorite ili gay teatar);
intersektorskih praksi na globalnom ili lokalnom nivou (pozorite i eko-
logija, pozorite i medicina, pozorite i turizam), i
programskih linija podrke fondacija za kulturu i drugih donatorskih
institucija, kao i meunarodnih institucija (npr. Fond za otvoreno dru-
tvo, Pro Helvetia, Evropska kulturna fondacija, UNESCO, Savjet Evrope,
Evropska komisija).
Nakon uvodnog pokuaja klasifikacije polja uticaja na pozorine politike,
moemo krenuti u mapiranje savremenih izvedbenih praksi koje su redefini-
sale sam pojam pozorine politike u tradicionalnom obrascu (u kome se on
definie i uspostavlja kao repertoarska vrijednost), dok su, s druge strane, nove
pozorine politike uticale i na redefiniciju pozorita kao institucije, tj. njegovo
repozicioniranje kako unutar pozorinog sistema, tako i unutar samog dru-
tva. Analiza pozorine politike kroz analizu repertoara moe dati odgovore na
pitanje misije pojedinanog teatra, koja moe biti posljedica sprovoenja kla-
sine sheme repertoara, koja se dri matrice dramskog nasljea i savremenih
drama u okviru dominantno nacionalnog dramaturkog kruga ili, pak, poslje-
dica savremenih i inovativnih autorskih promiljanja koja repertoar postavlja-
ju kroz estetsku raznolikost, tj. estetski diverzitet formi.
Postavlja se pitanje koliko je, kako istie Dragan Klai u eseju Loi rezul-
tati tranzicije nove promene na obzorju, preovlaujui model produkcije i
distribucije scenskih umjetnosti (repertoarska pozorita) izgubio vezu s pro-
menama u samom konceptu scenskih umetnosti, koje su postale mnogo vie
raznolike nego postavljanje drama kanonskog repertoara na scenu, uz neto

savremenih drama. (Klai: 2008, 95)
Nove pozorine politike uspostavljaju se i kao novi pozorini trendovi ko-
je je mogue definisati kao tendenciju ka davanju optije (globalne) vrijed-
nosti odreenoj (novoj) ideji, odnosno estetskoj formi, sa jasnom namjerom
koja moe da bude i estetska i autorsko-poetska, ali je najee ekonomska ili
komercijalna. (Lukan: 2013, 14) Pozorine trendove je, dakle, vano prepo-
znati jer oni dodatno redefiniu pozorine politike, a njih moemo pratiti i
analizirati u navedenoj klasifikaciji pozorinih interesa.
Mogui repertoar nacionalnog pozorita

Ako govorimo, na primjer, o politikom pozoritu, zakljuujemo da je
njegova refleksija u osamdesetim godinama XX vijeka, dakle u tadanjem ju-
goslovenskom kulturnom i pozorinom prostoru, sasvim razliita od njegove
refleksije od poetka XXI vijeka do danas, dakle u periodu demokratizacije
drava nastalih raspadom SFRJ. To je posebno vidljivo u javnim repertoarskim
pozoritima, koja su takoe nakon ratnih devedesetih godina XX vijeka posta-
le prostor redefinicije samih repertoara, jer su u tom periodu nove izvedbene
prakse bili iskljuivo rezervisane za nezavisnu scenu, koja je konstituisana sa
podrkom meunarodnih donatorskih institucija. Redefinisan repertoar i no-
ve izvedbene prakse izvan nezavisne scene koja je na taj nain izgraivala sop-
stveni image, bio je odlika i odreenog broja nacionalnih i gradskih pozorita
koje su napravile odmak od veinski subvencionisanih teatara koja su tranzici-
ju ivjela ili je jo ive u tradicionalnim obrascima repertoara.
Poseban znaaj u domaem kontekstu imaju nacionalna pozorita koja
imaju i najveu odgovornost u drutvu za razvoj pozorine umjetnosti i kul-
ture u odnosu na model javne podrke koju imaju u postojeim uslovima sub-
vencije, ali i u odnosu na resurse kojima raspolau. Kroz proces redefinisanja
nacionalnih kulturnih politika u evropskom kontekstu relativizovana je domi-
nacija i reprezentacija pojma nacionalna kultura. Postavlja se pitanje koliko
je, i da li je takav kontekst uticao na redefinisanje uloge nacionalnih pozorita
(koja im je dodijeljena jo u doba prosvjetiteljstva), tj. uloge podravaoca upra-
vo nacionalne kulture ili su, pak, i nacionalna pozorita kontekstualizovana u
polju savremenih umjetnikih izvedbenih praksi koje emaniraju vrijednosti
savremenih trendova evropskih kulturnih politika, u kojima same kulturne
politike na nacionalnom nivou jesu platforma za promjenu, tj. redefiniciju. Po-
stavlja se kljuno pitanje to ta promjena obuhvata, i da li u meuvremenu
nastaju novi oblici pozorita koji su u duhu savremenosti?
Nacionalno pozorite u institucionalnoj ravni odraava ideju i potrebu po-
litike i kulture da se u prostoru pozorita reprezentuje mo politike i mo kul-
ture, kako je istaknuto na poetku. Na osnovu tog stava razvijala se pozorina
umjetnost od perioda stvaranja drava i nacija u Evropi. Kada se zapone is-
traivanje nastanka i formiranja nacionalnih pozorita, dolazimo do podataka

koji mogu biti puni iznenaenja. Tako je, recimo, tek 1904. godine pokrenuta
ideja o stvaranju Engleskog nacionalnog pozorita, dok je iste godine u Dabli-
nu osnovano Irsko nacionalno pozorite, a u Sofiji Narodno pozorite. Pozo-
rite u Engleskoj ima svoju istoriju koja se razvija izvan prie o nacionalnom
pozoritu, a u Bugarskoj ta istorija zapoinje upravo stvaranjem nacionalnog
teatra, koga ne osnivaju dvor, vladar ili aristokratija, ve Narodna skuptina.
Uzorni model ipak je nastao u Austro-Ugarskoj monarhiji: Burgteatar je
osnovan 1741. godine, a kulturna politika, koja je funkcionisala u granicama
monarhije, nakon vie od sto godina dovela je do stvaranja slovenakih, hr-
vatskih, srpskih i drugih narodnih pozorita (npr. Srpsko narodno pozorite u
Novom Sadu i Hrvatsko narodno kazalite u Zagrebu osnovani su 1861. godi-
ne, dok je Nacionalni teatar u Pragu osnovan 1881. godine). Jeziki pluralitet,
tj. potreba da se na narodnom, maternjem jeziku ili na svim jezicima jedne
zajednice razvija pozorite je primjer koji svjedoi o vanosti misije pozorita
u doba prosvetiteljstva. Ali, to nije samo sluaj posebnosti jedne monarhije i
njenog kompleksnog ustrojstva: pria o jeziku i posebnostima jedne kulture
jeste pria koja je bila vana i za Crnu Goru.
U Crnoj Gori 1910. godine je Zetski dom, kao prva institucija kulture u
Crnoj Gori, postao Kraljevsko crnogorsko narodno pozorite Zetski dom,
ali je ono ubrzo, slijedom istorijskih prilika, nestalo sa kulturne mape. Ideja
nacionalnog pozorita je u Crnoj Gori reafirmisana nakon Drugog svjetskog
rata, u kontekstu socijalistikog modela kulture koji je Titogradskom narod-
nom pozoritu dao atribute republikog pozorita. Ovo pozorite dobija na-
ziv Crnogorsko narodno pozorite 1969. godine, a od institucionalne obnove
Kraljevskog pozorita Zetski dom devedesetih godina XX vijeka (na osnovu
Zakona o pozoritu iz 2001. godine), u Crnoj Gori djeluju dva narodna, tj.
nacionalna pozorita: Crnogorsko narodno pozorite u Podgorici i Kraljevsko
pozorite Zetski dom na Cetinju.
Tematski okvir i mapa istraivanja nacionalnih pozorita danas moe
imati zajedniki imenitelj u rijei promjena. Ona se uspostavljala unutar sa-
mih pozorita, kao potreba za efikasnijom institucijom i redizajnom nasljea
u savremenom periodu i trendovima, koji nameu upravo promjene kriteriju-
ma i standarda uspostavljenih glavnim tokovima evropske kulturne politike.
U pozorinoj produkciji to je znailo kooperaciju i modele koprodukcija, koji
su podrazumijevali proimanje nacionalnih kultura i njihov ivot na scenama
izvan matine kulture. Nacionalna pozorita se danas udruuju i lanovi su
mrea i asocijacija koje unutar svoje platforme djelovanja okupljaju nosioce
inovativnih i savremenih pristupa pozoritu.
Navedeni aspekti na proaktivan nain utiu na budetiranje koje zavrje-
uje povjerenje javnih finansija, trita i specijalizovanih donacija, dakle - dr-
ave, publike i ireg meunarodnog konteksta. Ukoliko samo kroz takav si-
mulacioni model postavimo danas eljeni koncept finansiranja pozorita, tj.
diversifikovan model finansiranja, postavlja se pitanje Da li u naem modelu

teatra imamo kadrovske i organizacione performanse za to? Dakle, sam model
ili status nacionalnog, regionalnog, gradskog ili nezavisnog teatra nema vie
dominantni znaaj. Presudna oznaka jednog teatra jeste njegov umjetniki re-
zultat koji se naslanja na projekat, naslov, ideju koja odgovara novom i poelj-
nom uticaju i misiji djelovanja.
Analiza repertoara nacionalnih pozorita i njihove geneza moe dati su-
tinske odgovore na pitanje o promjenama koje su pratile potrebu pozorita da
redefinie svoju misiju i nove strategije organizovanja i poslovanja, koje nuno
ulaze u modele partnerstava i koprodukcija kroz internacionalizaciju i meu-
narodnu saradnju. Ti procesi su razliitom dinamikom uspostavljali nove kri-
terijume i materijalizovali novu i poeljnu misiju nacionalnih teatara.
Kao to je repertoar, tj. ideja osnivanja nacionalnih teatara nekada opre-
dijelila i njihovu organizacionu strukturu i sam model, tako danas moemo
postaviti pitanje Na koji nain oni danas mogu biti redizajnirani prvenstve-
no u odnosu na program? Imamo, dodue, primjere nekih sasvim novih na-
cionalnih pozorita koja nastaju danas, u interkulturnom ili multikulturnom
kontekstu Evrope, ali nas ta ideja stvaranja nekih novih savremenih modela
pozorita, koja bi odgovarala nekadanjem zanosu i vjeri u mo koja konstitu-
ie pozorita ipak uvodi u prostor utopije.
Tradicionalna organizaciona kultura podrava i tradicionalnu reperto-
arsku politiku, koja za sobom povlai i znaajna finansijska sredstva, koja u
prisutnom trendu smanjivanja javnih finansija u polju kulture, sa jedne strane
pokazuju neodrivost samog modela tzv. velikih teatara, a sa druge strane
postavlja se pitanje opravdanosti da ba oni odnose najvei procenat budeta
u polju pozorine umjetnosti kao sektorskog sistema jedne drave. Suprotno
tom osvojenom tradicionalizmu moe se razmiljati o pojednostavljenju i
vraanju na sutinskije modele pozorita kao umjetnike i razvojne laboratori-
je, zvalo se ono i nacionalni teatar. Projektna logika moe biti jedan od naina
da se to i postigne. Savremena pozorina produkcija podrazumijeva sistem
koji je modelovan tako da procese promjena podrava i ubrzava.
Nova organizaciona struktura uz kadrovsko restruktuiranje predstavljala
bi osnovni inilac promjene koji moe unaprijediti poslovanje jednog pozo-
rita, i koja za rezultat moe imati eliminisanje negativnih inilaca postojeih
procesa organizacije rada i bolju efikasnost u svim segmentima rada uz pri-
mjenu:
standarda savremene umjetnike i scenske produkcije,
poslovanja javne ustanove kulture shodno zakonskim obavezama, i
principa savremenog menadmenta u kulturi.
Osnovni razlog jedinstvene organizacione cjeline jeste uspostavljanje dva
osnovna toka programsko-produkcionog i procesnog menadmenta u cilju re-
alizacije misije pozorita. Osnovni proizvod u pozoritu je pozorina predstava
i projektna logika predstavlja odgovor na potrebu za uspostavljanjem organi-

zacionog sistema koji ukida tradicionalnu pozorinu organizaciju i sektorsko
poslovanje, to za rezultat ima manji broj zaposlenih i manje trokove. Jedno-
stavna i moderna organizaciona struktura koja je podreena produkciji pozo-
rine predstave i realizaciji repertoarske politike predstavlja jednostavan poziv
da se ne zaboravi taj sasvim jednostavan princip koji se zaboravlja.
Repertoar - pogled iznutra

Teorijska promiljanja i klasifikacije u polju umjetnosti nijesu nimalo lak
posao, kao to nije nimalo lako stvarati repertoar: ili je to, pak, lake jer je u
ovom sluaju rije o jednom mjestu, jednom pozoritu, poznatom broju aktera,
poznatoj publici i budetu, poznatim scenskim uslovima i tehnolokoj i tehni-
koj opremi, o poznatim oekivanjima, ideologiji, politici, ekonomiji. Ili sve
to moe biti nepoznato, pa se tada u odnosu na svaki od elemenata koji utiu
na donoenje odluka mora graditi jedan osoben sistem znaenja, jedna kon-
kretna pozorina produkcija, u koju unosite odreene principe koji e izazvati
odreeni efekat, odreenu komunikaciju, koja moe postati toliko efemerna da
e se nai samo kao bibliografski podatak u nekoj knjizi o pozoritu, ili samo
u knjizi koja sabira istoriju vaeg pozorita, ili e, pak, taj podatak (predstava,
uloga, reija, dramski tekst, scenografija, muzika, kostim) imati proireno zna-
enje i vrijednost, tako da e mu se vraati generacije koje dolaze. Navedena
dilema moe biti jedno od polazita za traenje odgovora na pitanje to jeste
na, Tvoj ili moj repertoar, ili - to on nije? Ova dilema slijedi princip otvore-
nosti ili raznolikosti nasuprot moguoj zatvorenosti ili dominantnom toku koji
slijedi samo pogled unutar sebe. Dodatna dilema jeste i pozorini sistem zato
to u tom sistemu sve nije jedno, iako bi svi htjeli da ga svedu samo na to
jedno; da on bude samo Tvoje pozorite, sa repertoarom koji Ti, stojei izvan
pozorinog sistema, smatra poeljnim u estetikom i produkcionom smislu.
Potrebno je zaustaviti se na sistemu, a primaran sistem za analizu jeste
gradski teatarski sistem. U gradovima je sve i poelo, u vrijeme antikog grkog
perioda, kao povremena i festivalska pria, a u Rimu, gdje poinje prikazivanje
predstava u kontinuitetu, pozorite postaje repertoarska vrijednost. Kako iz-
gleda na teatarski sistem, sistem grada Podgorice prije svega, ili crnogorski? U
Podgorici imamo dva repertoarska pozorita, a u Crnoj Gori etiri. Vidjeli smo
da Nikiko pozorite nema repertoar, dok je na Cetinju repertoar povremen.
U Crnoj Gori imamo i festivale, koji nijesu samo manifestacije gostujuih pred-
stava, ve su oni i produkcijski usmjereni i dre do svog repertoara koji u part-
nerstvu sa drugim pozoritima postaje dio njihovih repertoara. Imamo i ad-hoc
produkciju nezavisne scene, ali imamo i produkcije jednog Centra za kulturu
tivatskog koji je u odnosu na sve ostale pokazao da mu je pozorite prioritet.
Vaan je kontekst sistema jer u njemu nijesmo sami, ili smo uprkos njemu
ipak sami, i tako sami odgovorni da zadovoljimo interes ukupnog razvoja
pozorine umjetnosti, sopstvenog teatarskog identiteta i imida koji stvaramo

svojim predstavama i sa umjetnicima koji ga stvaraju, zapravo da stvorimo
jedan poseban svjet pozorine umjetnosti koji jeste made in CNP! Uprkos ne-
podnoljivoj lakoi neodgovornosti ponekad prisutnoj u domaem kontekstu
moemo ga smatrati uspjehom. U takvom itanju potrebno bi bilo zaista sagle-
dati i analizirati sve repertoare tokom jedne kalendarske godine, nepristrasno i
bez namjere da se stvori pozitivna slike o sebi, ali i bez unaprijed stvorene ne-
gativne slike koja se stvara kako iznutra tako i spolja, od strane zainteresovanih
aktera sistema crnogorskog i pozorinog.
To bi nas dovelo do nune i potrebne evaluacije, koja zapravo i jeste u
nadlenosti osnivaa koji, konano, i odobrava budet. Taj budet moe biti
dovoljan ili nedovoljan, ali nezavisno od njegovog iznosa on nikako ne bi
smio biti samo statistika stavka, ili procenat koji se bez kvalitativne, pozori-
ne, estetske, kulturne i produkcijske analize usvaja. Na taj nain bismo osigu-
rali njegovu transparentnost i na taj nain bismo znali, na primjer, zato smo
dobili 42 odsto manje programskog novca u jednoj godini. Osim novca, koji za
dobar repertoar nikad ne bi smio biti mjera stvari, dolazimo do stvaraoca koji
nosi taj isti repertoar, i do umjetnika koji za svako pozorite koje dri do se-
be jeste prostor izbora. Ne postoji relevantna istorija pozorita bez umjetnika
koji su upravo za to pozorite djelovali i stvarali. Oni su taj nuan oznaitelj, i
zahvaljujui njima vi u svom nasljeu imate predstave i dramske tekstove koji
su svoje praizvedbe imali u vaem pozoritu. Pozorite i njegov repertoar pod-
razumijeva i solidarnost, i empatiju, i volju da se unutar upravo toga pozorita
borite za upravo to pozorite. Borba izvan pozorita donosi razliita itanja,
koja mnoge pozorine teme ine nejasnim i neodreenim, koja su dodatno
zainjena izvanpozorinim kontekstima koji ponekad mjeru stvari u pozoritu
definiu samo jednim pitanjem Koliko kota pozorite?
Svaki repertoar predstavlja i liniju odbrane, na kojoj se branite i sa koje
treba da se branite. Dobro je samo da to nije posljednja linija odbrane, jer bi to
znailo mogunost da u tom ratu nestanete i vi i pozorite, ili da jedina njegova
tema bude upravo ta (nazovimo je) borba. Borba neprestana! Pozoritu jeste
ili nijeste odani: vae pozorite je vae, i vi ste spremni da radite za njega, ili
ga smatrate samo medijem za ostvarivanje nekih drugih interesa, prolaznom
adresom. U tom pozoritu radite ili posveeno, ili sa idejom da vas niko ne
moe platiti toliko malo koliko vi malo moete da radite, opanjkavajui ga,
izmiljajui najmatovitije scenarije o njegovoj neslobodi i korumpiranosti. U
tom pozoritu ili potujete i vjerujete drugima jer znate da ste sa njima sigurni
u tako rizinijoj duhovnoj i intelektualnoj djelatnosti kakva je proces nastanka
umjetnikog djela, predstave ili, pak, vjerujete drugima samo povremeno i sa-
mo onda kada je to u vaem trenutnom interesu.
I sve to o emu mislimo, govorimo i piemo zapravo je zapisano u doku-
mentu koji se zove Pozorina pravila, u kojem se nalaze mnoge stvari koje
nas podsjeaju kojoj mi to organizacionoj i etikoj kulturi pripadamo. Ona nas
opominju i na to koliko ih itamo i razumijemo. To su usvojena pravila koja su

pisana vjekovima da bi odrala jedan osoben sistem, ali u njima je zapisano i
neto to ste samo vi osvojili ili prepoznali kao vrijednost za koju ete se boriti.
Ili nam, moda, ne trebaju nikakva pravila ni odgovornosti jer nas od cijelog
jednog umjetnikog svijeta zanimaju lini interesi.
Sve je to takoe pria o repertoaru pria iznutra. Pria o repertoaru kao
uzbudljivoj areni u kojoj nastaje djelo koje postaje vrijednost, ponekad moda
vana samo jednom jedinom gledaocu u sali. Ali, i za njega/nju jednoga/jedi-
nu moete mijenjati svijet, ili eljeti da ga promijenite.
Repertoar kao sistem znaenja podrazumijeva mogunost prepoznavanja

odreenih tema koje ili u dramskom tekstu ili u tekstu izvedbe, oznaavaju
pokuaj stvaranja konteksta u kome autentino stvarate djela koja takvim izbo-
rima izmiu tradicionalnim matricama podrazumijevajueg repertoara koji
emanira opet sline i podrazumijevajue misije pozorita. Kontekst i stav mo-
gu biti i naela emancipacije, istraivanja, memorije zajednice, demitologiza-
cija, propitivanje granica, susjedstva. Susjedstvo je moda najintimnija strana
pozorita. Granice, stvarne i zamiljene, inile su mnogo puta u istoriji (kao i
danas) i prostor neslobode, ksenofobije, pseudopatriotizma, straha od drugo-
sti i drugog.
Do susjedstva se dolazi onda kada polazei od sebe, ispriate neke prie
koje su vama vane.
Everyman ilas - o vjeri u bolji svijet, o hrabrim i prestupnikim duho-
vima.
Njego i ja o zloupotrebama pjesnika i o nacionalistima, kako o njima
pie i Danilo Ki.
Oevi su grad(ili) kritici ljudske pohlepe.
I onda idete ka drugima, ka savremenoj albanskoj drami, da u Allegretto
Albaniji Stefana apaljikua naete i svoj identitet, idete ka piscu Jetonu Nezi-
raju kome nudite da napie novu balkansku dramu koja polazi od erosa, a ne
bureta baruta istog tog Balkana, idete ka svevremenom Nuiu, i idete ka Ivu
Breanu i pitanjima dananje demokrature.
Potraga za svim onim to je vano rei sada i ovdje, jeste dobra mjera re-
pertoara.
Literatura
Klai, D. (1989) Teatar razlike, Sterijino pozroje, Novi Sad, str. 63
Klai, D. (2008) Loi rezultati tranzicije nove promene na obzorju, Scena, br. 4, Steri-
jino pozorje, Novi Sad, str. 95
Lukan, B. (2013) Trendovska inteligencija, Gest br. 04/II, Udruenje dramskih umjetni-
ka Crne Gore, Podgorica, str. 14.
Janko Ljumovi
Faculty of Dramatic Arts, Cetinje, Montenegro
REPERTOIRE AND OTHER POLICIES OF NATIONAL

AND CITY THEATRES
This paper analyses the programming policy of a theatre through various aspects
influencing its creation. The programming policy defines the identity of a theatre itself.
The paper also reviews contemporary programming policies viewed in the context of two
fundamental dilemmas: traditional programming patterns in contrast to the project and
research process of theatre production which is redefined through the programming policy
and the mission of different theatre models itself. The measure of success of a programme
is viewed today in the extended field of influences, social in the first place; so other policies
inevitably come into play, which in conjunction with one another signify new participa-
tion of the audience. Additionally, the paper offers a personal view of and experience
in the programming policy of the Montenegrin National Theatre and its distinct fea-
tures in the contemporary context. The essay starts from the premise that theatre cannot
be comfortable with the formerly developed standards of public policy but, through its
programme, it must keep searching for the reasons why it should continue to be of public
importance for the community in the tradition of the European theatre system, and cul-
tural policy too.
Milena Gnjatovi
Faculty of Philosophy, University of Belgrade
AN IMAGE BUILDING OF THE NATIONAL MUSEUM:

EDIFICE RECONSTRUCTION OR COMPLETE
TRANSFORMATION?
Foreword
In 2000, in Serbia, there were approximately 100 museums, mostly pub-
lic, suported by the Serbian government, the province of Vojvodina, cities or
municipalities (i.e. founders), while there were only few private museums.
(Benderi 2000.) During the 1990s, all of them have passed through the dif-
ficult period of general social pauperization and stagnation, as well as through
dramatic and frustrating processes of social and political changes. On all levels
of the structure, the public institutions have been submitted to often violent
shifts that demanded instantaneous changes and policy adaptability. In such
situation, museums and museum professionals have been facing various risks:
from incompetent directors and other responsible stuff, lack of finance for ur-
gent repairs, absence of necessary systems for collection protection, breaking
up with all foreign partners and the lack of international cooperation, restric-
tion of professional development of museum personnel and experts, to malver-
sation with museum collections and space, direct physical threats during the
NATO bombing campaign in 1999. (Cvetkovi 2006: 46) Museum scape in
Serbia was characterized by modest exhibition, research and publishing activi-
ties, while educational function was almost completely neglected. Museums
were surviving both inner and outer isolation: they were losing more and more
connection with the society and its needs their prime reason of existence;
they were far from the international networks, projects and partnerships.
Unfortunately, the position of the museums in Serbia is not very different
even today, in 2014. It seems that changes are coming into these institutions
too slowly, completely losing the pace with the worlds famous museumss de-
velopment and the new museology concepts. In the research conducted by
the Institute for Cultural Development Research in Serbia: Museums of Serbia
Current State (Martinovi, Joki 2009: 9), from 2009, on the question about
priority problems today, for the majority of museums, the main difficulties
museum workers see in the museum spaces that need adaptation and/or new
building and new museum exhibitions. Actually, 76% of all Serbian museums
have adaptation or reconstruction of the building as the priority.
The National Museum of Serbia is unfortunately very vivid example of the
above mentioned situation, still in search of the identity and cultural policy it
will represent. Even though the last ten years all the media discuss on the cen-
tral building reconstruction of this museum as the main problem for the pres-
ent and future functioning, in the 21st century, when the humankind is every
now and then inventing new technologies and using virtual space and various
media to communicate, this institution has a lot of potentials for its activities,
image building and identity branding to be publicly known and to be a plat-
form for critical observation and education on heritage it preserves to public,
even in the period when its central building is closed. In this paper, I will try
to present the need for a complete National Museum`s transformation and
strategic reorganization, rather than just its building reconstruction. At the
same time, I will also tend to propose some possible solutions to the museum
image building, in correspondence with the demands of contemporary society
and with the principles of the new museology1 even though in the period of
its reconstruction.
Museum Image Building and Identity Branding

If we would like to offer one particular definition of the terms brand and
image building, we must say that there is no such; these terms are mostly con-
sidered as a concept, feeling, life style, the main sense of the contemporary
1
The term museology, and therefore the term new museology, is perceived differently in
different geographical contexts. A rough technical differentiation could be done between the
Central-European and West-European or Anglo-Saxon approach to contemporary museo-
logy. While the first approach has the theory of the museum communication as the central issue
and therefore tends to develop a model of communication in the process of education, starting
from the museum object as primer, the other, Anglo-Saxon approach is more oriented to the
museum institution itself and critical studies of the use, presentation and development of it.
The phrase new museology (musologie nouvelle) originally comes from Georges-Henri
Rivires and French museology from the 1970s, but Peter Vergo uses this term in the same titled
book in 1989, making it worldwide accepted and used. Commune methodological position of
all these attempts is the idea that the museum and the museum praxes have surpassed museo-
graphy, i.e. the keeping, collecting, examination and classical presentation of objects from the
museum collection and tend to overlook museum as a tool available for a society to find and to
demarcate its identity; its role is to visualize cultures.
corporation existence, whereas the commercial is meant to communicate this

sense to public (Klein 2003: 24). Brands are promises. They are made of advan-
tages (additional immaterial values) which are being linked with the name or
trademark symbol, giving a higher value to it. Brand differentiation is of great
importance; brand is the representation of one`s identity. (Olins 2003)
It is necessary that brand is, except for these abstract terms, defined also
by visual elements, its material bases, in order to be complete. Roland Bart
gives his analysis of the image basing it on already existing semiotic models
of communication, developed by Charles Sanders and Umberto Eco. (Bart
1981) Brand takes the place of the mental image. The image/symbol/commer-
cial is a referent, and it is denotatively connected to the product itself. Bart
concludes that there are three messages, or three levels of the communication
in every branding, and that is: linguistic, iconic coded and iconic non-coded
message. Visual identity of the brand is composed of logotypes, selection of
colors, design etc. and these element express the attitude. Branding is, as Mi-
lan Jovanovi concludes in his paper: Brendocracy (Brendokatija), incor-
porated in the social heritage and it is equally important as the Renaissance or
Modernism, as any of the worlds tendencies important for the culture and life
style in global measures. Branding is more than trend; it is a part of ideology.
(Jovanovi 2006)
In his book Museum Branding, Margot A. Wallace suggests that nowa-
days, museum needs a brand, an identity that instantly communicates what
it is, has, and does. (Wallace 2006: 37) A museum needs an image, which is
how others perceive its identity and which helps in creating reputation. By the
museum image building, he recalls supporters and friends, exhibition design-
ers and docents to help organize a visitors journey through exhibits, set of
symbols and logos that tie all materials, publications, programs, departments,
and events together. (Wallace 2006: 43)
National Museum: Edifice Reconstruction

The central building of the National Museum of Serbia founded on May
10th 1844, is today situated at the main, Republic Square of Belgrade. However,
the collection of the todays Serbian National Museum consists of the archeo-
logical collection and the artistic one, further Museum of Prince Paul who has
been collecting paintings, sculptures and similar objects of the contemporary
art of his time. In 1952, the National Museum which would represent develop-
ment of culture on our soil from the oldest days until now, moved in its current
central building, built in 1903 for the needs of Investment Bank. The archi-
tects of this cultural monument were Nikola Nestorovi and Andra Stevanovi
and the first major reconstruction of this building happened in 1966, resulting
in the adaptation to the Museums needs with respect of, to that time, con-
temporary museological standards for safeguarding and exhibiting of cultural

heritage.
Nearly 50 years later, the condition of this edifice and basic conditions
necessary for long-term preservation and adequate display of Museum arti-
facts have become alarmingly bad. After unsuccessful attempts in 1996 and
1998, a new initiative for detailed reconstruction of Museums central building
came in December 2001. The request was accepted in 2002, with the support
of the Prime Minister Zoran inic. In 2003, the Museums permanent dis-
play was removed and from that moment on, the central building of the central
heritage institution of Serbia has closed its doors for the audience (except for
the Atrium exhibiting hall where some temporary exhibitions and occasional
concerts are taking place). From 2004 until 2007, the design of the first proj-
ect-documentation was done by the architect Milan Rakoevi. The complete
change of the interior was planned with this project, while only facade would
stay as it used to be, but with a big and transparent glass roof above the central
space.
As it is stated at the current official web site of the National Museum,
during this period the Museum did preparations for the relocation of collec-
tions, which included inspection and bar-coding of all the Museum collec-
tions. However, the relocation, as a basic precondition for the beginning of
construction, was not realized. Finally, during 2010, after it was determined
that the possibilities and conditions have been significantly altered since 2004,
the Government of the Republic of Serbia decided to abandon the-2004-re-
construction-project and take new measures regarding the reconstruction of
the National Museum edifice. Therefore, a public and anonymous, two level
Competition for architectural conceptual design and spatial program analysis of
the reconstruction and additional building of the National Museum in Belgrade
was announced. In November 2010, architect Vladimir Lojanica, was selected
as the competition winner. (http://en.narodnimuzej.rs/reconstructions/his-
tory/: accessed on Jun 7th 2013)
Finally, as the last Government and the Ministry of Culture have made
decision, even though it is an enormous amount of money spent on differ-
ent projects preparations and the whole decade passed, there are no financial
means for building reconstruction, so this process has been paused for uncer-
tain period of time, while nowadays Museums building sanitation is being
suggested in order to open it for audience as soon as possible. This sanitation,
contrary to the idea of the whole reconstruction can be observed in a much
wider sense than it is just physical edifice reparation.
National Museum: Essential Reconstruction

The closing of the central building of the National Museum in Belgrade
was followed by sharp decisions of its employees, or at least of, at that time,
museum top management to change completely the visual identity of the in-
stitution, modernize the exhibition and improve the communication in the
team.2 Tatjana Cvjetianin, the director of the National Museum from 2003 to
2013 suggests:
Before I even inscribed the Archeology department at the University of Bel-
grade, I came into Museum for the internship in 1981. Now, 35 years later,
I know how the Museum lives and I am observing every inch of it from
then on, especially a great devastation and the loss of everything Museum
survived in the 90s. There were neither changes, nor possibilities to change
for years; in the 90s, programs were disastrous, and the main building was
visited by three persons per day.
During the interview, Tatjana Cvjetianin recalls that, as there was in-
creasingly bad communication between Museum employees day by day, all
relations were consequently set on highly hierarchical level.
In 1996 we were already speaking about the necessity of reconstruction,
team work did not exist at the time, department for education was based on
one single person, while there was no hygienic paper in toilets.
As Tatjana Cvjetianin concludes, the most important change from 2003,
when she has got into the position of the director onwards, was actually the
change of the perception of Museum employees towards their job and team
work and towards audience, but also the attempt to change the notion of a cold
and inapproachable institution in the perception of public.
It is, consequently, important to notice that the physical reconstruction
was initially meant to be the background or at least simultaneous activity to
the essential reconstruction and complete change of the exhibiting vocabulary,
where we managed to succeed in one, but not on many levels. This is the
twentieth edifice for us, and we have stayed here just because of the location.
We have never had the idea of a building, but of the location.
And really, the museum is not its building, but the collection and the peo-
ple working there, as well as all the activities museum organizes in order to
educate the audience and help people construct their own identity. It is then
a question, how did the National Museum of Belgrade use its location in the
very center of the capital? Did it succeed in opening up this highly hierarchical
and old-fashioned institution towards the local community, but also tourists,
with the use of all its recourses, more than hundred employees and several ex-
hibiting spaces? The question is also is, at least, the local community aware of
the fact that, except for the central building recently reconstructed Museum
of Vuk Karadi and Dositej Obradovi, the Gallery of Frescoes in Belgrade,
the Archaeological Museum of erdap in Kladovo, Lepenski Vir Museum in
2
Information from the interviews held in June 2013 of the author and Tatjana Cvjetianin,
director of the museum from 2003 to 2013 and Gordana Grabe, PR of the National Museum.
The interviews are translated into English by the author, for the purpose of this paper.
Donji Milanovac that is being rebuilt now, and also closed for reconstruction
the Memorial Museum of Nadeda and Rastko Petrovic in Belgrade are as
well constituent elements of the National Museum of Serbia? Is there any co-
herency between these exhibitions when it comes to design, font used for leg-
ends, and temporary programs of the National Museum taking place in these
spaces?
Tatjana Cvjetianin explains that, during the change of Museums image
from 2003 onwards, some attempts have been made to start a campaign with
the use of names: National Museum Museum of Vuk and Dositej, and so on,
but she finds a problem in a complete difference between archeological and
art history collections, causing that every museum functions as an indepen-
dent item. However, when for example, the Czech National Museum closed its
central building for the reconstruction, it just pointed out at the first page of
the official website that we are not just one building, suggesting to the audi-
ence to visit all different museum exhibiting places, where they can also find
always the same brochure with the plan of locations this museum embraces
and similar design of catalogues and always the same letter font style used for
the design of the set in every small department.
National Museum: Museum Transformation

When it comes to the observation of annual reports from 2003 to 2013,
there is no clear image of what the Museum wants to stress out when it comes
to the selection of temporary exhibitions and there is either clear visual iden-
tity representation set on all levels and in all museum departments in Ser-
bia previously mentioned. Still, Tatjana Cvjetianin explains the program as
completely managerial, neither visionary nor conceptual, but with the idea to
show from all collections of the museum at least something, while the perma-
nent display is closed, and to employ as much curators as it is possible in order
to support the team work and inner communication.
The most important strategic goals set for the year 2004 by the Museum
heads were: 1. change from institutional to project logic of functioning, which
resulted with the financial plan for the year 2004, with clearly planed proj-
ects; 2. new, more efficient organization of work, partly seen in praxis, by the
employment of the new collaborators, precise definitions of the work at some
positions, as well as making a set of rules for different positions () The final
goal is the new quality in museum work, with the use of highly professional
standards which will promote the profession of curator itself; 3. enabling con-
ditions for adequate keeping and presentation of collections of the National
Museum. This had to be enforced by the reconstruction of the Museum; 4.
repositioning of the museum in public sphere creation of alive and active
institution; 5. development of the new visual identity of Museum. (National
Museum 2005: 9)
It is very clear that these strategic goals are set with tendency to change
the image of the Museum and to open this institution in every sense. It is also
interesting to mention that these goals, even if they are not fulfilled completely,
do not exist in the annual reports after 2007, when actually the Museum faced
his first grand problems with the building reconstruction plan.
Identity of the National Museum is in the last ten years: Museum in trans-
formation, concept that is chaotic itself, but it is also showing that we want to
change something. With time, the atmosphere in which we all are happy in
expectation of the new space where everything will function better, unfortu-
nately disappeared. Today, it is being spoken about sanitation of the building.
Sanitation will just mask acute problems, Museum will profit just after the
opening, but it wont follow contemporary museological concepts, nor build
the audience in long-term if using that old-fashioned way of functioning.
(Cvjetianin 2013)
With the sanitation of building, Museum would have the same halls, while
exhibitions are again planned to follow chronology and not to be conceptual,
phenomenological, nor critical and interactive in any more profound manner.
It is then a question why this building has kept its doors closed for the whole
decade if it was just about physical adaptation, and a bit rhetoric question if
this physical sanitation then means complete giving up the idea of transfor-
mation from one hermetic and hierarchical institution to a new, critical and
modern museum with an image of communicative, transparent and interac-
tive cultural institution?
National Museum: Towards the New Visual Identity

After closing its doors in 2003, the National Museum in Belgrade has
started to develop completely new corporative identity. The main issues were
to position this institution in the society, with its clear mission and vision
which represent the museums identity and are followed by the recognizable
logo, corporative colors and corporative typography. The inspiration for this
new visual identity has been sought from one of the oldest surviving docu-
ments written in Serbian language, very rich in decoration and the most valu-
able manuscript this institution preserves Miroslav Gospel (Miroslavljevo
Jevanelje). Previous logo or trademark of the Museum materials derived
also from this manuscript and the emblem of two confronted peacocks. This
emblem was in black-and-white technique and surrounded by different font
styles depending on the occasion. The idea of new life of the Miroslav Gospel
where the total design of everything bonds to the National Museum, would
be inspired not just by one illumination, but many other decorations from the
Gospel and also by colors of this manuscript and the parchment it is written
on, the style of letters used wanted to represent the importance and long
lasting tradition of this institution on one hand, but also to show the beauty
of this heritage monument (and consequently probably many other valuable

monuments it preserves). The tendency of new old museum that chooses the
good elements from the past, but follows the pace of contemporary society and
modernizes itself cleverly, can be recognized. (Cvejticanin 2004: 3)
On this occasion of the new visual identity creation, the National Museum
has invited a company New Moment New Ides Company to professionally
develop a product out of museum, i.e. to create a recognizable brand for the
national and cultural regional centre, as it was stated in the new vision of the
Museum. Consequently, original visual elements of the Miroslav Gospel were
put in the context of contemporary design tendencies: design has become
the identity, identity has become branding, and branding has become a story
about life.
However, there is still no coherency in all aspects of the visual representa-
tion of this institution, not to mention the exhibition design and brochures in
different museum departments throughout Serbia.
Example of the Good Praxis: Rijksmuseum and the Night Watch

When thinking of the possibilities the National Museum could have when
electing the Miroslav Gospel to build an image and a worldwide known brand
out of itself, I couldnt miss example of the Netherlands National Museum
The Rijksmuseum, and the Rembrandt project this museum has used in or-
der to build up a good image around itself although in a period of long-lasting
building reconstruction.
Coincidently, the Rijksmuseum was closed for the reconstruction also in
2003, with the plan to open again in 2010, but the reconstruction process was
prolonged for the whole decade, up to 2013, when this traditional museum
opened its renovated building and managed to link all values of the heritage it
preserves with modernized setting. However, the Rijksmuseum has prepared
a small exhibition which was opened during the years of reconstruction and
has chosen the painting from Rembrandt van Rijn, The Night Watch. This
painting was presented as the masterpiece, and the following mini catalogue
of this new exhibition was mostly devoted to stress Rembrandts virtuosity,
the new approach to the arrangement of the official group portrait, but also to
draw artistic parallels with Caravaggio, Velasquez and Rubens and position
Rembrandt and the painting as important and valuable heritage of the world.
Also, when we speak about image building and audience development in
the turbulent circumstances and reconstruction period, one of the most origi-
nal and clever acts by this museum from my point of view, was the opening
of the free-entrance exhibition and the souvenir shop of the Museum at the
Shiphol Amsterdam airport. This airport metaphorically, but also literary con-
nects different cultures, races and nations and the Rijks exhibition there selects
to position Netherlands as a part of the multicultural Europe, with all the ar-
tistic creativity, tradition, distinctive features as well as openness to friendships

with others. The setting invites everyone to visit the museum in the city, but it
also educates the ones who wont have the opportunity for it.
However, the year 2006 was the year of Rembrandt`s 400th anniversary
and the Rembrandt project provoked many initiatives visible even today in
the landscape of Amsterdam, but also on different media. The masterpiece,
The Night Watch was again in the limelight. On one hand, two Russian art-
ists were invited to create the sculpture: The Night Watch in 3D. In the spirit
of cosmopolitanism of Amsterdam, it is not strange that Russians were chosen
for this project, and it is just confirmed again that this painting is the interna-
tional (world) heritage. The sculpture(s)/installation is in detail researched ev-
ery person painted on the Rembrandts original and made in bronze as a single
person, a bit bigger than ordinary-sized, so when all sculptures/parts of this
installation are positioned, you are actually invited to walk through The Night
Watch, take a photo with it, touch every portrayed person. This installation
is today on the Rembrandt square in Amsterdam, but the same composition
has been travelling throughout the Netherlands being a moving commercial,
artifact belonging to the Rijksmuseum.
On the other hand, the same museum has invited a well-known British
director, Peter Greenaway, to create a new video-installation, the movie Night
watching (2007). It represents the analysis of the social background and the
process of the creation of Rembrandt`s painting. The first projection was next
to the painting and followed by the light-effects connecting in the darkness
somehow the past (of the painting) and the present (of the audience) and sug-
gesting the fascination with the artificial light clearly visible in the Rembrandt`s
painting as in the Greenaway`s creation. (Krstovi 2012)
The use of just one object to build up the recognizable image and to de-
velop clearly defined audience, the use of contemporary space characteristic
for the postmodern consumerist culture, as well the use of virtual space and
popular flash-mob activity in public space is definitely: The Night Watch in
the Shopping Mall activity. Actually, actors costumed as protagonists of the
painting were climbing and running around the mall in Amsterdam, surpris-
ing and frightening the confused buyers, to finally end up in positions as fig-
ures on the paining, or sculpture, surrounded by a square with the inscription
promoting the new opening of the reconstructed Rijksmuseum. This flash mob
has been the burning topic in every media those days and it is still available at
the YouTube channel and often shared.
Could some of many initiatives like these mentioned be translated to the
National Museum of Serbia identity branding?
National Museums: Potentials in the Reconstruction Period

Perhaps even arbitrary, it would be a mistake not to mention the possibili-
ties virtual space and social media offer today to any promotion and presenta-
tion of heritage. The Serbian National Museum has recently (in 2012) started
a new web site, definitely much better and easier to surf than the previous one.
Facebook page has also been created and one part of the PR activities has been
directed to the communication and promotion through the social media. Still,
these attempts do not give many visible results, while the web site could be
more contemporaneous, interactive and animated (we could recall just one of
many interpretations of heritage on the official web site of the Louvre museum
with animated figure of Dominique-Vivant Denon leading the visitor through
the tales of the Museum (http://www.louvre.fr/en/tales-of-the-museum, ac-
cessed on April 27th 2014)).
Apart from many possibilities for image building during the reconstruc-
tion period, already mentioned in this paper, we shouldnt forget the ironical
fact that only few people who live in Belgrade or visit this city know what the
building on central square serves for. The location itself, as it is was already
stressed by Tatjana Cvjetianin, is a big advantage for this museum, especially
in the 21st century when different light projections, open-air activities and in-
stallations are available and really popular. (We could recall an example hap-
pened in Belgrade a few months ago when the light projection lasting for 15
minutes was repeated a couple of times on the whole faade of the City As-
sembly embodying French-Serbian collaboration and interpreting the history
of this friendship on original and contemporary manner.)
Finally, it is doubtless that the National Museum in Serbia is still strug-
gling to find its own identity, ideology it stands for, and changing its vision,
target audience(s) every now and then, disabling itself to build up a positive
image. The idea of museum transformation is, as we can conclude, much more
than the building reconstruction, but with the institution like this, constant
changes of cultural policy in Serbia and turbulent circumstances in the past are
making this struggle really hard. Still, this paper tended to show that even with
the small steps and initiatives, a creative team with the clear vision can start
building the audience of this museum, develop a positive image in public and
position this institution as the main cultural destination in the region.
Resources
Bart Roland, 1981, Retorika slike, Rijeka Izdavaki centar
Benderi Ljiljana (ed.), 2000, Muzeji Srbije, Beograd, Zavod za prouavanje kulturnog
razvitka
Cvetkovic Marijana 2006, Reform of Serbian Museums through Contemporary Art Proj-
ects, Univerzitet umetnosti u Beogradu, Master thesis
Cvjetianin Tatjana, 2013, Interview with the author

Dragievi ei Milena, Dragojevi Sanjin, Menadment umetnosti u turbulentnim
okolnostima, 2005, Beograd, Clio
Joki Biljana, Martinovi Dragana (ed.), 2009, Muzeji u Srbiji aktuelno stanje,
Beograd, Zavod za prouavanje kulturnog razvitka
Jovanovi Milan, 2006, Brendokratija, http://www.brandocratia.com/teorija.html, ac-
cessed on April 29th 2014
Klajn Naomi, 2003, No logo, Beograd, Re
Krstovi Nikola, 2012, Unpablished paper
National Museum annual reports from the year 2003 to 2013
National Museum official web site: http://www.narodnimuzej.rs/ accessed on June 7th
2013
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cessed on April 27th 2014
Olins Wally, 2003 On Brand, London, Themes&Hudson
Rijkenberg Jan, Concepting, 2005 Belgrade, ekon:books
Wallace Margot, 2006, Museum Branding: How to Create And Maintain Image, Loyalty,
And Support, Oxford, Altamira Press.
, 2004, , ;
, ,
Lazar Jovanov
UTICAJ GRADA TEATRA NA RAZVOJ

SOCIOKULTURNOG KAPITALA PALIA
Razvoj Palia
Savet za razvoj i ureenje optine Subotica je 1985. god. intenzivirao re-
vitalizaciju kompleksa Palikog jezera, kako bi se od ovog lokaliteta napravi-
la konkurentna turistika destinacija. U optem procesu revitalizacije Palia
ureivane su plae i parkovi, rekonstruisani su objekti, renovirani su hoteli.
Nastavak zapoete izgradnje termalnih bazena, koji su u praksi ve dokazali
svoju upotrebnu vrednost, predstavljao je okosnicu daljeg razvoja u turisti-
koj ponudi. Sledei kapitalni poduhvat podrazumevao je izgradnju dodatnih
smetajnih kapaciteta, po uzoru na Konake na Kopaoniku, te su 1986. godine
otpoeli politiki pregovori sa Ivanom Stamboliem1, koji je u tom periodu bio
zaduen za izgradnju pomenutih objekata na Kopaoniku. Boko Kovaevi,
tadanji predsednik mesnog komiteta Komunistike partije, je sa Jugotursom,
koji je bio pod okriljem gigantske firme Geneksa, izraivao projekat u vezi sa
izgradnjom, turistikim opremanjem i promocijom Palia.
Ali kako bi Pali imao odrivu turistiku ponudu, koja bi trajala tokom
itave godine, Savet za razvoj i ureenje optine Subotica istupio je sa idejom o
iskoriavanju prirodnih potencijala Palia i njegovih termalnih voda, u svrhu
razvoja banjskog turizma, koji bi pozicionirao Pali u itavom regionu.
1
Bivi predsednik Vlade Srbije, zatim predsednik CK SK Srbije, i na kraju predsednik
Predsednitva Srbije.
Kulturni razvoj Palia

Subotike vlasti su 1986. god predloile upravi Narodnog pozorita
Npszinhz-KPGT (Ljubii Ristiu i Nadi Kokotovi) da kroz projekat Grad
teatar teatralizuje i iru okolinu Subotice, prigradska podruja, ergo Pali. Sa
stanovita lokalne kulturne politike, ovaj projekat je predstavljao decentraliza-
ciju kulturnih aktivnosti, odnosno irenje kulturnog ivota od centra grada ka
periferiji, pretendujui da bude ekstra kohezivni faktor u okruenju. Grad tea-
tar je u tom smislu predstavljao organizacioni instrument u razvoju sociokul-
turnog kapitala, kao i kulturnog turizma sredine. U kontekstu opteg procesa
razvoja i revitalizacije grada i gravitirajuih podruja, pokretanje umetnike
produkcije je, izmeu ostalog, imalo funkciju da oivi batinu Palia, (a u per-
spektivi i drugih lokaliteta, poput prirodnog rezervata Ludo i jezera Majdan),
sa intencijom iskoriavanja kulturnih i prirodnih resursa ovog naselja i jezera,
kako bi se graanstvo vratilo u ovaj park prirode i privukli novi turisti na od-
mor i letovanje.
Postmoderni zaokret nove politike paradigme stavio je naglasak na in-
tegrativnu kulturnu politiku koja je podrazumevala demokratizaciju graan-
skog drutva, i otvorila relevantno pitanje o jednom od glavnih elemenata kul-
turnog kapitala grada urbanistikom kvalitetu koji se moe analizirati kroz
kvalitet kulturnog ivota i umetniku produkciju (Dragievi ei, 2009: 28).
Grad teatar u kontekstu razvoja lokaliteta ekspir fest

Ljubia Risti je predloio da Grad teatar na Paliu, 1986. godine, bude
realizovan kao tematski pozorini ambijentalni festival projekat ekspir fest,
u okviru kojeg bi se izvodile najznaajnije tragedije ovog engleskog klasika (uz
napomenu da je ekspir svakako bio deo dugorone repertoarske politike Na-
rodnog pozorita Npszinhz). Odluka da kompleks Palia bude reafirmisan
kao festivalski pozorini prostor nalazi uporite i u injenici da su posled-
njih sto godina festivali bili pokretaka snaga u procesu rekonceptualizacije,
irenja i otvaranja dodatnih umetnikih prostora (Klai 2002: 4). A upravo
umetniki prostori ukrtaju razliite subsemiosfere, i tako stvaraju svojevrsne
sociokulturne prostore, kao pogodnu platformu za generisanje sociokultur-
nog kapitala.
Ovaj festival je imao i tu funkciju da umanji sociokulturni jz izmeu cen-
tra grada i periferije, usmeravajui kako publiku, tako i javnost, od centralne
kulturne infrastrukture, ka periferiji, tada gradskoj margini, ka zaboravljenom
Paliu.
Subotiani su videli impozantan broj gostujuih predstava, u toku ekspir
Festa, izlobe i koncerte o kojima je dotanja provincija mogla tek sanjati. U
okviru festivala, izvedeno je est premijera kapitalnih ekspirovih tragedija u
produkciji subotikog Narodnog pozorita: Tit Andronik, Riard trei, Hamlet,
Otelo, Magbet, Julije Cezar, kao i jedno Borhesovo bavljenje ekspirom Ev-
erything and nothing.
Razvoj sociokulturnog kapitala Palia - vrednosti ekspir festa

Prema onjeu i tulhoferu (1998), drutvena zajednica se moe razvijati u
punom smislu te rei samo ako razvija horizontalne institucije. To znai da so-
ciokulturni kapital proistie iz uspostavljanjih horizontalnih veza, to je blisko
Patnamovoj ideji premoujueg (bridging) socijalnog kapitala, kojim se indu-
kuju vrednosti kao to su solidarnost i poverenje, koji po miljenju ovih autora
predstavljaju znaajne parametre razvoja sociokulturnog kapitala zajednice.
Zato moemo da tvrdimo da pojam sociokulturnog kapitala predstavlja
najsadrajniju (socioekonomsku) osnovu za razumevanje svih bitnih dru-
tvenih i kulturnih inilaca koji utiu na stvaranje i prisvajanje nove vredno-
sti (kapitala) (Miloevi 2004: 104). Sociokulturni kapital stvara obe vrednosti,
i sociokulturnu i ekonomsku, dok obini kapital obezbeuje samo ekonomsku
vrednost. Stoga, sociokulturni kapital moemo definisati kao ostvarenja koja ote-
lotvoruju, sadre ili obezbeuju dodatnu socijalnu i kulturnu vrednost, pored
bilo koje ekonomske vrednosti koju oni mogu imati.
Sociokulturna vrednost je osobenost, koja omoguava jasnu distinkciju
kulture od ostalih proizvoda, odnosno kulturni kapital od drugih oblika kapi-
tala. italac ovog rada treba da ima na umu da je u analizi socijalnih i kultur-
nih vrednosti sociokulturnog kapitala neizbena odreena koliina preklapa-
nja, te stoga nije mogue napraviti rigidnu diferencijaciju izmeu odreenih
kategorija. Upravo zato je pojam sociokulturni kapital znaajan teorijski po-
mak, jer omoguava analizu i socijalnih i kulturnih (pa i ekonomskih) vred-
nosti u okviru jedne terminoloke kovanice. Postavljanje definicije socijalnog i
kulturolokog uticaja umetnosti u praksi nije nimalo jednostavan zadatak. To
je zato to podrazumeva vrednosne sudove o relativnoj vrednosti umetnike
delatnosti i o tome ta e se i ta se nee meriti. (Reeves 35).
U nastavku rada akcenat je upravo na (ne)materijalnim sociokulturnim
vrednostima ekspir festa.
Prostor i identitet
Dalibor Foreti je u listu Danas (1986: 159) istakao da je Ljubia Risti us-
peo da od Palia stvori izuzetnu letnju scenu, koja se po ambijentalnim i umet-
nikim dostignuima moe meriti s najboljim dometima Dubrovnika i Splita.
Prostori subotikog Palia2, sami po sebi, su ponudili raskonu scenografiju,
nesluenih mogunosti.
2
Pali - naselje i jezero sa istim imenom, kraj Subotice.
ekspir fest, 1986. (Balzam 2014)
Sa stanovita menadmenta kulturnog naslea, ekspir fest je rezultirao

adekvatnom i uspenom upotrebom kulturnog i prirodnog naslea, to su
ujedno bili osnovi kulturnog identiteta Palia i Subotice. Sposobnosti da se
razumeju, usvoje i iskoriste potencijali razliitih gradskih javnih prostora, kul-
turnog i prirodnog naslea vaan su deo gradskog kulturnog kapitala dana-
njice (ei 2009: 21).
Takoe, novom kulturnom politikom na najefikasniji nain su iskorieni
kulturni resursi Palia (estetski vredni i autentini), za promociju stvaratva,
lokalne kulture i njenih drutvenih vrednosti, ali i za promociju same drave i
bogatstva razliitih jugoslovenskih kulturnih izraza.
Estetika i participacija
Postmoderno kontekstualizovanje ovog pozorinog festivala nam otkriva
njegovu demokratinost, koja odbacuje pogled o umetnikom delu kao zatvo-
renom, samodovoljnom, autonomnom objektu, vraajui u isti mah umetnost
svetu. To podrazumeva razaranje uvreenih graanskih kanona, nepristaja-
nje na elitistiko pozorite, ukidanje imaginarne scenske rampe, ulazak u
publiku i optenje sa njima.
Daljom teorijskom determinacijom ekspir festa uoava se jedinstvena
neobarokna morfologija savremene umetnosti, koja je oivljena u postmoder-
noj jugoslovenskoj teatarskoj praksi sa rediteljem Ljubiom Ristiem i KPGT3-
om, podrazumevajui eklektiko poigravanje sa istorijom pozorita, politi-
kom i drutvenom istorijom uz eksperimente s raznorodnim umetnikim i
medijskim formama. Oigledni odjek estetike Novog baroka reflektovao se i u
igri sa dinamikom razliite jaine, kolaima, raskonom izrazu, sudaru kodova
i razliitih semiotikih sfera.
3
Kao odgovor na sveoptu krizu drave, 1977. godine u Zagrebu je formirana pozorina
trupa KPGT, kada se grupa umetnika iz itave Jugoslavije okupila oko inscenacije dramskog tek-
sta Osloboenje Skoplja, autora Duana Jovanovia. Tokom narednih godina, ova trupa se razvila
u kulturno politiki pokret, sa ciljem odbrane i afirmacije jedinstvenog jugoslovenskog kulturnog
prostora koncepta koji su ustanovili predvodnici pokreta i istaknuti jugoslovenski pozorini
umetnici Ljubia Risti, reditelj iz Beograda, Nada Kokotovi, koreograf i reditelj iz Zagreba, Ra-
de erbedija, glumac iz Zagreba i Duan Jovanovi, dramski pisac i reditelj iz Ljubljane.
Izraavajui neobaroknu silovitost, predstave su prema svedoenjima svih

sagovornika, ali i kritikama strune javnosti, zaista izazivale ogromno uzbu-
enje i jak emocionalni i estetski doivljaj kod publike. Barokni jezik novog
pozorita je izmeu ostalog, podrazumevao, korienje populistikih sredsta-
va, elemente pukog teatra, sa ciljem ukljuivanja ire populacije, kako bi
gledaoci i sami postali neposredni akteri u predstavama. Grad teatar je tako
ruio granice imaginacije i stvarnog ivota, a publika je bila smetena u realni
vremensko prostorni okvir.
Estetska koncepcija ekspir festa je bila takva da nije zahtevala od gledala-
ca posebne jezike i kulturne kompetencije, ili pak ire poznavanje kulture,
manifestovano u inkorporiranom i institucionalizovanom kulturnom kapitalu,
koje je, prema Burdijeu uglavnom inherentno lanovima viih klasa. Napu-
tajui usko izraajno podruje dramske literature i ceremonijalne pozorine
reije koja je tada preovladavala na jugoslovenskoj pozorinoj sceni, paradig-
matika barokne tragedije je, u kontekstu ekspir festa, proirila svoje granice sa
centra grada na periferiju, ka irim slojevima stanovnitva. Karakterisala ju je
prekomernost bogatstva pojavljivanja umetnikih oblika i spektakularizacija
pozorinog i svakodnevnog ivota grada.
Zahvaljujui ekspir festu, Narodno pozorite Npszinhz-KPGT dostiglo
je visoke umetnike domete, organizacionu i programsku izvrsnost, uz aktivno
uee graana u kulturnom ivotu zajednice, ispunjavajui tako svoje estetske
i sociokulturne obligacije predoene 1985. godine u programsko-inauguralnoj
predstavi Mada, komentari, koja je uspostavila tzv. estetski ugovor4 izmeu
teatra i gradskog stanovnitva.
Imid
Po miljenju sagovornika, pozorite je vrilo permanentnu promociju Su-
botice i Palia. Poev od Mada, komentara, Narodno pozorite Npszinhz-
KPGT je godinu dana kontinuirano punilo stupce jugoslovenskih novina, pro-
grame radija i televizija, a kulminacija je bila od kraja juna 1986. do sredine
avgusta, kada nije bilo ozbiljnije redakcije u ovoj zemlji, a da nije imala bar
jednu reportau, izvetaj ili prikaz neke predstave sa Palia. Jugoslovenska jav-
nost je sa naroitom panjom pratila ekspir fest i gotovo jednoglasno progla-
sila ovu manifestaciju za najznaajniji sociokulturni dogaaj godine u zemlji,
dajui mu epitet jugoslovenskog teatra u malom. Pozorina kritika je mahom
bila naklonjena stvaralakim, umetnikim i estetskim dostignuima predsta-
4
Estetski ugovor se definie kao kontinuirano okupljanje, u najboljim moguim okol-
nostima, najboljih moguih umetnikih dela, sa najboljom moguom publikom (Pick 2011:
12). Estetski ugovor omoguava da to vei broj ljudi doivi maksimalno zadovoljstvo, jedin-
stveno iskustvo i izvue najveu moguu korist od pozorinih predstava i drugih umetnikih
projekata, bez naruavanja umetnikog integriteta i eljenih estetsko-vrednosnih kriterijuma.
va ekspir festa, u potpunosti se identifikujui sa konceptom koje je ponudi-

lo Narodno pozorite Npszinhz-KPGT. Novinarka Branka Krilovi (1986)
naglasila je da je ekspir fest uspeo da pomeri fokus interesovanja javnosti sa
tradicionalnih festivalskih giganata Splita, Dubrovnika ili Ohrida. Borka
Pavievi (1986) je istakla da je, zahvaljujui ekspir festu, Subotica, sa svojim
Palikim jezerom, zaista delovala kao polis, Grka.
Zakljuak Sekcije za kulturu Socijalistikog saveza Subotice je da je ek-
spir fest bio od posebne vrednosti za ovu sredinu, jer je doprineo upoznavanju
najire jugoslovenske javnosti sa najvanijim htenjima Subotice. Kako kada je
u pitanju pozorite, tako i na planu ukupnog ivota, ureenja grada, privred-
nih ostvarenja, meunacionalnih odnosa, sporta, turizma i ostalog.
Zahvaljujui projektu ekspir fest i njegovoj neospornoj umetnikoj izvr-
snosti, projekat Grad teatar je izvrio pozitivnu promociju Subotice i Palia,
koja se meri i u evropskim razmerama, doprinosei meunarodnoj rekogniciji
pozorita i grada, o emu svedoe brojni novinski tekstovi sa potonjih gosto-
vanja subotikog teatra.
Multinacionalnost, multietninost, viejezinost

ekspir fest je upotpunio predstave o programskoj orijentaciji i dijapa-
zonu delovanja subotikog Narodnog pozorita, koje se pokazalo sposobnim
ne samo da svojim umetnikim snagama iznese jedan takav poduhvat, nego
i da bude animator okupljanja pozorinih stvaralaca oko tog projekta (Pe-
jovi 1986: 8). Sociokulturna vrednost ovog dogaaja je, izmeu ostalog, i to
to je ekspir fest bio mesto okupljanja stvaralaca iz cele Jugoslavije. Ruei
optinske, pokrajinske i republike atare, bar kada je pozorino stvaralatvo u
pitanju, Subotica je izazvala pozornost na sebe i svoje opredeljenje da je jedina
ansa u zajednikom ivljenju (Lakievi 1986).
Tokom dvomesenog rada, Paliko jezero se pretvorilo u ekspirovsku
radionicu, koja je okupila ili uposlila vrhunske glumce, reditelje, dramaturge i
ostale umetnike i kulturne radnike jugoslovenske, maarske, srpske, hrvatske,
slovenake, makedonske, albanske, romske i druge nacionalne pripadnosti, iz
najrazliitijih ambijenata i raznolikih jugoslovenskih kultura.
U vavilonskoj jezikoj raznovrsnosti, predstave festivala su ravnopravno
govorile i ekavski i ijekavski, i dijalektima i na maarskom jeziku. Subotike
novine (1986) su istakle da je jedna od vrednosti ekspir festa, pa i ukupnih
promena u subotikom pozorinom ivotu, tokom 1985. i 1986. god., upravo
viejezinost, odnosno razbijanje jezike barijere. U toku dve sezone izvedeno
je ukupno 46 premijera na pravom konglomeratu jezika (ali od toga trina-
est iskljuivo na maarskom, a etrnaest na srpskohrvatskom jeziku, dok se u
ostalim predstavama, uz meanje ta dva jezika, govorilo i albanskim, romskim,
slovenakim, makedonskim, uz ubacivanje nemakog, francuskog, engleskog
i panskog jezika).
Kreativnost i inovacije
Mobiliui umetnike, dinamine ljude, i mlade snage Subotice, ovaj fe-
stival je grupisao talente i kreativce, stvarajui na taj nain jedan umetniki
milje, koji je generisao posve inovativnu kulturnu praksu, ne prilagoavajui
se postojeim i vaeim kulturnim i radnim navikama, to je imalo iroke re-
perkusije, ne samo u sociokulturnim relacijama grada, nego i drave, a to je,
na kraju krajeva, i bio jedan od ishodinih ciljeva festivala.
Kako su prema arlsu Landriju umetnici i radnici-u-kulturi generatori
jednog inovativnog kreativnog okruenja, moemo konstatovati da je Subo-
tica sa Paliem, nedvosmisleno stvorila kreativni ambijent, koji, sa stanovita
savremene teorije kreativnog kapitala, predstavlja platformu za stvaranje krea-
tivne klase. Ergo, najbitniji resurs ovog urbanog modela su nesumnjivo bili di-
namini, kreativni ljudi, to je u direktnoj vezi sa novom filozofijom menad-
menta, u okviru koje, prema Fukuhari (2000), kreativna snaga ljudi proizvodi
kulturu sa jasnom socijalnom vizijom.
ekspir fest je, iz tog rakursa, bio suma ideja, inovacija, opteg znanja, di-
zajna, procesa, stvaralatva i publikacija; konano, re je o iskoriavanju zapo-
stavljenih kreativnih potencijala radi stvaranja sociokulturnih vrednosti.
Vienacionalnost, multietninost, viejezinost, te dinamian odnos iz-
meu razliitih kulturnih entiteta i subsemiosfera, upuuje na konstataciju da
se radi o modelu kulturne otvorenosti, koji je u Subotici pokrenut sa predsta-
vom Mada, komentari. Prema Dejanu Molnaru (2011: 29), lokalitet koji ne-
guje atmosferu otvorenosti i prihvatljivosti za ljude iz razliitih oblasti, a koji
poseduju sposobnost da svojom kreativnou generiu vrednost jeste mesto u
kojem se kreiraju ekonomski rast i razvoj. U pitanju su kreativna mesta kre-
ativni gradovi.
Kulturna raznolikost
Pali je, zahvaljujui ekspir festu, prevrednovan u skladu s aktuelnim po-
litikama razvoja kulturne raznolikosti kako u pogledu naslea, tako i u po-
gledu savremene umetnike produkcije. Sa stanovita menadmenta dogaaja
moemo da konstatujemo da je ovaj festival implicitno promovisao i nemate-
rijalno naslee, stvarajui od njega nematerijalnu kulturnu vrednost. Vieje-
zinost i razliitosti, za vreme ove kulturne manifestacije, iskorieni su kao
prednost, kao privilegija, kao podloga koju valja koristiti, jer samo se na taj na-
in prevazilazi osrednjost, samozadovoljstvo i shvatanje da smo dovoljni sami
sebi (Lakievi 1986). Afirmacija suivota, na subotikom Paliu, uz ouvanje
kulturnih posebnosti asocira na metaforu inije za salatu (salad bowl), ili
botanike bate (botanic garden), odnosno mozaika....
Grad teatar na Paliu je paradigmatian sluaj kako ideja dostupnosti i
participativnosti visoke kulture moe da se razvije u postmodernistiku ideju
povezanu s kulturnom raznolikou koja rui granicu izmeu visoke i niske

kulture, istovremeno afirmiui miroljubive interetnike odnose u multikul-
turnim drutvim. Sa stanovita savremene kulturne politike, ekspir fest je
sprovodio politiku kulturnog pluralizma, jer je nastojao da obezbedi harmo-
ninu interakciju izmeu ljudi i grupa i stvarao dinamiki sociokulturni pro-
stor koji je afirmisao zajednitvo razliitih kulturnih i socijalnih grupa. Ta-
kvo potovanje plurikulturne sutine zajednice je, prema Vesni uki (2010),
osnovni indikator razvoja zajednice.
Nova kulturna politika je omoguila uspostavljanje dinamikog komuni-
kacijskog prostora u Subotici i na Paliu, koji je ukljuivao deljene vrednosti,
nastojei da olaka interakciju izmeu grupa, u optem interesu razvoja za-
jednice, kroz prihvatanje zajednikih normi, to u perspektivi rezultira veim
nivoom poverenja meu pojedincima ili kulturama. Takav dinamiki prostor
predstavlja plodno tle za razvoj demokratskih vrednosti, stavljajui akcenat
na razvoj samosvesnog graanina, uz svo uvaavanje njegovih kulturolokih
posebnosti.
Dijalog
Sledei principe koncepta jedinstvenog jugoslovenskog kulturnog prostora5,
Festival je omoguio razmenu vrednosti i interakciju izmeu razliitih kultur-
nih entiteta. Priznavanjem i uvaavanjem drugog i drugosti, ekspir fest je
generisao otvoreni dinamiki prostor za vrednovanje plodotvornog dijaloga,
na temelju meusobnih razlika, koji se ogleda u njegovoj didaktikoj, socio-
kulturnoj, etikoj i estetskoj vrednosti. Shodno tome, susreti, konvergencije, na
kulturnom planu, sa uvaavanjem drugog i zainteresovanou da se drugi
to bolje upozna, podrazumeva, kako istie nemaki sociolog Valter Bil, kul-
turnu komunikaciju izmeu razliitih entiteta, gde se kod svih uva sopstveni
identitet (Bhl, u Boovi 2003: 212).
U tom smislu, Narodno pozorite Npszinhz-KPGT je sa projektom Grad
teatar praktino razvio institucionalizovan, delotvoran dijalog koji je uvrstio
ulogu pozorita, kao glavne gradske kulturne institucije, u razvoju lokalne za-
jednice, unapreenjem meunacionalnih i meuetnikih odnosa.
Sa stanovita savremene teorije kulturne politike, iz potrebe da se imenu-
ju fenomeni sveprisutne tenje ka uspostavljanju dijaloga, upotrebljavaju se
posebni pojmovi, kojim se determiniu odreeni oblici kulturnog optenja.
U tom smislu, interakcija koja je ostvarena zahvaljujui ekspir festu, adekva-
tan terminoloki ekvivalent nalazi u meukulturnom dijalogu, koji se prema
5
Koncept je ustanovio kulturno-politiki pokret KPGT, koji je propagirao multietni-
nost, multikonfesionalnost i viejezinost, uspostavljajui dinamian odnos izmeu razliitih
kulturnih grupa, i insistirajui na pozitivnoj diskriminaciji, kulturnom difuzionizmu i deme-
tropolizaciji.
Beloj knjizi Saveta Evrope definie kao otvorena i dostojanstvena razmena

miljenj, izmeu pojedinaca i grupa razliitog etnikog, kulturnog, verskog
i jezikog porekla i naslea, uz uzajamno razumevanje i potovanje. Narodno
pozorite Npszinhz-KPGT je posredstvom Grada teatra i ekspir festa spro-
vodilo meukulturni dijalog kao sistemsku aktivnost, kako na institucional-
nom, tako i na mezo (gradskom) nivou, to je vremenom postala obina i
svakodnevna praksa ovog pozorita.
Multikulturni identitet
ekspir fest je okupio jednu kritinu masu jugoslovenskih pozorinih
stvaralaca, kritiar i kulturnih radnika, kao i jedan deo ire populacije Su-
botice, koji su svojim prisustvom afirmisali subotiki kulturni identitet kao
multikulturalan, koji nije bio negacija pojedinanih kultura, ve je podsticao
njihove posebnosti kao neto to je relevantno, privlano i bogato. Sa druge
strane, Suboticu je i pre dolaska KPGT-a u Narodno pozorite Npszinhz ka-
rakterisao multikulturni identitet, ali kao to istie Laslo Vegel, on nije posto-
jao kao svesni politiki in, nego kao ivotno iskustvo. A taj ivotni oseaj
Ljubia Risti je hteo da aktivira kao kulturni in. Za izgradnju takvog identite-
ta postojali su stubovi, a on je od toga hteo da gradi jednu modernu evropsku
kuu (Vegel 2014).
U tom procesu, veliku podrku je pruila stara publika KPGT-a, koju su,
izmeu ostalih, inili umetnici, radnici u kulturi, kritiari i dr., iz razliitih kra-
jeva bive SFRJ. ekspir fest je posetilo aproksimativno 20 hiljada gledalaca, ne
samo iz Subotice ve iz itave zemlje (Ruzman 1986). U tom pogledu, Grad
teatar je stvorio jedan nevidljivi lepak, koji je okupio socijalno i kulturno
udaljene grupe.
Sa stanovita kulturnog sistema Kloda Molara6, moemo konstatovati da
je Grad teatar imao veinsku podrku i poverenje porodica i njenih lano-
va , ali ne po principu konsenzusa, to moemo grafiki prikazati na sledei
nain:
6
Kulturni sistem, dakle, jeste meuodnos koji se uspostavlja izmeu razliitih partnera
koji igraju odreenu ulogu i ispoljavaju neku mo (politiku, finansijsku, simboliku) na polju
kulture.Kulturna politika proizala je iz rastue intervencije, na umetnikom polju, partnera koji
nisu ni stvaraoci ni publika. (Molar 2000) Prema Klodu Molaru porodice koje ine jedan kul-
turni sistem su stvaraoci s jedne, i publika s druge strane. Oni ine horizontalnu liniju sistema,
koja je preseena vertikalnom linijom, odnosno porodicom donosilaca odluka i porodicom
posrednika.
Slika - Porodice i njeni lanovi koji su uestvovali u realizaciji i validaciji ekspir festa
Kulturni turizam
Pali, kao prirodna i kulturno-istorijska batina predstavljala je i iroko
polje delatnosti za donosioce odluka i posrednike. Naglaavajui vizuelni inte-
gritet Palikog kompleksa, te dajui mu novu sociokulturnu i prostornu name-
nu, festival je ponudio nove perspektive za razvoj kulturnog turizma.
Subotica, kao nuna tranzitna kota na putu za sever, je u leto 1986. notira-
la vei broj turistikih zaustavljanja i noenja, zbog ega su lokalni hoteli anga-
ovali ekstra radnu snagu. Znaajno je i to to se Pali, uz ekspir fest, afirmisao
i kao izuzetno atraktivno odmaralite i letovalite, to je jedan od zakljuaka
Sekcije za kulturu OK SSRNV. Predsednitvo Turistikog saveza Jugoslavije
je u maju mesecu, 1987. godine, na sednici u Tuepima odluilo da Subotici
dodeli posebnu povelju za ekspir fest sa obrazloenjem da su na ovom festi-
valu ostvareni najbolji rezultati u negovanju kulturne batine i njene turistike
revalorizacije. Pored toga, Predsednitvo je odluilo da posebnu zahvalnicu
dodeli Turistikom savezu Subotice za postignute rezultate u razvoju ove zna-
ajne privredne grane.
Ipak, u realizaciji festivala lokalni mediji i privredni stejkholderi nisu ue-
stvovali na adekvatan nain. Na primer, propusti su bili oigledni u oglaava-
nju odreenih lokalnih medija zaduenih za informisanje graana Subotice,
odnosno AP Vojvodine, koji, prema tvrdnjama lanova Sekcije za kulturu OK
SSRN Subotica, nisu dovoljno, a ponekad ni korektno, obavetavali o progra-
mima festivala. Kritika Sekcije se odnosila i na injenicu da nisu u potpunosti
iskorieni ni turistiki potencijali, koje im je pruala ova manifestacija, tokom
dvomesenog trajanja, te da su najvei teret festivala snosili radnici, umetnici
Narodnog pozorita7. U vezi s tim, pojedini sagovornici i tampani mediji su
7
Pod lupom. Analiza ekspir festa . Dnevnik. 1986.
istakli da ni ugostiteljska ponuda nije uspela u potpunosti da zadovolji potre-

be odreenog profila posetilaca (u kvantitativnom smislu, zatim u pogledu
raznovrsnosti, kao i radnog vremena). Javni prevoz na relaciji Subotica Pa-
li takoe nije odgovorio na potrebe ekspir festa, u vezi sa organizacionim
zahtevima. Gradsko saobraajno preduzee nije obezbedilo redovne linije
koje bi omoguile prevoz posetilaca nakon onih izvedbi predstava koje su se
zavravale posle ponoi. U toku trajanja festivala, naroito je dola do izra-
aja nepromiljenost gradskih vlasti o ukidanju tramvajske linije u Subotici,
1974. godine, koja je grad direktno povezivala sa Paliem. Naime, gaenjem
tramvajske linije Subotica Pali, ukinuta je i stanica kod Vodotornja (na ula-
sku u Pali). Samim tim je u centralnoj aleji, koja vodi od Vodotornja, pored
Velike terase, do jezera, drastino opao peaki promet. Takoe je ukinuta i
stanica kod Mukog tranda, gde je bio i glavni ulaz, zbog ega je prodavcima
i lokalnim zanatlijama znaajno umanjen trgovinski promet. Uz to, subotiki
tramvaj je imao muzejsku vrednost, te je sam po sebi mogao biti atrakcija za
posetioce Subotice.
Na osnovu prethodno iskazanog obrazloenja, uviamo da napore ljudi iz
Narodnog pozorita, nisu pratili svi koji je trebalo da se ukljue u ovu manife-
staciju. Mogunosti koje je otvorio festival ponajvie nisu iskoristili privredni
resori, prevashodno turizam i saobraaj, koji nisu na adekvatan nain pratili
razvoj ovog lokaliteta, a koji je zahvaljujui pozoritu i festivalu na najefikasni-
ji nain bio pozicioniran kako u jugoslovenskoj tako i u evropskoj javnosti. U
tom smislu, moemo da konstatujemo da najavljivana meuresorna saradnja,
kao oblik partnerske saradnje na ovom projektu, izmeu kulture, turizma i sa-
obraaja, na praktinom-operativnom nivou, nije bila adekvatno sprovedena.
Pritom, ve prve godine odravanja Grada teatra na Paliu, evidentno je
bilo da ovom lokalitetu fali odriva autentina turistika ponuda. Ideja Saveta
da Pali iskoristi svoje potencijale termo-mineralnih voda, koje su imale do-
kazanu terapeutsku vrednost, te da se zahvaljujui takvim prirodnim resursi-
ma razvije banjski turizam, koji bi obezbedio turistiko-rekreativnu ponudu
tokom cele godine, se ve tada pokazala kao nasuna potreba u celokupnom
procesu razvoja ovog lokaliteta.
Meutim, veliki dugoroni planovi za razvoj Palia naalost nisu ostva-
reni. Ideja o razvoju banjskog turizma odbaena je politikim prevratom iz
1988. godine, nakon tzv. jogurt revolucije, a Savet za razvoj i ureenje optine
Subotica je bez adekvatnog objanjenja rasputen. Pregovori sa Jugotursom o
izgradnji konaka obustavljeni su pred samu finalizaciju dogovora, takoe na-
kon politike revolucije. Epilog je bio takav da ekspanzivni kulturni razvoj Pa-
lia nije bio ispraen adekvatnim privrednim, odnosno turistikim razvojem.
Pozorite je na kraju ostalo usamljeno ostrvo, na Paliu, koje bez podrke
ostalih porodica u kulturnom sistemu grada, odnosno pokrajine i drave,
kao i adekvatne meuresorne saradnje, nije moglo da opstane. Primera radi,
danas je primat u banjskom turizmu u tom regionu preuzela banja Morahalom
u Maarskoj, koja se nalazi na samo dvadesetak km od granice sa Republikom

Srbijom, nedaleko od Palia.
Strateke preporuke umesto zakljuka

Na osnovu analizirane studije sluaja, moemo da konstatujemo da je
jedan od moguih modela razvoja sociokulturnog kapitala upravo koncept
Grad teatar, kao deo integrativne (kulturne) politike urbane sredine. Grun-
diran na humanistikom pristupu kulturi i kulturne politike - umetnika do-
stignua ovog kulturnog modela i uzbuenja podstiu graanske kvalitete
mesta, testiraju njegovu inkluzivnost, otvorenost, dinamiku, njegov kapaci-
tet za formiranje vrednosti i kolektivne samosvesti, duh istrage i kritiku. No,
kako ne bi zavisio od ambivalentnih i promenljivih politikih pretenzija ili
iskljuivih ekonomskih interesa, kao i mahinacija umetnikih koketerija i eli-
tistike zabave, ozbiljna konceptualizacija i razvoj ovakvog modela mogao
bi definisati polaznu taku u strategijama, koje su teorijski uobliile autori
Dragievi-ei i Dragojevi (2005) s jedne, i Vesna uki (2010) s druge
strane.
Izvrsnost se moe postii samo ako se uz ve kvalitetnu programsko-or-
ganizacionu osnovu, kroz proces organizacionog razvoja, doe i do stratekih
inovativnih reenja koja proistiu iz samih vrednosti organizacije, njene este-
tike i kulturne politike.
Naravno, strategije same po sebi ne predstavljaju udotvorna reenja za
razvoj ovog modela, ve tek njihovim adekvatnim ukrtanjem i oslanjanjem
na odgovarajue organizacione resurse i sociokulturne resurse grada, kao i na
mogunosti i izazove sredine, mogue je istinski uticati na podizanje kapaci-
teta modela i postizanja vieg stepena organizacione stabilnosti (to se moe
konstatovati iz analiziranih studija sluaja). Menadment Grada teatra treba
da bude usmeren ka sagledavanju naina kombinovanja razliitih strategija ili
njihove sinteze, radi postizanja veeg sinergijskog efekta, prema unapred defi-
nisanom konceptu razvoja sociokulturnog kapitala.
Vrednosna koncepcija Grada teatra zahteva da se on vodi na meure-
sornom nivou, poto ovaj model razvoja SKK zadire u brojne oblasti (mediji,
obrazovanje, privreda, turizam, nauka, komunikacije, saobraaj, zatita ivot-
ne sredine, itd.), a da bi postao znaajan deo razvoja sociokulturnog kapitala
sredine, on ne sme da ostane zatvoren unutar jednog resora, ve mora doslov-
no da prodire u sve oblasti ljudske aktivnosti. Jedan od proverenih oblika po-
vezivanja, koji je imanentan Gradu teatru jeste upravo kulturni turizam, kroz
festivalski turizam kao atraktivan turistiki proizvod.
Ukljuivanje batine, to je imanentno modelu Grada teatra, takoe pod-
razumeva meuresornu, ali i meusektorsku i meuministarsku saradnju, iz-
meu kulture, turizma, prosvete i drugih resora unutar javnog, privatnog i ne-
vladinog sektora. Istovremeno, integrativna zatita i koncept odrivog razvoja
drutva obavezuju sve zainteresovane aktere, a naroito donosioce odluka da

obezbede uslove da kulturna batina bude dostupna i pristupana graanima
koji u njoj mogu da uivaju, ali i neoteena preneta buduim generacijama
(uki 2010: 243)
Za realizaciju ovako kompleksnog modela, koji sam po sebi nije ekonom-
ski isplativ, neophodna je i meuvladina saradnja koja podrazumeva verti-
kalnu saradnju dravnih organa uprave na razliitim nivoima teritorijalne or-
ganizacije vlasti, to je naroito relevantno za validaciju ovog sociokulturnog
modela, jer se time utie i na diverzitet u finansiranju i ublaava zavisnost od
promenljive politike klime.
Literatura
Boovi R., Ratko. 2003. Dijalog na razlikama kulture. Lua. (XX/1). 197-215
Dragievi-ei, Milena. 2005. Menadment umetnosti u turbulentnim okolnostima.
Dragievi-ei, Milena. 2009. Kultura u funkciji razvoja grada (kulturni kapital i in-
tegrativna kulturna politika). Kultura. (122/123), 20-40.
uki, Vesna. 2009. Drava i kultura: studije savremene kulturne politike. Beograd: In-
stitut za pozorite, film, radio i televiziju, Fakultet dramskih umetnosti.
Fukuhara, Yoshiharu. 2000. Cultural capital management. Shiseido, Japan: 2000.
Klai, Dragan. 2002. The Future of Festival Formulae. Background paper, Amsterdam:
A Holland Festival symposium in De Balie. www.efa-aef.eu
Klod, Molar. 2000. Kulturni inenjering. Beograd: Clio
Landry, Charles. 2008. The Creative City. London: Earthscan.
Miloevi, Boo. 2004. Sociokulturni kapital i drutvena integracija. Novi Sad i Beo-
grad: Odsek za sociologiju Filozofskog fakulteta
Molnar, Dejan. 2011. Kreativni gradovi. Kreativna Srbija: novi pravac razvoja. Beo-
grad: Anonymous said.
Pavievi, Borka. 1986. Dve tri rei o prostoru i pozoritu. ekspir fest, komentari. Su-
botica: Narodno Pozorite- Nepsznhz.
Pick, John. 2009. The Aesthetic Contract: The Heart of Arts Management. NY USA:
University of Buffalo.
Reeves, Michelle. 2002. Measuring the economic and social impact of the arts. London:
Arts Council of England http://www.artscouncil.org.uk/media/uploads/docu-
ments/publications/340.pdf Pristupljeno 28.08.2013. u 19h.
onje, Velimir i Aleksandar, tulhofer. 1998. Ne tako opasne veze sociologije i eko-
nomike: skica socioekonomskog modela institucionalne promene. Sociokulturni
kapital i tranzicija u Hrvatskoj. Zagreb: Hrvatsko socioloko drutvo.
Pres kliping
Foreti, Dalibor. 1986. Glob na Paliu. Danas. 29. jul.
Krilovi, Branka. 1986. Andronik na zidu smrti. Vjesnik. 15. Avgust
Lakievi, Slavica. 1986. Post fest(um). Vjesnik. 09. Oktobar.
Pejovi, Duica. 1986. Tragino oseanje sveta. Pozorite. God. LIV. (1-2). 8-10.
Ruzman, R. 1986. ekspir fest pun pogodak. Veernje novosti.

1986. Pod lupom. Analiza ekspir festa. Dnevnik.
Inter vjui8
Dragojevi Sanjin, Jevremovi Zorica, Kokotovi Nada, Kovaevi Boko, Kostovska
Ana, Palian Danka, Pavievi Borka, Risti Ljubia, Sorad er, Torbica Duan,
erbedija Rade, Vegel Laslo
8
Autor se zahvaljuje svim sagovornicima na ukazanom poverenju i neprocenjivoj pomoi.
Lazar Jovanov
THE INFLUENCE OF THE THEATRE CITY ON THE

DEVELOPMENT OF SOCIOCULTURAL CAPITAL OF
PALI LAKE
The city leadership, and the Council for development and landscaping of the Sub-
otica municipality, in 1985, intensified revitalization of the Palic lake complex, with the
intention of raising the competitiveness of this locality and the construction of concrete
tourist destination. Given the fact that Palic possessed the thermal waters springs with
proven medicinal features, the Council offered a vision of spa tourism development in this
area, which could allow sustainable tourist offer throughout the year, positioning Palic
in the country and the region. Such vision implied a long-term planning and substantial
capital investment.
Since culture is one of the immanent factors of the tourism economy, and cultural
and artistic events (festivals, events, competitions, festivals, etc) attractive tourism prod-
uct (which significantly contributes to the sustainable development of local communities,
animation of cultural and natural heritage, identity development and positive image),
municipal authorities of the city of Subotica have made a decision, in the cooperation
with the leadership of the National Theatre Nepsznhz-KPGT, to start the artistic, i.e.
theater (festival) production in Palic, thus expanding territorial and socio-cultural scope
of action of already existing Theater City project of the city of Subotica. The aim of this
study is to determine the contribution of the Theatre City on the development of socio-
cultural capital and cultural tourism of the Palic Lake (of the Subotica municipality), on
the example of the so-called Shakespeare Fest. Also, it is necessary to determine the real
achievements of the Theatre City and failures in its implementation, and then, on the
experience of Subotica cultural practices, formulate strategic recommendations for the
implementation of this theatre model in the current social, cultural and political circum-
stances.
Ksenija Markovi
IMPLEMENTACIJA STRATEGIJE KOMERCIJALIZACIJE

I IRENJA USLUGA JAVNIH POZORITA BEOGRADA,
KAO PREDUSLOV ODRIVOG RAZVOJA GRADA
Uvod
Kulturna dimenzija odrivog razvoja odnosi se na identifikaciju, zatitu
i promovisanje kulturnih osobenosti odreenog podruja ouvanje njego-
vog kulturnog identiteta. Prihvatanje takvog koncepta pretpostavljeno je pre-
poznavanjem kulturnog kapitala kao elementa odrivog razvoja, koji treba da
doprinese poboljanju kvaliteta ivota ljudi u sadanjosti i budunosti. U prak-
tinom smislu, to podrazumeva kontinuirani rad tvoraca kulturne i drugih
javnih praktinih politika, menadera kulture, ali i ire javnosti, na pronalae-
nju naina da kulturna produkcija i zatita kulturnog naslea budu deo inte-
gralnog razvoja drutva.
U tom smislu, primeni ovog koncepta, a posebno na nivou lokalnih za-
jednica, doprinelo je usvajanje dokumenata kao to su Agenda 21 za kulturu1 i
Kultura: etvrti stub odrivog razvoja2. Polazei od povezanosti kulture i ljud-
1
Dokument zagovara: (1.) promovisanje, ouvanje i irenje kulturnih dobara i usluga;
(2.) promovisanje, zatitu i korienje kulturnog naslea; (3.) participaciju graana u formuli-
sanju, sprovoenju i vrednovanju kulturnih politika; (4.) uee graanja u kulturnom ivotu i
podsticanje njihovog istraivanja kulturnog naslea; (5.) povezivanje i paralelni razvoj sva tri
sektora u kulturi; (6.) promovisanje i obezbeivanje slobodnog izraavanja; (7.) promovisanje
i sprovoenje inkluzije u kulturi, (8) unapreivanje kulturnih industrija, lokalnih medija i kul-
turnog turizma, a sa ciljem izgradnje lokalnog identiteta, odranja kreativnog kontinuiteta i
stvaranja bogatstva radnih mesta. ()
2
Polazite dokumenta jeste ideja da pored ekonomskog rasta, socijalne inkluzije i ekolo-
kog balansa, odrivi razvoj mora da sadri i kulturnu dimenziju. S obzirom da kultura umno-
gome oblikuje ono to podrazumevamo pod razvojem i odreuje ponaanje ljudi, dokument
insistira na vanosti razvoja kulturnog sistema per se, a paralelno tome i obezbeivanje uslova
skih prava, razliitosti, odrivosti, demokratije i mira, oni zagovaraju integra-

ciju kulture u razvojne strategije i programe razliitih nivoa uprava, i afirmiu
ideju o kulturi kao stoeru razvoja.
Iako je Nacionalna strategija odrivog razvoja Srbije koncipirana po tra-
dicionalnom modelu tri dimenzije odrivosti, u okviru socijalne dimenzije
odrivosti, meu ciljevima u oblasti dostizanja drutvenog blagostanja navode
se: (1.) formulisanje politike identiteta kao dela dugorone strategije razvoja
kulture; i (2.) uveanje kulturnog kapitala ouvanjem, afirmacijom i prezen-
tovanjem kulturne batine Republike Srbije. (Nacionalna strategija odrivog
razvoja, 2008, IV, 1.) Slino, u Strategiji razvoja Beograda od 2010 do 2020,
kao neki od ciljeva postizanja vizije odrivog razvoja Grada javljaju se i: (1.)
isticanje i promovisanje bogate i duge istorije Beograda koja ga ini vitalnim i
atraktivnim; i (2.) paljiva zatita, ureenje i unapreenje prirodne i kulturne
batine kao osnova identiteta, privlanosti i ekonomskog razvoja grada Beo-
grada i Republike Srbije (Strategija razvoja grada Beograda, 2011, pp.22-23).
Dakle, bez obzira na nepostojanje formalnog etvorodimenzionalnog
koncepta odrivog razvoja, kultura jeste (bar deklarativno) prihvaena kao va-
an element istog, te moemo rei da postoji osnova za dalje inicijative kojima
bi ovakva definicija kulture dobila i praktinu primenu (Miltojevi, 2011: 649).
Ipak, u vezi sa ovim, postavlja se pitanje: da li u situaciji jakog uticaja globalne
ekonomske recesije, u situaciji nedovrene tranzicije i turbulentnih socio-eko-
nomskih okolnosti, finansijski i estetski teko odriv resor kulture moe biti
etvrti stub odrivog razvoja drutva?3
Paradigmatinost prethodno-postavljenog pitanja dolazi do izraaja i u
sluaju pozorine delatnosti Beograda. Pozorina umetnost ima nesumnjiv
znaaj u ouvanju duhovnog naslea i tradicije, u interpretaciji specifinih na-
cionalnih vrednosti i izgradnji kulture seanja. Shodno tome, ona se izvesno
moe smatrati znaajnim faktorom postizanja odrivog razvoja drutva.
S druge strane, suoena sa brojnim problemima, a posebno problemom
smanjivanja finansijskih dotacija iz budeta, javna pozorita bivaju prinuena
da redukuju umetnike aspiracije autora i uu u trinu kvazi-borbu, koja se
ispostavlja kao neto to se suprotstavlja odrivom razvoju i ulozi pozorita. U
optoj atmosferi poremeene ravnotee izmeu kulture zabave i kulture du-
ha (Avramovi, 2013: 244), a u nedostatku adekvatnih strategija utemeljenih
na prethodnim istraivanjima, pokuaj privlaenja publike, te funkcionisanja
po tzv. trinim principima, ishodi smanjivanju kvaliteta i kvantiteta produk-
za njen doprinos ukupnom razvoju. Isto podrazumeva davanje adekvatnog mesta kulturi u svim
javnim politikama - posebno onim koje se odnose na obrazovanje i nauku, ekonomiju, komuni-
kacije, ivotnu sredinu, socijalnu koheziju i meunarodnu saradnju. (http://www.cities-localgo-
vernments.org/upload/doc_publications/9890675406_%28EN%29_culture_fourth_pillar_su-
stainable_development_eng.)
3
U ovom kontekstu, vano je podvui razliku izmeu kulturne dimenzije odrivog raz-
voja i odrivosti kulture per se.
cije. Isto implicira (u najmanju ruku) diskutabilnom doprinosu beogradskog

pozorinog sistema odrivom razvoju grada.4
Mogli bismo rei da beogradska pozorita primenjuju strategiju minimal-
ne samoodrivosti, jer (kako ovu strategiju objanjavaju autori Dragievi-e-
i i Dragojevi) ona svoje aktivnosti mahom svode u odnosu na mogunosti,
fokusirajui poslovanje na korienje postojeih resursa (Vid. Dragievi-e-
i, Dragojevi, 2005: 113-115). Kako ovakav pristup omoguava tek prei-
vljavanje, oigledno je da je za dalji razvoj pozorita, a posebno njihov dopri-
nos odrivom razvoju potrebno razmotriti neke druge opcije.
Kada drava ne eli da sprovede privatizaciju u oblasti kulture, a eli da
smanji finansijske dotacije iz dravnog budeta, mogue reenje predstavljaju
programsko-organizacione kompetativne strategije (...) (uki, 2010: 282). U
ovom radu predstavljeno istraivanje poiva na hipotezi da odrivost javnih
pozorita Beograda zahteva njihovo maksimalno korienje sopstvenih kom-
parativnih prednosti i intenzivni rad na privlaenju publike, tj. implementaciju
programsko-organizacione kompetativne strategije komercijalizacije progra-
ma i irenja usluga. Kako je ista u kontekstu irenja trita kulture i aktivira-
nja njenih socio-ekonomskih potencijala, ona odgovara i procesu tranzicije ka
odrivom razvoju zajednice.
Predmet istraivanja su dosadanja iskustva 2 beogradska pozorita Ate-
lje-a 212 i Zvezdara Teatra, u primeni metoda komercijalizacije programa i i-
renja usluga, pri emu se pod komercijalizacijom ovde podrazumeva unova-
vanje ve postojeih produkta pozorita marketinkim metodama i definisanje
spektra poeljnih proizvoda i usluga bilo osnovnih koje proizlaze iz osnovne
delatnosti, bilo dodatnih (Dragievi-ei, Dragojevi, 2005: 106).
Analizom i sintezom prikupljenih podataka vezanih za poslovanja pozo-
rita, a izvedenih iz Izvetaja pozorita Skuptini grada, press cliping-a, mono-
grafija i radova relevantnih autora nainjen je uvid u optu situaciju u kojoj se
beogradska javna pozorita nalaze od 2008. godine do danas, tj. tokom perioda
podrazumevanog kao krizni5. Polazei od toga, okvirno je struktuiran inter-
4
Povodom Dana Pozorita 2013, Dario Fo primeuje da danas, kada se glumci i ansam-
bli susreu sa tekoama u pronalaenju pozorinih scena i publike, vlastodrci vie nemaju
problema sa nadzorom nad onima koji se izraavaju kroz ironiju i sarkazam, budui da kri-
za limitira resurse za to izraavanje. (http://www.cnp.me/2013-03-27-svjetski-dan-pozorista.
php) Takoe, gostujui u emisiji itanja pozorita, upravnici beogradskih pozorita slau se
oko toga da je realno govoriti o zajednikom uticaju ekonomske krize i bauka tranzicije na
rad ovih ustanova. (http://www.rts.rs/page/tv/sr/story/21/RTS+2/483291/%C4%8Citanje+po-
zori%C5%A1ta%3A+Pozori%C5%A1te+i+kriza.html)
5
Decembar 2007, kada dolazi do krize u privredi SAD-a, smatra se poetkom svetske
ekonomske krize. Ona se ubrzo proirila i na ostatak sveta, to je prirodna posledica ekonomske
globalizacije, tj. dominantnog znaaja meunarodnog faktora u nacionalnim ekonomijama (Vid.
Adamovi, Ekonomska globalizacija i kriza). S druge strane, u Srbiji znaajan pd proizvodnje,
izvoza, potronje i zaposlenosti datira od 2009, pri emu je takoe posledica kako globalne krize,
tako i (skoro desetogodinjih) tranzicionih okolnosti. (Videti: uki, Petar, 2011) injenica je da
vju voen sa zaposlenima pozorita koji rade u sektoru marketinga, te koji jesu
kljuni akteri u osmiljavanju i sprovoenju inicijativa u kontekstu komercija-
lizacije i irenja usluga.
Razgovori su bili slobodne forme; potpitanjima ispitivaa usmeravani su
tako da prate predmet istraivanja. Pitanja su se ticala: (1) usaglaenosti pome-
nute strategije sa programskom politikom i optom organizacionom kulturom,
misijom i vizijom ustanove; (2) usaglaenosti strategije uslovima u eksternom
okruenju; (3) postojeih i moguih organizacionih resursa (kadrova, tehni-
kih resursa, finansijskih, informacionih) i njihove adekvatnosti implementaciji
strategije; (4) publike, njene platene moi, kulturnih navika i stila ivota; (5)
dosadanjih, konkretnih iskustava u analiziranom kontekstu.
Na taj nain, omogueno je dobijanje javno neobjavljivanih podataka, kao
i zakljuivanje o stavovima i sumnjama ispitanik . Isto je znaajno kao do-
prinos utvrivanju mogunosti i prepreka primene pomenute strategije, ali i
radi demistifikacije aktuelnih i u kontekstu nedostatka adekvatnih promena
opravdavajuih stavova o letarginoj pozorinoj upravi s jedne, i savreme-
nim uslovima neprimerenog upravljanja Sekretarijata za kulturu grada Beo-
grada, s druge strane.6
Na kraju, vano je naglasiti da se ovde ne raspravlja o opstanku sutine
pozorine umetnosti u savremenoj kulturnoj klimi iji je jedan od pokazatelja
vrednovanje umetnikih artefakta u skladu sa zakonima trita (Ili, 2012: 17),
ve o nainima postizanja trine odrivosti pozorita koja je (svialo se to na-
ma ili ne) oigledan preduslov estetske.
Sluaj pozorita Atelje 212

Poslednjih godina, pozorite Atelje 212 organizovalo je razliite dodatne
programe kao to su: humanitarne akcije, podseanja na ljude koji su obeleili
ivot pozorita, muziki spektakli, knjievne veeri, itanja tekstova mladih
dramaturga i sl. Za ovakve programe sam Grad ne daje sredstva; oni se organi-
zuju mimo redovnog programa, te u sluaju dogaaja koji nisu humanitarnog
krizni period u srpskim uslovima uveliko prevazilazi svetski timeline, no relevantni autori slau
se u zakljuku da je mogue govoriti i o srpskom ueu u globalnoj krizi kao takvoj. Njen uticaj na
kulturu, preciznije pozorinu delatnost, nesumnjivo je odreuju za mnoge promene u ovoj sferi,
te tako i praktine prilike: pd gledanosti predstava beogradskih pozorita u 2008/09 i znaajno
smanjenje budeta za 2010. (40%), potvruju da se ove godine mogu uzeti za poetak kriznog
perioda pozorita.
6
Zakljuci o mogunostima i preprekama ne treba smatrati kao opte-vaee za celoku-
pan sistem gradskih pozorita. Da bi se opti zakljuci doneli, potrebno bi bilo nainiti istraiva-
nje u svih 11 pozorita iji je osniva Skuptina grada. Dalje, ovakva analiza mogla bi da poslui
tek kao uvodno razmatranje daleko obimnijeg istraivanja, koje bi vodilo definisanju programa
organizacionog razvoja beogradskih javnih pozorita primenom strategije komercijalizacije i
irenja usluga i drugih srodnih strategija.
tipa, pozorite naplauje ulaznice. Ipak, oni vie kotaju nego to donose pri-
hod jer su cene ulaznica simboline, a potrebno je platiti radnike (scenske teh-
niare, glumce) koji te dogaaje realizuju u slobodnim danima. U tom smislu,
cilj ovakvih inicijativa je pre privlaenje publike, edukacija ire javnosti i pro-
mocija, nego stvaranje mogunosti za dodatnu zaradu. S druge strane, kako je
njihova publika mahom ve postojea pozorina publika, koja se o ovim do-
gaajima informie kroz objave u medijima i (ee) mejlove koje marketing
sluba alje stalnim posetiocima i profesionalnoj javnosti, postavlja se pitanje
koliko ovi dodatni programi zaista doprinose irenju publike, a koliko odra-
vanju svojevrsnog elitistikog koncepta.
Tokom 2010/11, pozorite Atelje 212 pravilo je bedeve, majice, olovke i
sline sekundarne proizvode, sa idejom da bi isti mogli da postanu izvor do-
datnih prihoda. U foajeu Pozorita postoji tezga sa vitrinom gde su izloeni
neki od ovih proizvoda, ali se oni slabo prodaju, ponuda je mala, te je generalni
utisak nedostatak aktivnosti kojima bi se ova ideja razradila. Kao problem u
ovom kontekstu, ef marketinga navodi to to se Pozorini Shop zakonski ne
tretira drugaije od bilo koje druge prodavnice on mora imati fiskalnu kasu,
a proizvodi se oporezuju. Zahvaljujui tome, kao i injenici da platena mo
publike rezultira izuzetno niskom cenom proizvoda, opti stav je da ovakav vid
komercijalizacije ne moe doneti nikakve znaajne rezultate. Istom (stavu) u
prilog ide i finansijski nepovoljna drutvena situacija, pa i kratak trini ivot
aktuelnih trendova na polju dizajna.
Iako Atelje 212 poseduje funduse i radionice za izradu scenografije i kosti-
ma, te stalno zaposleni kadar koji se ovim poslovima bavi, ispitanici smatraju
da ovi resursi nisu snaga koja bi se mogla iskoristiti za proirivanje delatno-
sti. Prostori su pretpani dekorom, kulisama i kostimom, za koji nema dovoljno
mesta; mainski park je zastareo i nepodoban u odnosu na vaee propise o
zatiti ivotne sredine; a tehniki kadar najee nedovoljnog formalnog obra-
zovanja, nespreman da sprovodi nove inicijative, neretko i sklon neprofesio-
nalnom ponaanju (sklonost ka alkoholu). 7
7
Zateena situacija potvruje ovakve stavove. Fundusi su pretrpani, pa se scenski ele-
menti nalaze u hodnicima, ispod sedita na Maloj sceni i u prostorijama koje za to nisu predvi-
ene. Poarni prolazi i hidranti su zatrpani, a teke i lomljive stvari esto su uskladitene neade-
kvatno njihovom ouvanju, kao i bezbednosti na radu. Takoe, od skoro, uprava je prinuena
da u narednom periodu rei i problem nedostajue prostorije za scenske tehniare. - Prostorija
u kojoj su oni do sada bili smeteni (od oko 60 m2 ), kao i deo pozorinog kluba, pripada kom-
ijskom objektu koji je Optina svojevremeno dodelila Pozoritu. Zakonom o restituciji ovaj
objekat vraen je vlasniku, pri emu je Pozorite dobilo 3 godine da se iz istog iseli.
Podjednako je nepovoljna situacija u sluaju mainskog parka. Tako se, na primer, u ra-
dionici za izradu scenografije nalaze maine iz 1948. koje su toliko bune da je vlasnik komij-
skog objekta tuio Pozorite zbog ega je donesena zabrana na korienje maina dok se ne rei
problem zvune izolacije. Problem jo uvek nije reen, a maine se i dalje koriste zahvaljujui
razumevanju nadzornih organa.
injenica da su kostimska radionica i ona za izradu dekora i rekvizite teh-

niki i prostorno jedva podobne za obavljanje osnovne delatnosti, onemogu-
ava (izmeu ostalog) i to da se u mesecima programske pauze proizvode se-
rijski limitirani proizvodi, estetski i tematski izvedeni iz sezonskih predstava ili
bogate istorije Pozorita. Ovu ideju ispitanici smatraju dobrom, ali u realnim
uslovima neizvodljivom, te kako su i druga pozorita u slinoj situaciji, kao po-
tencijalno dobro reenje oni vide centralizovanu radionicu za sva beogradska
pozorita. U istoj bi se izraivala scenografija i kostim za potrebe predstava, a
u pauzama, u saradnji sa kostimografima, scenografima ili studentima prime-
njenenih umetnosti, proizvodili dodatni proizvodi kao to su unikatni kostimi
za prodaju i iznajmljivanje, obua i odea inspirisana predstavama, detalji za
kuu, pokloni i sl.8
Jedna od kompetativnih prednosti Ateljea 212 jeste lokacija u uskom cen-
tru grada, kao i solidno sreene sale. Mogui nain dodatne zarade mogao bi
da bude njihovo iznajmljivanje, ali na osnovu Osnivakog akta, Atelje nema
prava da izdaje svoj prostor. Iz tog razloga, ova ustanova pokuava da izvue
korist kroz ugovore sa sponzorima, kojima, za njihovu finansijsku ili neki dru-
gi oblik pomoi (npr. materijal za izradu kostima i dekora), nudi mogunost
da svoje promocije organizuju na jednoj od dve scene ili u foajeu.
Kako je jedna od glavnih tema razgovora upravo bio prostor pozorita kao
resurs dodatne zarade, ef marketinga uputio je ispitivaa na efa slube teh-
nikog odravanja jednog od tvoraca do nedavno aktuelnog projekta funkci-
onalnog upodobljavanja Letnje scene9. Za vreme prethodnog upravnika, Koka-
na Mladenovia, nainjen je projekat po kome je ovaj prostor trebalo da bude
adaptiran u kafe-galeriju, gde bi se okupljali ljubitelji pozorita i ira javnost, te
gde bi se prodavale knjige i pozorini suveniri, organizovali dodatni programi,
a posetioci imali prilike da se blie informiu o istoriji Pozorita i repertoaru.
Projekat izmene dela objekta je uraen, dobijena je saglasnost vlasnika
autorskih prava, ali su se pojavila dva problema dalje realizacije: nedostatak fi-
nansijskih sredstava i injenica da projekat ne moe da dobije saglasnost Upra-
ve zatite protivpoarne policije. ak i kada bi se obezbedila sredstva (oko 10
000 000 dinara) koje u ovoj situaciji Skuptina grada ne moe da izdvoji, ostaje
pitanje da li bi projekat zaiveo, s obzirom na to da on ne bi reio sve manjka-
vosti zahvaljujui kojima zgrada Ateljea nikada nije prola tehniki prijem.
injenica da ovo pozorite decenijama radi iako je zgrada u koje je smete-
no legalizovana sa teretom u reenju po kome Republika Srbija ne garantuje
8
Vano je napomenuti da je ideja o osnivanju centralne radionice veoma aktuelna
u pozorinim krugovima, izmeu ostalog i radi uspostavljanja adekvatne organizacije koja bi
omoguila edukaciju (praksu, specijalizaciju) za specifina pozorina zanimanja kao to su:
scenski tapetar, dekorater, pozorini kroja, vlasuljar, garderober isl.
9
Ovaj prostor predstavlja ostatak nedovrenog projekta adaptacije zgrade (iz 1992.) po
kome je zamiljeno da on bude zatvoreni klub pozorinih glumaca. Kako taj plan nije realizovan,
prostor se godinama koristi kao mesto za odlaganje metalnih konstrukcija scenografije.
za bezbednost i sigurnost objekta, predstavlja klasini presedan po principu

gledanja kroz prste ustanovi od znaaja za kulturu Grada. Drugim reima,
iako Atelje 212, nasuprot aktuelnim propisima, svakodnevno prima publiku u
nedovoljno bezbedan prostor, tako neto nije mogue u sluaju Letnje scene jer
novi projekti zahtevaju potovanje novih zakonskih odredbi. Ipak, ne moemo
da se ne zapitamo da li bi se i ovde progledalo kroz prste ukoliko bi budet
za rekonstrukciju postojao (?), tj. da li su zakonske prepreke realne, ukoliko
postoji dugogodinja praksa zaobilaenja istih?
Sluaj pozorita Zvezdara teatar

Jedna od skoranjih inicijativa efa marketinga Zvezdara teatra bila je da
pozorite, koristei svoj prostor, kadar i tehniku organizuje skupove, obuke,
seminare. Po njenom miljenju, prednost Zvezdare u odnosu na druge pro-
store koji se izdaju radi kongresnog turizma jeste ta to bi se u pauzi mogle
organizovati stand up komedije, a na kraju dogaaja i predstava za uesnike.10
Ipak, ova ideja ostala je u formi (samo) ideje, u najveoj meri zahvaljujui ne-
zainteresovanosti uprave.
Slino je prola i inicijativa povezivanja sa Turistikom organizacijom
Beograda (TOB). Marketing je potpisao ugovor o saradnji sa njima, ali ova
saradnja nije otila dalje od toga da pojedine grupe turista kupe karte za pred-
stavu. S druge strane, mogunosti koje stoje na raspolaganju su: organizovanje
predstava za strance (prevedenih ili sa titlom), organizovanje poseta, radioni-
ca, reiranih voenja kroz muzeje, pa i zajedniko apliciranje za grantove koje
nude evropski fondovi. U ovom kontekstu, vano je napomenuti da je jedna
od prednosti Zvezdara teatra to to ovo pozorite nema umetniki ansambl
glumake podele su izuzetno atraktivne, tj. ovo pozorite po projektu angauje
poznate i u regionu popularne glumce koji mogu biti mamac za ovu publiku.
Ipak, pored pomenutog nedostatka inicijative uprave, dodatni problem u slu-
aju eksploatacije turistikog potencijala jesu i kulturna leta, odnosno inje-
nica da je (po podacima iz TOB-a) najvei priliv turista upravo u junu, julu i
avgustu u mesecima kada nema predstava.11
U toku sezone 2007/08, napravljena je ponuda prostornih i tehnikih re-
sursa Pozorita, koja je objavljena na sajtu PFI Studios namenjenom filmskim
produkcijskim kuama koje ele da snimaju u Srbiji, te koje trae pogodne
lokacije, studije i sl. Takoe, televizija Fox inicirala je saradnju sa ovim pozo-
ritem u okviru koje je emisija Vee sa Ivanom Ivanoviem trebalo da se snima
na velikoj sceni, a u periodu letnje pauze. Problem u realizaciji ovih i slinih
10
Takoe, ideji u prilog ide i to to se u okviru Pozorita nalazi restoran.
11
Privredna komora Srbije u Sloveniji i Hrvatskoj potvrdile su da postoji interesovanje
posetilaca iz ovih zemalja za pozorite, ali da oni ne znaju gde da idu, niti to (najee) mogu s
obzirom na 4 meseca pauze u izvoenju predstava.
poslova bila je i jeste injenica da na osnovu Osnivakog akta Pozorite nije

registrovano za delatnost izdavanja prostora.
Meu delatnostima za koje je pozorite registrovano navode se i: snimanje
i izdavanje zvunih zapisa i muzike; proizvodnja audio-vizuelnih proizvoda;
trgovina na malo muzikim i video zapisima u specijalizovanim prodavnica-
ma; izdavanje knjiga; trgovina na malo knjigama (...) U tom smislu, ovo pozo-
rite bi moglo da izdaje originalne tekstove drama; izdaje DVD-jeve sa pred-
stavama ili CD-ove sa muzikom iz istih (...) Jedino dosadanje iskustvo te vrste
bila je prodaja na blagajni DVD kompleta sa 4 predstave Bate Stojkovia i mo-
nografije Ustanove. Pomenuto nije donelo znaajnu zaradu, a dalje inicijative
takve vrste nisu pokretane. Kako je jasno da se rezultati ne mogu oekivati sa
tek povremenom i malom ponudom, razloge za odustajanje u ovom kontekstu
ispravnije je traiti u nezainteresovanosti uprave, kao i nepostojanju kadra koji
bi se bavio ovakvim poslovima12.
Mogunosti i prepreke analiziranih pozorita

U sluaju Ateljea 212, generalni zakljuak ispitanika jeste da, s obzirom
na maksimalnu iskorienost postojeih resursa i injenicu da je Pozorite u
prilici stalnog reavanja tekuih problema koji ometaju funkcionisanje pozo-
rita, ono nije u mogunosti da planira razvoj novih delatnosti. Oni smatraju
da postizanje finansijske odrivosti zahteva zakonske izmene tipa dinar za
pozorita i/ili izmene u poreskoj politici koje bi obezbedile poreske olakice
za sponzorstva i donacije.
Na prvi pogled se ini da su komparativne prednosti pozorita brojne,
te da postoje mogunosti implementacije strategije komercijalizacije i irenja
usluga, ali da su te mogunosti zakopane pod naslagama zakonskih prepreka i
dugogodinjih problema, objanjenih kao posledica viih sila. Na svaki pred-
log eventulnog reenja odgovori su mahom negativni, jer ko bi ulagao u pro-
jekte u situaciji opte krize i kako oekivati podrku Sekretarijata za kulturu
grada Beograda u takvom ambijentu.
Velike ideje kao to je projekat adaptacije Letnje scene ili zapoinjanje iz-
vesne proizvodne delatnosti, kojom bi se postojei produkti pozorita unovili
na nove naine, nestaju pred velikim preprekama ije reavanje zahteva izme-
ne Statuta, redefinisanje odnosa sa Osnivaem i na kraju znaajna finansijska
ulaganja. S druge strane, manje inicijative, poput organizovanja dodatnih pro-
grama uporno ostaju u formatu koji se ne bi mogao nazvati ozbiljno dodat-
nim, jer privlae dominantno postojeu i profesionalnu publiku, te ne dopri-
nose znaajnijem irenju trita.
12
U marketing slubi Zvezdara Teatra radi samo jedna ena, koja je ef marketinga i PR.
Jasno je da ozbiljnije irenje delatnosti zahteva i prijem novog kadra, te u sluaju razvoja izdava-
tva zaposlenje bar jedne osobe koja bi se bavila ovim poslovima
ini se da je problem i nedovoljno jasan koncept povezivanja misije i vi-

zije ustanove sa aktivnostima u domenu komercijalizacije. Dobar primer u
ovom kontekstu jeste sluaj Vee sa glumcima povodom premijere predstave
Kosa. Naime, 2010. godine, kada je ova predstava imala svoju premijeru, or-
ganizovano je tzv. druenje sa glumcima za koje je karta izosila 10 000 dinara
(acc. 100 eura). Ovaj potez privukao je veliku panju javnosti, a predstava bila
najgledanija te sezone; pa ipak, sam dogaaj Vee sa glumcima izazvao je prili-
no negativne komentare u profesionalnim krugovima i meu zaposlenima Po-
zorita. Razlog istih jeste to to je dogaaj privukao mahom ljude iz oubiznisa
one koji imaju novca, a koji nisu pozorina publika, te je dobio odreenu
estradnu konotaciju, neadekvatnu renomeu Ustanove.
Diversifikacija usluga i programa zahteva analizu sredine i njenih potreba,
a kako nije u mogunosti da sprovodi ozbiljnija istraivanja publike (izuzev
ankete na Dan pozorita) marketing sluba Ateljea 212 koristi istraivanja Za-
voda za prouavanje kulturnog razvitka. Ovi podaci nesumnjivo imaju znaaj
kada je u pitanju praenje gledanosti, opte poseenosti beogradskih pozorita
i slino, ali nedovoljno je jasno koliko zakljuci o ukusu i potrebama publike
zaista doprinose razvoju novih proizvoda i usluga Ateljea 212.
Ni Zvezdara teatar ne sprovodi ozbiljnija istraivanja publike i njihovih
potreba. O ukusu publike, a radi planiranja programa, podaci se formiraju na
osnovu komentara i glasanja na sajtu, kao i izvetaja o gledanosti koji se sma-
traju relevantnim samom injenicom da su cene karata za sve predstave iste
i da je broj poklonjenih karata minimalan.13 Ipak, u sluaju ovog pozorita, a
sudei u odnosu na rezultate intervjua i zateene prilike, nerazvijanje proiz-
voda i novih usluga nije implikacija nepostojanja ideje o tome kako strategiju
komercijalizacije uskladiti sa misijom i vizijom Ustanove, ve pre implikacija
loih eksternih uslova i nedovoljnog angamana u realizaciji tih ideja.
Za razliku od Ateljea 212 gde je aktuelan narativ spoljni neprijatelj, u
sluaju Zvezdare, kritike su upuene i na raun same organizacije, preciznije
njene uprave. Opti utisak jeste da pozorite ima solidne potencijale za razvoj
delatnosti, ali da je prepreka za razvoj nemo i bezvolja da se ideje sprovedu
do kraja sistem koji je jednim istim nainom subvencionisanja uljuljkao po-
zorine radnike u svojevrsnu letargiju. Malobrojni pokuaji zavravaju se na
linom entuzijazmu i inicijativama, nedovoljno podranim od strane uprave,
dok je ukupan nedostatak elana posledica nedostatka stimulacija, te injenice
da zaposleni radili-ne radili primaju istu platu. Dodatni veliki problem jeste
organizovanje delatnosti od danas do sutra i nepostojanje trokova za marke-
ting u planiranju budeta za naredni period.
Specifinost ovog u odnosu na druga javna pozorita, jeste to to Zvezda-
ra teatar nema stalni glumaki ansambl, ali ova (u analiziranom kontekstu)
13
Poklanjanje karata sponzorima, donorima i potencijalnim partnerima utie na hono-
rar glumaca koji po ugovoru imaju procenat od ukupne poseenosti.
komparativna prednost nije dovoljno iskoriena. Imajui u vidu da je cena

karata trina, da su sve predstave gotovo rasprodate, kao i limitiranost broja
sedita, jasno je da se postizanje boljeg ekonomskog benefita teko moe traiti
u pravcu poveanja cene karata ili poveanja broja publike na postojeim pred-
stavama. S druge strane, logina je primedba efa marketinga o apsurdu oe-
kivanja prihoda sa etiri meseci pauze, tj. primedba o neracionalnosti prakse
da se u situaciji kada glumci po ugovoru imaju procenat od prodatih karata,
kada su zaposleni pozorita na svega mesec dana kolektivnog godinjeg odmo-
ra i kada postoji interesovanje publike (a posebno turista) za posetu pozorita
u letnjim mesecima, predstave tada ne igraju sa nedovoljno jakim izgovorom o
nasleenom obiaju. Iako poveanje obima produkcije spada u domen druge
strategije, ovo pominjemo kao preduslov eksploatacije turistikog potencija-
la, koji se u kontekstu implementacije strategije komercijalizacije programa i
irenja usluga odnosi na stvaranje ciljne grupe dodatnih programa, pa i proiz-
voda poput pozorinih suvenira.
Na kraju, valja naglasiti da su tekstovi, muzika iz predstava, kultni dram-
ski likovi, pa i same predstave Zvezdara teatra izuzetno popularne u irim kru-
govima, te je njihovo unovavanje kroz dodatne proizvode oblik proirivanja
delatnosti o kome vredi raspravljati. Ipak, nasuprot injenici da je Pozorite
registrovano za delatnost izdavatva i distribuciju knjiga, muzikih i video za-
pisa, aktivnosti u ovom domenu izostaju na kraju, kao i kadar koji bi se
takvim delatnostima bavio. Ovakva neusaglaenost Osnivakim aktom datih
mogunosti i unutranje organizacije, odnosno neusaglaenost kadrovske po-
litike i politike finansiranja sa prilikama i mogunostima, dokazi su oigled-
nog nedostatka stratekog planiranja kako na nivou Pozorita, tako i Sekre-
tarijata za kulturu.
Zakljuak
Kulturna dimenzija odrivog razvoja podrazumeva zatitu kulturnog na-
slea lokalnih zajednica i omoguavanje savremenog kulturnog stvaralatva,
te pronalaenje naina da ono postane deo integralnog razvoja drutva. Pre-
poznavanje delatnosti beogradskih pozorita kao elementa odrivog razvoja
Grada dovedena je u pitanje njihovom stagnacijom, kao posledicom globalne
finansijske krize i turbulentnih tranzicionih okolnosti. Iste utiu na nesree-
nost organizacije javnih pozorita, ouvanje zastarelih modela poslovanja, te
sve manju izvesnost njihove finansijske i estetske odrivosti.
Pozorina umetnost jeste kanal distribucije i produkcije kulturnog kapi-
tala jednog podneblja, ali kada je ta produkcija limitirana ekonomskim fak-
torima, kada je namenjena malobrojnoj postojeoj publici, te na kraju kada
su uslovi produkcije bukvalno nebezbedni za publiku i stvaraoce, logino je
posumnjati u granice doprinosa te umetnosti. Kulturna dimenzija odrivog
razvoja u vezi je sa afirmacijom ivotnih stilova koji podrazumevaju zadovo-
ljavanje i razvijanje kulturnih potreba ljudi, zbog ega pozorita trebaju aktiv-
no raditi na osmiljavanju novih modela irenja publike, izmeu ostalog kroz
irenje sopstvenog programa i usluga. Paralelno, to doprinosi njihovoj trinoj
odrivosti kao preduslovu umetnikog razvoja.
Analizirana pozorita suoena su sa brojnim problemima koji se mogu
smatrati preprekama implementaciji strategije komercijalizacije i irenja uslu-
ga. Ovi problemi uglavnom se odnose na infrastrukturne i kadrovske nedostat-
ke, ali i na manjak menaderskih inicijativa i, u skladu sa prilikama, adekvatne
podrke Skuptine grada. Pa tako, u situacijama gde postoje kadrovski, tehni-
ki i prostorni resursi za planiranje izvesne proizvodne delatnosti oni zahtevaju
ozbiljno upodobljavanje za koje su neophodna velika ulaganja. S druge strane,
neiskorienost prostornih resursa, tj. nemogunost izdavanja sala, foajea (...)
posledica je pravnih prepreka, reivih reformacijom Statuta pozorita i njiho-
vog odnosa sa osnivaem. I dalje, ideje za unovavanje postojeih produkta
(predstava) tu i tamo postoje, ali njima manjkaju solidni partneri iz privat-
nog sektora koji u postojeem poretku ne vide interes za ovakve saradnje.
Uoptenije govorei, komercijalizacija i irenje usluga nesumnjivo zahte-
vaju poetni kapital, ali zahtevaju i zajedniki angaman svih zaposlenih za-
snovan na stratekom planu i njegovoj implementaciji. U tom smislu, nedo-
voljna iskorienost resurs, nepostojanje saradnje sa organizacijama iz drugih
resora i sva tri sektora, nedovoljna eksploatacija autorskih prava, a kroz njiho-
vo unovavanje u obliku dodatnih proizvoda, pored finansijskih prilika, posle-
dica su nedostatka menaderskih inicijativa i nepodsticanja istih od strane Se-
kretarijata za kulturu. Zato, u sluaju ovde analiziranih pozorita, na poetku
citirane sekvence iz Nacionalne strategije odrivog razvoja i Strategije razvoja
Beograda zaista se mogu smatrati tek deklarativnim, s obzirom na to da do
sada nisu preduzete adekvatne mere da ova pozorita postanu odriva per se,
vrei tako svoju ulogu doprinosa odrivom razvoju.
Literatura
Adamovi, dr Svetlana. 2008. Ekonomska globalizacija i kriza. Godinjak Fukulte-
ta Politikih nauka. Beograd, str. 355-366 (http://www.fpn.bg.ac.rs/wp-content/
uploads/2010/05/20-Prof.-dr-Svetlana-Adamovi%C4%87-Ekonomska-globali-
zacija-i-kriza.pdf)
Avramovi, Zoran. 2013. Srpska kultura u tranziciji nove kontradikcije. Kultura.
Zavod za prouavanje kulturnog razvitka. Beograd. str. 235-251
Dragievi ei, Milena; Dragojevi, Sanjin. 2005. Menadment umetnosti u turbu-
lentnim okolnostima organizacioni pristup, Beograd: Clio
uki, Petar. 2009. Globalna i nacionalna ekonomska kriza - izazov za reforme i odr-
ivi rast ekonomije. Poslovno okruenje u Srbiji i svetska ekonomska kriza, te-
matski zbornik. Tomi P., G. Rikalovi (ur.). Novi Sad. (http://www.vps.ns.ac.rs/
SB/2010/1.1.pdf)
uki, Vesna. 2010. Drava i kultura studije savremene kulturne politike, Beograd:
FDU, Institut za pozorite, film, radi i televiziju FDU
uki Dojinovi, Vesna. 2005. Menadment i kulturna politika: pogled na tran-
zicione probleme repertoarskog pozorita. Zbornik radova Fakulteta dramskih
umetnosti (8-9). Beograd: Institut za pozorite, film, radio i televiziju FDU, str.
413-343
Fo, Dario. 2014.
Ili, Vlatko, 2012. Savremeno pozorite i naslee dvadesetog veka. Zbornik radova
Fakulteta dramskih umetnosti (22). Beograd: Institut za pozorite, film, radio i
televiziju FDU, str. 17-27
Miltojevi, Vesna. 2011. Kultura kao dimenzija odrivog razvoja. (http://teme.junis.
ni.ac.rs/teme2-2011/teme%202-2011-17.pdf)
Pai, Feliks (pr.). 2009. Zvezdara Teatar 1984 2009. Zvezdara teatar. Beograd
Stefanovi, Jovana. 2012. Menadment pozorita Atelje 212 u periodu od 2000 do 2010.
Master rad, mentor: Dragana oli Biljanoski, Fakultet dramskih umetnosti.
Beograd.
Korieni dokumenti:
Agenda 21 for culture, https://commondatastorage.googleapis.com/ckannet-sto-
rage/2012-05-20T050255/Agenda-21-For-Culture-English.pdf (pristupljeno:
02.03.2014)
Culture: Fourth Pillar of Sustainable Development, http://www.cities-localgovernments.
org/upload/doc_publications/9890675406_(EN)_culture_fourth_pillar_sustai-
nable_development_eng.pd (pristupljeno 03.05.2014)
Nacionalna strategija odrivog razvoja Srbije, 2008. http://www.merz.gov.rs/sites/de-
fault/files/%20%20%20%20 -
%20.pdf (pristupljeno: 07.03.2014)
Our commun future Report of the World Commission on Environment and Deve-
lopment, 1987. http://conspect.nl/pdf/Our_Common_Future-Brundtland_Re-
port_1987.pdf (pristupljeno: 02.03.2014)
Rio Declaration on Environment and Development, 1992. http://www.jus.uio.no/lm/
environmental.development.rio.declaration.1992/portrait.a4.pdf (pristupljeno:
03.03.2014)
Rio+20: The United Nations Conference on Sustainable Development, 2012. http://www.
fas.org/sgp/crs/row/R42573.pdf (pristupljeno: 03.03.2014)
Strategija razvoja Beograda, 2011. http://www.beograd.rs/download.php/documents/
SRGBpredlog.pdf (pristupljeno: 07.03.2014)
Ksenija Markovi
THE IMPLEMENTATION OF THE STRATEGY OF

COMMERCIALIZATION AND SERVICES EXPANSION
IN PUBLIC THEATRES OF BELGRADE AS A
PREREQUISITE FOR SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT
OF THE CITY
The role of the Belgrade theatre system in achieving the sustainable development of
the city is reflected in its contribution to the preservation of the spiritual heritage, tradi-
tion, art and specific national values, as well as in finding ways to incorporate the pre-
served into the social and economic development. On the other hand, the sustainability
of the public theatres themselves, with the diminished budget funding, necessitates the
maximal use of their comparative advantages and an intensive effort towards attracting
audiences, i.e. the implementation of competitive program and organizational strategy of
commercialization and services expansion. Taking two Belgrade theatres as examples -
Atelje 212 and Zvezdara Teatar, the author analyses the hitherto practice with regard to
the above and tries to address the question of the true impact of such strategies in achiev-
ing the theatre sustainability and the sustainable city development in general.
Maa Vukanovi
Centre for Study in Cultural Development, Belgrade
A ROLE OF SMALL GROUPS IN THE DEVELOPMENT

OF CULTURE (THE EXAMPLE OF CULTURAL AND
ARTISTIC ENSEMBLES)
Small groups that are in Serbian called kulturno-umetnika drutva (lit-

erally translated into English as cultural-artistic organizations) are in every-
day communication frequently referred to as folklore groups and ensembles.
At the very beginning of this paper, it is important to emphasize the fact that
members of these groups are amateurs. Amateurs played important role in
development of modern society and many achievements that we now take for
granted, such as for example media and aviation, are here because of amateurs
who made efforts to develop them. In social theory, amateurs are frequently
defined in contrast to their professional counterparts. This includes the possi-
bility that amateurs can have wider or deeper knowledge about particular topic
or theme because they are not too focused on improving techniques of the
performance and that amateurs may eventually become professionals (see: Ka-
plan 1954, Stebbins 1977). Commonly, amateurism implies activities of people
(men and women of different generations) that pursue their own personal in-
terest without significant financial compensation and without necessarily at-
tempting to make their personal interest a career.
According to recent researches performed in Centre for Study in Cul-
tural Development1, most frequently, cultural-artistic groups (among which
the ensembles make the largest sub-group) consist of 150 200 people/mem-
1
In 2012, major study on current situation in the field of amateursim was concluded -
Vukanovi, Maa. 2012. Kulturno-umetniki amaterizam. Snaga kulture) and published at Cen-
tres web site www.zaprokul.org.rs Detailed research in structure of membership and contents of
the work of amateurs ensembles is on-going within a project Intangible cultural heritage how
it is safeguarded within amateurs organizations and promoted on festivals.
bers, so there is no doubt that they are small groups. Regarding the content of
their work, majority of them are folklore groups, i.e. they are formed because
members share interest in traditional culture, though other aspects such as
socialization, possibilities to travel and be physically active, are also among the
reasons to join amateurs groups and ensembles. The primary reason for join-
ing makes folkloristic theory vital for understanding the role of these groups in
cultural development because folkloristics is a scientific discipline concentrat-
ing on mentifacts and artefacts created in indigenous environment.
From the folkloristic theory

Early definitions of folklore, as Ben Amos pointed, ... were clouded by ro-
mantic mist and haunted by the notion of popular antiquities, which Thomas
sought to replace by inventing the term folklore. Implicit in these definitions
are criteria of the antiquity of the material, the anonymity or collectiveness of
composition, and the simplicity of the folk (Amos 1971: 4). Even in the late
19th and at the beginning of 20th century, it became clear that such criteria
make folkloristic studies narrow. Also, development of media and increased
literacy especially in Europe and USA, which led to the incorporation of dif-
ferent new elements in corpus of the lore and diffusion of expressions among
different people, couldnt be disregarded. In order to contribute to overcoming
the crisis in folkloristic studies, caused by the narrowness of early definitions,
Ben Amos analysed the components that the various definitions of folklore
consist of, and traced an avenue leading towards a definition of folklore in
context. Such approach draws upon three conceptions of what folklore is: a
body of knowledge, a mode of thought or a kind of art. (ibid, 5) It is impor-
tant to notice that none of these conceptions can exist without or apart from a
structured group because folklore is not a phenomenon sui generis. According
to Ben Amos, it is possible to distinguish (...) types of relations between the
social context and folklore possession, representation and creation or re-cre-
ation. (ibid, 6) A View on folklore as a lore shared by the whole group commu-
nally applies, in practice and theory, to different degrees of public possession.
First, folklore can be the sum total of knowledge in a society. (...) Secondly,
and in contrast, folklore has been considered only as that knowledge shared
by every member of the group. As other social facts, according to Ben Amos,
folklore is a manifestation of particular mode of thought. For understanding
folklore in context tradition is important since The idea of tradition refers to
folklore both as knowledge (the wisdom of the past) and as art (old songs and
tales). (...) In its cultural context, folklore is not an aggregate of things, but a
process a communicative process, to be exact. (ibid, 8-9) This process is dy-
namic; it implies action, an artistic action. It involves creativity and aesthetic
response, both of which converge in the art forms themselves. Folklore in that
sense is a social interaction via the art media and differs from other modes
of speaking and gesturing. (ibid, 10) Since the discipline was established in
folkloristic theory persisted a notion of oral means as crucial medium of trans-
mission. Bausinger (1982) argued that not every oral communication makes
folklore, but the conceptions of oral may represent immediacy that is vital for
folklore, ensuring appropriate transmission of the message. Regardless of how
the elements to be transmitted reached its medium who will tell or re-tell,
re-create or represent certain elements, in telling the tale or singing a song nar-
rator or a singer, as well as his/hers/theirs audience, are related to each other
as components of single continuum, a communicative process. In accordance
with season and the purpose,
Narratives can be told during the daytime in the market place, the country
store, and the street corner; or at night in the village square, the parlour,
and the coffee-house. Songs and music have other occasions when they are
performed. Although such specifications may have other functions, such
as confining folklore to leisure and ceremonial activities, they also separate
art from non-art in cultures that otherwise lack a complex division of time,
space, and labour. In a sense, they provide a spatial, temporal, and social
definition for folklore in culture.
(Ben Amos 1971: 11)
In the 50s, American sociological theory produced the concept of small
groups and a group is a number of persons who communicate with one an-
other, often over a span of time, and who are few enough so that each person
is able to communicate with all the others, not at second-hand through other
people, but face-to-face. (Homans quoted from Ben Amos 1971: 12)2 A group
could be a family, a street-corner gang, a roomful of factory workers, a village,
a tribe or amateurs ensemble. These are social units of different orders and
qualities, yet all of them exhibit to a larger or smaller extent the characteristics
of a group. They create particular context of folklore. For the folkloric act to
happen, according to Ben Amos, two social conditions are necessary: both the
performers and the audience have to be in the same situation and be part of the
same reference group. This implies that folklore communication takes place in
a situation in which people confront each other face to face and relate to each
other directly. (...) Folklore is artistic communication in small groups. (Ben
Amos 1971: 12-13)
Drawing from the notion that small groups create particular context of
folklore and his research among clubs that form small baseball league in USA,
Fine developed the concept of idioculture. Idioculture consists of a system
of knowledge, beliefs, behaviours, and customs shared by members of an in-
teracting group to which members can refer and employ as the basis of fur-
ther interaction. Members recognize that they share experiences in common
2
This definition is given by Homans (see: Homans, George C. 1950. The Human Group.
New York), but it was embraced by many folklorists including Dundes (see: Dundes, Alan (ed)
1965 The Study of Folklore. N. J.: Englewood Cliffs) and Ben Amos.
and these experiences can be referred to with the expectation that they will
be understood by other members, and further can be employed to construct
a social reality. (...) Once the idioculture is developed (a process occurring
from the beginning moments of the group), it shapes future actions and col-
lective meanings. (Fine 1979: 734, 736). Based on this concept, in his later
work, written with Brooke Harrington, Fine made contribution to the debate
on civil society. Fine and Harrington noticed that it has been conventional
to conceptualize civic life through one of two core images: the citizen as lone
individualist or the citizen as joiner; and they proposed alternative analytical
framework for civic engagement based on small-group interaction. By empha-
sizing local interaction contexts the micro foundations of civil society they
treated small groups as a cause, context, and consequence of civic engagement.
First, through framing and motivating, groups encourage individuals to par-
ticipate in public discourse and civic projects. Second, they provide the place
and support for that involvement. Third, civic engagement feeds back into the
creation of additional groups. A small-groups perspective suggests how civil
society can thrive even if formal and institutional associations decline. (Fine
and Harrington 2004)
Altogether, conceptions provided by folkloristic outline possibility to
understand both the role and the purpose (or in other words what would be
mission and possible vision) of cultural and artistic amateurs organizations
among which ensembles are largest sub-group. In sum, these groups through-
out their focus on traditional culture provide a setting for learning about ele-
ments that now feel so long-lived so the fact that they were actually invented
recently becomes irrelevant because the settings provide the sense of tradition;3
throughout their work groups produce or participate in production of new tra-
ditions; throughout participation of individuals new anecdotes and elements
of idioculture are regenerated and emerging influencing the development of
local culture. Application of Fines and Fine and Harringtons concept onto
amateurs groups and ensembles, what they can do on local level appears to be
more important of their possible role in promoting some kind of at the mo-
ment ruling ideology or ideas. Since amateurs groups and ensembles in Serbia
operate primarily in the sphere of culture (with almost non-existing links with
for example policies in domains of education, elderly people or youth) cultur-
al policy is of greatest importance for understanding how they are perceived
among decision makers and academic circles (as they are occasionally in a
position to influence decision-making process) and also how they developed
3
Bausinger wrote: General dominance of literature and spreading of alphabet culture
led to inability to count on long-enduring traditions. (Bausinger 1982:16). This implies that
some customs exist for centuries, but its features could be modified from generation to genera-
tion and although they seem ancient, they were not part of tradition of our great-great-great-
grand parents but of our grandparents-parents or even our grandparents.
self-perception including the role they are playing or should play in cultural
development.
Cultural Policy in Serbia and Amateurism

Bokovi Stuli (1983) showed that folklore amateurs groups in the 19th
century Croatia had a role in promoting the Illyrian movement (that was im-
portant for the formation of Yugoslav state). Also, some folklore groups in
Serbia are founded in the early 20th century or in- between the World wars.
Hence, amateurism in Yugoslavia and Serbia can be traced in periods before
the Second World War but it blossomed after the Second World War. During
the Secnd World War, as Majstorovi (1977) wrote, performances of songs and
dances by amateur groups on frontlines, encouraging and inviting warriors
and people to join for example kilo4 (and implicitly revolution), were actu-
ally part of cultural revolution that took part simultaneously with political and
social revolution ongoing in the war, won by the Communist Party. Since the
Communist Party was formed and started operating during the period of the
Kingdom of Yugoslavia, the Party leaders were in a position to witness fail-
ures of attempts made by royal regime to establish cohesion and enforce Yu-
goslav identity as uniting element that state was (supposed to be) based upon
(Dimi 1996, 1988), and such position have had influence on the design of
what was (later) became known as fraternity and unity ideology. Essentially,
it was a strategy developed to enhance bottom- up cohesion of ethnies that
settled within the Yugoslav state. As form of popular culture, folklore was rec-
ognized by Party leaders as very important for implementation of fraternity
and unity ideology, because it consists of elements that are familiar to large
number of individuals and groups and who are in different degree attached to
tales, music, dances, etc.5 Amateurs organizations represented traditions and
people in Yugoslavia and since they were quite helpful during the war, after it
ended they were recognized as organizations that could continue to be helpful
especially in overcoming two major challenges. Firstly, as Rihtman Augutin
(1971) wrote, after the war large population moved from rural to urban ar-
eas and after initial excitement, which followed their becoming the citizens,
diminished, this large population was seeking links with their ancestors and
past. Metaphorically speaking, a tree needs a root to grow and Party leaders
4
Kolo is dancing format characteristic for groups and ethnies on Balkan Peninsula.
5
Recognition of importance of folklore in promoting and implementing fraternity and
unity ideology was displayed at the opening of National Theatre in Belgrade when the Second
World War was ending. First performance, held on November 11th 1944, was the medley of
traditional dances and songs from different Yugoslav nations prepared by at the time Teatar
narodnog osloboenja (Theatre of peoples liberation) consisted of professional and amateurs
performers. See: Volk 1978: 10-11.
were aware of such fact.6 In addition, majority of these people were workers
(mainly in factories). As Dimi (1988) pointed, the Party leaders perceived
that uneducated workers and peasants could not contribute achievement of
socialist goals that (at least partly) triggered the revolution and hence it was
important to increase literacy and educational level especially of workers.
Since members of amateurs ensembles were workers and peasants and artistic
directors who were teaching and guiding the members were mainly adequately
educated men and women7, amateurs organizations obviously fitted Partys
needs for providing both the links with the past and additional education of
workers. Also, representation of ensembles work in different occasions dem-
onstrated the diversity of expressions and in such way framed fraternity and
unity ideology. Obviously favoured role of amateurs groups and ensembles
in implementing cultural policy was extended in the process of development
of self-management policy run by locally organized units called self-interested
communities. Amateurs groups and ensembles were perceived as corrective
factor in cultural policy that filled the gap between elite cultural institutions
and the basis made of common people. As such, they were treated equal with
cultural institution (see: uki 2010: 227-228).
In order to facilitate (mainly) enthusiastic work of people who were en-
gaged in activities suitable for achieving Partys strategic goals, republics
formed large number of cultural centres whose principal role was to host
cultural associations and amateur arts, as well as to present art products com-
ing from major cultural institutions (exhibitions, films, theatre plays, etc.).
(National Report on Cultural Policy in Serbia, 16), i.e. that were premises for
learning, rehearsing and performing. Also, republics formed at least one of two
types of organizations whose mission was to facilitate other segments of work
(education and presentation): cultural-educational communities (in Serbian:
kulturno-prosvetne zajednice) and amateurs associations (in Serbian: savezi
6
Although the Party after the Second World War tried to suppress criticism of its own
approaches, it did promote the criticism towards previous royal regime. Hence, the work of crit-
ics like for example the work of Branislav Nui was appreciated by the Communist Party since
it displayed back face of reality that revolution irreversibly removed and such displays were
precious in new theatre because they emphasized libertarian spirit of the people that bourgeoisie
could not entirely bend. (Volk 1978: 13-14) Thus, among first performances in the National
Theatre was the adaptation of Nuis play Narodni poslanik (eng. Member of Parliament).
7
In 1980, all of 90 amateurs ensembles active in Belgrade engaged altogether 351 per-
sons to work as artistic directors of sections. Majority of them held appropriate scholar degree.
Among them 14 persons were permanently employed, 174 persons were engaged upon contract
and 26 were volunteers. Beside them, 55 persons who were artistic directors of sections held
some other kind of diploma that allowed them to perform the duty of artistic directors (50 of
them were contracted and 5 were volunteers). Finally, 76 persons were running the sections ac-
cording to their experience in amateurs activities and without formally verified education (50 of
them were contracted and 26 were volunteers). Dosije kulture Beograda. Godina 1980 II, 75
amatera).8 Cultural-educational communities were associations of citizens

[formed] to complement state and local cultural policy by their actions and
programs (National Report on Cultural Policy in Serbia, 17) which included
revealing and increasing creativity of the people and search for new spaces of
freedom and human confirmation of the work. Amateurs associations were
formed on local and (as noted) in the case of Serbia also on republic level
and their role was organization of annual calendar and production of events
that were aimed to enhance quality of work of amateurs ensembles by provid-
ing opportunities to compete for the title of best ensembles on local, regional
and republic levels. Calendar of events was mainly the same in all republics
and though performances of amateurs ensembles were integral in various cel-
ebrations, culmination of the calendar corresponded with celebration of the
Federal Republic Day (November 29th) when best ensembles from all over the
country had the opportunity to perform in front of Party elite.
In order to keep the basis occupied in pursuing their personal interests
that differ from their professional careers but were suitable for the Party`s in-
terests, a large number of factories and other economy subjects supported fi-
nancially and otherwise the work of cultural and artistic ensembles and groups
formed by employees. On the one hand, it helped producing the educated
workers and peasants who could contribute to the achievement of socialistic
goals; on the other hand, this also helped the state regarding the financing the
amateurs groups and ensembles.
In the late 80s and early 90s, Miloevi and his elite gained power and
the important element of their success was in encouraging the Serbian nation-
alism that busted out after over 40 years of suppression under Titos regime.
This also marked a shift in perception of the role of amateurs groups (includ-
ing ensembles). Instead of the way to keep the basis occupied with pursuing
personal (artistic) interests correlated with the objective to develop socialistic
ideas and ideology, their recognition as promoters of Serbian re-invented tra-
ditional culture became dominant. Accent was placed on promotion, but the
support for amateurs groups did not include the consideration of conditions in
which they worked preparing their performances, which caused many prob-
lems that amateurs ensembles nowadays face. Due to the economic decline,
factories and other economy subjects became unable to continue providing the
support for amateurs groups formed by their workers. Also, financial support
of the state for both groups and cultural centres was poor. On a practical level,
state supported the work of associations such as for example Serbian Amateurs
Association, but did not (at least not significantly) support the groups which
8
In Serbia, both Cultural-Educational Community of Serbia (Kulturno prosvetna za-
jednica Srbije) and Serbian Amateurs Association (Savez amatera Srbije) were formed. In Croatia
Cultural-Educational Community of Croatia (Kulturno-prosvjetni Sabor) played both roles,
whereas in Slovenia major role in supporting amateursim played Association of cultural - edu-
cational communities (Zveza kulturno prosvetnih organizacija Slovenije).
associations represented, nor did the state significantly support the cultural
centres that were providers of premises for rehearsals and performances, i.e.
major part of infrastructure. Associations, on their behalf, were focused upon
maintaining (pre)existing cycle of competitions that were actually the oppor-
tunities for promotion of (re-invented) traditional culture. Although they were
probably familiar with deteriorated conditions in which groups and ensembles
worked, associations apparently did not make efforts to raise attention towards
the infrastructure issues or position themselves as facilitators between groups
and the state in solving the current problem. Also, they were not in the posi-
tion to help financially and apparently were not keen to do so anyway.
Situation deteriorated further at the beginning of 21st century. Two deci-
sions made and executed by Ministry of Culture were particularly important.
The Ministry of Culture in early 2000 has recognized the need to help reorga-
nization of the Serbian Amateurs Association as it networked amateurs groups
and ensembles. Soon as the process began in 2002, both parties were clear
about their expectations the Ministry of Culture was clear in demand that
SAA restructures and adopts working principles of modern umbrella organiza-
tions that includes different kinds of support for groups and organizations they
represent, and leaders of SAA were clear about expectation that the Ministry of
Culture entirely finances their work as it had done for decades. Eventually, the
lack of agreement resulted with a decision made and executed by the Ministry
of Culture in 2009 to limit financing of SAA according to provisions of Law
on general interest in the field of culture that were previously overlooked.9 From
general perspective on work of amateurs ensembles this decision had minor
impact, because anyway SAA itself narrowed its work on maintaining the cycle
of competition and the only support for amateurs groups and ensembles SAA
provided was technical assistance for taking part in competitions. However,
the decision to limit the financing of SAA did send negative message for ama-
teurs groups and ensembles, because it bolded the impression that the state
did not appreciate the work of amateurs associations suggested in execution of
decision made in 2002. Namely, the Ministry of Culture in late 2002 made and
in early 2003 executed the decision to transfer financial authority in the sphere
of culture onto local administrations. From a current perspective, this decision
was rather reckless, because it didnt include a consideration of significant vari-
ations among municipalities regarding their economic power and/or aware-
ness that culture is or may be significant resource for social and economic
development.10 Also, execution of this decision did not include preparation for
9
Law on General Interest in the field of culture in Article 2, paragraphs 4 and 16, stipu-
lated that Republic of Serbia will finance only programs of Serbian Cultural - Educational Com-
munity and Serbian Amateurs Association. On a practical level, the Republic of Serbia entirely
financed the work of these organizations.
10
Authors of National Report on Cultural Policy in Serbia noted: The system of cultural
policy in Serbia is giving complete autonomy to regional, city and municipal authorities to lead
such transfer, so instead of being restructured, the entire cultural system actu-
ally collapsed.11 In the case of amateurism, the outcome was even more com-
plicated situation for amateurs groups and ensembles. Amateurs associations
(SAA and Association of cultural and artistic ensembles in Belgrade) succeeded
in putting article on amateurism in the Law on Culture. Article 72 recognizes
amateurism as activities of persons or groups of persons that create and/or
perform artistic pieces without financial compensation. This success raised
hopes that the situation will improve. Although the situation didnt really im-
prove, amateurs ensembles are expected to provide programs that satisfy the
needs of local citizens to either actively (as possible performers or critics) or
passively (as consumers of programs without obligation to react) participate
in cultural life of towns they live in, or are in close proximity, but both human
and financial resources to do so are insufficient.
Current legal framework (Constitution, Law on Local Self-Government
and Law on Culture) stipulates that both local and republics (national) admin-
istrations provide support for the work of amateurs ensembles. On the local
level, although Article 72 of the Law on Culture stipulates that local authorities
provide infrastructure (namely premises for rehearsals and performances), in
most of the cases they provide just modest financial support. However, funds
are frequently allocated without clear criteria and transparent procedures, de-
pending on the degree in which local administration recognizes the prospects
that cultural sector bring or may bring.
On national level, the Ministry of Culture realized that the decision to
transfer financial authority onto local level without previous preparation of
both local administrations and amateurs ensembles increased problems exist-
ing in the field of amateurism. According to the information obtained from th
Ministry of Culture while researching situation in the field, this institution in
recent years focused its attention onto capacity for building of amateurs groups
and ensembles. Such efforts consist of communication with representatives of
amateurs ensembles and allocation of financial resources. So-called Tradition-
al folk and amateurs creativity is a field under the competence of Sector for
contemporary creativity and as such is a subject of open competitions annually
their own cultural policy and develop their own instruments. This freedom has its positive and
its negative sides: if the city or municipality considers culture as one of the priority area in that
case instruments and mechanism of financing culture at the local level are very well-developed.
In the opposite case, especially when it comes to small municipalities, cultural life is neglected
and there is no national mechanism to compensate for it. (National report on Cultural policy, 7)
11
This decision affected the entire cultural system, not only amateurs ensembles, cultural
centres or cinemas (frequently hosted by cultural centres), but also institutions like museums,
archives, libraries, institutes for protection of cultural monuments. It influenced the huge shake
of networks in the case where stronger professional affiliation existed (such are museums, ar-
chives and libraries) and disintegration of more fragile networks (in the cases of weaker profes-
sional affiliation or stronger need for cooperation with other institutions - amateurs groups and
ensembles, cultural centres, cinemas and institutes for protection of cultural monuments).
organized by the Ministry of Culture. Annual call for projects includes general
notions on kinds of projects that are welcomed to apply. However, these gen-
eral notions combined with notions on kinds of projects that are not eligible
are somewhat confusing for those who are not equally familiar with project
writing and even appear to be in contradiction.12 As in other fields of cultural
activities covered by annual calls for projects, the Ministry forms committees
to evaluate projects and make decisions about projects that will be granted.
During the last three years, members of committees are instructed to apply the
criteria stipulated in document Pravilnik o nainu, kriterijumima i merilima za
izbor projekata u kulturi koji se finansiraju i sufinansiraju iz budeta republike
Srbije.13 Since the first version of this Pravilnik was adopted in 2010, soon after
the Republic of Serbia approved UNESCO 2003 Convention on Safeguarding
of Intangible Cultural Heritage14, in Article 4 point 20 of Pravilnik, work of
amateurs groups is connected with safeguarding of intangible cultural heri-
tage. Having in mind that majority of amateurs ensembles in their work are
focused on traditional culture, such connection is clear. However, equalizing
the work of amateurs groups and ensembles mainly with the safeguarding of
intangible cultural heritage suggests limitation and ignoring the fact that they
may create new elements that presently are not the heritage, but may become
in future. Also, connecting the work of amateurs ensembles with safeguarding
of ICH detains perception of their role onto one accentuated in the 90s to be
promoters of ICH in Serbia.
Perspectives in Europe
UNESCO 2003 Convention encourages the participation of communities
that perceive particular forms of performing arts, music, systems of beliefs,
customs, knowledge and skills as theirs in the process of safeguarding. Hence,
safeguarding of ICH can also be interpreted as an invitation for cultural par-
12
Since I was a member of a committee for evaluating and deciding about projects in the
field of traditional folk and amateurs creativity that will be performed in 2014, impression from
such involvement is that even though for the trained eye distinction between commercial and
non-commercial for example musical review shows is obvious and clear, this may not be the case
for people who were unable to develop such subtleness in reading rationals given in the calls for
projects. This suggests that the other segment of capacity building (communication with groups
and ensembles) needs further improvements so proper reading of call for projects becomes
easier for majority of applicants.
13
Pravilnik o nainu, kriterijumima i merilima za izbor projekata u kulturi koji se fin-
ansiraju i sufinansiraju iz budeta republike Srbije (eng. Regulations on criteria for granting
projects in culture from the funds of Republic of Serbia) was amended in 2011 and 2013, but
these amendments were focused on publishing activities. Official Gazette of Republic of Serbia
No. 57/10, 90/11, 61/13
14
Law on approving UNESCO Convention for Safeguarding of Intangible Cultural Heritage
was announced in Official Gazette of Republic of Serbia No. 34/10
ticipation. Such specification of cultural participation is visible at the Internet

presentations of national umbrella organizations in Austria and Switzerland.15
They emphasize that elements of traditional culture cherished by amateurs
groups and ensembles are appealing for larger population and therefore im-
portant for cultural development on all levels.
Cultural participation is a term coined to unite the activities in cultural
production (practicing either professionally or as amateurs various artistic ac-
tivities) and activities in cultural consumption (attending cultural events and/
or reception of artistic and cultural contents at home) (Cvetianin, 2007: 10).
Hence, fostering cultural participation is among main goals of cultural poli-
cies in many European countries.16 Although institutions play important part
as they provide various opportunities to learn about culture(s), the activities of
NGOs are equally important as they contribute wider framework in which dif-
ferent generations may get involved in local and widely orientated activities.
Report Access of Young People To Culture prepared by Interarts Agency17
elaborates various approaches in different European countries. In it amateurs
groups and ensembles are recognized as organizations that are allowing access
to culture for young people and may be encouraging for developing new ideas
related to traditional culture.
In 2011, AMATEO18 organized International Congress Active Cultural Par-
ticipation in Europe and sessions within this event shed light on different com-
ponents of amateurs groups and ensembles work. The conclusions made after
this event were that amateurs groups and ensembles, among which those who
are in their work focused on different elements of traditional culture gather
largest population, should be treated as significant groups that foster cultur-
al participation and development as well as strengthening bridges between
cultures.
15
See for example presentation of Swiss national association for costume (Schweizerischen
Trachtenvereinigung) at http://www.trachtenvereinigung.ch Austrian Association of Brass Orches-
tras (sterreichischer Blasmusikverband) at www.blasmusik.at or Austrian Association of En-
sembles performing traditional dances in traditional costumes and dialects (sterreichischer Tra-
chten- und Heimatverbnde) at http://www.trachten.or.at
16
Illustrative are for example compendium of cultural policies country profiles: Germa-
ny, UK and France available at www.culturalpolicies.net
17
Document EACEA/2008/01 (OJ 2008/S 91-122802) is available at http://ec.europa.eu/
youth/policy/youth_strategy/documents/study-on-youth-access-to-culture-full-report_en.pdf
Page visited on April 15th 2014
18
AMATEO was created by members of several European organisations dealing with
amateur, free-time, socio-cultural, voluntary activities and the culture of local areas. It was es-
tablished in 2008 in Slovenia and in the same year registered in Belgium as the international
organization. For further details see: http://www.amateo.info/home/ Information about the
Congress is also available at this web site.
Conclusion
Tendencies in contemporary Europe display similarities with former Yu-
goslavia efforts to build-up cohesion based upon cultural diversity and per-
ception that cultural participation is possible way to do so. However, through-
out decades and especially during the 90s, amateurs groups and ensembles
in Serbia especially within academic communities that do researches in the
sphere of culture contributing the cultural policy became closely tied to their
participation in promoting ruling ideologies (and as sort of book cover work
of SAA had significant impact on such perception). Current situation in the
field of amateurism shows number of practical problems that may be solved
through closer linking of different policy domains (for example culture, edu-
cation, and youth), but the major threat lies in the narrow focus on what their
role is and should be. Widening the perspective in folkloristic theory opened
new horizons that turned into better understanding and appreciation of cre-
ativity based on (even re-invented) traditions. Ben Amos concluded his paper
with the words: Folklore was a mirror of culture, but not a dynamic factor in
it, a projection of basic personality, but not personality in action. Once viewed
as a process, however, folklore does not have to be a marginal projection or
reflection; it can be considered a sphere of interaction in its own right. (Ben
Amos 1971:15) Likewise, a step towards development in culture includes that
individuals (and groups they form) feel like they are not lonesome boatmen
but a part of flotilla, that they are branches and leaves that make a tree alive.
In order to do so, it is necessary that all actors involved (amateurs groups
and ensembles, decision makers on local level, Ministry of Culture and aca-
demic communities) depart from the image of promoters of ruling ideology
and start thinking in which ways the work of these particular small groups
can contribute the development of civil society and culture firstly on local and
then on national level and what is to be done to support the strengthening of
such role.
References:
Bausinger, Herman. 1982. Usmeno. Narodna umjetnost 19. Zagreb: Institut za et-
nologiju i folkloristiku, pp. 13 - 17
Ben Amos, Dan. 1971. Towards a definition of Folklore in Context, The Journal of
American Folklore, Vol. 84, No. 331, Toward New Perspectives in Folklore, pp.
3-15
Bokovi Stuli, M. 1983. Usmena knjievnost nekad i danas, Beograd: Biblioteka
XX vek.
Cultural Policy in Serbia: National Report. Available at: http://www.coe.int/t/dg4/
cultureheritage/culture/reviews/serbia_EN.asp
Cvetianin, Predrag. 2007. Kulturne potrebe, navike i ukus graana Srbije i Makedonije.
Ni: OGI.
Dimi Ljubodrag. 1988. Agitprop kultura. Agitpropovska faza kulturne politike u Srbiji
1945 152. Beograd: Izdavaka radna organizacija Rad,
Dimi, Ljubodrag. 1996. Kulturna politika Kraljevine Jugoslavije 1918 1941, Beograd:
Stubovi kulture,
Dosije kulture Beograda za 1980. godinu, 1981. Beograd: Zavod za prouavanje kul-
turnog razvitka,
uki, Vesna. 2010. Drava i kultura. Studije savremene kulturne politike. Beograd:
Institut za pozorite, film, radio i televiziju. Fakultet dramskih umetnosti.
Fine, Gary Allan. 1979. Small Groups and Culture Creation: The Idioculture of Little
League Baseball Teams, American Sociological Review, Vol. 44, No. 5, pp. 733-
745
Fine, Gary Allan and Brooke Harrington. 2004. Tiny Publics: Small Groups and Civil
Society. Sociological Theory, Vol. 22, No. 3, pp. 341-356
Kaplan, Max. 1954. The Social Role of the Amateur, Music Educators Journal, Vol. 40
No. 4, pp. 26 - 28
Majstorovi, Stevan. 1977. Kultura i demokratija. Beograd: Prosveta.
Stebbins, Robert, 1977. The Amateur: Two Sociological Definitions, The Pacific So-
ciological Review Vol. 20 No. 4, pp. 582 606.
Volk, Petar. 1978. Pozorini ivot Beograda 1944 - 1974 Beogradske scene. Beograd:
Muzej pozorine umetnosti SR Srbije.
Ivana Voli
NOVI MODELI KULTURNIH PROSTORA U FUNKCIJI

ODRIVOSTI LOKALNIH KULTURNIH SISTEMA
Uvod
Ovaj rad polazi od pretpostavke da je kultura etvrti stub na kojem bi
trebalo da poiva koncept odrivog razvoja, pri emu se kulturni sistem shvata
kao interaktivna dinamina veza izmeu svih aktera koji su ukljueni u umet-
niko stvaralatvo i njegovu prezentaciju. Rad je oslonjen i na strategiju pove-
zivanja, tanije, na strategiju partnerstva kao jednu od moguih instrumenata
kulturne politike. Pored toga, preko implikacija za prouavanje efekata kultur-
nih prostora, rad dotie i koncepte kulturnog i socijalnog kapitala, kao mogue
ishode postojanja i funkcionisanja kulturnih prostora u zajednici.
Predmet rada u irem smislu predstavljaju kulturni prostori nastali na
osnovu partnerstva izmeu javnog i civilnog sektora. U uem smislu, predmet
rada je modelovanje pomenutih partnerstava pri kreiranju kulturnih prostora.
Cilj rada jeste kreiranje univerzalnih modela kulturnih prostora na osnovu ele-
menata ve postojeih primera iz prakse, na nain koji je podrazumevao anali-
zu strukturnih elemenata, svedenih na zajednike imenitelje, a zatim sintezom
modelovanih u apstraktan teorijski model. Metodologija istraivanja smetena
je u okvir kvalitativnog tipa koji podrazumeva fenomenoloku, odnosno inter-
pretativnu istraivaku filozofiju. Nasuprot kvantitativnoj, koja primarno tei
testiranju teorije, kvalitativna filozofija tei prevashodno njenom generisanju.
Upotreba kvalitativne istraivake filozofije bila je neophodna zbog potrebe za
stvaranjem teorije u oblasti kulturnih prostora i partnerstava, koja je trenutno
nedovoljna, uprkos donekle razvijenoj praksi. U okviru pomenute istraiva-
ke filozofije, za potrebe ovog rada koriene su metode analize i sinteze, kao i
metoda modelovanja. Analizom se teilo dekonstruisanju predmeta istraiva-
nja na strukturne elemente, sa ciljem definisanja zajednikih imenitelja (sli-

nosti) koji su korieni kao osnovni konstrukti za jezgro modela. Zajedniki
imenitelji su dalje sintezom sastavljeni u novokonstruisanu, koherentnu i kon-
zistentnu apstraktnu celinu sa univerzalnim strukturnim elementima izdvo-
jenim iz analize postojeih primera kulturnih prostora. Praktian ishod rada
jesu predlozi funkcionalnih ema za potencijalne kulturne prostore zasnova-
ne na javno-civilnom partnerstvu1. Iako je istraivanje raeno na primerima
funkcionalnih kulturnih prostora iz regiona i izvorno prilagoeno kontekstu
Novog Sada, s obzirom na relativno slinu situaciju gradova u Srbiji (po pita-
nju kulturnog sistema i finansiranja kulture), moe se smatrati da je primer
Novog Sada studija sluaja koja moe posluiti kao osnova za kreiranje kultur-
nih prostora u drugim gradovima i optinama, naravno u skladu sa njihovim
lokalnim kontekstom.
Pojmovni okvir
Pri definisanju pojmovnog okvira bie objanjeni pojmovi kulturnog pro-
stora, odrivog razvoja, kulturnog sistema i partnerstava, kao i njihova meu-
sobna povezanost u kontekstu odrivosti lokalnih kulturnih sistema.
Da bi se pojasnio termin kulturnih prostora u kontekstu ovog rada vano
je naglasiti da se pomenuti termin oslanja na tumaenja kako iz sociolokih i
kulturolokih teorijskih tumaenja, tako i iz praktinih oblasti prostornog
planiranja (urbanizma), kulturne politike i turizma. Tako, kulturni prostori,
najjednostavnije reeno, predstavljaju raznolikost kreativnosti i aktivnosti
objedinjenih u jednom homogenom organizmu (Kosi, 2010: 7). Uzimajui
u obzir pomenuta teorijska i praktina tumaenja, kulturni prostori se mogu
definisati kao konkretni, fiziki prostori sainjeni od jednog objekta ili grupa-
cije objekata (koji mogu, ali ne moraju da budu na istom mestu), zasnovani na
partnerstvu izmeu resora kulture, prostornog planiranja i privrede (turizma),
kao i izmeu sektora unutar pojedinanih resora2. Sa aspekta prostornog pla-
niranja, kulturni prostor je prostor koji je nastao kao rezultat urbane obnove u
svom vrednosnom znaenju, to znai da su prilikom njegovog konstituisanja
uzete u obzir prostorne i kulturne potrebe stanovnika, kao i prostorne potrebe
umetnik i kulturnih organizacija civilnog drutva. Takoe, to je prostor koji
nije nastao kao deo strategije razvoja imida ili gradskog brenda, diktiran od
strane gradske uprave, niti je prostor koji je kreiran iskljuivo prema princi-
1
Istraivanje je realizovano u sklopu doktorske teze Stvaranje kulturnih prostora
modelovanje strategija meusektorskih i meuresornih partnerstava, zavrene 2014. godine, i
predstavlja deo obuhvatnijeg istraivanja gde su pored meusektorskih obuhvaena i meure-
sorna partnerstva.
2
Iako su u ovom tumaenju prisutni navedeni resori, kao i saradnja meu sektorima
unutar pojedinanih resora, u ovom radu se analiziraju samo partnerstva izmeu javnog i ci-
vilnog sektora.
pima trita. Pored toga, on ima funkciju zajednikog dobra, to znai da je

pristupaan, otvoren, bez ekskluzivnog prava pojedinca nad njim. Na ovom
prostoru dolazi do interakcije kako meu ljudima, tako i izmeu ljudi i izgra-
ene sredine. Sa aspekta kulturne politike, kulturni prostori mogu predstavljati
osnovu za inovativne prakse participativnog planiranja3 i primere inovativnih
institucionalnih praksi, odnosno novi oblik infrastrukture za nezavisne kul-
turne inicijative. Pored toga, kulturni prostori doprinose proirenju sagleda-
vanja pojma kulturne politike, koja bi trebalo da izae iz okvira umetnosti i
naslea i da obuhvati i kulturu u irem smislu, kao i razliite inovativne indivi-
dualne i grupne prakse. Aspekt sagledavanja kulturnih prostora preko turizma
odnosi se na sagledavanje kulturnih prostora kao lokaliteta na kojem su obje-
dinjeni kulturna produkcija i prezentacija, to predstavlja znaajnu karakteri-
stiku prostora koja doprinosi kreiranju doivljaja kod posetilaca (Russo, Van
der Borg, 2008; Richards, Wilson, 2007a; Richards, Wilson, 2007b). Kao takav,
kulturni prostor doprinosi samorazvoju pojedinca, ostvarivanju komunikacije
i kontakta sa svakodnevnim ivotom ljudi na destinaciji, preko ega je mogue
ostvariti dublji kontakt sa poseenom destinacijom, kao i kreiranje sopstvenog,
jedinstvenog doivljaja. Pored znaaja za posetioce, kulturni prostori ovog tipa
mogu doprineti kreiranju jednog od stubova gradskog identiteta, za koji je od
presudnog znaaja da bude utemeljen u savremenom ivotu i stvaralatvu, a na
koji se kasnije mogu nadovezati i strategije razvoja imida grada.
Tradicionalno shvaen koncept odrivog razvoja predstavlja takav razvoj
koji zadovoljava potrebe sadanjih generacija bez dovoenja u pitanje zadovo-
ljavanja tih istih potreba buduih generacija (WCED, 1987). Pri analizi ovog
koncepta razmatraju se tri aspekta o kojima je potrebno voditi rauna eko-
nomski, ekoloki i drutveni, gde se smatra da njihova usklaenost doprinosi
odrivom razvoju shvaenom na osnovu navedene definicije. Houks, meu-
tim, uvodi inovacije u postojei poredak ovih odnosa i navodi da, u cilju po-
stizanja ukupne odrivosti, mora biti ukljuena i kultura shvaena u svom naj-
irem smislu kao svi elementi nin ivljenj odreene grupe ljudi: obiji
i verovnj, kodeksi ponnj, oblenje, kuhinja, jezik, umetnost, nuka,
tehnologija, religija i rituli; norme i prvil ponnj, trdicije i instituci-
je (Hawkes, 2001: 3) i kao takva ona predstavlja podjednako deo prolosti
u smislu tradicije i naslea, i sadanjosti u smislu interakcije i prilgovnj
novonstlim okolnostim ivljenj (isto: 3). Ovaj autor istie da je kultu-
ru neophodno posmatrati kao etvrti stub u konceptu odrivog razvoja i daje
predloge kako kulturu shvaenu u svom najirem socio-antropolokom znae-
nju ukljuiti u kreiranje kulturne politike i kao takvu posredno je inkorporirati
u koncept odrivog razvoja kao globalno razvojno naelo.
Ovde je, s jedne strane, objanjena uloga kulture u ukupnom konceptu
odrivog razvoja, koji moe biti primenjen na drave, regione, gradove, naselja
3
U kontekstu Republike Srbije.
ili kvartove. I to moe biti jedan aspekt veze izmeu elemenata koji ine kon-
cept odrivog razvoja, a koji se moe oznaiti kao makro aspekt. S druge strane,
postoji i mikro aspekt koji se moe posmatrati kroz odrivost kulturnog siste-
ma posmatranog kao meuodnos koji se uspostavlja izmeu razliitih part-
nera koji igraju odreenu ulogu i ispoljavaju neku mo (politiku, finansijsku,
simboliku) na polju kulture (Molar, 2000: 22). Jo konkretnije, ovaj mikro
aspekt moe biti lokalizovan na kontekst Republike Srbije, odnosno na njene
gradove kao prostorne celine gde su prisutni svi elementi kulturnog sistema
(umetnici, publika, posrednici i donosioci odluka). Objanjavajui zakonitosti
kulturne hiperbole, Molar naglaava da se preko zaokupljenosti rentabilitetom
umetniko stvaralatvo pretvara u umetniku produkciju, i time iskazuje boja-
zan da se smanjuje uee stvaralaca u finalnom rezultatu, da bi na kraju bilo
svedeno samo na autorska prava koja predstavljaju sasvim neznatan procenat
u mnogo znatnijem bruto prometu (isto: 24). Kako se moe primetiti, Molar
razmatra uslove ve razvijenog trita kulture i predoava posledice koje mogu
nastati ukoliko se pojavi veliki broj publike koja eli da poseduje umetnika de-
la. Meutim, kako u Republici Srbiji ne postoji razvijeno trite kulture moe
se smatrati da nema razloga za bojazan od prevelike komercijalizacije. Realni
problemi vezani za polje kulture4 su nepostojanje sutinske partnerske sarad-
nje izmeu javnog i civilnog sektora. Civilni sektor u kulturi, od poetka svog
razvoja5 do danas, konstantno je doprinosio otvaranju umetnosti ka kulturi u
njenom irem znaenju, to je dovelo do izlaska umetnosti iz konzervativnog
modela institucionalne reprezentacije u kojem su dominirali slikarstvo i skulp-
tura (Vilenica, 2011: 325). To se nastavlja i u prve dve decenije dvadesetprvog
veka, gde je istraivanjem utvreno da su lanovi organizacija civilnog dru-
tva visoko obrazovani6, i da pored toga vladaju vetinama pisanja predloga
projekata, menadmenta projekata, zagovaranja, finansijskog menadmenta,
pisanja izvetaja donatorima, to ih ini verovatno najobrazovanijim organi-
zacijama na kulturnom polju u Srbiji (Cvetianin, 2011: 284). Pored toga, ove
organizacije su, po kvalitetu produkcije i broju programa, na veoma visokom
nivou, to potvruju i priznanja u nacionalnim i internacionalnim strunim
krugovima. Sa aspekta finansiranja, organizacije civilnog drutva u Srbiji tre-
nutno egzistiraju na obodu javnog ivota i javnog finansiranja, a pored toga
ne postoje ni mehanizmi koji bi obezbedili razvoj produkcije niza udruenja
graana, neformalnih inicijativa, umetnikih organizacija i pojedinaca koji su
njeni nosioci (Radosavljevi Vasiljevi i sar., 2013).
U kontekstu ovog rada, posebna panja je posveena strategiji partnerstva
kao jednoj od strategija povezivanja, koja se sa stanovita kulturne politike
4
Sa posebnim osvrtom na meuodnos javnog i civilnog sektora u kulturi, kao okvira za
prouavanje u ovom radu.
5
Poetak devedesetih godina dvadesetog veka.
6
U 72% organizacija dominiraju lanovi sa zavrenim fakultetom (Cvetianin, 2011)
implementira radi lakeg finansiranja kulture i umetnosti i u tom smislu pod-

razumeva partnerstvo javnog, privatnog i nevladinog sektora unutar granskog
sistema (uki, 2010: 247, 248). Najire posmatrano, partnerstvo je termin
koji podrazumeva razmenu resurs i informacija izmeu organizacija/ustano-
va kako bi se dolo do ishoda do kojih jedan partner samostalno ne bi mogao
da doe (Charles, McNulty, & Pennell, 1998; Waddell & Brown, 1997: 1). Sa-
radnja izmeu sektora moe dovesti do stvaranja kljunih kolektivnih dobara i
usluga, koje nisu obezbeene niti od jednog sektora posebno, kao i do efikasni-
jeg korienja resursa u reavanju pitanja koja su od lokalnog znaaja (Charles
et al., 1998: 4). Kreiranje partnerstava moe doprineti razbijanju i rekonstruk-
ciji postojeih odnosa moi izmeu razliitih grupa vlasti i marginalizovanih
grupa, veinskih i manjinskih grupa (Dragievi ei, Simi, & Deru, 2010:
211). Pored toga to doprinose irenju uticaja, pojedinane institucije/organi-
zacije, partnerstva utiu i na stvaranje uslova za inovativna i interaktivna orga-
nizaciona reenja koja se mogu primeniti na potrebe zajednice u odreenom
momentu (Dragievi ei i Dragojevi, 2005: 95).
U ovom radu e biti posmatrana prvenstveno partnerstva izmeu javnog
i civilnog sektora, kao osnova za postizanje odrivosti u lokalnim kultrnim
sistemima. Sa aspekta civilnog sektora u kulturi, partnerstvo je znaajno zato
to bi se moglo delimino uticati na prevazilaenje pomenutih problema neza-
visne kulturne scene i postizanje njene ravnopravnije pozicije u celokupnom
sistemu kulture. Kulturni prostori, u kontekstu ovog rada, predstavljaju put ka
institucionalizaciji organizacija civilnog drutva u kulturi (nezavisne scene),
gde ta institucionalizacija nikako ne znai njihovo okotavanje niti osnivanje
prema javnom pravu. Ona podrazumeva prvenstveno omoguavanje stabil-
nosti, profesionalizaciju i rast organizacijama koje imaju kapacitete i dobre
programe institucionalizacija se ogleda u partnerstvu izmeu nezavisnog i
javnog sektora u kulturi, kao i u lokalnom delovanju (Vini, 2011: 120). Va-
no je napomenuti da se kod ovog oblika javno-civilnog partnerstva u funk-
ciji kreiranja kulturnih prostora najee uspostavlja formalnija struktura uz
osnivanje novog pravnog lica (Waddell & Brown, 1997: 3).
Kako se iz navedenog moe zakljuiti, u Republici Srbiji ne postoji sistem-
ska meusektorska saradnja unutar resora kulture (Cvetianin, 2011; Tadi,
2012). Bez podrke ovom sektoru, koji i pored minimalne podrke od strane
drave realizuje svoje projekte i ostvaruje vidljive rezultate, ne moe biti ni
budunosti za kulturnu scenu u celini. Za sada, podrka organizacijama ci-
vilnog drutva u kulturi realizuje se preko finansiranja njihovih projekata od
strane javnog sektora (Ministarstva za kulturu i informisanje, pokrajinskog i
optinskih organa uprave nadlenih za kulturu). Kako je podrka ovog tipa
esto simbolina, a samim tim i nedovoljna za konstantan kvalitetan rad ovih
organizacija, mogue je uvesti nove oblike podrke koji bi se mogli zasnivati na
partnerskim odnosima u vezi sa korienjem prostora koji nemaju namenu, a
koji su u vlasnitvu drave, odnosno lokalne uprave. Upravo bi se ovakvi pro-
stori mogli adaptirati u kulturne prostore namenjene organizacijama civilnog

drutva u kulturi.
Kulturni i socijalni kapital u kontekstu tumaenja kulturnih prostora

Pri nastanku kulturnih prostora posebna panja se poklanja organizacija-
ma civilnog drutva i javnom sektoru u kulturi. Kako je sutina organizacija
civilnog drutva da uestvuju u generisanju socio-kulturnog kapitala, a ne sa-
mo u pronoenju estetskih vrednosti (Vini, 2012: 7), moe se smatrati da
kulturni i socijalni kapital zasluuju posebnu panju u vezi sa kulturnim pro-
storima. Ova dva oblika kapitala su podjednako vani kao i ekonomski kapital,
ali za razliku od njega, nisu podreeni materijalnoj razmeni i uveanju profita
(Bourdieu, 1986). Socijalni kapital je znaajan zato to umreavanje i povezi-
vanje predstavljaju jedan od njegovih sutinskih ideja. Dalje, umreavanjem i
stvaranjem partnerstava stvaraju se preduslovi za kreiranje novih institucija
(kulturnih prostora) koje mogu predstavljati kako primer osnaivanja socijal-
nog kapitala, tako i primer kreiranja kulturnog kapitala u smislu novih kultur-
nih vrednosti.
Postojanjem kulturnih prostora i njihovim funkcionisanjem ojaavaju se
postojee drutvene veze i dolazi do stvaranja novih, to opet povratno utie
na snagu socijalnog kapitala u zajednici. Na taj nain, kulturni prostori mogu
imati dvostruki znaaj sa aspekta socijalnog kapitala za javni sektor postoja-
nje kulturnih prostora zasnovanih na partnerstvu ukazuje na snagu zajednice
u kojoj se umreavaju sektori, a time i proiruju i jaaju drutvene veze. Za ci-
vilni sektor u kulturi, kreiranje prostora na kojem bi njegove organizacije (i po-
jedinci) bili objedinjeni doprinosi njihovoj veoj upuenosti jednih na druge,
to bi na dui rok doprinelo veoj saradnji i smanjenju atomizovanosti scene.
Za potrebe ovog rada socijalni kapital (mree, drutveni odnosi, povezivanje)
znaajan je zbog toga to prilikom partnerstava izmeu sektor i resor nuno
dolazi do naglaavanja znaaja saradnje i povezivanja u kreiranju kulturnih
prostora koji mogu predstavljati generatore nastanka novih oblika kulturnog
kapitala shvaenog preko interakcije ljudi sa prostorom, i savremenih kultur-
nih i umetnikih praksi koje oslikavaju duh vremena i koriste razliite naine
izraavanja.
Kulturni prostori zasnovani na partnerstvima predstavljae pozitivan pri-
mer partnerstva i saradnje u zajednici, koja moe doprineti kreiranju kulturnog
kapitala koji danas vie nije infrastruktura, ve saradnja (Vini, 2008: 32).
Novostvoreni kulturni kapital dalje moe doprineti i stvaranju ekonomske vred-
nosti gde je veoma znaajno da ona ne nastaje neposrednom eksploatacijom
resursa, nego dugoronim efikasnim delovanjem sprege socijalnog i kulturnog
kapitala. Pored navedenog, spregom ova dva oblika kapitala, i kreiranjem kul-
turnih prostora, moe doi i do nastanka novih uspenih praksi saradnje koji s
vremenom mogu postati i zvanino (dominantno) prihvaeni modeli.
Metodologija istraivanja
Pre opisa metodologije vano je osvrnuti se na predmet i cilj samog is-
traivanja. Predmet istraivanja u irem smislu predstavljaju kulturni prosto-
ri nastali na osnovu partnerstva izmeu javnog i civilnog sektora u kulturi.
Detaljnije, predmet istraivanja podrazumeva modelovanje meusektorskog
partnerstva pri kreiranju kulturnih prostora. Kao osnova za prouavanje po-
sluili su ve postojei funkcionalni kulturni prostori kao primeri ove vrste
partnerstva (Pogon, Zagreb; Metelkova mesto, Ljubljana i WUK, Be).
Cilj istraivanja je konstruisanje modela kulturnog prostora zasnovanog
na javno-civilnom partnerstvu, pri emu bi njegovi osnovni strukturni elemen-
ti bili univerzalni i mogli bi se prilagoditi razliitim urbanim kontekstima.
Kako je u uvodnom delu navedeno, istraivanje je smeteno u okvir kva-
litativne istraivake paradigme. Ova vrsta istraivanja karakteristina je za
drutvene nauke i podrazumeva analizu odreenog fenomena ili pojave. U
istraivanje su ukljueni sami uesnici fenomena (pojave), a istraiva naje-
e pokuava da prouava aktivnosti na mestu gde se one prirodno pojavljuju.
Kvalitativni pristup podrazumeva pre stvaranje teorije nego njeno testiranje,
to znai da se teorijske ideje razvijaju od faze inicijalnog prikupljanja poda-
taka i tokom celog procesa njihovog prikupljanja, tako da se za vreme istra-
ivanja pojavljuje kumulativna spirala razvoja teorije i prikupljanja podataka
(Henn, Weinstein & Foard, 2006: 156-159).
U okviru kvalitativne istraivake filozofije, za potrebe ovog rada, korie-
ne su metode analize i sinteze, kao i metoda modelovanja. Analiza, kao nauna
metoda predstavlja postupak pri kojem se putem razlaganja delatnost subjekta
potpuno razvija od neke kompleksne celine, kao polazne take istraivanja, ka
pronalaenju i utvrivanju elemenata, sadraja, initelja datog objekta i odno-
sa tih initelja u njemu (Kuki i Marki, 2006: 123).
Analiza kao metoda tei da dekonstruie predmet istraivanja na struk-
turne elemente, koji su za potrebe ovog rada sledei:
Idejni koncept na osnovu kojeg je nastao dati kulturni prostor.
Zajedniki cilj oko kojeg je formirano partnerstvo.
Organizaciona struktura partnerstva: za ovaj strukturni elemenat korie-
na je analiza organizacione strukture i organizacionih tokova (Dragie-
vi ei i Dragojevi, 2005: 61),
Upravljanje i odluivanje uloge i zaduenja u procesu odluivanja: za
ovaj strukturni elemenat koriena je analiza procesa odluivanja i dele-
giranja odgovornosti (isto), prikazivanje strukture upravljanja i odlui-
vanja u kulturnim prostorima veoma je znaajno iz razloga to su naini
odluivanja u sva tri primera specifini, nehijerahijski i predstavljaju svo-
jevrsnu vrednost koja se (naravno, u prilagoenom obliku) moe preneti
u novostvoreni model koji e predstavljati krajnji rezultat empirijskog is-
traivanja.
Resursi interna analiza resursa koja podrazumeva ljudske, materijalno-

tehnike, prostorne i finansijske, i kao takva predstavlja prvi deo ire, funk-
cionalne strateke analize FSA (Dragievi ei i Dragojevi, 2005: 83).
Kako se predloenom analizom ulazi u poreenje strukture dve ili vie
pojava (u ovom sluaju kulturnih prostora), moe se rei da je koriena i kom-
parativna analiza prilikom koje se otkrivaju njihove strukturne, funkcionalne
ili druge jednakosti, slinosti ili razliitosti (isto: 125). Cilj analize u ovom is-
traivanju je da se doe do zajednikih imenitelja (slinosti) za predstavljene
prostore i da te slinosti dalje slue kao osnovni konstrukti za jezgro modela
koji bi trebalo da bude ishod istraivanja.
Sinteza, kao metoda, predstavlja zavrni proces spoznaje odreenih po-
java i njen cilj je sastavljanje dekonstruisanih elemenata (u ovom sluaju
strukturnih elemenata kulturnih prostora) u novokonstruisanu, koherentnu
i konzistentnu apstraktnu celinu sa univerzalnim strukturnim elementima iz-
dvojenim iz analize postojeih primera kulturnih prostora.
Analiza i sinteza su u kontekstu ovog rada metode koje zajedniki dopri-
nose realizovanju metode modelovanja kao racionalnog, sistemskog, sloenog
postupka adekvatnog predstavljanja bitnih odredaba procesa, pojave, odnosno
realiteta ili njihovih zamisli kao odreene celine (Miljevi, 2007: 172-173).
Rezultati istraivanja
Cilj analize trenutno funkcionalnih kulturnih prostora predstavljao je
kreiranje njihovih zajednikih imenitelja (slinosti) i stvaranje osnovnog kon-
strukta za univerzalni teorijski model kulturnog prostora zasnovanog na jav-
no-civilnom partnerstvu. Na osnovu sinteze analiziranih strukturnih eleme-
nata, moe se doi do relativnog uoptavanja njihovih karakteristika koje se
moe koristiti za modelovanje kulturnih prostora u razliitim kontekstima.
Naravno, treba uvek imati u vidu da e lokalni kontekst uticati na navedene
karakteristike, te da one mogu posluiti samo kao okvir za modelovanje.
Na osnovu prikazanih rezultata, za nastanak i postojanje kulturnih pro-
stora, neophodno je da:
- nastanu organski, na bazi potreba grupa i pojedinaca iz lokalne zajednice;
- budu deo ire strategije uspostavljanja graanskog drutva i oslobaanja
javnog gradskog prostora u kome pojedinci i grupe imaju slobodan pri-
stup za boravak i izraavanje;
- predstavljaju znaajne drutvene inioce i da kao takvi budu prepoznati
od strane lokalne uprave;
- postoji saradnja i umreavanje aktera, kao i dogovor o zajednikim cilje-
vima;
- postoji jasna organizaciona struktura, kao i jasne uloge u procesima upra-
vljanja i odluivanja;
- budu u skladu sa promenom rezonovanja na polju prostornog planiranja,

gde bi pristup urbanom razvoju trebalo da se promeni od pitanja vlasni-
tva ka pitanju razvoja kulturnog i komunalnog ivota zajednice; to znai
da bi trebalo da budu deo strategije izgradnje zajednice, a ne samo grae-
vinski poduhvati;
- budu samoodrivi, to znai da, i pored eventualnih sredstava koje bi do-
bijali od lokalne uprave, imaju slobodu da ostvaruju prihod, od ega bi se
unapreivao sam prostor i programi, bez oslanjanja samo na javno finan-
siranje.
Predlog modela kulturnog prostora zasnovanog na javno-civilnom part-

nerstvu prikazan je u emi 1.
ema 1. Model kulturnog prostora zasnovanog na javno-civilnom partnerstvu (Voli, 2014)
Na osnovu predloga modela, zakljuuje se da kulturni prostori zasnovani

na javno-civilnim partnerstvima poivaju na principu koji su predoili Vodel
i Braun, gde dolazi do osnivanja novog pravnog lica kao grupacije postojeih
organizacija, koje dalje u tom obliku ulaze u partnerski odnos sa gradskom
upravom sa ciljem uspostavljanja kulturnog prostora. Ugovornim odnosom
definiu se obaveze svake strane, kao i svi ostali elementi neophodni za defini-
sanje novog pravnog subjekta. Tek nakon definisanja svih elemenata, moe se
smatrati da postoji kulturni prostor nastao na javno-civilnom partnerstvu.
Zakljuak i implikacije za dalja istraivanja

Kulturni prostori zasnovani na javno-civilnom partnerstvu u oblasti kul-
ture imaju viestruke efekte na lokalne kulturne sisteme, kao i na celu zajed-
nicu. Prednosti za javni sektor u kulturi ogledaju se u proirivanju moguno-
sti delovanja, mogunosti otvaranja dijaloga sa civilnim sektorom u kulturi i
razvoju participativnih mehanizama pri kreiranju kulturne politike. Znaajan
aspekt koji proizlazi iz partnerstva je i izgradnja poverenja prema civilnom
sektoru, to na dui rok doprinosi sagledavanju novih mogunosti za sarad-
nju, promociju i unapreenje savremenog kulturnog stvaralatva, a takoe i
raznovrsnijoj kulturnoj ponudi. Javni sektor preko kulturnih prostora ima i
mogunost kreiranja strukture za ukljuivanje graana, socijalnu inkluziju
i uvoenje novih oblika kulturnih i umetnikih praksi. Prednosti za civilni
sektor u kulturi, koji mogu proizai iz postojanja kulturnih prostora, jesu pr-
venstveno prostorno ujedinjenje nezavisne scene koje moe dovesti do njene
profesionalizacije, stabilizacije i kontinuiteta u delovanju. Zatim, prednosti se
ogledaju i u mogunosti za rast organizacija koje imaju kapacitete i dobre pro-
grame, razvoju sopstvenih operativnih praksi (novi modeli saradnje, umrea-
vanje i nove platforme), ojaavanju poloaja nezavisne scene u okviru kreira-
nja kulturne politike nezavisna scena bi mogla biti posmatrana kao zreo
sektor usmeren ka svojoj odrivoj budunosti kroz komunikaciju, saradnju i
razmenu znanja i vetina, kao i kroz zajedniko stvaralatvo. S druge strane,
prednost kulturnih prostora zasnovanih na ovim oblicima partnerstva jeste
njihova neoptereenost zahtevima trita i komercijalizacijom, to omoguava
i veu slobodu stvaralatva bez pritiska za obezbeivanjem sredstava za najam
prostora. Pored toga, nastankom kulturnih prostora zasnovanih na javno-ci-
vilnom partnerstvu uspostavlja se razvoj meusobnog poverenja, to na dui
rok doprinosi sagledavanju novih mogunosti.
Sa aspekta lokalne zajednice, znaajan efekat jeste nastanak pristupanih
kulturnih prostora za produkciju i prezentaciju kulturnih sadraja (pristupa-
nost se u ovom sluaju odnosi kako na stvaraoce, tako i na lanove zajednice
koji stvaralatvo recipiraju). Kultura se, u sluaju kulturnih prostora, tretira
kao javno dobro koje je dostupno svim graanima i koje doprinosi zadovolje-
nju kulturnih potreba lanova zajednice, dok s druge strane, utie na razvoj i
negovanje tih potreba. Kulturni prostori su znaajni i kao mesta na kojima se
generie kulturni kapital zajednice i gde jaaju drutvene veze preko nunog
stvaranja kontakata meu ljudima. I kao posebna vrednost postojanja kultur-
nih prostora istie se razvijanje solidarnosti i generisanje oseaja pripadnosti
zajednici, to se povratno oslikava na identitet zajednice na kojem se moe
zasnivati i stvaranje njene slike okrenute ka spolja.
Svi navedeni efekti predstavljaju ujedno i implikacije za dalja istraivanja,
koja mogu uslediti nakon postavljanja i funkcionisanja kulturnog prostora u
zajednici. Takoe, za njihovo merenje neophodno je razviti metodologiju i in-
dikatore, kako bi se mogli ilustrovati i pratiti tokom dueg vremenskog perioda.

Pored navedenih kulturnih prostora, koji su u kontekstu ovog rada analizirani
prvenstveno u gradskoj sredini, vano je razmatrati kulturne prostore zasno-
vane na pomenutim tipovima partnerstava i u seoskim naseljima, gde svakako
postoji potreba za ouvanjem i promocijom lokalnog kulturnog izraza. Seo-
ska sredina, esto ekonomski i razvojno marginalizovana, poseduje svoje spe-
cifine kulturne resurse koji bi optimalnim korienjem mogli da doprinesu
svim aspektima njene vrednosti primarnoj (vrednost po sebi), institucional-
noj (zadovoljavanje kulturnih potreba seoskog stanovnitva) i instrumentalnoj
(zapoljavanje, obnova sela, razvoj privrede i turizma). Sve ovo su teme koje
mogu biti predmet daljih istraivanja i analiza, posebno vanih u kontekstu
Republike Srbije, koja se suoava sa izazovima ouvanja i razvoja kulture i kul-
turnih potreba, paralelno sa izazovima razvoja privrede i zapoljavanja.
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Waddell, S., & Brown, D. L. (1997) Fostering Intersectoral Partnering. Pristupljeno
15.04.2014. na CommDev:
http://commdev.org/files/1305_file_fostering_intersectoral_partnering.pdf
WCED. (1987). Our common future. Pristupljeno 17.04.2014. na http://conspect.nl/
pdf/Our_Common_Future-Brundtland_Report_1987.pdf
Ivana Voli
NEW MODELS OF CULTURAL SPACES AS MEANS

OF CREATING SUSTAINABLE LOCAL CULTURAL
SYSTEMS
The main subject of this paper is based on the sustainability of local cultural sys-
tems as a micro aspect of the global concept of sustainable development. In this context,
cultural spaces are considered as specific spatial areas in which cultural production and
presentation happen. They have been formed on the basis of public-civil partnerships
within the department of culture. The empirical part of the paper focuses on the domain
of qualitative research paradigms, whilst the methods presented in the paper include com-
parative analysis, synthesis and modeling. The subject of the paper in a narrow sense is
modeling the aforementioned partnerships for the sake of creating cultural spaces. The
aim of the research is to create a universal theoretical model of a cultural space. Cultural
spaces based on a partnership should be in accordance with certain guidelines. Namely,
they need to appear as the bottom-up initiative which encompasses the needs of the
artists, the civil society organizations and the individuals in a certain field of culture.
They also need to work for the common good, as well as be publicly accessible and open,
and dispose of any exclusive property rights of an individual. These areas should be the
places of interaction between people, and between people and the created environment,
and as such may represent a new form of infrastructure for independent cultural initia-
tives. In addition, it is important to mention that these cultural spaces can also play
an educational role while creating the cultural habits of the population. Designed and
implemented in this manner, cultural spaces could be presented even through a tourist
offer, as spaces of unified cultural production, and through a presentation that may con-
tribute to creating specific experiences among visitors. As such, they largely contribute to
the self-development of the visitors by establishing the communication and the contact
with the everyday life of people at a certain destination, so that deeper contact with the
visited destination is achieved. The cultural properties of this sort could contribute to the
process of creating one of the pillars of the citys identity, as it is hugely significant for it to
be tightly connected with the contemporary life and creativity in general.
V
CULTURAL DIVERSITY AND

INTERCULTURAL DIALOGUE AS
INDICATORS OF SUSTAINABILITY IN
CULTURAL POLICIES AND PROGRAMS /
KULTURNA RAZNOLIKOST I
INTERKULTURALNI DIJALOG KAO
INDIKATORI ODRIVOSTI U KULTURNIM
POLITIKAMA I PROGRAMIMA
1
This group of texts represents result of the project Evaluation of Cultural Policies and
EU-Funded Programs as Promoters of Cultural Diversity and Intercultural Dialogue in the Bal-
kans/Southeast Europe, organizers: Multimedia Skopje, Akcija Sarajevo and Zentrum fur kultur
dokumentacion, Vienna, 2012-14.
Gottfried Wagner
European Cultural Foundation
THE ART OF DIFFERENCE INTERCULTURAL

LEARNING REMAINS OUR COMMON CHALLENGE
Foreword
This is a personal and necessarily incomplete attempt to understand the
challenges posed by the instrumentalisation of cultural diversity as an ac-
companying contribution to the work of researchers (while the author of these
lines has been a cultural-political managerial practitioner in a wide sense); it
reflects on the conditions for intercultural dialogue; it reflects on the prereq-
uisites for change and the lasting progress towards the valorisation of diversity.
The perspective chosen remains necessarily limited: it is about commonali-
ties and specificities regarding intercultural challenges in the region - covered
by the study - and in the EU.
The challenge commences with the name of the region covered: Naming
sometimes is not an innocent act, Maria Todorova
1
said in her works about the Balkans, and about singling out the region
in a wider European context. The difficulty starts with the proper name for the
region, indeed, from the so-called Western Balkans/WB (political semantics)
to the wider Southeastern Europe (seemingly neutral geography) or Ex-Yugo-
slavia (which ties the present and the future to a past that is long gone in the
meantime). But moreover, expressions such as the Balkans (and the like) do
evoke a phenomenon analysed also by Todorova that has to do with construct-
ing an alleged fundamental difference2; with exclusion, indeed, a process that
evokes a perception that would make comparison and similarities impossible.
1
Imagining the Balkans, Oxford University Press, 1997.
2
The central idea of Imagining the Balkans is that there is a discourse, which I term
Balkanism, that creates a stereotype of the Balkans, and politics is significantly and organically
intertwined with this discourse.
Such projection-strategies (which locate the negative elsewhere naming/

shaming) have, of course, been fuelled tragically by the last war in Europe, in
the nineties.
This text insists on a counter-strategy of understanding (instead of stig-
matisation and externalisation), of learning on all sides (based also on the
challenges Western-European societies have been facing in terms of diversity
and integration), on the need to be self-reflective and critical both in SEE
and in the EU in order to identify paths of overcoming instrumentalisation of
difference, and strengthen togetherness. The study carried out by researchers
tackles five countries in the region (WB). The team, which includes Austrian
partners, thought that dialoguing with each other would allow to combine
internal and external perspectives, similarities and differences with the com-
mon goal to not only understand which kind of projects, programmes and
campaigns have proven to be more (or less) useful and sustainable but also to
possibly conclude with recommendations for future work of cultural practitio-
ners and policy makers alike.
In a Nutshell
General and SEE-Specific Ambiguities Related to ID and Diversity Policies

The basic general ambiguity related to ID-strategies is that between (often
high) expectations on the one side and sceptical caution about its impact on
the other. ID-strategies and diversity policies are often seen as a rather de-
fensive strategy, if not an alibi that is not enough aware of (or: overlooks) the
major societal, economic and political forces that limit its reactive - impact;
on the other hand, ID-campaigns and diversity-policies have been frequently
perceived as the/an important (if not miraculous) key to change the very soci-
eties for the better. In other words:
On the one hand, Intercultural dialogue (ID) and cooperation, respect
for, and promotion of cultural diversity, whether in culture, the arts or
education, happens in socio-economic, political environments that shape,
infringe, limit or promote it,
while, on the other hand, explicit deliberate ID-policies are often con-
ceived/welcomed to have a 'positive' impact on this environment, on soci-
ety, particularly when change is urgently needed.
In the post-conflict countries (and region) at stake there is evidence that
the very specific environment of millions still wrestling with diverging memo-
ries, harsh experience and trauma, economic weakness, etc. aggravates this
dilemma of high expectations and aspirations regarding ID on the one hand
and severe limitations on the other. General ambiguity may well be sharper
than in societies with a longer period of democratic equilibrium and economic
stability. Evaluation of respective cultural policies (if they exist) as well as of

ID-oriented interventions of external (private and public) donors is therefore
confronted with substantial systemic challenges. Projects are researched that
try/have tried to overcome ethnocentric, segregation boundaries, while, to
some extent, instrumentalisation of difference, be it national, cultural or reli-
gious, tends to continue to overrule bottom-up processes of reconciliation and
the normality of co-existence and co-operation.
Not Just an Abstract Exercise Lessons to Be Learned

Indeed, evaluating ID and CD projects is not an abstract exercise of sci-
entific value only, whether in SEE or in the EU, but can provide very useful
lessons for policy making, in particular cultural policy making in the future.
Intercultural improvement and progress are needed for both, the societies
in the EU as well as for those in the Southeast European waiting room, and,
importantly, for the relationship between SEE and the EU, respectively between
their citizens. Further European integration will be strongly dependent on new
qualities of internal and trans-national intercultural dialogue and valorisation
of diversity. The past two, three decades were marked by multicultural/inter-
cultural stress, political abuse of diversity for economic and power interests,
and severe tragedies. Clash of Civilizations was not only a (possibly and pur-
posefully misunderstood) academic bestseller, but became (better: was made)
a tragic reality, from NYC (nine/eleven) to Afghanistan and Iraq; and to the
conflicts and wars as a result of the dissolution of Yugoslavia in the nineties.
On the other hand, accelerated globalization and mass migration have put a
strain on societies all over Europe, and populist politics have abused that by
capitalizing on the politics of fear.
Culture has been turned from a potential bridge-builder to a medium of
conflict, respectively has been instrumentalised conflicts were culturalised.
Thus, artists and cultural workers working with the most sophisticated and
at the same time imaginative/sensual/tangible medium of fruitful difference
- have to seek new ways to fight their abuse. Culture - in a wider, anthropologi-
cal and societal meaning - and cultural agents of change is/are challenged to
reverse the culturalisation of difference, and to restore the bonding power of
inter-cultural relations and cultural exchange and cooperation. Translated into
concrete practice, this concerns cultural institutions and organizations, public
and private, civic and commercial, practice and policies. It will be highlighted
in the research part how the analysed projects have influenced and were in-
fluenced by this process in SEE; in this text as well as on the projects website
efforts within the EU will be indicated.
In essence, its about regaining the capacities of cultural activists who
strengthen ID through
working together (networking)
working across borders and boundaries (trans-disciplinary)

building positive change on intrinsic engagement rather than on external
pressure.
Finally, the question of definitions: What is the precise meaning of inter-
cultural dialogue? This is what the Platform for Intercultural Europe says:
In spite that the term intercultural dialogue is invoked today so often, it is
used in many different contexts and, as a consequence, its meaning varies.
What is worse, the term has recently acquired a nature of a word-emblem,
meaning everything and nothing at the same time.3
Nevertheless, a definition is given on the website of the platform, stem-
ming from the Council of Europes White Paper 2008:
intercultural dialogue is understood as a process that comprises an open and
respectful exchange of views between individuals and groups with different
ethnic, cultural, religious and linguistic backgrounds and heritage, on the
basis of mutual understanding and respect. It requires the freedom and abil-
ity to express oneself, as well as the willingness and capacity to listen to the
views of others. Intercultural dialogue contributes to political, social, cultural
and economic integration and the cohesion of culturally diverse societies.4
Incommensurable Historical Circumstances?

Intercultural Dialogue in the conflict-torn region of the WB/SEE has been
seen by many as a prerequisite for (re-) building tolerant and cooperative soci-
eties and regional cooperation. In contrast, ID- and diversity-related challeng-
es in the European Union, however big they may be, are seen as comparatively
easier to be managed. What does that mean for a study like the one conducted
here?
Ultimately, the study at stake, evaluating ID- and diversity-projects in
SEE, could/should provide very useful lessons for policy making, in particular
cultural policy making in the future, particularly the future of the concerned
countries in the Union; that links the study more practically to aspirations
and concrete steps (and results in the case of Croatia) regarding membership
in the European Union and to the perspectives and requirements that mem-
bership and participation in EU mechanisms and instruments present also
for societal integration and cohesion and integration of the region in a good-
neighbourly way.
It does not need to be recalled that the rather recent history of the region
was marked by the opposite of intercultural dialogue and peaceful cooperation.
The process of splitting up, segregation, shift of powers and the emergence of
3
http://www.intercultural-europe.org/site/panorama/definitions?page=2
4
http://www.coe.int/t/dg4/intercultural/whitepaper_EN.asp
new states was not negotiated and managed unanimously or at least peace-
fully; the end of former Yugoslavia was poisoned with conflict, hatred, war,
genocide, mass emigration, etc. ID and human diversity-management prob-
ably pose much greater challenges in societies that need to come to terms with
a recent history of destruction and fresh memories of former neighbourhood
(literally and metaphorically) that broke apart under dangerous conditions.5
Thus, focusing on the study at stake, researching ID- and diversity-proj-
ects that were carried out in post-war and post-trauma situations demands a
methodological view different from the view one would use in rather normal
circumstances, and another set of possible expectations. (The term normality
is defined in this context simply as the absence of (present or recent) massive
violence and collapse of civic order.)
Moreover, results of this actual research may again be scrutinised in this
very demanding context of contemporary history, while political landscapes
have altered in the meantime, have developed, improved, yet without ultimate
certainty that the ghosts of the past have eventually and totally disappeared.
Some policy areas are still volatile; relations between ethnic and/or religious
groups are far from being settled in such a way, that trust and confidence can
be shared amongst individuals, groups and states. Progress is contrasted by
backlashes; democratic nation-building is not an easy task, relations between
majorities and minorities are still fragile. The four countries at stake in this
study (and two more in the region) all strive, more or less firmly, for a safe
permanent role in the European Union that might help to overcome the fault
lines of the past. Reversely, membership to the Union is next to hard indi-
cators also depending on getting the societal relations right, peacefully and
with respect for otherness and human rights and the rule of law. (One of the
countries concerned has already made its way into the Union, not without still
having tasks to fulfil.)
Hence, intercultural dialogue and cooperation is in this region also a
chiffre for the re-building of tolerant, cooperative societies with friendly relations
to internal and external neighbours, while, and this presents another challenge
in this project, ID seems to have a somewhat different, maybe less ambitious or
loaded meaning in other parts of Europe.
This study enfolds, thus, in an incommensurable historical setting; how-
ever, the more normality gets established in cities, regions, states, and the re-
gion of the former Yugoslavia, as it certainly is the case, the more parallels may
be found between the challenges of, and experience with ID in the European
Union, or in the West. As Austria is part of the project, it seemed to be useful
5
The fact that private donors and to some extent also international public agencies have
put a lot of emphasis on intercultural and interreligious dialogue on post-conflict reconcilia-
tion, etc. over the last 20 years in SEE underlines this assumption (or evidence?) that this was
perceived as a great challenge.
to look at common challenges and specific differences between countries of

the European Union and countries in Southeast Europe.
Economic and Political Interests and Their Impact on ID and Diversity

Next to a specific history of a country, a region, that weighs heavily on
the challenges for ID- and diversity-practices, it is the macro-economic and
political frameworks that often determine both the concrete societal reality of
diversity as well as the instrumental use of the term ID and related discourses
(from affirmation to scepticism over its prospects, to hostility). History is not
a metaphysical entity in itself; it is made by men and their use of power, their
use of economy, and by them sometimes instrumentalising difference (e.g.
ethnic) for their own power purposes.
In the case of former Yugoslavia it has often been said and analysed how
ideologically neutral those powerful leaders were who instigated ethnic/cul-
tural/religious exclusion, hatred and war. They were for some time cyni-
cally effective in the business of engineering power, according to this inter-
pretation, power that has been facilitated, oiled by the emotional creation of
otherness, of turning neighbours into enemies.
This sheds light on the relative value of the discourses, narratives and terms
related to diversity, multiculturalism, intercultural dialogue and the like - ID in
an environment of political business and tactical camouflage of interests in
power battles of morally indifferent elites. However, such exclusive strategies
of difference have been working in many instances, and the 20th century was
full of tragic successes with many millions of followers and victims. The wars
and conflicts on the territories of former Yugoslavia were just the latest mani-
festation of instrumentalising culture, nation, difference; this happened while
the big rest of Europe remained a helpless observer.
What does this economic and power-political instrumentalisation of dif-
ference and diversity mean for ID- and diversity- projects after the war, after
the tragedy? At least one has to be very much aware of false shortcuts, and cau-
tious with not isolating ID from the socio-political context; to remain reflexive
in order not to reduce complexity. One lesson (that one tried to apply also in
Western Europe after WWII) concerns a robust system of democratic checks
and balances and a basic agreement on the necessity of social justice and eco-
nomic well-being. Such systemic, holistic approaches are needed everywhere,
also in other parts of Europe. ID-campaigns that reduce the challenge of deal-
ing with difference (otherness) to moral/ethical issues without putting it in
the matrix of equality, division of labour, of chances, access to education, class-
structure, etc. will fail - totally or at least partly. However, there are sharp dif-
ferences in todays Europe, between the North and the South, between SEE
and the Union regarding favourable or not-favourable socio-economic frame-
work-conditions. Consequently, ID efforts in SEE evaluated in the project did
not/do not happen in a post-war and post-traumatic situation only but also in
a poor, or better: impoverished region with little hope for quick recovery, with
limited chances for the young, a high pressure for leaving for economic rea-
sons, harsh living conditions for the elderly, sharp difference between the few
very rich and the masses of poor without a middle class of scale.
Hence, taking into account history, socio-economic factors and weak civil
societies, ID and policies for cultural diversity (still) pose a true challenge for
governments in the region. Experience elsewhere indicates that nationalism
or re-nationalising the discourse seems to offer a (false) political reduction of
complexity.
Goran Tomka6 says in his interim paper for the project, for the case of
Serbia (cited here as one of the many examples in other corners of the region):
The topic of intercultural dialogue is probably one of the highest challenges of
cultural policy in Serbia, as much as cultural diversity is a challenge for Serbian
society as a whole. He points at dominant assimilationist tendencies. There is a
high priority of policies and actions devoted to the celebration of one, big, homog-
enous nation.EU accession perspectives, on the other hand, have the economic
potential to ease the diversity-homogeneity-dilemma and to de-ideologize di-
versity issues. In combination with public standard-setting and support for
civil society organizations that work on integration and tolerance progress
can be expected step by step.
Cultural Agents of Change; Perspectives and Sustainability

In the region tackled by this project there have been, however, remark-
ably tough non-nationalistic counter-forces of enlightenment at work, agents of
change.
First of all, there is a critical mass of artistic and cultural (used here in the
wide sense of the word) operators that have always been eager to work together
beyond external and internal borders and boundaries. There are, probably, not
many regions in Europe where artists, intellectuals, cultural activists, journal-
ists, educators, human rights activists have taken a comparably explicit, coura-
geous and political stance. Political art or artists with a strong sense of public
responsibility have been exemplary, and have reached fairly wide audiences,
also beyond the region, partly also because from very early on new communi-
cation technologies, and later, social media have been used disproportionally
fervently.
Secondly, targeted and for a certain period significantly strong support
from outside, for long mostly stemming from the private sector, i.e. founda-
tions, most notably the OSI, and relatively smaller ones like the European Cul-
tural Foundation/ECF, but also from some state or semi-state agencies (like the
6
http://www.connectcp.org/profiles/profile.php?profileid=2418&lang=fr
Swiss Culture Programme, the Swedish Institute, German agencies and foun-
dations, US programmes, Austrian KulturKontakt, Norwegian programmes,
etc.) has helped to empower local, regional civic and cultural actors to cooper-
ate beyond borders and to overcome nationalistic agendas.
Thirdly, the future option, i.e. EU membership, is helping to replace the
ethnocentric, monocultural, nationalistic paradigm by a cooperative transna-
tional paradigm. It took long before cultural issues were addressed by spe-
cific EU-programmes and the respective resources were put in place. This was
heavily criticised by civic organisations all over Europe, and for years alter-
native mechanisms were necessary to at least partly fill the gap and to meet
certain requirements inherent to the local specificities. One example of these
alternative structures was the BIFC, the Balkan Incentive Fund for Culture, set
up by the ECF and partners7, which was recently turned into BAC, the Balkans
Art and Culture Fund; another one the European Fund for the Balkans8, with the
aim of bringing SEE closer to the EU.
Agents of change achieve the biggest impact if they belong to a strong
network of like-minded peers. Thus, promotion and support focused in many
cases on sustainability through deep networking9. It will be interesting to see
how one assesses the lasting impact of EU-funded projects on ID and cultural
diversity respectively, whether the networks created had a life beyond the span
of the projects. As a case of reference one could point out the large community
of artists, cultural activists that met in 2011 in Sarajevo celebrating 20 years of
OSI/Soros foundations in the region. They were representing also a much larg-
er group of people who could not come, and secondly, they represented also
a powerful subculture that was supported by other donors and partner NGOs
in the EU as well. Multiple investment over many years was considered very
valuable by donors, not only because of important projects and programmes
that could take off at that time, but also because they helped to form a group
that has been powerful enough to imagine a new European Yugo-sphere of
cooperation. Many of those stakeholders play a crucial role in the next phase
of transition, now, on the way to EU integration.
In a way these committed and engaged people have managed to prove
through their work in many projects of smaller and larger scale, through pro-
grammes they run all over the region the viability, the impact and the sustain-
ability of explicitly ID-related or implicitly IDgrounded cultural and artistic
work; this could be said and in detail defended according to the criteria that
7
http://www.culturalfoundation.eu/grants/balkans-art-and-culture-fund
8
http://balkanfund.org/
9
For example, the Multimedia Institute and its networks in Zagreb, https://www.face-
book.com/MamaZagreb; one of its pioneers will receive a prestigious award soon: Cultural ac-
tivist, Teodor Celakoski, will receive the ECF Princess Margriet Award for inspiring new forms
of solidarity and cooperation between culture, civil society and government bodies. http://
www.culturalfoundation.eu/activities/princess-margriet-award/sixth-award#teodor
Milena Dragievi ei has outlined in her training session on methodology of

evaluation, and the parameters of sustainable success she referred to: Local com-
munity relations and stimulating cultural pluralism, Influence on cultural policy,
Regional and international positioning, Decentralisation of activities, Innovation
and transfer of knowledge, Increasing organisational capabilities.
Milena Dragievi ei, as the general rapporteur of that OSI Sarajevo
gathering, was, on the other hand, also sceptical. She saw -
...two different faces of the region. One face open to dialogue, happy to
meet the others and possibly create a platform for further common work
and knowledge exchange a face of an independent cultural sector. This face
thinks with criticism and asks difficult questions, although still not being
able to find all the answers. Another face - strict, stiffed, tired, resigned and
professional, but without contemporary knowledge or modern skills is the
face of public sector in the culture of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the whole
region. A face which provides quick responses because it loyally accepts the
given Dayton and other boundaries. A face that does not want to critically
question neither itself nor others - particularly not the development hori-
zons and perspectives.
In both cases it is about the cognitive proletariat, the precarious society
layer. (...) There was also a third face here a face of Europe and the world
which wants to give a hand to the region (...) prepared to critically judge the
potentials and the readiness of the society to proactively commit to some-
thing on behalf of its own common future.10
SEE: Unfinished Business

The Balkans integration, both into European Union normality as well as
with regards to a post-conflict cultural sphere of some pertinence and depth,
respect for the other, for diversity, and of intercultural competences is - obvi-
ously - neither finished nor a given for the future. Yes, there are resilient agents
of change, advocates of diversity and ID, yet they seem to be concerned again,
or: still are. Weighing opportunities and threats concerning the future, they
point at strong signs of civilian apathy, depression, lack of perspectives, revival
of ultranationalism and backwardness. Without dramatising the consequences
of unresolved issues, for example a future for Bosnia-Herzegovina (and there
are more examples!), one cannot neglect the overt and hidden dangers of a
rollback, aggravated by economic stalemate and by the Europe-wide and global
financial crisis.
One important side effect of the larger drama is a kind of a European void of
awareness, if not oblivion concerning the region. The dominance of other head-
lines and other regions of global importance, mixed with a crisis of the European
10
Milena Dragievi ei, the Sarajevo culture conference in 2012 on 20 years of OSI
work in the region.
institutions, narrow down the space for the Balkans in the economy of atten-
tion, lower intercultural curiosity and tolerance among many EU citizens who
think they had enough, of enlargement, of migration, of enforced solidarity.
In a nutshell: societal and political transformation clearly has gained
ground in SEE; (inter)cultural actors of change are not only seismographs in
this process but irreplaceable catalysts in cooperation with others in horizontal
alliances. This (inter) cultural fundament of change, I believe, stretches beyond
borders. A lot can be built on it; these actors of change are building demo-
cratic societies throughout the region just like they are building them on local
and national level. Yet, paradoxically, these elites and many new faces may be
needed even more in the next future to finish the process under truly chal-
lenging conditions. It may all go wrong; it cannot go wrong again; we dont let
it go wrong again one could hear. Unfinished business calls for continuity of
major efforts. The project at stake and its outcomes are located in this context,
and there is hope - and the need - that lessons will be learned and applied both
by the EU partners and the stakeholders from the cultural sectors, who are the
yeast for the eventual creation of a transnational open society in the region and
the avenues to full European integration.
ID and Diversity Challenges in the EU

Having in mind the pan-European perspectives, the societal developments
all over the continent, and not only in the WB, it is obvious that pluralistic and
non-homogenous societies with unresolved issues of living together harmoni-
ously (on local, regional and national level, and in Europe - in a globalised
world) are still confronted with a huge task against populist shortcuts and
severe economic, political and ideological deficits. As part of a first compara-
tive approximation it cannot be stressed enough: EU member states, older or
younger, and their societies are not exempt at all from serious challenges re-
garding diversity, the inclusion of (mostly new) minorities, and the lack of
ability to capitalise on diversity, a lack with the unfavourable consequences for
economic value of creative diversity.
Everyday ignorance and stereotypes; an atmosphere of defensive exclu-
sion; neo- and ultra-nationalism, racism; populist politics and media that
sometimes tend to make their money with hostility against strangers; undif-
ferentiated debates about global migration and asylum seekers; unresolved and
re-animated older conflicts between majorities and minorities; anti-Semitism
and anti-Islamic propaganda, fundamentalism on all sides, including religious
leaders and their public hate speech; grave incidents with lethal consequences,
etc. old and new(er) member states of the EU fight with intercultural unrest
and severe problems related to old and new diversity.
However different they are from the post-conflict societies of SEE, EU
members states are, on the other hand - to some extent - comparable to the SEE
countries at stake in this project - insofar as macro-political and socio-eco-

nomic circumstances determine psycho-dynamic capacities, fears and threats,
and limit the impact of best-intentioned initiatives, be they grassroots-driven
or governmental.
While special efforts have been made to address the issue, like in the context
of the 2008 Year of ID, and impressive numbers of content-rich campaigns have
been launched, remarkable societal splits, exclusion-mechanisms and inequali-
ties (even in the case of some autochthone minorities) have continued to pose
unanswered questions. Societies like the Austrian, and others, have been strug-
gling with populism that entered the core political arenas; hidden or overtly
instrumentalised racism; cultural segregation and uneven distribution of mate-
rial and/or symbolic cultural capital and participation. However successful the
individual careers of immigrants have been, in particular from the region tack-
led in this project, and how much, for example, the creative sectors including
the industries (in Austria, too) benefited from what could be described as brain
drain, including from the SEE region among others, inequalities of crucial scale
remained; they have been analysed, described and quantified in studies, e.g.,
the systematic national testing in education or cultural access.
However, history has provided some countries with useful lessons; trans-
national realities, e.g., in economy (labour market, consumers, etc.), have
forced society to develop a more integrative attitude; standards were developed
in EU practices and discourses that have eventually led to a set of instruments;
these have - on civic and state level - helped to address deficiencies. Special
efforts taken in the cultural sphere - like in the European Year of ID (EYID)
- have supported and multiplied the initiatives aimed at integration - societal
and cultural. In this regard, the experience of EU countries like Austria can
be a useful backdrop for evaluating ID-related projects in the Western Bal-
kans, if undertaken with respect for the uniqueness of the regions experience.
A comparative approach could, for example, look at recommendations that
emerged from the EYID, as, for example, proposed measures in the field of cul-
tural institutions which were advised to scrutinise in particular three areas of
activities that are relevant for integration and equality: Audience development/
participation/inclusion; Programme development & Representation of minori-
ties (new citizens) in the decision-making bodies at all cultural-political levels.
The case of Austria and other EU countries can, in this research setting,
shed some light on the field of societal post-crisis complexities. Comparison
and, above all, co-operation! - can be helpful in a European policy context that
does not allow for much hard benchmarks, such as legislation, except minor-
ity laws and human rights provisions, but nevertheless offers and asks for, ori-
entation towards openness, mobility, co-existence, good neighbourly relations,
tolerance, etc.
While EU member states were wrestling with their own severe problems of
alleged cultural and real multicultural or intercultural nature, and EU in-
stitutions reacted late, their reaction to the challenges of the Balkans came not
only later; they discovered the area of (inter-)culture in the process of Western
Balkans policies half-heartedly; not a surprise, given the hard facts (from the
criminal aspects the Hague Tribunal - to constitutional deficiencies, for ex-
ample in Bosnia); on the other hand, this neglect came also quite surprisingly,
given the fact that the past conflicts were so much culturalised, and culture was
used in an odd way more as a lethal weapon than as a binding bridge, a fact
that would have deserved in principle massive attention.
Today, in combination with incentives and conditionality, carrots and
sticks, as it is often called, impact could be expected, one can hear frequently,
especially in SEE itself. The challenge for such policies is, obviously, to pay
tribute to the autonomy of the cultural sector, and in particular the arts, which
excludes direct political intervention, if real benefits ought to be achieved. If
one would have to name only one lesson from earlier comprehensive interven-
tions (e.g., Open Society Institute), it may be the following: even in very harsh
external political circumstances people and networks of people can and should
be supported - they form the lasting backbone of societal transformation.
Initial comparison indicates three tentative assumptions promising for ID-
related work both in societies in SEE and in the EU, when we ask for impact and
improved diversity practices:
The importance of moving away from looking at individual projects to a
perspective that is more focused on networks.
To go beyond art and culture as isolated spheres; work cross-sectorally and
cross-disciplinary, deliberately including also other relevant societal as-
pects, in order to get the expected results.
With ID, diversity and related cultural policies we enter a policy area with
few hard benchmarks (except, e.g., minority laws, HR provisions);
therefore, it is mostly the community itself that can achieve progress; not
much can be expected through extrinsic, external pressure, when soft in-
struments are needed to create more openness, co-existence, tolerance,
co-operation.
Accidental and More Systemic Responses in Difficult Times

Since the nineties a series of tectonic shifts happened that altered societies
and their texture of living together. We saw eruption shifts on macro-level and
of global scale, and on micro-level locally. The negative spiral affected also the
relation between the micro- and the macro-level, and these eruptions and
slides were man-made, yet man couldnt control the consequences in many
cases. In a fast backward mode:
Globalisation and migration have put a strain on EU societies. Collec-
tive fears held them in a tight grip, particularly after `Nine Eleven and what
followed in the US, Iraq, Afghanistan, and subsequently also in Madrid, Lon-
don, Amsterdam and other places. In the EU, traditionally liberal and open
countries like the NL and Denmark experienced attacks on freedom of expres-
sion (the filmmaker Theo van Goghs assassination; the anti-Danish campaign
in the aftermath of the Mohammed caricatures) and they were faced with a
so far unseen hysteria that was complemented, underpinned, even fuelled by
intellectuals and their paradigmatic bestsellers, or their reception in the me-
dia. Dutchman Paul Scheffers Multicultural Drama was one of the disputed
national and soon international readings; Huntingtons Clash of Civilizations
became a key work for this period of ultraliberal economies, on the one hand,
and ideological closure, on the other. Austria experienced a coalition between
Christian Democrats and the Freedom Party of Jrg Haider, which led to EU
measures against the government of the country, to Europe-wide discussions
and an unprecedented shift of politics within the country. Haiders party had
already before benefited from, and served xenophobic feelings and attitudes;
this policy paid off, and its yeast crept -according to critical observers - into the
centre parties strategies. Right-wing extremism, populism and xenophobic,
anti-Islamic, anti-Semitic tendencies could be observed in Italy and France,
Norway and Belgium, etc. A dam was broken, while stock markets rocketed and
new communication technologies expanded with the highest speed. An age of
sharp contradictions
One of the dramatic peaks was reached when anti-globalisation and anti-
EU feelings were bundled in two most significant No-s in referenda on the
draft European constitution, a political process, and a text, that was perceived
by analysts as a major step to further European unity in diversity. That ulti-
mately failed, with many consequences, also for interculturalism and enlarge-
ment fatigue, etc. Decent politicians and administrators, civic committees and
churches tried to unlock projects and programmes, campaigns and policies to
defend multi-, or later: inter-culturalism; individuals resisted and tried to de-
escalate; each country had its heroes, often blamed to be Gutmenschen (the
good people), the NL for example Geert Mak11, whose reasoning for balanced
views was given out for free on the day of books, or Ian Buruma12. Many of the
efforts undertaken in these years remained accidental, individual, not systemic
enough. This was also the time of the rise of the term interculturalism, a catch-
word for societal strategies both in theory and practice (projects), a mix of the
defensive farewell to the term (and reality of) multiculturalism that suddenly
was held guilty for the failures that had led to political extremism, and of an
attempt to mend the fences. However, it proved to be difficult to swim against
11
http://www.amazon.de/Mord-Theo-van-Gogh-moralischen/dp/3518124633/ref=sr_1_
9?s=books&ie=UTF8&qid=1380186904&sr=1-9&keywords=mak+geert
12
http://www.volkskrant.nl/wca_item/boeken_detail/453/76332/Dood-van-een-ge-
zonde-roker.html
the rising tide of non-compromising positions, within individual countries

and on international level; and thus even the history of renaming the issue at
stake and the respective strategies reflects the somewhat arbitrary, accidental
shift of notion instead of systemic policy responses.
The synchronicity of external (non-EU, global) and (EU-) internal clashes
was stupendous: 1999, for example, was the year of the NATO bombing of Bel-
grade that ended the military conflict in Kosovo/a, one of the major failures of
negotiating ethnic and cultural difference peacefully; and it was the year when
Haiders FP became the second party in national elections which made him
the kingmaker for this unprecedented right parties coalition.
The tragedy of Nine Eleven 2001 was followed by the escalating interven-
tions in Afghanistan since 2001 and by the second war in Iraq in 2003: a series
of tragedies that aggravated the general anxieties and helped to establish poli-
tics of fear. This politics of fear was soon dominated by a far-reaching Islamo-
phobia that made enlightened debates, at times, almost impossible. Neverthe-
less, finally, and in parallel to these disasters, in the midst of this panorama of
international aggression and wars and domestic societal failures, ID-ideolo-
gies and practices were slowly developed in a more aspirational and complex
way in many EU countries, at the beginning still experimental, yet stubbornly
positive, sometimes desperate.
Only in 2008, ironically the year of the (first) mega-crisis of the international
financial markets, ID efforts and experience gathered by then were put in a
more comprehensive framework, the European Year of Intercultural Dia-
logue, EYID.13
One of the landmarks for this process was, however, set already in 2005:
the Convention on the Protection and Promotion of Diversity14 that was adopted
by the UNESCO General Assembly, with only two no-votes (USA and Israel),
an important decision which had huge influence on the cultural diversity de-
bates in the years to come15.
These turbulent times of reinterpreting cultural difference, turmoil and
culture or culturalised conflicts would deserve systematic research, research
also on the multitude of singular and more comprehensive efforts to de-cul-
turalise difference, evaluation of the many projects and debates in this decade;
there is no systematic evaluation of ID-projects and ID-programmes yet
(something which will be pioneered (regionally) by the SEE project at stake).
A propos the multitude of strategies and policies: It would by far exceed the
limits of this paper to point out more than a few pointillistic examples.
13
http://www5.interculturaldialogue2008.eu/
14
http://www.unesco.org/new/en/culture/themes/cultural-diversity/cultural-
expressions/
15
for others, more skeptical observers, it was important more on an symbolical level than
in reality
Sweden again avant-garde in the good old Scandinavian style - saw a

study on ID in cultural institutions, carried out by Yvonne Rock16 on behalf of
the government, in close liaison with another ID flagship, Intercult and Chris
Torch17, who should later play a role in EFAH/CAEs support for the EYID. The
exercise was built on voluntary participation of big and smaller Swedish cultur-
al players, and led to policy offers such as advice and training; no extra funds
were provided; it seemed to be the start of a societal process which aimed at
setting new standards in cultural life. More can be found on Sweden and others
at the EricArts site National Approaches to Intercultural Dialogue in Europe18.
Finland was and still is a country with comparatively marginal immigra-
tion (not counting the highly educated well-off Russians) a fact which to
some extent contributed to its special status and excellent results in interna-
tional studies, e.g., on the effectiveness of the education system (PISA). Cul-
tural policies were concerned with helping to create frameworks for the suc-
cessful promotion of cultural and creative industries and creative clusters. As
far as cultural diversity policies are concerned, experiments found quite some
international attention, for example the establishing of the post of a cultural
diversity officer in national flagship art institutions, held by a Catholic Pales-
tinian lady with a strong sense for gender equality, Umayya Abu-Hanna, who
caused some headaches in traditional circles also by being provocatively frank,
e.g., about racism in Finland.
The Dutch case proved to be very special. The provocative Dutch film-
maker and enfant terrible Theo van Gogh was murdered by a Muslim/Moroc-
can extremist in 2004, after having made a film (submission) with the former
Muslima Ayaan Hirsi Ali, a piece of work that voluntarily and provocatively
broke taboos. Before that, already in 2002, the extremely successful party lead-
er Pim Fortuyn was killed, not by an immigrant, though. Fortuyn represented
the modern version of an anti-Muslim extremist hiding his radical positions
behind a smoke curtain of modernity (he was overtly gay and defended free-
dom of sexual choice as he protected the Jewish community against the new
evil.) In this heated atmosphere, a book appeared which particularly catalysed
the tensions in a widely debated manner: The Multicultural Drama by Paul
Scheffer. It took a liberal stance, and claimed that excessive multiculturalism
had eroded the basic societal contract and left-wing parties did not want to
discuss that freely. Ultimately Geert Wilders managed to translate the outspo-
ken aggressive sentiments into a somewhat more sustainable party whose
leader he still is.
While public political culture suffered by antagonistic positions and by
populism from the right and left, and the centre, the moderates launched ini-
16
http://www.intercultural-europe.org/docs/pa-nordic-forum-programme.pdf
17
http://www.eenc.info/de/expert/chris-torch-3/
18
http://www.interculturaldialogue.eu/web/files/14/en/Sharing_Diversity_Annexes.pdf
tiatives with the aim to stop the tide by politically strengthening diversity cul-
ture. Special awards were created for organisations that had made significant
progress in diversity practices; foundations like the Prince Claus Fund set sig-
nificant signs of differentiation and respect with a global perspective, and the
European Cultural Foundation countered, for example EU- and Enlargement-
fatigue by a substantial European programme called Enlargement of Minds and
by a deliberate campaign for the Western Balkans, starting with a publication
The Heart of the Matter and leading to a special fund (BIFC19). Dutch cultural
diversity policies finally enfolded in quite an impressive manner20.
The UK has been clearly most advanced in terms of awareness and poli-
cies/politics with regards to diversity, vigorously implemented by the Arts
Council and other public and private bodies; the UK also pioneered the area
of diversity and markets, corporate diversity, creative industries and diversity,
and leadership programmes21. Again, cynics pointed out the macro-political
dilemmas in which the UK and UK organisations operated the close partner-
ship with the US that led to the massive engagement in the Iraq war, on the
one hand, and the fact that a relevant part of the staff of the British Council
was Muslims. However, standard setting developments in the UK were studied
widely in Europe, for example, the black arts centre Rivington Place22, and
tough decisions were taken in terms of appointments and leading23 roles for
experts with a migration background (e.g. Baroness Lola Young, or Shreela
Ghosh).
The history of the crisis of multiculturalism and the almost accidental
rise of interculturalism has not yet been written. If it were, it might reveal a
good deal of trial and error, of voluntarism and idealism, of naivet, and of
growing sophistication, too. Compared with the experience in SEE, allegedly
incomparable, the developments in the West, the EU countries and the US
in the first decade of the new millennium suddenly appear more comparable
than expected:
There were wars, too, however not within but exported, outside, at the
fringes that proved to be central for energy strategies and strategic global
power struggles. These wars (struggles for power) created massive uncer-
tainties, fears and politics of fear.
19
http://www.culturalfoundation.eu/grants/balkans-art-and-culture-fund
20
http://www.culturalpolicies.net/web/netherlands.php?aid=424 and: Diversity Policies in
Public and Private Sector Organizations. An Empirical Comparison of Incidence and Effec-
tiveness, by Sandra Groeneveld and Stijn Verbeek: http://rop.sagepub.com/content/32/4/353.
abstract
21
An example: one of the big law-firms, Evershed, raises the issue prominently on its
website: http://www.eversheds.com/global/en/where/europe/uk/overview/diversity/policy.page
22
http://www.rivingtonplace.org/
23
The Clore foundations leadership programme can be found at: http://www.clorelead-
ership.org/
Advocates of interculturalism had to fight against dominant currents of

socio-economic anomalies and massive negative historical legacy.
For SEE one of the conclusions was that what counted/counts for success-
ful ID in post-war and post-trauma societies are networks, transdisciplinary
work and the intrinsic motivation of the agents of change. For EU countries
probably the same is true. Enhanced networking, comprehensive efforts with
allies from other sectors and self-mobilisation were the ingredients of what
was ultimately important in the work of the Platform for Intercultural Europe
that was one of the most systemic NGO creations in the 2008 European Year of
Intercultural Dialogue, EYID.
This year and the campaign around it was the intercultural response
of the European Union to the years of politics of fear before; to tensions in
society; to the extreme tensions related to international conflicts and wars; to
globalisation and migration, to the manifold attempts to react properly; to the
culturalisation of difference: it was the attempt to launch something adequate
and systematic. Did it work?
Did It Work? Lessons from the 2008 Year of Intercultural Dialogue

In short, many things were achieved through the 2008 special action; mo-
bilization was surprisingly widespread, given the origin as a top-down initia-
tive without massive extra resources (approximately 9 Mio at EU level, and
probably a bit more at the level of the 27 MS). Proper evaluation was con-
ducted, of the whole process, at EU level and at the level of (some) MS, but of
course it was almost impossible to assess the impact and sustainability on the
level of complexity of the challenges.
The following is based on evidence, personal assessment and official
sources:
The effort of the Year was seen by many in advance as one of these fu-
tile exercises that feed symbolic policy expectations (the supply side; policy
marketing) rather than serious demands. However, three reasons made it a
positive surprise:
The cultural civil society decided early on to adopt the idea and to coop-
erate as well and energetically as they could. That was in a way a reaction
to the dramatic developments in Europe and globally and the feeling that
after so many well-intentioned, interesting and sometimes failing projects
a more systematic collective paradigm was needed. Culture Action Europe24
and the European Cultural Foundation25 (ECF) spearheaded the commitment
and gathered many, across disciplines, a process that led to the set-up of
the Platform for Intercultural Europe, which later also received some EU
24
http://www.cultureactioneurope.org/lang-en/advocate/eu-agenda-for-culture
25
http://ec.europa.eu/culture/documents/case13europeanculturalfoundation.pdf
funding for its fabulous work. The coalition of the two initiators meant wide
outreach and networking, and also some resources which the ECF could
invest.
Many member states officials backed it, because they too felt that intercul-
tural mobilisation was a good thing, due to happen since a long time ago; they
helped to launch the idea and lift it to the level of a special year. Member states
managed to invest, media partners joined in, private partners were convinced
in some cases to chip in, etc. Ministries of culture finally adopted ID as one of
the principles for culture policy making at European level as well, with impact
on the process that had already led to the 2007 agenda for culture26 - this agen-
da for culture adopted not only the internal dimension of ID (cultural diversity
and dialogue), but the external, international dimension as well (culture as part
of the EUs international relations) - a policy strand that later became a fully-
fledged policy laboratory that is further growing and gaining speed27. Thus, two
of the agendas three principle fields of action were related to ID. (The third being
culture as a catalyst for creativity and innovation). Many valuable projects were
initiated, launched, supported, and, even more importantly, communicated as
was the whole issue at stake, its challenges and policy options.
Leadership in the responsible Directorate General of the Commission, and
strong support by the Culture Committee of the European Parliament. This hap-
pened in a period of strategic policy changes regarding culture at EU level; ex-
traordinarily committed and gifted officials in all ranks, supported at the time
by Commissioner Figel, managed professionally to build up critical mass and
HR for culture policy development, new partnership with the Civil Society,
and new modes of cooperating with the MS, and the Council. The Year (EYID)
was a stepping stone of scale in this process, and it underpinned the evidence
that European joint action does not infringe the competences of the MS, but
created a win-win-situation. Evaluation happened to some extent; the main re-
port has been made available by the Commission28, and by member states (see
above). As to the relevance of the Year, the lead researcher ECOTEC concludes:
The evaluation found that the objectives of the Year were in line with EU
policy goals and allowed sufficient latitude for individual Member States
to adopt priorities and activities appropriate to their own national context,
without compromising the underlying principles of ICD policy. Different
actors used different interpretations of ICD and emphasised different as-
pects in their own activities. Pertinence to stakeholder needs was strong, due
largely to the involvement of relevant networks during the evolution of ICD
policy and the EYID itself. The Rainbow Platform (now the Platform for
Intercultural Europe), which was invited by the Commission to be a key fa-
26
http://ec.europa.eu/culture/our-policy-development/european-agenda_en.htm
27
http://ec.europa.eu/culture/our-policy-development/culture-in-eu-external-
relations_en.htm
28
http://ec.europa.eu/culture/documents/eyid_evaluation_exec_summ_en.pdf
cilitator in building structured dialogue on ICD, was central in this respect,

acting as a focus.
As to the impact and meeting the global goals:
While a significant body of activity was implemented which demonstrated
what ICD means, what works and why, it is difficult to point to evidence of
anything other than a small number of examples of impacts on the views
and attitudes of a large number of people or on policy-makers.
Finally, the key question of sustainability:
Conclusions on sustainability are largely conjectural, given the short time
that has elapsed since the end of the Year. The biggest impact of the Year
was on general awareness of ICD (...) among individual direct participants
and indirect participants who were exposed to the Year through TV, radio,
newspapers and online. The extent to which such effects are sustainable is
difficult to assess, but is likely to be weak. (...) Sustainability on a project level
was achieved in a number of countries where ICD-related funding schemes
will carry on from 2009. (...) The process of taking account of ICD in policy-
making is likely to continue in countries where a pre-existing framework or
action plan was in place before the Year, or where there are tentative signs
that development of such a framework is actively under consideration. (...)
In terms of the sustainability of ICD as an item on the EU policy-making
agenda, policy developments and formal and informal networks developed
during the Year increased cross-sectoral awareness of ICD and its potential
contribution to a wide range of policy areas including education, regional
development, employment, justice and security and external relations. This
suggests that support for ICD at EU level is likely to continue in the medium
term.
For the sake of possible comparison with the SEE evaluation study some
points may be underlined inter alia: the interplay between the EU level and
the countries concerned; the importance of having a central civic facilitator-
platform; some modesty that helps in not expecting the same everywhere, but
pointing at the importance of raising awareness; the importance of establishing
a shared perception of a European norm; the importance of key moments and
of follow-up activities and funding and policy making for a better practice.
Conclusions
The two undertakings, evaluation of ID and diversity projects and poli-
cies in SEE, the WB region, and the efforts in EU member states peaking in
the 2008 Year of ID - and its evaluation at first seem to be incomparable in
terms of the history and policy landscapes, maturity of federative instruments,
stable networks and platforms, resources, etc. On the other hand, however,
basic findings from SEE so far seem to have been confirmed by the lessons from
the EYID, and vice versa, both in terms of institutional goals as well as success
criteria for the processes:
Goals for cultural organisations

The need for opening up to new, diverse audience, for audience develop-
ment in general and more participation of those normally excluded
The need for programme development - moving away from exclusive, he-
gemonic cultural discourses; reflecting the diversity of people, themes,
needs etc.
Representation of the others, of autochthone or allochthone minori-
ties in governance structures and staff of previously monocultural
organisations;
Criteria for successful processes within countries and between countries (in a
region, in Europe, etc.)
Moving away from an exclusive individual (often isolated) focus towards
working with and through networks
Cross-sectoral and cross-disciplinary collaboration; mainstreaming a new
understanding of non-instrumental culture against the culturalisation of
difference
Support for intrinsic motivation for change rather than external pressure
(only).
Many of these conclusions were acknowledged for the WB/SEE region
and for the EU, as adequate though far from being applied (fully) in most cases
here and there.
Yet, agents of change in the WB countries had not only to struggle with
cultural/artistic and ethical challenges in post-war and post-trauma
societies
what is distinctive is that it were mostly civic agents of change, civic net-
works, the independent cultural sector, supported often by private foreign
donors and partners (e.g., foundations), who vigorously worked on the
transformative and integrative power of culture, and not yet (sufficiently),
it seems, the local, regional or national authorities (with some exceptions
e.g., like in Croatia, where cities like Zagreb, and to some extent also the
ministry played a progressive role).
Relevant public actors in WB/SEE did not yet, it seems, join in in a rel-
evant mode, comparable to the ID efforts in and after 2008 in the EU, particu-
larly not across borders.
Public structures are still missing, to a large degree, structures that will be
needed in the next period of accession to the EU.
This still (relative) absence of political support sheds a different light on
the imperative for intrinsic motivation, and puts up the question again
whether the EU should help; marking the need of standard (-setting) in

ID practice combined with a fresh campaign together with successful civic
players on the ground could move a lot in the public sector.
There are more interesting policy reflections and imperatives for BOTH
sides, the EU and SEE, though with a special acknowledgement of the respec-
tive political and socio-economic environment and their impact on political
(ID) culture and vice versa.
Next to the importance of civic agents, who have a long tradition in the
region anyway, and the role of local public support mentioned above, European
leadership would definitely help, in particular if it were conducted in a truly
pan-European spirit of the commonalities of intercultural learning across the
continent.
Success is not so much about resources (only), but about commitment
and smart packaging of, and communicating a wider range of major projects
across sectors, carried out by engaged partners who feel that they are part of a
movement.
It proved to be helpful in the EU to establish a well-functioning interplay
between the EU level and the member states; this may be a good formula also
for the EU and the countries concerned here.
It proved to be of importance to have a central, non-national civic facilita-
tor-platform; this might be a next goal for the WB region.
Modesty remains productive, at least in not expecting the same every-
where; awareness-raising with a set of fresh incentives may often be the first
realistic step.
One of the key objectives is definitely the empowerment of citizens and
experts, policy makers and civic bodies as well to share robust perceptions of a
European norm.
If that is secured, the use of key emblematic moments may allow using the
momentum; allow more sustained follow-up activities, policies and some on-
going funding for an improved regional and European practice.
Art and culture have the unique power to make difference productive. The
art of difference in larger societal contexts means foremost common intercultural
learning, no matter in which country or region of Europe. For the EU neigh-
bours in SEE, in the WB, and for the EU member states alike common learn-
ing is a necessary condition for the process of further European integration.
Nada vob-oki
Institute for Development and International Relations, Zagreb
Jeronim Doroti
Catholic University of Croatia, Zagreb
Dinko Klari
Nina Obuljen Korinek
THE INTERCULTURAL DIALOGUE IN CROATIA:

BETWEEN POLICIES AND PRACTICES
Introductory remark
Croatia is a recent member of the European Union and a multicultural
country. It still experiences some adverse effects of systemic transitions1 which
is particularly visible in the gap between laws and regulations treating minor-
ity and inter-ethnic relationships in the perspective of multiculturalism and
in occasional practices of intolerance of other nationalities and ethnicities liv-
ing in Croatia. Cultural diversity (CD) and intercultural dialogue (ICD) are
strongly supported through efforts to guarantee and observe individual and
collective human rights, in particular minority rights. The full expression of
different cultural identities is enabled through constitutional provisions on hu-
1
The Republic of Croatia has become a full member of the European Union in July 2013.
The country gained its independence in 1991 through the breakdown of the Socialist Federal
Republic of Yugoslavia and the 1991-1995 dissolution war which brought ethnic cleansing and
delayed or blocked processes of transition from socialism to capitalism. The legal provisions
adopted in the 1990s, Croatian authorities efforts and EU mediation have enabled positive pro-
cesses in the minority-majority relations and reintegration in common life. Multicultural rela-
tions are however still burdened by the adverse war experiences, particularly in the borderland
areas. The recent protests (September 2013) against the introduction of Cyrillic letters in Vuko-
var, the city destroyed by the Serbian forces during the war, illustrate antagonisms and lingering
ill-feelings between the Croatian majority and the Serbian minority of the city.
man and minority rights, media pluralism and some aspects of cultural poli-
cies on country and local levels.
The Croatian type of multiculturalism is based on cultural diversities among
minorities living in the same territory for centuries and to a lesser degree on
the immigrant groups and recent migration flows. In around the last twenty
years immigrants to Croatia have been few and almost exclusively Croats pre-
viously living in other SEE countries. Their immigration only strengthened
tendencies of the Croatian national constitution and identification, but did not
much influence the demographic structure of Croatian society. On the other
hand, the recent emigration from Croatia, particularly to European countries,
has been very visible and may have adverse demographic effects.
The general approach to culture in Croatia oscillates between an anthropo-
logical interpretation of culture as a set of standardized and accepted values or-
ganized so as to provide for a national cultural identification and a functional
interpretation of culture as a resource. Such general approaches are not polar-
ized and they both influence cultural policy at the national level and cultural
policies at the city and county levels. In this report culture is interpreted as a re-
source that influences social cohesion, increases knowledge, promotes identity
aspects and influences economy through development of cultural industries. It
mainstreams creative entrepreneurship, innovation and new business models
in cultural policies, encourages spill-over effects between culture and sectors
such as ICT, manufacturing, tourism and others and redefines the image of
society. Cultural diversity is understood as a particular social value according
to which culture may be interpreted as human software and know how (Ned-
erveenPieterse: 2007), and therefore encourages intercultural dialogue within
and outside of the country.
Analysis of projects as promoters of CD and ICD

More than 50 various cultural projects supported by the EU funds and
executed in Croatia or by Croatian organizations and individuals have been
published on the projects website2 and analyzed here in order to assess cul-
tural policies and practices promoting CD and ICD in Croatia and Southeast
Europe. These projects have been co-funded by the EU programs, the Croatian
Ministry of Culture and other national and international sources. Information
on such projects has been collected through a questionnaire standardized at
this research project level for all countries included in the research. A number
of projects have been submitted to an in-depth analysis on the basis of a more
extensive and newly-elaborated questionnaire and through semi-structured
interviews with coordinators and participants in the projects in order to obtain
2
The list of projects is published on http://kulturlogue.org/
a more precise view of the impact of such projects on the promotion of CD and
ICD in SEE, and particularly in Croatia.
This analysis has two stages. First, the projects have been identified as part
of EU programs in the fields of culture, youth, education, human rights and
citizenship, and initial standardized information has been collected on the ba-
sis of the questionnaire harmonized at the level of the whole project. Second,
an in-depth analysis of a limited number of projects implemented in Croatia
and identified according to additionally elaborated criteria and an enlarged
questionnaire has been carried on to assess the possibilities and results of pro-
motion of CD and ICD through the implementation of cultural projects.
The general (first stage) survey included 24 projects co-financed by the
EU Culture Program 2007-2013 and the Ministry of Culture of Croatia, 18
projects listed at the EVE platform and 2 projects listed by the Delegation of
the European Union to the Republic of Croatia that were identified as dealing
with CD and ICD. In the process of collecting data by interviews and email
surveys the basic information on 17 additional concluded, ongoing or planned
projects that fit the research parameters had been collected. At the same time
some projects were excluded from the analysis. In the end the survey included
data on 49 projects. In some cases the collected information consisted of a
detailed report and financial data on the project, including details on CD and
ICD elements and comments which went beyond the scope of the survey. In
other cases the information was little more than a short description of the proj-
ect. In both cases several trends became apparent through the initial analysis.
The research in the frameworks of the first stage analysis included an over-
view of the geographical distribution of project partners, the impacts and pro-
motion of CD and ICD, notes on the financing of projects and projectseffects.
Regarding the geographical distribution two types of projects were
identified:
Projects that include organizations from Western and Central Europe
along with a partner or partners from Southeast Europe. The project sub-
ject is usually not linked to any particular region and often refers to the
entirety of the European Union.
Projects where all partners are from Southeast Europe, and most often
from former Yugoslavia. In such cases the theme of the project is clearly
connected to the region, either to its history (for example, dealing with
some aspect of cultural life in former Yugoslavia), or to the perceived cul-
tural similarities (the "Balkan" element of culture).
The research on promotion and impacts of projects on CD and ICD showed
that most projects are not primarily motivated to promote CD and ICD, even
if their aim has been to establish good intercultural links and dialogue. The
project partners primarily went for the creative fields of specialization where
they want to achieve results (theater, dancing, various exhibitions, etc.), while
positive approaches to CD and ICD were subsumed. It was however possible

to identify two types of projects:
The projects which explicitly promote CD and ICD, which is evident in
the title, content and outcome of the project. Basically, the goal of such
projects is to create new values through comparing and combining differ-
ent cultural influences.
The projects which support CD and ICD only to a degree and not as an
integral part. When asked about CD and ICD elements respondents cite
professional networking and mobility, but this is limited to project partici-
pants and has little or no outside effect. Networking is generally accepted
as a way of functional communication, useful exchange of information
and a possibility to cooperate functionally within the project. Mobility has
an effect of broadening the cultural perspective of project participants,
but they are usually motivated and favorably disposed toward CD and
ICD even before the project begins. Sometimes, however, such motivation
helps to establish some respondents denial of any significant cultural dif-
ferences between Southeast European cultures and countries, especially in
case of former Yugoslav republics.
Financing of projectsis not quite transparent. Most of the respondents
failed to produce detailed reports, only quoting the total project budget and
rough co-financing percentages (50% EU funds and 50% matching funds).
From a few detailed reports available several issues became clear. The analysis
of Croatian organizations reveals that the majority of matching funds are pro-
vided by the Ministry of Culture and the municipal authorities (in most cases
the City of Zagreb). There are almost no commercial sponsors, and even when
they exist they only contribute a smaller fraction of the total matching funds.
The reasons for this are debatable. Almost all of these projects were not-for-
profit and they may not have the kind of public visibility which would attract
commercial sponsors. Another difficulty in analyzing the financial reports lies
in the fact that most of these organizations are funded by the Ministry, mu-
nicipal governments or similar institutions on a yearly basis and their budget
is not related to particular projects. This means that even when they state that
they contributed a certain percentage of their own funds to the project, this
contribution actually comes from public sources.
The financial share of Western and Central-European partners is propor-
tionally larger in most analyzed projects. Croatian respondents complained of
the domestic financial situation and the uncertainty in funding. They stated
that although the funding for projects is increasing in the public budgets, the
number of funded projects increases even faster which leads to an overall de-
crease of funds allocated per project.Most of the organizations receive a certain
amount of public funds per year to pay for salaries and co-finance projects.
However, this amount is not fixed and it changes each year. They always take a
risk when entering multi-year projects because they cannot be certain of fund-
ing in the future. A possible drawback of this is the promotion of short-term
projects with limited effectiveness and long-term effects. Funding problems
can also lead to premature ending of projects, and leaving of partners. They
also lead to the appearance of associate partners which participate in proj-
ects, but do not contribute financially. In the South-East-Europe-only projects
Croatian organizations were in many cases both the coordinating partner and
largest contributor of funds.
Regarding the effects of the projects the respondents most often mentioned
two visible effects: networking in terms of connecting professionals from dif-
ferent organizations and mobility of project participants. Cooperation between
partner organizations was generally judged as good and beneficial. Most of the
respondents felt that international projects are professionally very beneficial.
Only a few mentioned cases of friction between partners, but these were most-
ly due to different working approaches and financial difficulties, and did not
significantly affect the projects. The effects of the implemented projects on the
general public are more difficult to assess. Most projects included at least some
form of audience interaction through workshops, lectures, presentations, exhi-
bitions and festivals, but it is hard to pinpoint the extent to which each project
affected audiences and not just project participants and professionals.
The in-depth (second stage) survey included five projects3 selected ac-
cording to the criteria such as the focus on CD/ICD, SEE and reliable partner
organizations. The aim of narrowing down the first stage overview of 52 proj-
ects was to get deeper insights in regard to evaluation of projects contribution
to ICD and CD at the level of implementation. Interviews were conducted
during April and May 2013 and the applied method of inquiry was based on
semi-structured in-depth interviews. A summary of the responses follows the
sequence and structure of the questionnaires seven questions and reveals the
content of the interviewees answers.
Motivation to participate in projects supporting and promoting ICD and
CDis based in the will to share and exchange practices and experiences be-
tween professionals and audiences (e.g. to present new approaches, new per-
formers and new technologies) and to increase the level of intercultural com-
petences in multicultural communities.
Reflection of the elements of CD and ICD in the concept and implementation
of projects are to a large extent visible in the conception and implementation
of these projectswhich are explicitly articulating advantages and challenges of
3
EU program Culture 2007-2013: Project Multiculturalism in Music,Organization World
of Music; The Nomads of Beauty, Organization: UO Novo Kazalite; Project Corners: Research and
Development, Organization Pogon, all from Zagreb, Croatia ; EU program: European Instrument
for Democracy and Human Rights (EIDHR) program Project: Common Past Common Future ,
Organization: Nansen Dialogue Center, Osijek, Croatia ; EU program: IPA 2009 Program Civil
Society Facility, Project: Balcan Can ContemporaryOrganization: Drugo More, Rijeka, Croatia
ICD and CD. The projects which are not promoting ICD and CD explicitly
reflect the intercultural dimension through communication and cooperation
between professionals, as well as through participation of partners and publics
in the project activities such as workshops organized in different countries of
the region and at the European level. ICD and CD are being explicitly promot-
ed through projects aiming to increase the level of intercultural competences
in multicultural communities (e.g. skills needed to understand others, to raise
tolerance and mutual respect through education, and similar). Moreover, the
projects reflect elements of ICD and CD through constant communication,
exchange of ideas and circulation of professionals, theoreticians and artworks,
as well as through research trips.
Partnerships within the Southeast European regionhave been established
with the aimto implement projects of broader regional character within Croa-
tia. They want to achieve a wider social impact. Moreover, some interviewees
explain that cooperation among the partners from SEE, and especially among
those from ex-Yugoslavia, has been easier both from the cultural and linguistic
point of view.
Contribution to CD and ICD through the theme and format of projects were
mostly restricted to the promotion of ICD and CD among partners. These proj-
ects gathered professionals (teachers, artists, performers) who jointly worked
on performances, meetings, workshops. However, in some cases the promotion
of ICD and CD through projects was more direct and intense when addressing
publics.The publics interested in the promotion of CD and ICD reacted posi-
tively and indirectly supported their orientation on the promotion of tolerance
and understanding among different cultural groups.
All selected projects contributed to the public promotionof ICD and CD.
In the case of artistic projects (e.g. music festivals) interviewees believe that
their projects certainly contributed in promoting multiculturalism among
younger population from the SEE region.Further, interviewees believe that in-
ternational cooperation results in promoting new practices (e.g. performanc-
es presenting new theater or music practices) which are generally welcomed
by publics. Projects were also directly presented at numerous public events,
panels and conferences at national, regional and European levels. Some have
received positive responses from the media. ICD and CD have also been pro-
moted through small artistic actions in public spaces, which made project ac-
tivities publicly visible.
Projects contribution to promotion of ICD and CD in the European con-
text was also noteworthy. According to interviewees impressions and beliefs,
the projects did make an impact on promoting ICD and CD at the European
level. Also, in the case of art projects the process of creating art works at the Eu-
ropean level bypassed the different cultural backgrounds of all participants.
Projects have certainly contributed to promote multiculturalism in the
Southeast European context, particularly among the younger population, and
especially in ex-Yugoslav countries where one of the aims was to help erase the
recent tragic historical developments and memories of them.
In general, the results of interaction between partners within the projects re-
sulted in intensive cooperation toward the realization of shared project activi-
ties. Moreover, the studied projects have greatly encouraged mobility, exchange
of knowledge, ideas and experiences among partners (experts, artists, young
artists, students). They have contributed to connecting participants from SEE
countries, from various European countries, and in some cases, from outside
of Europe. Project cooperation has often led to the establishment of networks
among partners which resulted in continuation and broadening of projects
activities.
Even though diverse, all selected projects have an intercultural dimension
in terms of their content and format. While the format is determined by the EU
project applications and constructed so as to encourage social interactions and
to promote intercultural dialogue, the content (project activities) is determined
by projects themes. The research results indicate that ICD and CD may be
promoted through projects in various fields (culture, education, youth, citizen-
ship, human rights, etc.) and it would be therefore recommendable to encour-
age cross-sector (culture, education, etc.) cooperation between civil society,
private and government organizations and the EU bodies.
Cultural policy instruments supporting CD and ICD

The cultural policy measures in favour of ICD and CD constitute an integral
part of the Croatian cultural policy for the promotion of multiculturalism and
cultural diversity within Croatia, in the South East European region, in Europe
and globally, through cultural cooperation and exchange. They are harmonized
with the principles of minority policies and of international (in particular SEE
regional and European) cultural cooperative interactions. Promotion of ICD is
a relevant issue in Croatia and appears on the agenda of cultural, media, educa-
tional and social policies. The transversal measures for the enhancement of CD
and ICD are found in various cultural policy instruments including legal, insti-
tutional and/or financial measures and instruments. Organizations mandated
to promote CD and ICD are either state administration or those civil society
organizations that are involved in cultural activities of minorities.
Within the state administration the explicit mandate to promote CD and
ICD through cultural activities and international cultural cooperation has the
Ministry of Culture. The Ministry supports participation of artists and cultural
professionals in multilateral programmes aimed at the promotion of CD and
ICD through international and national organizations and associations as well
as international networks. Its role is stated in the Strategic plan of the Min-
istry of Culture (2011-2013 rev. 2012-2014), the most recent strategic docu-
ment which refers explicitly to the promotion of CD and ICD, particularly in
the context of international cultural cooperation. Explicit inclusion of CD and

ICD as strategic goals of the international cultural cooperation is an evidence
of the importance of international organizations and international cultural
policy making for redefining particular aspects of Croatian cultural policy.
In order to be aligned with the priorities of these organizations, particularly
the European Union, UNESCO and the Council of Europe, but also in order
to be compatible and thus eligible for international financing, the goals and
priorities of national cultural policy have to be adjusted through legal frame-
work and expressed through the institutional support and newly developed
instruments.
The legal instruments specifically aimed at promoting ICD at the national
level,even though the concept is not mentioned in these laws themselves, in-
clude language and media laws. Even though the laws enacted in the nineties
(such as laws on libraries, museums, theatres and other older pieces of leg-
islation) do not make specific reference to ICD or CD, the financing schemes
set-up according to these laws reflect a number of activities and projects spe-
cifically targeted at the promotion of ICD. In this respect CD and ICD are
important issues exemplified in local politics and public policies, in particular
in cultural policy. On the other hand, recently adopted or amended laws (Law
on Audio-visual Services, 2006; Law on the Croatian Radio and Television, 2010
or Law on Electronic Media, 2009) include specific references to cultural and
media diversity in their preambles and operative clauses thus reflecting recent
developments and trends in international cultural policy making particularly
with regard to the UNESCO 2005 Convention.
Although the Ministry of Culture does not have special fund for financing
programs of national minorities or for the promotion of intercultural dialogue
or cultural diversity, distribution of funds according to the Law on Financ-
ing Public Needs in Culture (1990 amended in 1993 and 2009) follows specific
criteria that are derived from the Strategy on Cultural Development as well as
the Strategic Plan of the Ministry of Culture (2012-2014). This is where the ex-
plicit and implicit cultural policy measures meet. It is important to note that
financing of national minorities, ICD or CD is not mentioned among the main
criteria for financing adopted by the Rules for Determining Cultural Projects
Reflecting Public Needs. Specific obligations to finance ICD and CD are derived
from the earlier mentioned Action plan and strategic documents.
The Ministry of Culture supports minority cultural activities in all cul-
tural and artistic fields and disciplines which include publishing, visual arts,
performing arts, audio-visual, new media and cultural heritage. The evalua-
tions of programs proposed by national minorities are based on their artistic
or cultural excellence and are submitted for approval through regular system
of public tendering together with all other projects and proposals.
Through the public tendering for financing of cultural and artistic projects,
Croatia witnessed changes from implicit to explicit cultural policy measures in
favour of ICD and CD. This can be observed through gradual inclusion of the
concepts of ICD and CD among main criteria for financing. The opening of
the EU Culture and MEDIA programs for Croatian artists and cultural profes-
sionals has also contributed to the appearance of more explicit references to
the promotion of ICD and CD in the number of projects. Important aspect of
the promotion of ICD at the national level can be observed through various
examples of support to national minority organizations or organizations creat-
ing programs for national minorities. One of the examples of good practice
is a financial and institutional support to reference libraries of national mi-
norities4. These libraries, while focused on cultural and educational needs of
national minorities living Croatia, also promote ICD internationally as many
of their projects involve cooperation with similar institutions in the country
of origin or in other countries in which representatives of respective national
minority live.
Another aspect of institutional backing to ICD is visible indirectly through
the support to a number of cultural organizations or associations, initiatives
and networks at the national level. By providing conceptual promotion of CD
as well as program financing the Government, the Ministry of Culture, as well
as city and county councils support cultural professionals and artists to be en-
gaged in international programs and projects.
The third aspect of institutional support arises from participation of gov-
ernmental and nongovernmental actors in a number of international networks
and associations. UNESCO, Council of Europe, International Organization of
Francophonie, Central European Initiative, Alpe-Adria Working Groups are
governmental organizations that promote ICD either on the policy level or by
making available special funding schemes in the member countries, includ-
ing Croatia. Access to funding can be obtained either individually or through
networking and consortium of cultural organizations.
The legal, institutional and financial frameworks of the Croatian cultural
policy are slowly being transformed from mainly implicit to more explicit in
acknowledging the importance of ICD and CD. This is a consequence of align-
ing Croatian strategic documents and criteria for financing with the European
cultural policy standards and priorities. The same can be observed in assess-
ing projects which highlighted ICD and CD among their goals and priorities.
Most such projects were applying for some kind of international co-financing
either from the EU funding or from other sources that included the promotion
of ICD and CD as priority goals. Regarding the promotion of ICD and CD, the
Croatian cultural policy still remains mostly implicit even though many in-
4
City Library BeliManastir (Hungarian); Public Library Daruvar (Czech); City Library
Ivan Goran Kovai Karlovac (Slovenian); City Library Pula (Italian); Public Library Naice
(Slovak); Library BogdanOgrizovi Zagreb (Albanian); Libraries of the City of Zagreb (Ru-
theninan and Ukrainian); City and University Library Osijek (Austrian), and the Serbian Cul-
tural Association Prosvjeta (Serbian).
struments and cultural policy measures have been either introduced or taken
over from previous regulations. Such instruments reflect a rather well devel-
oped administrative approach to CD and ICD, but they are hardly checked
for changes in the approach to others and general acceptance of multicultural
tolerance in the Croatian society.
Conclusion
The two stage analysis of EU funded projects promoting CD and ICD in
Croatia and orientating the Croatian cultural cooperation to the Southeast Eu-
rope (SEE) shows that most such projects have indeed promoted CD and ICD
in Croatia and regionally, and have thus supported cultural potentials and in-
terests of Croatian organizations.
Certain doubts remain regarding the organization, coordination and fi-
nancial transparency of these projects, although they have not impeded the
implementation of projects. Their (long-term) effects, networking and mobil-
ity have usually been cited as assets that motivate further cooperation among
partners and their organizations. The deeper analysis of five projects has shown
that the experience gained through intercultural projects provides a strong
motivation to continue developing not only such projects, but also other in-
tercultural activities. Promoting multiculturalism for many years, increasing
intercultural competences and exchanges of experiences and practices among
professionals have been mentioned as main motives for participation in inter-
cultural activities and projects. In most cases the main objectives of the proj-
ects have been aligned with the goals and functioning of their organizations.
The CD and ICD concepts have not, however, been quite precisely defined,
and have remained subjected to different understandings and interpretations.
Through cooperation with partners from other Southeast European countries
the participants in the projects have found as positive the widening of commu-
nication with others, the exchange of experiences, the diversification of publics
and the increased tolerance among all included partners. However, they have
noted that the recent developments in SEE countries are rather divergent and
that cultural differences have increased, while knowledge about the neighbor-
ing countries and cultures has been constantly decreasing.
Communication among project partners has been good. It can be noted
that partners are usually educated young persons, open minded professionals
that have experience in international communication. They usually speak Eng-
lish and/or other languages and are devoted to their respective professional
interests. The projects in which they participate enable them to expand their
knowledge of others and improve communicational abilities that help their
interaction with publics. This has enabled a satisfactory public promotion of
CD and ICD through festivals, theatre performances, music, etc. Promotion
of CD and ICD in the European context was also noteworthy. The promotion
of multiculturalism and multicultural project teams has been particularly suc-

cessful among young publics, who are more interested in music, performances
and similar cultural activities.
Design and implementation of projects has followed European standards
and practices, which has sometimes been difficult to harmonize with local
practices. However, most projects have not failed in following EU standards.
It was impossible to measure the full impact of projects on the public. Most
projects have been presented through the media, either by information on the
project or through interviews and presentation of the project activities and re-
sults. The analyzed projects have shown that CD and ICD has been successful-
ly presented and practiced through cultural programs and program activities.
They have contributed to the diversification of cultural scenes in SEE countries
and to the introduction of new themes and their innovative interpretations
and presentations. However, the wider social impacts of such projects may be
limited due to the fact that these projects are temporary and represent only a
small part of cultural life.
Regarding Croatian cultural policy and its instruments supporting ICD
and CD it can be underlined that the strategic documents exist and that the
issuing criteria for financing are ever more harmonized with the EU standards
and priorities, and ever more explicit in support and promotion of CD and
ICD. Most of the cultural policy instruments supporting CD and ICD provide
for the institutional support of cultural activities which have been developed
and are still hallmarked by the observance of minority rights and minority
cultural positions. The recently introduced financial instruments are related
to co-financing of EU-supported projects. In the present EU context such in-
struments strengthen the position of the Croatian culture in ever more open
Southeast European regional, European and global cultural exchange and
cooperation. They are tested through cultural cooperation projects and net-
working that contributes to the increase of CD and ICD practices in the EU
context. Along with the European orientation CD and ICD sensitivity is being
developed on the sub-regional, regional and European levels. Acceptance and
affirmation of cultural diversity and cultural heterogeneity in the SEE region
is in this way strengthened institutionally and functionally supports regional
cultural exchange.
However, it should be noted that the analyzed projects constitute a small,
although important, part of cultural life in Croatia. They do influence cultural
sensitivity but remain confined mostly to young and educated publics. The
authentic reactions and views of the general public have not been researched
here. It may be quite different in different parts of Croatia and still affected by
the war memories, chaotic social transitions and multicultural frustrations. In
this respect the ability of the researched projects to reflect cultural and social
realities of Croatia may be limited.
References
Iglesias, M., Kern, Ph., Montalto, V. (2012) Use of Structural Funds for Cultural Proj-
ects, /EP, Directorate General for Internal Policies, Policy Department B: Struc-
tural and Cohesion Policies. Culture and Education/, EU, Brussels
Nederveen Pieterse, J. (2007), Ethnicities and Global Multiculture, Rowman&Littlefield
Publishers, Inc., Lanham/Boulder/New York/Toronto/Plymouth, UK.
The Strategic Plan of the Ministry of Culture (2011-2013 rev. 2012-2014), Zagreb,
2012.
Milena Dragievi ei
Faculty of Dramatic Arts, University of Arts in Belgrade, Belgrade
Goran Tomka
University of Arts in Belgrade, University of Novi Sad Faculty of Sport and Tourism
TIMS
INTERCULTURAL PROJECTS IN SERBIA PATHS

TOWARD SUSTAINABILITY
Policy Contexts and the Promotion of Intercultural Dialogue

The social context of Serbian cultural policy could be best described as one
abiding social rights, with a minimum of standard European minority rights
being observed. As opposed to this, there is a high priority of policies and
actions devoted to the celebration of one, dominant, homogenous nation.
Without any doubt, there is an official respect towards the social and cultural
rights of the minorities, but minority groups and their cultures are perceived
as necessarily separated and distanced. True cultural diversity, in which the
differences are maintained, while dialogue is promoted as a dynamic interac-
tion between groups (Dragievi ei, M., Stojkovi, B. 2007), is very rare.
The cultural policy in Serbia is almost entirely directly funded by the Min-
istry or city governments (the National Council on Culture exists, but does not
distribute funds, and is often a powerless advisory body). The direct nature
of funding is discouraging diversity since the decisions are, above all, political
and they serve to the benefit of the dominant national culture, or the main-
stream culture in cities. The same centralisation occurs within the National
Minority Councils which promote mostly the traditional folkloric culture of
their minority, neglecting its own contemporary expressions, and not funding
any forms of intercultural dialogue.
As for the centralised vs. decentralised dichotomy, a highly centralised
cultural policy is further destimulating diversity mainly because the real needs
of the diverse cultural groups are unknown to policy makers. A form of decen-
tralisation paranoia results in cultural centralisation on all levels. At the state

level, the city of Belgrade is favoured with the disapproval of the Vojvodina
authority and the marginalisation of other cities. At the provincial level (in
Vojvodina), we also see centralisation of cultural activities in Novi Sad and
much lower levels of investments in other cities. At the end, at the municipal
level in many cities across the country, it is the city suburbs and the surround-
ing villages that are marginalised.
As Bennett (2008) notes, the strength of the communities to act politically
for the sake of their own cultural expressions, as part of the administrative
context, can also largely contribute to cultural diversity. This is especially true
in the northern part of Serbia with the Hungarian and Slovak communities,
which manage to maintain their cultural expressions by communicating with
their mother countries often through the funding mechanisms of the EU
integration policies (i.e. IPA). However, the question remains how much these
projects contribute to the intercultural dialogue inside Serbia and whether
they mainly serve to preserve minority cultures and simultaneously their par-
allelism to mainstream culture.
Finally, the economic context is also important for the development of
cultural diversity. In the globalised experience economy, diversity is highly ac-
claimed as a resource for the creation of authentic products, spaces and ser-
vices.1 The main drivers of such tendencies are cultural entrepreneurship, the
cultural industries and cultural tourism. These sectors often have enough eco-
nomic power and independence to create their own rules and to reinvest in di-
verse local communities, if needed. However, in the case of Serbia, all three are
either underdeveloped (especially entrepreneurship and cultural tourism) or
produce globalised and standardised narratives and images of clich Serbian,
Balkan or Roma culture. Their contribution to cultural diversity is, therefore,
highly questionable. Moreover, the existing market paranoia of many of the
cultural practitioners is not supportive in this regard as well. It creates odium
towards developments in entrepreneurship in culture and the market-oriented
cultural industries, perceived to deteriorate elite cultural values. Strategic pub-
lic-private partnerships in culture and inter-sectorial cooperation are highly
recommended developmental strategies for encouraging competitiveness
and innovation while safeguarding aesthetic and moral quality (uki, V., &
Todorovi, M. (2008).
1
When it comes to culture-led urban development policies, diversity becomes a crucial
resource. In Richard Floridas Creative Class, tolerance is taken to be one of the key ingredients
for a successful local development together with other two Ts - talent and technology. More in:
Florida, R. (2003). Cities and the Creative Class. City & Community, 2(1), 3-19.
Cultural Policy Instruments - toward sustainability of ICD practises

The primary normative policy instrument and the starting point for cul-
tural policy in Serbia is the Law on Culture, and the other policy instruments
are further developed according to it. The Law deals with cultural diversity in
three main strands:
(1) the cultural rights of minorities,
(2) contemporary creativity of the Serbian diaspora, and
(3) international cultural cooperation.
In the first case, apart from the general right of all citizens to develop and
express their own cultural identity (including the minorities), the Law foresees
the constitution of National Councils of the National Minorities which have
the responsibility to implement cultural policy, and the right to participate
in decision-making and independently make decisions about their culture
and found their cultural institutions and other public bodies in the sphere of
culture (Zakon o kulturi2009). The Ministry develops financial instruments
to support minority cultures, annual calls for co-financing projects of the na-
tional minorities (media and communications projects of organisations that
work on the promotion of minority arts and culture). In 2014, an amount of
25,000,000 dinars (ca. 217,000 Euros) was distributed to 82 projects through
this call (increase from ca. 170,000 Euros as compared to the previous year).
The majority of projects involve publications and media content consumed by
the minorities in their native languages. The second one is a call for artistic
projects of the national minorities through which numerous projects receive
co-financing as well (13,035,000 dinars, ca. 113,000 Euros in 2014 for 110 proj-
ects, again a noticeable increase from ca. 70,000 Euros in the previous years
due to the increase of the total Ministry budget in 2014). A similar call exists at
the provincial level as well. The call for the funding of cultural and artistic proj-
ects which promote minority cultures by the Province of Vojvodina allocated
14,800,000 dinars (ca. 140.000 Euros) for numerous cultural activities in the
Province in 2013.
Apart from these organisational and financial instruments, we should
also mention the National Award for Extraordinary Contribution to National
Culture and the Cultures of the National Minorities, which we could classify
as a moral policy instrument. These so-called national artist pensions are
awarded every year to a number of artists who receive a lifetime monthly al-
lowance (just above the national income average). Artists of all nationalities
are included in the list, and although the selection is very often related to vari-
ous controversies, this is one of the rare instruments dealing with the many
nationalities in the same way.
When it comes to the second strand - Serbian diaspora culture the Min-
istry aims to financially support the publishing of books, as well as the produc-
tion of media content for the Serbian national minorities in foreign countries
(mainly in the region). In 2013, 9,270,920 dinars (ca. 90,000 Euros) were dis-
tributed to 27 projects in 8 countries. This instrument can be highly benefi-
cial to international cultural dialogue, and, indirectly, to interethnic dialogue
within state borders. However, most of the supported projects have beneficia-
ries only in small and often closed Serbian communities abroad (much like the
national minorities communities in Serbia). As a consequence, the contribu-
tion to dialogue and mediation is questionable.
The last strand is international cultural cooperation which received quite
an impetus in the last decade. With the opening of the EU funds and Serbia re-
ceiving the status of a partner country, many cultural organisations expanded
their partner networks and collaborated in cross-European projects. At the
same time, this line of projects is not without its drawbacks. Numerous proj-
ects opened sensitive and problematic issues dealing with cultural diversity
and intercultural dialogue. At the same time, many projects funded by the EU
that nominally promoted cultural diversity: (1) were dealing with expanding
the markets for cultural industry products without a clear link to the notion
of interculturality; (2) had a weak broader impact (small groups of beneficia-
ries participated); (3) connected cross-border groups who already had good
relations (i.e. the Hungarian national minority with Hungarians in Hungary),
and (4) were unsustainable in the long run and had no significant multiplier
effects.
Judging by these policy strands and instruments, we see that cultural di-
versity is mainly understood as a form of tolerance and respect for minority
rights. Intercultural dialogue is rarely promoted as an active collaboration of
citizens with diverse ethnic, religious, sexual and cultural backgrounds with a
single goal. Both in the Law and in practice, there is always a clear separation
between national culture and the culture of national minorities. This type
of segregational multiculturalism is not beneficial for any kind of dialogue. At
the same time, we see a high policy priority for promoting monolithic national
culture (nationally and internationally through the culture of the diaspora and
international cooperation).
However, since the Serbian political elite is bound to respect European
standards in this field, many of the acts that disfavour minorities are actu-
ally forms of implicit cultural policy (Throsby, D. 2009). When presenting the
achievements of the Ministry, Minister Petkovi2 stressed the importance of
the reconstruction of the Museum of the Serbian Orthodox Church, the His-
torical Museum of Serbia (exhibition on the 19th century life), and the recon-
struction of the monument devoted to Knez Mihailo Obrenovi. Although
2
He resigned in August 2013, together with several other ministers, in the wider recon-
struction of the Government. To be succeeded by Ivan Tasovac, the Director of the acclaimed
Belgrade Philharmonic Orchestra.
these restorations are very significant, the absolute dominance of narratives

related to the 19th century Serbia is not encouraging for cultural diversity and
intercultural dialogue.
Moreover, the concept of a single national culture is not just discrimina-
tory towards the ethnic and national minorities but also to all other citizens
who have different cultural habits, needs and practices that do not fit this pref-
erential picture such as the various subcultures, the unorthodox and novel re-
ligious groups, the alternative arts, the counterculture movements, street art,
queer culture, etc.
Good Practices of Intercultural Projects and Policies in Serbia

Despite the overall low priority of intercultural dialogue in the cultural
policy agenda, both policy makers (through special actions) and the civil sec-
tor (through long-term efforts) have created numerous highly inspiring and
influential projects over the years.
One of the most quoted initiatives by the Ministry of Culture in the pro-
motion of intercultural dialogue was the programme Mapping and Promotion
of Intercultural Dialogue Projects and Processes in Serbia. It was developed in
2008, as a part of the European Year of Intercultural Dialogue.3 The Minis-
try made an important exception to its usual practice. It commissioned the
programme to an independent organisation the Cultural Centre Rex from
Belgrade. Through the programme 15 projects were supported with a sum of
100,000 dinars (ca. 1,000 Euros) each. The chosen projects researched, pre-
sented and documented various unorthodox views on the intercultural pres-
ent, past and future such as the forgotten music tradition of the Cincars, the
Celts and the Jews in Serbian music, the installing of billboards with cultural
contents in villages, the analysing of public monument strategies as forms of
shared memory making, and so on.4At the same time, a mapping initiative was
set up, though it was less successful. The weakest point of the Ministrys ini-
tiative was the fact that, despite the projects early success, it did not continue
after the end of the European Year of Intercultural Dialogue.5
The second case is the large scale project titled Affirmation of Multicultur-
alism and Tolerance in Vojvodina initiated 2005 by the Provincial Secretariat
for Education, Administration and the National Communities of the Autono-
3
That year Serbia also adopted the White paper on Intercultural Dialogue proposed by
the Council of Europe.
4
More about the programme and winning projects: http://rexpro.b92.net/ikd/sr/
node/41
5
The project has been partially and independently continued by Cultural Centre Rex as
part of the 2012 East-West Crossroads project (projekat Raskra Istok Zapad). More at: http://
www.rex.b92.net/sr/REXPro/aktuelno.html
mous Province of Vojvodina. The project is still active in 2013 and it aims
to promote tolerance and raise the intercultural competences and knowledge
of the population in Vojvodina. Over the years, the sub-programmes have
changed considerably, but the core activities still involve the Tolerance Cup
(sport tournaments), folk festivals, media appearances, school history com-
petitions, etc. An interesting aspect of the project is the publication How Well
We Know Each Other, which traces the multicultural history of the province
(updated every other year).6 Based on the publication, the Secretariat, together
with the primary schools and various television and radio stations, organises
quizzes and tournaments for pupils. This project is a good example of a wide
cross-sectorial (education, media and culture) and inter-ministerial coopera-
tion in promoting intercultural dialogue. It shows that cultural diversity and
intercultural dialogue have to be developed as a wide policy agenda and this
sets the Provincial Government apart from all other policy bodies at the state
level.
Many other projects are being developed at the lower, municipal and com-
munity levels. The Municipality of Subotica is internationally recognised as a
devotee of intercultural citizenship. In 2008 it was selected as an intercultural
city by the Intercultural Cities Programme of the Council of Europe and the
European Commission. The city has achieved good results in terms of creating
a complex structure of local government aimed at enabling tolerance, as well
as dialogue and exchange.7
The independent cultural scene in Serbia has been very active in promot-
ing intercultural dialogue with significant results. Many organisations develop
intercultural projects of various types and receive funding from many donors,
including the national and local ministries, as well as foreign foundations and
funds. Several cultural centres, Rex and the Centre for Cultural Decontamina-
tion (CZKD) from Belgrade and CK13 from Novi Sad, are continually devoted
to developing programmes aimed at the promotion of intercultural learning,
the fight against racism and discrimination and working towards the integra-
tion of various marginal groups. As an example, the projects Invisible and Un-
wanted (CZKD) and Belgradians (Rex) exhibited photos and organised dis-
cussions on the burning issue of the exclusion of Roma people, managing to
attract the attention of wider audiences.
Many marginalised groups (the others) are often forgotten, discriminat-
ed and even attacked. For instance, the relations with the Albanian minority
in many Serbian cities as well as the Albanian majority living on Kosovo are a
big challenge. A good example of dealing with the Serbian-Albanian dialogue
is the project EU - Our Future? developed by Fractal NGO from Belgrade in
6
link: http://www.puma.vojvodina.gov.rs/dokumenti/projekat/Kviz/Koliko_se_poznaje-
mo_SR.pdf
7
More on: http://www.coe.int/t/dg4/cultureheritage/culture/cities/Index/Subotica_en.pdf
collaboration with a partner from Pristina (Integra NGO), and initially sup-
ported by the Dutch IKV Foundation (Inter-Church Peace Council). When it
was started in 2003, it involved a small group of young Serbs, Albanians and
Dutch who participated in three youth exchanges in the Netherlands, Belgrade
and Pristina. After ten years they managed to build a European network of
alumni serving as a stable platform for the various initiatives of its members,
involving numerous exchanges, publications, street art events and other activi-
ties. From the very start most of the ideas and initiatives came from the partici-
pants themselves, which is probably the strongest aspect of this project.
In this regard, the Heartefact Fund Call for Socially Engaged Contempo-
rary Drama is also another example of good practice. For three years in a row
already, the Fund has managed to draw the attention of a growing community
of young playwrights from the whole Balkan region (in 2012, 71 texts were
received). However, the call is not the end of the story, since Heartefact col-
laborates with numerous theatres, NGOs, directors and actors on putting on
the winning play. The play Prst (Finger), written by the young Kosovar play-
wright Doruntina Basha and directed by Ana Tomovic from Belgrade, was
staged both at Bitef Theatre in Belgrade and the National Theatre in Skopje.
The play also toured around the region and received many awards. Heartefact
stands out as a bold and highly devoted practice of intercultural dialogue and
regional cooperation.8
Another awarded project was Communication II by Kiosk NGO from Bel-
grade, based on the idea that young people from the ethnic minorities can be
encouraged and better integrated in society if they are empowered by creative
skills in this case, photography. So, 80 young people (from Subotica, Novi
Pazar, Bujanovac and Pristina) took part in photo workshops documenting
their lives but also they were giving interviews about their, plans and dreams.
The exhibitions that followed received widespread acclaim, which earned Ki-
osk NGO a Second Erste Foundation Award for Social Integration.
EU-Supported Projects
During the nineties, many foreign funders opened up their calls for proj-
ects and organisations from Serbia. Foreign embassies, cultural centres and
funds such as the Soros Foundation supported numerous civic organisations
throughout the region. As democratisation and the strengthening of the civil
society were the overall goals, intercultural dialogue and post-war reconcilia-
tion were high on the priority list. Many of the now acclaimed civil organisa-
8
Similar was the play Patriotic Hypermarket produced by KulturanovaNovi Sad in part-
nership with many theatres from the region. The play dealt with the discrimination, humiliation
and self-awareness of the Albanians living in Serbia during nineties but also with the frustration
of their Serbian neighbours.
tions were founded in that period. So, for the current generation of civil sec-
tor cultural manager, applying for various European funds was not a novelty
when the EU Instrument for Pre-Accession Assistance (IPA) opened in 2007.
Out of a total of 25 programmes, the most important ones for intercultural
dialogue and cultural diversity are: the Culture Programme 2007-2013, the
Cross-Border Cooperation Programme, as well as the Youth in Action Pro-
gramme. We will briefly give an overview on the impact of these three pro-
grammes in regard to the promotion of intercultural dialogue in Serbia.
The Culture Programme has significantly contributed to the overall cul-
tural diversity related agenda in Serbia. The EU approach, centred on the
issues of international cultural cooperation and support for the cultural indus-
tries offered many organisations new spaces for exploration, networking and
development (43 projects with Serbian partners funded until 2012). With large
budgets and long-term projects, the participation in the Culture Programme
enabled the organisations to raise their capacity and position themselves on
the international cultural scene. The impact of the programme on the diversi-
fication of the funded organisations is visible in the list of grantees and themes,
which often largely stand out from the usual project and organisation profile
in the national context (like AAA Production or Exit, which do not fit into the
traditionally defined cultural organisation).
However, these projects are not without their drawbacks, which often
make their impact marginal. First, almost all awarded organisations are based
either in Belgrade or Novi Sad.9 This further supports the already high central-
isation of cultural offer. Second, although intercultural dialogue is one of the
three priorities of the Culture Programme 2007-2013, many projects lacked
a real devotion to the topic and simply developed international contacts bet-
ter positioning themselves on the international cultural market. Third, many
organisations perceive intercultural dialogue as an automatic process which is
inevitable for international projects.10
Still, it is worth mentioning several exemplary cases of good intercultural
projects. In/Visible City (until now the only project in the Culture Programme
run by a Serbian organisation as a leading partner). It is based on the long-term
partnership of four theatre organisations/theatres from Serbia, Macedonia,
Denmark and the UK and deals with the exclusion (invisibility) of margina-
lised urban communities, the others, aiming to reintegrate them by raising
awareness about their position, empowering them to express themselves and
provoking dialogue on minority rights, as formulated by the project organis-
9
Only larger organisations have the financial capacity to apply, since 50% of the costs
have to be co-funded.
10
In a similar research in 2010, researchers reported that many cultural managers believe
that intercultural dialogue is achieved simply by bringing people together and hoping that there
will be some kind of positive intercultural osmosis (p.20). See: Intercultural Europe (2010).
ers. The innovative concept of performing in public transport vehicles and the
long-term partnerships are good lessons from the project.
Another interesting project is focusing on Art Always Has Its Conse-
quences by Kuda.org from Novi Sad (as a partner). Artistic practices in Central
and Eastern Europe which are usually either reduced to a delayed reaction to
Western developments or instrumentalized ideological production. This proj-
ect resists such simplifications by becoming engaged in the re-contextualiza-
tion of artistic practices of Yugoslav and Polish artists from the recent decades.
This project is not only international but also actively rethinks international
and intercultural relations.
The Cross-Border Cooperation Programmes in Serbia (with Croatia,
Hungary, Romania, Bulgaria and Bosnia) considerably broadened the op-
portunities of local cultural organisations from Serbia for funding their in-
ternational projects. Culture in the programme is seen as part of the People to
People component (together with sport and recreation), aimed at connecting
communities across the border. The programme is important because (1) it
offers bordering communities (mainly smaller cities) their own slice of fund-
ing; (2) it supports the development of minority culture because the bordering
regions are usually more multiethnic and multicultural, which is largely seen
in the lists of approved projects, and (3) it presents cultural diversity in new
light (different from other agendas) as a driver of cross-border cooperation
and social development. In this way, it diversifies and decentralises cultural
production. However, the question is to what extent it is beneficial to intercul-
tural dialogue. Too often intercultural dialogue is established between the
same ethnic communities living in two countries, which might be a way to
further accentuate the cultural differences inside the countries (for example,
the relations between Serbs and Hungarians in Serbia).
Since 2007 through the CBC programme hundreds of projects were
granted. For this research, 36 projects were selected which explicitly deal
with intercultural dialogue. One of these projects is Vilgdeszkin bez granica
(Threading the Boards of the World without Limits), it is supported by the IPA
Hungary-Serbia fund and organised by Tanyaszinhaz Theatre Company from
Vojvodinaand Deszk Theatre from Hungary. The main axis of the project is the
cooperation between these two theatre companies which produced two the-
atre plays and performed them in 20 villages in Northern Serbia and Southern
Hungary. Unlike other theatre productions in the region, the performances
were very local both in relation to the themes as well as the places where they
were performed in small villages and communities, which would not have
access to theatre otherwise.11 However, the plays in both cases were in Hungar-
ian, excluding other ethnicities.
11
Tanyiszinhaz from a tiny village has been performing in dozens of small villages across
Vojvodina for 36 years, which makes it a rare form of travelling theatre in this part of Europe.
Another example is The Pass-Port Project run by KosztolnyiDezs The-

atre from Subotica (Serbia) and Maszk Theatre from Szeged (Hungary). The
organisers wanted to explore the meaning of the spatial (border) and identity
division (culture) through understanding the local cultural identities on both
sides of the border. So, the project started with a broad citizen survey consist-
ing of three simple questions: Why do you like living where you live?; Why
dont you like to living where you live? and What do you think about the people
from the other side of the border?. Based on the responses, the joint ensemble
from both theatres created a theatre co-production and did a tour in the re-
gion. We are showcasing this project because of its rare nature; it deals with
intercultural dialogue in such a direct and open fashion.
From 2007 until 2012, the Youth in Action programme (YiA), through
its sub-programme Cooperation with the Neighbouring Partner Countries
of the European Union (Action 3.1) has supported 242 projects from Serbia
with a total amount of 4,261,832.65 Euros. Approximately, two thirds of the
projects (and funds) were trainings and networking and one third were youth
exchanges. In total, close to 6,000 young people from all over Europe partici-
pated in these projects in Serbia.12 If we only measure the number of people
travelling across Europe, this programme cannot be overlooked. It is also im-
portant that the programme explicitly favours actions aimed at promoting in-
tercultural dialogue, exchange and tolerance. However, as noted in some of the
above mentioned projects, it is often the case that the impact of the projects,
especially youth exchanges, does not reach audiences other than the projects
participants. Intercultural dialogue is practiced in the form of joint workshops
and activities. Even in these activities, discussions concerning the obstacles,
motivations, fears and solutions for intercultural dialogue are not developed.
When it comes to training and networking projects, the situation is different,
since it is usual that projects create tools and exchange experiences on inter-
cultural learning, peace reconciliation, post-traumatic communication, inter-
cultural team building, etc. This is even a significant effort on international
level to record and disseminate findings concerning this type of European-
level projects, thus contributing to better youth and civic work in culturally
diverse societies.13
Anti-Discrimination through Theatre was a 7-day training course which
involving 20 young participants from 13 European countries. The project was
realised by Generator NGO from Vranje (Serbia). Similar to other projects
This project was the extension of their work. While supporting students and young theatre pro-
fessionals (in total some 260 actors collaborated in their productions), they contribute to the
diversity of the theatre scene.
12
More facts in Rankovi, J., et al. (2013).
13
Salto Youth (European network of Resource centres for youth work) has been building
a comprehensive database of tools for trainers in Southeast Europe with hundreds of classified
and free-to-use tools. https://www.salto-youth.net/tools/toolbox/
supported by YiA, the project involved youngsters in a series of workshops

in which they discover the similarities among them and learn how to respect
their differences and be more tolerant, as stated by the project organisers.
The main tool was Forum theatre (Augusto Boal), which enables free but still
structured exploration of both the intimate worlds of participants as well as
their interactions. While there is, a positive benefit from the project activities
for the 20 participating youngsters, the multiplication of the project results and
the wider impact are highly questionable.
Working with the youth from multicultural and even post-traumatic soci-
eties requires specific skills and knowledge from the youth workers who work
with them. This was the starting point for the project Facilitation without Bor-
ders of the Serbian NGO Balkan IDEA from Novi Sad. In order to support
24 youth workers from the region, the organization held a 9-day residential
training course as well as preparatory and follow-up activities via a specially
developed distance learning platform.14 In the course of the project, 5 youth
exchange projects proposals were developed by joint and collaborative inter-
cultural teams, 3 of which were later applied and approved under the YiA pro-
gramme. The project is relevant because it acknowledges the specific working
surroundings of intercultural youth projects mainly, that intercultural dia-
logue is not necessarily a spontaneous act of communication between people
(youngsters in this case) from different cultural backgrounds.
In 2012, the Belgrade Open School initiated a small-scale project, Better
Employability for Minority Youth, supported by the YiA. It was an international
training with 28 youth workers from 5 European countries. An international
group of five youth experts led the workshops which aimed to support the
participants in their work with young people from minority groups and their
inclusion in society. The goals of the project focused on the employment issues
of minority groups, covering the dissemination of information, the develop-
ment of specific skills, networking, the understanding of social conditions and
global trends related to the sensitive groups job search. Although the project
was not cultural in the strictest sense, it is presented here for the purposes of
showing that cultural diversity is often supported by projects coming from the
sphere of youth and social work, employment, civil rights, etc. The participants
were the main effect multipliers since their practices will most likely be influ-
enced by the participation in the project.
Conclusions
Comprehensive and focused policies promoting cultural diversity and in-
tercultural dialogue are highly necessary in Serbia. Over the last decade, many
independent organizations, political bodies, cultural institutions, foreign foun-
14
http://www.webastromedia.com/facilitating/
dations and embassies invested a great amount of time and energy in the field.
Hence, there is a large pool of good examples and practices that have resulted
in a considerable improvement of minority rights and opportunities for their
public expression. However, many projects were weak and the political initia-
tives short-lived and pompous. It is evident that there is a great need to analyse,
study, learn from and invent innovative approaches for the promotion of cul-
tural diversity and intercultural dialogue. In the conclusions, we will offer an
overall assessment of the EU policies in this regard and give recommendations
for the better management of projects dealing with intercultural dialogue.
EU-funded policies and projects have significantly improved the overall
quality and frequency of intercultural projects in Serbia. The topic of inter-
cultural dialogue in public policy discourses and institutional practices was
in many cases introduced through EU-funded initiatives (for example, in the
case of the Museum of Vojvodina). Also, the Youth in Action programme and
the IPA-CBC programme have introduced the topic to a whole new category of
civil and public organisations from smaller communities. They have contrib-
uted to a more diversified concept of the social benefit of cultural diversity and
intercultural dialogue (not only as a social category but also as an economic
one). Moreover, EU-funded programmes offered opportunities to numerous
organisations to build the organisational capacities necessary for dealing with
the topic. Finally, organisations which have been participating in international
partner consortia have gained knowledge and exchanged experiences related
to intercultural dialogue.
Unfortunately, as we have already noted, many projects dealt with inter-
cultural dialogue only tangentially and as a result did not achieve considerable
results. Still, there is also a range of good practices and we will highlight them
below.
First, projects need to be seriously engaged with interculturality as a seri-
ous challenge, not only as a spontaneous result of any intercultural exchange.
The approach to rethink the various concepts of interculturality is highly ben-
eficial as the case with the project Art Always Has Its Consequences shows.
Second, participants and alumni need to be better integrated into the
decision-making process of project management. A developed alumni com-
munity can be a guarantee for the sustainability and further development of
the project.
Third, organizations dealing with intercultural projects need to integrate
interculturality into their mission, vision and organisational culture. Inter-
cultural dialogue is built over time. Only long-term involvement with these
projects, methodologies, tools and marginalised groups (beneficiaries) can
produce good results. There are many cases of resilient organisations and pro-
grammes which have brought about considerable social change over the years
(CZKD, Rex Centre, Tanyszinhaz, etc.). Despite the unstable funding of in-
tercultural projects (after the European Year of Intercultural Dialogue), the
fragile partnerships (many organizations only occasionally deal with the issue)
and the changing of the social contexts, these organisations have managed to
continually promote intercultural dialogue through various projects.
Fourth, the engagement of local communities in the development of in-
tercultural dialogue is necessary for a substantial impact of a project and/or
organisation. The success of grassroots initiatives such as the Pesnienje shows
that even the participatory funding (or crowdfunding) of poetry can succeed.
A participatory approach should be implemented in both project and policy
design.
Fifth, strategic partnerships greatly improve the prospects of project sus-
tainability. Partnering with the media, the tourism industry, various sponsors,
companies and public institutions has created highly visible and inspiring
projects in the past.
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Intercultural Europe (2010). Intercultural Dialogue as an Objective in the EU Culture
Programme 2007-2013 - Research and Recommendations for the Next Framework
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Belgrade: Statistical Office of the Republic of Serbia.
RZSS (2012). Ethnicity - Data by Municipalities and Cities. Belgrade: Statistical Office
of the Republic of Serbia.
Throsby, D. (2009). Explicit and Implicit Cultural Policy: Some Economic Aspects. Inter-
national Journal of Cultural Policy, 15(2), 179185.
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150-165.
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Maja Muhic
South East European University, Skopje, Macedonia
Violeta Simjanovska, Lea Linin
Multimedia org. Skopje, Macedonia
RE-THINKING CULTURAL POLICY: FROM STRATEGY

TO REALITY - INTERCULTURAL DIALOGUE AND
CULTURAL DIVERSITY IN MACEDONIA
Introductory Remarks
Republic of Macedonia is a multicultural country with ethnically and
culturally heterogeneous population. It has gained its independence from the
former Yugoslav federation with a referendum on 08.09.1991. In 2001 Mac-
edonia was struck by an ethnic conflict, which lasted for 8 month. The conflict
expressed the grievances of the Albanian community as a marginalized group
within the Macedonia and the aim to improve its participation in the society.
The Ohrid Framework Agreement (OFA) was signed on 13 August 2001, fi-
nally putting an end to the insurgencies and improving the conditions of the
Albanian population in Macedonia. The cultural diversity (CD) and intercul-
tural dialogue (ICD) and the expression of different cultural identities are ena-
bled through the constitutional provisions. Culture and cultural expression in
the Republic of Macedonia is normatively regulated by: the Constitution of
the Republic of Macedonia; the specific laws and normative acts in the field of
culture; other system laws that are also implemented in culture; the local self-
government acts and the international agreements ratified by the Republic of
Macedonia, or adopted by means of succession. While there are other mecha-
nism for the regulation of CD and ICD, such as the new Strategic Plan for
Cultural Development 2013-2017, it is remarkable that in the last two decades,
Macedonia has been marked by a politics based on the primacy of national
identity over other socio-political questions. The Skopje 2014 project, and the
freezing of the Gender Department at State University Cyril and Methodius
followed by the announcement for the launch of the Family Studies Institute,
clearly speak of the nationalist politics and the patriarchal/conservative values
being woven into the society.
In the midst of these disintegrative processes the Strategic Plan for Cul-
tural Development 2013-2017 of the Ministry of Culture of Macedonian looks
like a ray of hope, announcing that every citizen of the Republic of Macedo-
nia, regardless of his/her origin, ethnicity, religion, gender, and political orien-
tation, has the equal right to culture and access to the reception of culture. The
Strategy does contain some good recommendations, including the insistence
on the versatility of resources that will fund culture and will go well beyond the
Ministry of Culture, yet the CD and ICD dimension remain very declarative,
sterile, and action-less. Barely one paragraph is dedicated to the harmoniza-
tion of the cultural policies and cultural integration, but there are no clear
directions as per the strategies. The most condensed statement comes in the
final line of this paragraph saying that the nurturing and the encouragement
of cultural diversity in the Republic of Macedonia has to serve the function of
its consistent respect.
The multicultural structure of Macedonian society is reflected in its va-
riety of ethnicities, cultures and religions. According to the last census of 2002
Macedonias population is as follows: Macedonians 64.2%, Albanians 25.2%,
Turkish 3.9%, Roma 2.7%, Serb 1.8%, other 2.2%. According to the census of
the same year, the religious groups representative of the country are as follows:
Macedonian Orthodox 64.7%, Muslim 33.3%, other Christian 0.37%, other
and unspecified 1.63%.
Minority rights are regulated by the Constitution of 1991 which, among
other things, proclaims that the citizens share the same freedoms and rights
irrespective of their sex, race, colour of their skin, national and social back-
ground, political and religious attitudes, property and social status; freedom
of citizens to gather together in order to realize and protect cultural and other
rights and attitudes. Macedonia has ratified major international human rights
treaties. It also adopted a new anti-discrimination Law in 2010, which prohib-
its discrimination on the basis of ethnicity, gender, race, social status, language,
citizenship, religious conviction, political affiliation or disability.
The signing of the Ohrid Framework Agreement (OFA) put an end to the
above-mentioned conflict and introduced formal mechanisms for resolution
of conflicts on national and local level. Among other things, the OFA reacted
to the 1991 Constitution1 which defined the country as a national state of
the Macedonian people guaranteeing civil equality and co-existence of the
Macedonian people with the Albanians, Turks, Vlachs, Roma and other na-
1
The Amendments of the Constitution of R. Macedonia, http://eudo-citizenship.eu/
NationalDB/docs/MAC%20Const%20Amendments%20IV-XVIII%20(English).pdf [accessed
on October 17, 2013]
tionalities, and called for the elimination of any reference to specific ethnic
groups. With the amendments to the Constitution after the Ohrid Framework
Agreement of 13.08.2001, the following has also been provided for the nation-
alities: in the units of local self-government where at least 20% of the popula-
tion speak a particular language, that language and its alphabet will be used as
official, in addition to the Macedonian language and its Cyrillic alphabet.2
Multiculturalism in R. Macedonia is a natural model derived from the
condition of the historical, demographical and cultural facts, but also one
which forms the social reality.3 The authors also point out that the Macedo-
nian multiculturalism is a mixture of liberal multiculturalism in the area of
citizenship and consocial democracy, in the area of politics. Unfortunately, as
Janev4 observes, ethnonationalist politics dominate the public sphere in inde-
pendent Macedonia and this is reflected in every aspect of social life. Ethnona-
tionalist politicians have triggered the image of a deeply divided Macedonian
society. As Janev correctly observes, Macedonian multicultural reality is now
even more complicated than before. The representations of the past, as given
in the official Macedonian historiography, also fail to correct this distorted pic-
ture. These historians promote a paradigm that revolves around defence and
promotion of their own national cause.
Divided society - Interestingly, a general notion to a more careful obser-
vation would be that cultural identity in Macedonia is most often understood
as some form of essence, something that does not necessarily bear any refer-
ence to culture. At its best, identity is related and certainly promoted (by the
government) into a national identity, primarily built through origin myths.
Culture, on the other hand, is mostly seen by the people as a cluster of heri-
tage, customs, art, folklore. Since national identity plays such a big role in the
Macedonian social milieu, the picture of multiculturalism, and the applica-
bility of the many suggested multicultural models (Kymlicka, Taylor, etc.) is
complicated. Moreover, the realization of all political interests in the country is
fully based upon the matrix of national or even ethnical identities, which leads
Macedonia towards division where the two major ethnic groups, Macedonians
and Albanians will shape completely different identity views and express radi-
cally opposed loyalties to the country.
2
See more in Art. 7 of the Constitution of RM regarding the language issue. While the
official language in the country is Macedonian, other languages spoken by at least 20 percent
of the population (in almost all cases, Albanian) are considered official and can be used for
personal documents, civil and criminal proceedings, local self-government and communication
between citizens and central government.
3
Sharlamanov, K and Stojanoski, A. (2012) The Multiculturalism in Republic of Ma-
cedonia, Observed Through the Perceptions for the Symbols of the Other Ethnic Groups: Fra-
mework of the Symbolic Interactionism. International Journal of Humanities & Social Science,
Vol. 2. No.23, 2012.
4
Janev, G. (2009) Historical Lessons of Macedonian Multiculturalism. Working Papers.
Documents and reality Among the provisions of OFA are that it grants
the language and alphabet of a language other than Macedonian in the units of
local self-government where at least 20% of the population speak a particular
language as official, and a number of other provisions, enhancing the partici-
pation of minority groups in policy making and strengthening their repre-
sentation in politics and public administration. This in fact means that ethnic
groups have formal and substantial equality in the Republic of Macedonia.
The major problem encountered with the implementation of the cultu-
ral policies including the new Strategic plan for Cultural Development is that
while there is a declarative principle of equality and equal value in supporting
the cultural manifestations of all nationalities, they seem to have little collabo-
ration among them, and little is done in the process of cultural education. It
can easily be concluded then that Macedonia faces similar scenarios to the one
Kymlicka (2002) diagnoses in the multicultural federations in the WE coun-
tries (Flemish, Catalan, Basque, and Quebec regional autonomy and official
language rights). Apart from some benefits, the citizens of the dominant group
are indifferent to the internal life of minority groups and vice versa. There is a
feeling of resentment, and the substate national groups feel that the ideology
of the nation state has not been denounced, while the members of the domi-
nant group feel the minority is ungrateful. As a result inter-group contact is
avoided. We end up living in parallel societies, or solitudes. We therefore have
to move towards desecuritization of ethnic relations, as Kymlicka (2002: 22)
calls the process of alleviating ethnic burden and tensions, and this can be
done through good cultural policies and focusing on it as the only possible
non-competitive sphere.
Understanding of Culture and Cultural Policy in Macedonia

The concept of culture is a complex entity which can be of anthropologi-
cal, social, political, economical and spiritual significance, and it needs a care-
fully designed and coherent terms of reference which should give to the multi-
cultural society a common sense for symbols, norms and the most important
values as indicators for social behaviour. Such coherent terms of reference and
paradigms which should be based on the idea of a common culture do not
exist in Macedonia and no intention for their development can be recognised
from the current political elites.
We can freely say that culture in Macedonia is seen as a resource for the
promotion of national identity and not often as a resource for cultural, social
and economic development or as a segment that can improve the life quality
of its citizens.
The transitional period presented many challenges for the society: the
building of a new democratic system based on the basic human rights, the
building of new institutions, the transfer to a market-oriented economy, the
process of privatisation, social transformation processes, the rise of crime and

corruption; all of this adversely influenced the economic, cultural and social
environment of the country. In such circumstances, the interethnic relations in
Macedonia gradually became unpredictable in a negative sense. This negative
trend comes from the growth of intolerance and mistrust between the two ma-
jor ethnic groups, the Macedonians and the Albanians. The existing prejudices
and stereotypes were transformed into open interethnic intolerance, which
culminated in conflicts.
Although these negative trends are being pointed out to the political elites
by intellectuals and some NGOs, no serious attention is devoted to this serious
matter.
When talking about Macedonian Cultural Policy, till 2013, the explicit
strategic objectives and instruments of it have not been developed to the de-
gree that one can talk about a systematic cultural policy. It is more a mix-
ture of intuition, an ad hoc approach, declaratively following EU concepts and
standards, and no systematic elaboration. Even during the first years after the
independence (and even today) the most important thing is missing: a pub-
lic debate and dialogue as well as a scientifically and expertly founded and
elaborated long-term vision of cultural development with all the fundamental
elements of a cultural policy. And the model of cultural policy that exists is
defined as a transitional one, which is characteristic for more or less all Balkan
countries.
The repercussions of this model of cultural policy are still to be recognised
and described. And, generally speaking, the conclusion for the period between
2008 and 2013 is that it is a period with strong centralisation, unclear respon-
sibilities, no transparency in the decision-making processes, and a period in
which the emphasis was placed on obsolete schemes of bureaucratic, institu-
tional financing without clearly defined indicators and measures for protecting
the fragile multicultural component of the society.
Unfortunately, the term culture is still primarily institutionally treated and
is financed as such. Even in this period, culture is used mainly for political
influence and pressure. In the last 5 years, the Macedonian society has been
regressing in this respect. It must be mentioned that the Skopje 2014 project is
part of this influence.
Although the new cultural policy in Macedonia (National Strategy for
Cultural development 2013-2017)5 has written goals (without clearly defined
instruments and parameters), it has a clear political and ideological frame-
work, which can be classified as a monument policy, which directly influences
the collective consciousness and, at the end of the day, the national identity.
5
National Strategy for Cultural Development, http://www.kultura.gov.mk/index.php/
component/content/article/60-2013-02-27-10-20-24/840-nacionalna-strategija-za-razvoj [ac-
cessed on March 10, 2014].
This new national policy intending to reshape the collective identity by monu-
ment building, through decisions concerning national symbols, the reappro-
priation of institutions, cities, the renaming of institutions, streets, squares,
parks, bridges, schools, the representation of certain types of narratives, etc.
In the Macedonian context, these things mean the changing of perspec-
tives, the reshaping of public space, demonstrating power, natio-centrism, illu-
sions that we are the chosen nation, and that the whole world has originated
from this very point, the city centre of Skopje, and showing this to the rest of
the world.
This kind of national identity policy, using different kind of instruments
listed above, is very dangerous for a multicultural society. The creation of this
policy among the isolated political elite, without the participation of the dif-
ferent ethnicities that live in Macedonia, without communicating our cultural
diversities, including our identities, memories, myths, without intercultural
dynamics, could induce the societys segregation.
If we are not going to rethink and reshape our national policy in terms of
finding common memories for all citizens, common myths, common monu-
ments and common values in general that will represent all the citizens, the so-
ciety will face bigger problems than the ones we are now facing. The participa-
tion of citizens in the decision-making process concerning such an important
issue as the building of common values and identity is of crucial importance
for Macedonia.
Cultural Policy and the Concepts of Cultural Diversity and Intercultural

Dialogue in Macedonia
Cultural diversity and intercultural dialogue in Macedonia, as part of the
cultural policy, have started to be emphasised, especially between the form of
the ethnic minority and the majority, the differences between the big and the
small ones. As a matter of fact, the international community in Macedonia
was/is more involved in this issue as compared to the political elites within the
country. Even today, this important issue is neglected and is not included in
the agendas of the political elites.
When speaking about the national cultural policy in general as well as local
(municipality level) policy, particularly concerning intercultural dialogue and
cultural diversity in Macedonias multicultural society, it is mainly understood
as cultural cooperation among the artists and cultural operators in Macedonia
coming from different ethnic groups as well as cultural cooperation with the
rest of the world (particularly EU and USA).
It is very important to stress that in Macedonia, when we talk about mi-
norities, we immediately think of ethnic minority. The other minorities are
quite marginalised in our society. Furthermore, there are some examples of
this particular kind of minority as others are not active or are not so visible
and there is not much to say about them. At the moment, there is no significant
cooperation among these groups.
After 2001, many international founders, in cooperation with the Mace-
donian government, spent a lot of funds supporting multi-kulti projects and
activities, but the results from those initiatives are not so visible. Still there
are not many Albanian artists who are invited to play in Macedonian the-
atre performances and vice versa. It is also evident that the NGO sector is
more open towards ICD and CD and there are more collaborative projects in
this sector than in the public sector. This is probably due to the fact that the
public institutions have at times inappropriate general management (includ-
ing human resource management), reduced usage of new technologies; they
sometimes promote isolated, old-fashioned programmes and activities, etc.
On the other hand, the NGO sector in the field of culture became very active,
very well educated, with high professional performance and level of innova-
tion, generating new ideas, using new technology, more connected to the rest
of the world, etc.
Most of these national and local public institutions are very rigid and not
flexible enough. They still have not developed programmes or activities that
are related to the question of social inclusion, or have some bigger social con-
text. They are producing old-fashioned repertoires.
More and more parallel activities occur in Macedonia, Albanian on the
one hand and Macedonian on the other. For example, there is Skopje Festival, a
pop music festival, where no Albanians perform, and, at the same time, there is
Nota Fest, a festival for Albanian pop music, where no Macedonians perform.
Both festivals are held in Skopje at the same concert venue. Another example
is the Stuga Poetry Festival, where no Albanian authors from Macedonia were
gladly invited to participate for years. Five years ago, there was an initiative
from the Albanian minority to establish a parallel poetry festival in Struga
which will be in Albanian, and so on.
Contrary to this, the cultural industries are somewhat of a phenomenon
regarding the intercultural dynamics of the multicultural society in Macedo-
nia, ex. electronic music. This is one of the very few cultural activities which
bring young Macedonians and young Albanians together, without a problem.
Another positive example for intercultural dialogue among artists in Macedo-
nia is the film industry. No matter the film, artists from different ethnic groups
work together without any problem.
There are many negative examples but also some positive cases that give
hope for the future of Macedonias multicultural society. However, rethinking
of the Cultural Policy Model is required as well as a strong and clear political
will in order to make important changes.
Cultural Policy Instruments supporting ICD and CD in Macedonia

In order to conduct a more in-depth analysis of the current cultural policy
in Macedonia, four cultural policy instruments have been taken into consider-
ation: normative, financial, organisational and value- and idea-oriented.
Normative
The legal framework of culture and the issues of ICD and CD in Macedo-
nia in particular are firstly based in the Constitution6, then the specific laws
and normative acts in the field of culture, other system laws that are also imple-
mented in culture, the local self-government acts and the international agree-
ments ratified by the Republic of Macedonia.
The global framework for the defining and orientation of the culture in
Macedonia is, above all, the Constitution which guarantees the following rights
related to culture: civil rights and freedoms, creative autonomy, the obligation
to support and develop culture, the right of the different ethnic or national
groups to establish institutions for culture and art, the protection of the cul-
tural and historical heritage and copyright protection.
According to the Law on the Organisation and Operation of the Gov-
ernment Administration Bodies7, the Ministry of Culture of the Republic of
Macedonia is a competent government agency in the field of culture and it
globally creates the cultural policy, prepares and suggests the passing of legal
and normative regulations in this field and carries out multilateral and bilat-
eral international cultural cooperation.
The Law on Culture8 (1997, last amended 2013) specifies some cultural
objectives as being of national interest, e.g., the establishing of the general
conditions for achieving continuity in culture, creating conditions for out-
standing cultural achievements and their protection, encouraging cultural di-
versity, protecting and developing the cultural identity of the different commu-
nities, cultural development, etc. According to the Law on Culture, a Cultural
Council has been established at the Ministry as an expert advisory body that
provides the Minister of Culture with opinions on materials, laws and other
issues within the field of culture.
As it was mentioned before, the Republic of Macedonia, after it proclaimed
independence and sovereignty in 1991, has again centralised the already de-
6
Constitution of the Republic of Macedonia, http://www.wipo.int/edocs/lexdocs/laws/
en/mk/mk014en.pdf, [accessed on march 12 2014].
7
Law on the Organisation and Operation of the Government Administration Bodies,
http://www.libertas-institut.com/de/MK/nationallaws/Law_on_State_Administrative_Bodies.
pdf [accessed on February 2014]
8
The Law on Culture, http://www.kultura.gov.mk/images/stories/dokumenti/obrasci/
Kultura_59_18092003.pdf [accessed on January 10 2014).
centralised cultural institutions and organisations (from the previous system

of former Yugoslavia). The Ministry of Culture was the only institution that
was responsible for all state cultural institutions, creating a strong centralised
system that also included the financing of culture. The Ministry of Culture
concordantly financed almost all of the activities and needs of the institutions
which included: employees salaries, material expenses, programmes and ac-
tivities, etc. In such a centralised system, the institutions largely depended on
the decision-making mechanisms that existed in the Ministry of Culture. Ac-
cording to the Law on Culture from 1997 (last amended 2013), the decision-
making power is still in the hands of one person the minister of culture.
The Republic of Macedonia as a member country of the Council of Eu-
rope prepared a National Cultural Policy (2004-2008), which was presented as
the 4-year National Programme for Culture. This was the first document of its
kind in Macedonia after its independence in 1991. The National Programme is
the first official document in Macedonia that is related to the cultural policy is-
sue. According to it, the main cultural policy objectives were: decentralisation,
development, the protection and (re)creation of cultural heritage, creativity
with special focus on young people, creating favourable conditions for out-
standing cultural achievements and cultural management. Furthermore, the
National Program for Culture 2004-2008 has also formulated (among others)
the following cultural policy priorities: the promotion of the cultural identity
of the communities and international and regional cooperation. In this par-
ticular document, there is no mention of ICD and CD.
In January 2013, for the very first time, the Macedonian Ministry of Cul-
ture put forward a proposal for a new National Strategy for Cultural Devel-
opment (2013-2017)9 in which consideration is given to the issues of inter-
cultural dialogue and cultural diversity. The basic principles and priorities of
this strategy include: the right to culture and the expression and harmonisa-
tion of cultural diversity policies, cultural integration, multiculturalism and
interculturalism.
Also, in this strategy particular attention is given to international cultural
cooperation and international cultural events. As part of this strategic plan, an
annual action plan is drawn up where all of the priorities and goals are trans-
lated into actions and funds needed to implement them.
While writing this article, there is no evidence of how the implementation
of the first year of the Action Plan as part of the National Strategy for Cultural
Development was carried out.
All other laws, bylaws and acts that exist in Macedonia and are related to
the issues of ICD and CD are presented at the kulturlogue.org portal.
9
National Strategy for Cultural Development, http://kulturlogue.org/Files/Macedonia/
Documents/75B1786C2DE6D260DF747F1A7FF428F0.pdf [accessed on April 2014).
Financial
Although the Macedonian Ministry of Culture has some instruments
written down as part of the new National Strategy for Cultural Development
(2013-2017), the way in which the finances have been managed, as one of the
indicators of cultural policy, shows that the priorities of the Ministry of Culture
in the last five years have been focused on capital investments and increasing
the number of employees in the administration. There is no specific financial
measure developed that would support the concept of multiculturalism with
intercultural dynamics, or particularly ICD and CD.
This situation is indicative of the populist paradigm that the current polit-
ical elites have created and are implementing. Building monuments, new cul-
tural institutions (buildings) as part of the Skopje 2014 project, not investing
in the sensitive question of the multicultural context of the society, or in the
concept of ICD and CD, increased administration, less budget for programmes
and innovative forms of art are the main characteristics of the financial side of
the Ministry of Culture in the last five years (2008-2013).
Since 1997, in accordance with the Law, the Ministry has been announc-
ing annual competitions, and through them the Annual Program for the Fund-
ing of Programmes and Projects of National Interest in Culture and the rules
on the elements which should be included in the projects were adopted. This
competition has no measures that consider cultural diversity and intercultural
dialogue. No strengthening is created in this domain.
When submitting projects and programmes for the competition, a pro-
posal on distribution of the budget for culture is given by the commissions
competent for specific activities. Based on their assessment, the minister of
culture makes his/her final decision for the budget distribution.
The law does not prescribe obligations for the adopting of criteria and
measures as regulations, so they are now being adopted as internal measures
by the commission for specific activities this should be regulated as a legal re-
sponsibility in future. Also, it is very important that all commissions working
in the specific segments have an advisory role. According to the law, the min-
ister of culture has the final say. Therefore, he has the freedom to agree or not
with the proposals made by the commissions and to make other decisions.
In the real field, this means that the procedure for getting support from the
Ministry of Culture is not transparent and lacks any clear indicators or criteria
of who is getting how much and for what. It is interesting to note that the Minis-
try of Culture, by law, announces the list of grantees but not the grant amounts.
Regarding funding, it should be pointed out that in practice, although
there is a legal basis for that, there are no funds or foundations for culture which
would present additional source of financial means for the field of culture.
The Ministry of Culture is practically the main source of funding for cul-
ture. In the last five years, it has provided annual funding for capital invest-
ments, the national cultural institutions (salaries, investments, running costs

such as heating, equipment insurance, buildings, exhibits, etc.) and for specific
programmes, and it also distributed funds on a competition basis.
There is no data of how many projects which are supported by the Minis-
try of Culture are dealing with ICD and CD. There are two strands within the
Annual Programme which refer to cultural diversity and intercultural dialogue
to a certain extent and these are: the International Cooperation strand where
the projects are mainly dealing with the presentation of Macedonian culture
abroad, and the other strand is focused on EU Projects (particularly the Cul-
ture Programme 2007-2013), for which no clear indicators and measures are
created concerning the ways in which these projects will be co-financed. All
of these projects are facing huge problems concerning the securing of the co-
financing part as the Ministry of Culture is only supporting them with an in-
significant amount.
The other financial possibility for supporting projects that are dealing
with ICD and CD is the Macedonian National Commission for UNESCO,
which is part of the Ministry of Culture. Through this Commission, more than
15 projects dealing with ICD and CD were supported. This Commission is
giving particular attention to one particular project which is dealing with the
dialogue between religions. The choice was made by the Minister of Culture.
Furthermore, the financial support by the municipalities is insignificant.
The municipalities were formally established in 2005 through a process of de-
centralisation; therefore, many of them have a process for adoption of budget
for culture. On local level, there are some initiatives that are supported and that
show interest for ICD and CD (example: social cohesion, Roma programme
(the Roma Decade) but not explicit instruments (2008 Year of Intercultural
Dialogue) and no sustainability in financial programming can be recognised
as clear cultural policy instruments on this level.
Organisational
Apart from the Ministry of Culture of the Republic of Macedonia as a
competent government agency in the field of culture, there are three other
bodies that are dealing with the issues of cultural diversity and intercultural
dialogue formed after the 2001 conflict and as part of the OFA.
In terms of culture, ICD and CD, the Ohrid Framework Agreement pro-
vided for an establishment of a governmental body (Office for the Affirma-
tion and Strengthening of Community Relations, as part of the Ministry of
Culture), then a parliamentary body (Committee for Interethnic Relations)
and local bodies (local Commissions for Interethnic Relations). In 2009, an
Agency for the Real Affirmation of the Rights of the Communities was estab-
lished (government body).
Generally, it can be said that Macedonia fails the same exam again, things
exist only on declarative level and there is no advocating for real changes and
real problem solving. One of the examples that can be emphasised of how the
implementation of the Framework Agreement is realised is the case under-
taken in the field of culture. From the interview that one of the authors of
this report made with the Director of the Bureau for the Strengthening and
Promoting of Community Relations, Mr. Emin Husrev, it could be seen that
this body exists only on declarative level, with no clear vision why it exists
and what are the goals of its function. It is only clearly stated that it has an
advisory role, without any financial autonomy from the Ministry of Culture,
which leaves room for great manipulations. The party affiliation of the man-
ager was obvious, instead of his interest for the citizens needs. The attitude of
the Government was also obvious, through the Minister of Culture, in relation
to this governmental body. Its role and function are completely marginalised
in reality. It is fascinating that this body is present in all of the reports that
the government has an interest in (all EC progress reports on the Republic of
Macedonia), and in those documents it is clearly stated that this governmental
body fulfils an active function but not what and how it reflects on the needs of
the citizens and the issues of ICD and CD.
All of these three bodies have no decision-making power and no financial
instruments.
Value- and Idea-Oriented

One of the priorities of the Macedonian government in general is the EU
integration of the country. The idea for EU membership seems to be one of
the strongest links and basis upon which the fragile existence and democracy
in the country is leaning, especially after the shattering of the dream of NATO
membership (NATO meeting in Bucharest, 2008). The adjustments to the Eu-
ropean standards forced the authorities to be more open towards the outside,
adopting many international declarations that are dealing with CD and ICD as
well as UNESCO declarations, UN declarations, the cultural policy standards
of the Council of Europe and the European Commission.
Unfortunately, the concepts of ICD and CD with the dynamics proposed
by all of these declarations which are signed by the Macedonian government
are still on declarative level. In reality, the public institutions are not honestly
and fully dedicated to these important issues for the Macedonian society and
the real implementation of the signed declarations.
Research Findings on EU Programmes Promoting ICD and CD in

Macedonia
Upon the analysis of projects two trends have emerged: (1) there are proj-
ects which are CD- and ICD-related both in terms of the project contents (the
project is specifically based on the themes of CD and ICD) and the project
participants (participants coming from different ethnic backgrounds)(Explicit
CD- and ICD-related projects), and (2) there are projects which are CD- and
ICD-related only in terms of the participants (when participants come from
different ethnic backgrounds)(Implicit CD- and ICD-related projects). The
majority of the selected projects fall within the second category.
Both in the explicit and the implicit CD- and ICD-related projects one
could differentiate between projects which engage the local population where
the project is set (disregarding the ethnic background of the locals) and in-
ternational participants (from the participating countries in the project), and
projects which engage solely the local population but the participants come
from different ethnic backgrounds. In this sense, the first type of projects can
be labelled as international cooperation projects, whereas the second type can
be characterised as local interethnic cooperation projects.
Generally, EU-funded projects exhibit a stronger impact component as a
result of their longer duration and a strong networking aspect which is usually
reflected in the initiation of subsequent projects with the same international
participating organisations. Multiyear local interethnic cooperation projects
which are implemented in the same community over a longer time span also
produce a stronger impact.
Concluding Remarks
The above analysis of the multicultural setting in the Republic of Macedo-
nia, the cultural policies or the lack of those thereof and the research conduct-
ed in the sphere of projects that dealt with CD and ICD themes, shows a rather
complex ethnic and political setting in the country. This not only complicates
the evaluation of CD- and ICD-related projects, but it additionally points to
the complexity of their implementation. The analysis addressed several cru-
cial aspects which must be taken into account in any future endeavour of the
funders to formulate and support successful CD and ICD projects that will
fit the social, political, and ethnic milieu of the country. The situation in the
Republic of Macedonia following the 2001 conflict, considered as the peak of
ethnic unrest, is still fragile and quite sensitive. The signing of the OFA offered
some level of hope and eased down the tensions, but it was generally a result
of the power-sharing claims of the ethnic Albanians in the country. As such,
it did not provide ethnic neutrality but has instead favoured one ethnic group
the Albanians - and especially so in the sphere of what supposed to be a just
and equal representation of minority groups in public administration. In its

final instance, OFA is now a battlefield for the power-sharing claims of the two
major ethnic groups in the country Macedonians and Albanians.
Unfortunately, as we observed earlier, ethnonationalist politics now domi-
nate the public sphere and are reflected in every aspect of social life, thus trig-
gering an image of a deeply divided Macedonian society. The most depressing
segment of this picture is the normalisation of that situation, which creates
a population that becomes somehow used and reconciled to the federalised
structure of the territory as well as of the political, economic and public life in
the country. There is a clear lack of enthusiasm to improve something at the
level of intercultural understanding and cooperation, which now seems like a
long forgotten past. Moreover, government-funded projects like Skopje 2014
show blatant disrespect for the ethnically diverse past and present of the coun-
try, and infuse an artificial, non-existent past in order to create an imagined
monoethnic future.
Additionally, as pointed out earlier, the political parties in Macedonia are
mainly monoethnic and moreover, the ruling parties are divided across ethnic
lines, instead of the values or ideology they represent. In such a setting, where
the governing as well as opposition parties are ethnically divided, thus disin-
tegrating the society, one can expect minor effects from CD and ICD projects.
Even when multiculturalism or intercultural cooperation comes to the agenda,
there seems to be a significant misunderstanding between Macedonian and
Albanian parties regarding these concepts. While multiculturalism themes are
often employed by the parties in their discourse surrounding the EU integra-
tion, there is blatant dismissal of addressing intercultural cooperation when
political parties address their voters.
Finally, it was shown that Macedonia has still not produced a set of clear
cultural policies. The funding of culture is highly centralised and mainly lo-
cated in the hands of the Ministry of Culture, while the grants and criteria for
allocating them remain very non-transparent. The municipalities also fail in
their enthusiasm and endeavour to provide funding or cooperation at the level
of CD and ICD projects.
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National Strategy for Cultural Development
Aida engi
Aida Kalender
INSTRUMENTS VS. REALITY: ANALYSIS OF

INTERCULTURAL PROJECTS IN BOSNIA AND
HERZEGOVINA
Introduction
In former Yugoslavia, Bosnia and Herzegovina was known as highly eth-
nically mixed republic, with three predominant nations Croats, Muslims,
and Serbs. The census made in 1991 showed that these three nations contrib-
uted to 92,10% of the overall population of almost 4,4 million in BiH1. The
communities were distributed throughout the territory, and the ethnic map in
BiH resembled to leopard skin. The census also showed that members of the
following nations lived in BiH at that time: Montenegrins, Macedonians, Slo-
venians, Yugoslavs, Albanians, Czechs, Italians, Jews, Hungarians, Germans,
Poles, Roma, Romanians, Russians, Ruthenians, Slovaks, Turks, Ukrainians
but also people that did not want to declare themselves ethnically. Different
communities interacted daily, and people in BiH truly lived together, not one
community next to another.
The war that took place in BiH from 1992 to 1995 changed this picture
drastically. Almost half of the population of BiH was uprooted. By the end of
1995, it was estimated that 1,2 million had become refugees, and additional 1
million were internally displaced.2 Many people from rural areas left their
homes and became either refugees or sought protection in town and cities. In-
stead of ethnical distribution resembling to leopard skin, now we had, practi-
cally, three ethnically unified regions. The new ethnical distribution and atroc-
1
Institute for Statistics of FB&H http://www.fzs.ba (accessed September 28, 2013).
2
Report of the Representative of the Secretary-General on the human rights of internal-
ly displaced per sons, Mission to Bosnia and Herzegovina, E/CN.4/2006/71/Add.4, December
2005, p. 8.
ities that took place during the war created the situation in which interethnic
interaction became, virtually, non-existent except for bigger cities. Some ru-
ral areas became completely deserted and the culture of these communities is
slowly disappearing.
It is estimated that 3.839.000 people now live in BiH (estimation on June
30, 2011)3. Since the first census after 1991 will be held in October 2013, the
data related to the population of BiH used at this point are either estimations
or data retrieved from the 1991 census.
Bosnia and Herzegovina did not witness significant economic immigra-
tion in the past 10-15 years. One exception could be Chinese, whose number
increased in this period, but official numbers will not be known before the
forthcoming census. However, the Chinese community is not yet very visible
either in public or cultural context.
The Dayton Accord, signed in 1995, resulted in organizing Bosnia and
Herzegovina in two entities Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina and Re-
publika Srpska. The Constitution of BiH (in fact, the Annex 4 of the Dayton
Accord) reinforced the role of constituent peoples - Bosniaks, Croats, and
Serbs - and introduced the category Others that consists of national minori-
ties and all those that do not belong to these three constituent peoples. This,
in another hand, created context in which full attention was given to political
representation of members of the constituent peoples that is done diligently
throughout all levels of government and public representation, and inequality
in political representation of Others. This led to the case Sejdi and Finci
vs. Bosnia and Herzegovina before the European Court of Human Rights,
in which constitutional provision that only members of the Bosniak, Croa-
tian and Serb nationalities could be elected in the Presidency of BiH was chal-
lenged. The ruling that this provision violates the European Convention on
Human Rights was made in December 2009, and, although discussions about
this issue have been going on, the solution has not yet been found.
The education system in the post-war Bosnia and Herzegovina is set up
in such a way that it, in facts, hampers communication between pupils of dif-
ferent ethnicities. There are, effectively, three curricula with most significant
differences in mother tongue and literature, geography, history, and nature and
society (the so-called national group of subjects). This led to mono-ethnic
classrooms where it was feasible. Furthermore, in the Federation of BiH one
can find two schools under one roof an organization that implies two sets
of administration, two sets of teachers, and students segregated on the basis of
their ethnicity (Bosniak and Croat). This kind of set up of the education sys-
tem can just lead to reinforcing of suspicion between different communities.
Different international and local organizations (OSCE, UNICEF, OSF BiH)
have been working on changing this paradigm, but the progress is slow.
3
Agency for Statistics of BiH.
Although not as fixed by the legal and political system as the education,
the cultural field has also reflected the overall framework of BiH society and
developed accordingly. The political and economic situation in BiH has not
been favorable for cultural exchange within the country, especially between
the two entities. However, the situation improved significantly compared to
ten years ago. Where 10 years ago was almost impossible to find theatre pro-
ductions or artists from another entity beyond context of several festivals, now
days of Sarajevo in Banja Luka and vice versa are organized. Furthermore,
the cultural exchange in the country is slowly moving from presentational ac-
tivities at different festivals to cultural co-productions. These activities are or-
ganized both by NGOs and cultural organizations as their attempt to spread
their outreach and increase decentralization. However, there is still impression
that most of the activities done in the direction of domestic cultural exchange
are more ad hoc and left to organizations than a result of systematic work sup-
ported by the authorities.
On the other hand, international cultural exchange was present even dur-
ing the war, and only developed during the year. There is an increased num-
ber of international co-productions, especially in the field of cinematography.
Furthermore, cultural institutions develop different programs resulting in
cross-border co-productions. The literary award Mea Selimovi, established
in 2001, is given to the best novel published in Croatia, Serbia, Bosnia and
Herzegovina, and Montenegro in the previous year. Public funds, no matter
how limited, are available for organization of or participation at international
festivals.
During the course of the years, different initiatives focused on intercultur-
al dialogue and cultural diversity were implemented. Most of these initiatives
was done in the field of education, and many were supported by the OSCE. In
the period January 2009 June 2012, the Improving Cultural Understand-
ing in Bosnia and Herzegovina Joint Program was implemented. The Joint
Programme was a partnership implemented by three United Nations agen-
cies in Bosnia and Herzegovina: the United Nations Development Programme
(UNDP), the United Nations Childrens Fund (UNICEF) and the United Na-
tions Educational, Cultural and Scientific Organisation (UNESCO). The main
aim of the programme was to help build social cohesion, develop greater re-
spect for interculturalism, and increase awareness of cultural commonalities in
Bosnia and Herzegovina through actions focused on strengthening cross-cul-
tural understanding. Most important achievements of the Joint Program were
development of a series of cultural policy documents; 30 local sub-projects im-
plemented and cross-cultural understanding improved in 84 primary schools;
numerous activities undertaken to improve tolerance towards diversity4.
4
Improving Cultural Understanding in Bosnia and Herzegovina www.unesco.org; (ac-
cessed October 1, 2013)
Normative, financial and organizational framework
Normative framework
The culture in Bosnia and Herzegovina is normatively regulated by:
the country, entity and cantonal Constitutions
the specific laws and normative acts pertaining to the field of culture
other laws and normative acts influencing the field of culture
international agreements ratified by Bosnia and Herzegovina.
Constitutions
Bosnia and Herzegovina has a complex and decentralized political and
administrative organization. It consists of two entities (Federation of Bosnia
and Herzegovina - FBiH and Republika Srpska - RS) and the Brko District.
The entity of the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina is further divided
into 10 cantons. This organization in the result of two peace agreements the
Washington Agreement (signed in 1994) and the General Framework Agree-
ment for Peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina, better known as the Dayton Peace
Agreement (signed in 1995). 5
The Annex 4 of the Dayton Peace Agreement is, in fact, the Constitution
of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Furthermore, both entities have their own Con-
stitutions and the Brko District has the Statute that regulates its setup. The
Constitution of BiH defines responsibilities of institutions of BiH, responsibili-
ties of the entities and inter-entity coordination, the setup of the Parliament
of BiH, etc. The Constitution defines roles of the constituent peoples (Bos-
niaks, Croats, and Serbs) and introduced the category of Others. The Con-
stitutions guarantee, inter alia, freedom of thought, conscience, and religion;
freedom of expression to all persons in Bosnia and Herzegovina regardless of
their language, religion, national or social origin, or association with a national
minority.
The field of culture and cultural resources protection is regulated on the
entity level, which is in the Federation of BiH further regulated in the sense
that the Cantons have the responsibility for making and conducting cultural
policy. Three languages are official in Bosnia and Herzegovina: Bosnian, Croat,
and Serbian. The official scripts are Latin and Cyrillic.
5
Office of the High Representative www.ohr.int (accessed October 1, 2013).
Specific laws and normative acts

State level
There are very few laws in the field of culture on the country level. The
only law on the state level relevant to the topic of ICD and CD is the Law on the
Public Broadcasting System of BiH6. The Law stipulates that the programmed
of public broadcasting services need to respect national, regional, traditional,
religious, cultural, language and other characteristics of constituent peoples
and all citizens of BiH. Furthermore, the program of the public broadcasting
services will foster cultural and other needs of national minorities in BiH.
Strategy of Cultural Policy in BiH

The Strategy of Cultural Policy in BiH was accepted in June 2008. It is
based, among other principles, also on the principle of interculturalism and
cultural diversity. Furthermore, the Strategy emphasize that cultural diversity
promotes capacities of each national culture to develop. More specifically, the
Strategy recognizes that members of 17 national minorities and their activi-
ties represent strong reinforcement of the idea of cultural diversity, which is
important for development of intercultural dialogue and strengthening of the
social cohesion.
In October 2011 the Action Plan 2011-2014, based on the Strategy of
Cultural Policy in BiH, was accepted. The only point in which intercultural
dialogue, cultural diversity or minorities is explicitly mentioned is pertinent to
education and professionalization of media employees.. However, the Action
Plan foresees different activities related to international cultural cooperation
and exchange, as well as participation in different regional and international
cultural initiatives.
Entity level
Republika Srpska has enacted several laws regulating the field of arts and
culture (Law on Cultural Goods, Law on Museum Activity, Law on Archival
Activity, Law on Publishing, Law on Library Activity, Law on Cinematography,
and Law on Theatrical Activity). However, only the Law on Cultural Goods
and Law on Library Activity explicitly mention national minorities and ethnic
groups living the Republic, each in one article.
The Cultural Development Strategy of RS 2010-2015 was adopted in Feb-
ruary 2010. The aim of the Strategy is strengthening of mutual understanding
and respect among individuals, and communities, promotion of cultural di-
versity, and harmonizing policies and legislation with relevant EU policies.
6
Official Gazette of BiH, Nos. 78/05, 35/09, and 32/10.
One of the goals of the Strategy is to show that culture and arts can be one
of the developmental mechanisms, and that, in connection with other indus-
tries can promote intercultural understanding and represent one of the pillars
of social and economic development of Republika Srpska.
In the Federation of BiH, only two laws pertain to the field of culture: Law
on Archival Records and Law on Library Activity. None of them regulate these
activities in a way that would be relevant to the topic of CD and ICD.
Legislation regulating other topics in the field of culture (theatrical activ-
ity, publishing, etc.) is developed on the level of cantons, since the develop-
ment and implementation of cultural policies is within the competence of the
10 cantons in the entity of Federation of BiH.
The Strategy for Development of the FBiH 2010 2020 was adopted in
September 2010, dealing with individual sectoral strategies. The document in-
cluded the Strategy of Cultural Policy in FBiH 2010-2020. The objectives of the
Strategy are, among others: financial support and improvement of work of na-
tional cultural and educational associations, as well as cultural associations of
national minorities; improvement of status of cultural institutions responsible
for cultural and historical heritage; insuring distribution of cultural programs
and projects in all parts of the FBiH.
Other laws and normative acts

The Law on Protection of the Rights of National Minorities of BiH7 was
enacted in 2003, with harmonized law enacted Republika Srpska and Federa-
tion of BiH in 2004 and 2008 respectively.
The Law on Protection of the Rights of National Minorities mentions 17
minorities: Albanian, Montenegrin, Czech, Italian, Jewish, Hungarian, Mace-
donian, German, Polish, Roma, Romanian, Russian, Ruthenian, Slovak, Slove-
nian, Turk, and Ukrainian.
The Law defines that national minorities have the right to freedom of or-
ganizing and association for expressing and protecting their cultural, religious,
educational, social, economic, and political freedom, as well as rights, interests,
needs, and identities, which includes use of their language and establishing
radio and TV stations and publishing activities. Public broadcasting services
have the obligation to provide a special information program for national mi-
norities in their language at least once a week.
The national minorities have the right to set up cultural organizations and
to maintain their cultural monuments and cultural heritage. In areas where
national minorities constitute over one third of the population, the cultural
institutions will provide content in the language of the national minority. Fur-
thermore, institutions responsible for protection of cultural heritage have the
7
Official Gazette of BiH, Nos. 12/03, 76/05, and 93/08.
obligation to insure in their programs a proportional representation of all na-

tional minorities in BiH and to protect monuments and cultural heritage of the
national minorities.
The Law on Protection of the Rights of National Minorities of BiH re-
quests from the entities and cantons to fully harmonies their legislation with
this Law and to provide for more effective inclusion of members of national
minorities in legislative and executive organs at all levels.
As the result of this, the Parliamentary Assembly of BiH has established
the BiH National Minorities Council as its special advisory body. The man-
date of the Council is to provide opinion, advice and proposals to the BiH
PA in relation to issues concerning the status, rights and interests of national
minorities in BiH. National Minorities Councils were also established in the
Federation of BiH and in the Republika Srpska. In the FBiH, the Sarajevo Can-
ton, Una-Sana Canton, Tuzla Canton and Bosnia-Drina Canton Gorade es-
tablished theirs so far.
Bosnia and Herzegovina developed several documents concerning the
Roma national minority.
The Action Plan on the Educational Needs of Roma and Members of
Other National Minorities was adopted in February 2004. The goals stated in
the Action Plan include: preservation of Roma language and culture; inclusion
of the history, culture and literature of national minorities within the main-
stream curricula; preservation of identity, culture and language.
The Strategy for Addressing Problems faced by the Roma was adopted in
September 2005. The Strategy identified 14 points of action (education, em-
ployment, healthcare, housing, welfare, etc.), and 11th dealing with preserva-
tion and development of cultural identity and tradition. So far, only the Action
Plan for Addressing Issues faced by the Roma in the Fields of Employment,
Housing and Healthcare was drafted in 2009.
International agreements
Bosnia and Herzegovina ratified the most important conventions and
protocols in the field of culture, including:
UNESCO Convention on the Protection and Promotion of the Diversity
of Cultural Expressions;
UNESCO Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural
Heritage;
Council of Europe Framework Convention on the Value of Cultural Heri-
tage for Society;
European Cultural Convention;
European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages;
Financial framework
All levels of government in BiH allocate funds for support of culture the
state, entity, cantonal and local (city and municipality). What follows is the
general overview of the public funding allocated for culture. There are No spe-
cific programs or projects aiming at improving intercultural dialogue and cul-
tural diversity on the state or entity level. The Ministry of Civil Affairs of BiH
announces two open competitions once a year: for international cultural co-
operation and for co-financing of cultural institutions in BiH. Both programs
were launched in 2007.
The Ministry of Education and Sports of RS supports culture through in-
stitutional support of several republic cultural institutions, and through open
competitions for co-financing public needs in culture of the Republika Srpska.
In accordance to the Rulebook on Co-financing of Public Needs in Culture
of RS open competitions are announced for following cultural fields: theatre
production and events; cinematography; exhibitions and fine and applied arts
events, as well as visual and multimedia arts events; music and performing
arts; folk cultural and artistic creation; publishing; literary events; cultural cre-
ation of national minorities.
The culture is in the Federation of BiH supported in different ways. First,
the Federal Ministry of Culture and Sports supports culture through two bud-
get lines within the ministry budget, Transfer for culture important for the
Federation and Transfer for citizens associations and organizations in the
field of culture.
Second, there are four foundations: the Cinematography Foundation, the
Publishing Foundation, the Foundation for music, performing and fine, and
the Library Foundation. Furthermore, there is a fund that is generated from
fees in tourist associations in the preceding year and distributed according the
proposal of the Federal Ministry of Culture and Sports, and Federal Ministry
of Environment and Tourism. It is used for preservation, conservation, and
restoration of cultural and historical heritage, and improvement and develop-
ment of tourism in the cantons.
In the Federation of BiH, funds for culture are also allocated from the
cantonal budgets. Sarajevo Canton has funds allocated for international
and regional cultural cooperation and support to associations of national
minorities.8
Cities and municipalities in both entities also have funds allocated for arts
and culture.
8
Budgets of FBiH 20002012.
Organizational framework
The administrative structure that came as a result of the Constitution of
BiH is best reflected in the field of education and culture.
As explained earlier, according to the state and entity constitutions, culture
lays within the responsibility of the entities, or, in the case of the Federation of
Bosnia and Herzegovina, within cantons. The culture in BiH falls, therefore,
within the responsibility of 13 ministries the Ministry of Civil Affairs of BiH,
the Ministry of Education and Culture of Republika Srpska, the Federal Min-
istry of Culture and Sports, and 10 cantonal ministries.
Responsibilities of the Ministry of Civil Affairs and the Federal Ministry
of Culture and Sports are characteristic. In short, the Ministry of Civil Affairs
is in charge of coordination activities and harmonizing plans of the entity au-
thorities, and definition of strategies on the international level, while the Fed-
eral Ministry of Culture and Sports is in charge for coordination of activities in
the cultural sphere on the level of the Federation of BiH. Cantonal ministries
have the responsibility for making and conducting cultural policy.
Taking in consideration that the Romas are the largest national minority
in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Board for Roma within the Council of Minis-
ters of BiH has been established. The Board is the independent advisory body
within the Council of Ministers. The Board discusses important issues within
the BiH Strategy for addressing problems faced by the Roma, follows up the
implementation and suggests activities for more efficient implementation of
the Decade of Roma Inclusion.
The Board has 22 members, with 4-year mandate.
Instruments vs. Reality

It is clear that whole lot of different normative documents were developed
in the last 10 years in Bosnia Herzegovina that are, in greater or lesser extent,
related to the topic of intercultural dialogue and cultural diversity. However,
how is this played in the real life? We shall try to examine several character-
istic points, without pretension of being exhaustive. We shall pay attention to
several points: development of specific projects or programs; level of financ-
ing; meeting the legal obligations in terms of access to media for the national
minorities; observation of the Law on Protection of the Rights of National
Minorities.
Although all three Strategies treating the field of culture9 emphasize the
importance of CD and ICD, no specific programs or projects aiming at im-
proving intercultural dialogue and cultural diversity have been developed on
9
The Strategy of Cultural Policy in BiH, the Cultural Development Strategy of RS 2010
2015, and the Strategy for Development of the FBiH 20102020.
the state or entity level. It seems that the authorities at the state and entity levels
limit their understanding of ICD and CD on international cultural exchange
and cooperation.
The Ministry of Civil Affairs allocated 550.000 KM (ca. 282.000 EUR) for
the Program for international cooperation in 2007 the year of launching the
program. In the following three years 600.000 KM (ca. 308.000 EUR) were
allocated per year. In 2011 the open competitions were not announced, and
in 2012 480.000 KM (ca 246.000 EUR) was allocated for the same program.
Supported projects go from organization of renowned international festivals
to participation of amateurs at a festival abroad. Although the purpose of the
second program financed by the Ministry Co-financing of cultural institu-
tions in BiH is not support to international cooperation it is fostered as one
of the criteria for project evaluation is established cooperation with local and
international partners10.
The Ministry for Education and Culture of RS announces a call for pro-
posals for co-financing of public needs in culture. Criteria, defined by the
Rulebook on Co-financing of Public Needs in Culture of RS, include other
things, contribution to development of regional and interregional cultural co-
operation, representation and advancement of local artistic creativity both in
the country and abroad, and participation at international theatre festivals.
The amount allocated for cultural creation of national minorities grew from
50.000 KM (25.640 EUR) in 2007 to 100.000 KM (51.280 EUR) in 2008, and
stayed at that level until 201211.
The criteria for supporting projects in the field of culture in the Federation
of BiH include: festivals of international and local significance; projects, pro-
grams and events promoting BiH culture and artists in the context of regional
and international cooperation; projects, programs and events facilitating ex-
change (visits, co-productions); film shot in Bosnian, Croatian, or Serbian lan-
guage, or a language of a national minority in BiH, etc.
When talking about the implementation of the Law on Protection of the
Rights of National Minorities of BiH, Tuzla Human Rights Office stated in
the document Analysis of the Implementation of the State Law and Frame-
work Convention on Protection of the National Minorities Rights in Bosnia
and Herzegovina that national minorities are not denied of use of language.
However, it is limited and decrease due to lack of funds and educated person-
nel. Some nationalities, however, have a long tradition in organizing language
courses. The same Analysis says that many associations of national minorities
have very good cooperation with cultural institutions. Monthly bulleting are
published by Ukrainian, Slovenian and Czech associations.
10
The Laws on the BiH Institutions Budget and International Obligations for 20072012.
11
Budget of Republika Srpska 20072010.
The similar is stated in the CoE Resolution CM/ResCMN(2009)6 on the

implementation of the Framework Convention for the Protection of National
Minorities adopted on December 9, 2009. It says that The support granted by
the authorities to national minority organizations with a view to preserving
and developing the minorities cultural heritage and languages remains limited
and sporadic. School textbooks and syllabuses make virtually no mention of
the national minorities history and culture.
Furthermore, regardless of the fact that the Law on Protection of the
Rights of National Minorities guarantees certain rights, measure for observ-
ing those rights are not put in place. mechanisms which would fully enable
those rights have not been developed there is no mechanism to guarantee
the implementation of legal obligations when it comes to adequate representa-
tion of minorities in programs of public broadcasting services /T.Jusi & A.
Dihana, 2008/.
A year later, the CoE Resolution reinforces this: There are very few radio
or television programs in minority languages, including in the public-service
media.
Methodology
This research treats 64 projects altogether. The selection process consisted
of three phases: desk research was used for gathering wide range of informa-
tion about projects dealing with the topic of ICD and CD, as well as collecting
relevant documents. In the next phase, a standardized questionnaire, devised
for this research was sent to organization implementing short listed projects.
The questionnaire was used to retrieve more in-depth information about the
projects. Finally, interviews were held with several organizations in order to
fill in information missing from the questionnaires and/or to assess the impact
of the implemented projects and learn about their development after observed
period
Analysis of the projects

During our research, we have analyzed following EU programs: IPA
National Program IPA Cross-border Cooperation (Adriatic IPA, Med Pro-
gramme, SEE Transitional Cooperation Program, BiH Croatia, BiH Monte-
negro, BiH Serbia), European Instrument for Democracy and Human Rights
(EIDHR), Youth in Action, Culture 2007-2013 (BiH eligible since December
2010), Europe for Citizens (BiH eligible since July 2012).
In the process, we have identified 46 projects treating, explicitly or implic-
itly, topic of intercultural dialogue and cultural diversity. The distribution of
these projects among EU programs is the following: IPA Cross-border Coop-
eration - 2 projects (BiH Serbia and BiH Montenegro, one project each);
Youth in Action - 36 projects; Culture 2007 2013 8 projects. In addition,

we have analyzed an array of projects treating the ICD and CD that were not
funded from EU projects. Eighteen randomly chosen projects will be further
elaborated in this survey. All projects were implemented or started its imple-
mentation in the period 2007-2012.
Culture 2007-2013
Since December 2010, 8 projects were supported through Culture 2007-
2013 program in Bosnia and Herzegovina. None of theses projects had an or-
ganization from BiH as the applicant organization. Out of these 8 projects, 5
partner organizations were from Sarajevo, 2 from Mostar and one each came
from Tuzla and Banja Luka. In 3 projects, there were altogether 4 public cul-
tural institutions as partner organizations, and in 5 project partner organiza-
tions were NGOs.
Target groups are balanced general audience, local community, and staff
of the organization are target groups in 3 projects, and artists/professional com-
munity is the target group in 2 projects. In terms of geographical distribution
of partners, most of the partners come from the South East Europe: 3 projects
have partners from Macedonia, and 4 from Serbia, Croatia and Slovenia. 2
projects have partners from Hungary, Slovakia, Belgium and UK. One project
partner comes from Greece, Italy, Germany, France, Poland and Estonia.
The projects offer great span of activities. They go from international po-
etry competition, international theatrical production, to scientific researches,
to organization of different events, seminars and outreach activities. Issues
that were treated in different projects were, among others, mobility, Europe
of regions, cultural identity, digitization of cultural heritage, rural culture, and
international cultural exchange.
Not all projects supported through Culture 2007-2013 Program had in-
tercultural dialogue and cultural diversity as defined in the Rainbow Paper in
mind. Just the opposite, just one project mentions them explicitly (our project
wants to underline the importance of intercultural dialogue and mutual respect)
and two implicitly (promoting a mutual knowledge, recognition and respect;
difference of cultures which for centuries coexisted, influenced on the other).
The other projects focused of different activities mobility, cultural co-pro-
duction, networking.
Only two projects have already been completed, and they focused on ca-
pacity building and mobility. Therefore, it is still too early to speak about im-
pact of these projects or their sustainability. However, several conclusions can
already been drown. The Culture 2007-2013 Program encourage networking
at the European level and looking for project partners beyond well established
connections and partnerships, which contributes to institutional capacity
building, and, in the long run, hinders provincialization of local cultural scene.
Unfortunately, the rather cumbersome application and administration proce-
dures linked to the Program result in participation of only most developed
cultural organization and that, as a result, has concentration of successful or-
ganizations in just 4 biggest BiH cities, with predominant number of projects
implemented by the organizations seated in Sarajevo.
IPA Cross-border Cooperation

Out of 60 projects implemented between BiH and neighboring countries
(Croatia, Montenegro, Serbia), only two were initiatives in the field of culture:
Balkan - House of Diversity (IPA CBC Serbia BiH) and Cross-bordering by
Book (IPA CBC Montenegro- BiH).
The project Balkan - House of Diversity was implemented from De-
cember 2010 to February 2012 by NGO Grupa (Belgrade, Serbia) and Hu-
man Rights Office (Tuzla, BiH). The aim of the project was to contribute to
development of social cohesion in the region through promotion of ethnic and
cultural diversity as wealth of these countries. The activities were designed in
a manner to increase understanding of young people and citizens of 6 towns
in BiH and Serbia (Bijeljina, Brko, Tuzla, Uice, Kosjeri, Poega) about mul-
ticultural identity as potential for development, and raise awareness that each
ethnic group in multicultural countries contributed to joint national identity
in these countries.
The project Cross-bordering by Book was 8-month long project imple-
mented in 2011 by the Cultural Center (Pluine, Montenegro) and the Nation-
al and University Library of BiH (Sarajevo, BiH). The aim of the project was to
renew the cultural, educational and commercial bounds between North- West-
ern part of Montenegro and South-Eastern part of Bosnia and Herzegovina, ,
which implies improving a status of books and writers in both countries, with
the focus on the over-border area by organizing 6 mini book fairs (3 towns in
Montenegro and 3 in Bosnia and Herzegovina).
Although IPA CBC program is not primarily aimed at support to cul-
tural activities, it is certainly possible to better use these funds for this kind of
projects in the future. This potential can be especially important for smaller
municipalities with limited budgets allocated for culture.
Youth in Action
Out of 109 projects supported through the Youth in Action Programme
in the period 2007-2012 that had applicant organization from BiH, 36 are, to
greater or lesser extent, aimed at fostering intercultural dialogue and cultural
diversity in different contexts.
The distribution of implementing organizations is rather decentralized.

Namely, these 36 NGOs come from 10 cities and towns, and minority of
them is seated in big cities (Banja Luka, Mostar and Sarajevo). The projects
are prevalently designed as training courses or exchange/networking projects.
Therefore, the main target groups are members of applicant and partner orga-
nizations. Very few projects have activities aimed for general audience or local
community. Most of the partner organizations come from South East Europe
Macedonia, Montenegro, Serbia, Croatia, but also from EU countries Spain,
Italy, Poland. There are some partner organizations from Lithuania, Finland,
Estonia or Ireland.
As mentioned earlier, the projects were mainly focused on different ca-
pacity building and youth exchange activities. Furthermore, some projects
used the opportunity to having members of different organizations together
and developed further joint projects.
Topics that were treated by gathered youth leaders and activists were,
among others: position of youth, reconciliation, fight against racism/xeno-
phobia, intercultural tensions, violence prevention, social inclusion, conflict
resolution, (non-violent) communication, youth empowerment, intercultural
learning. The knowledge and tools received during the projects will be used by
youth activists in their future work in their organization, and could be useful
in their further activities beyond youth organizations. The partnerships cre-
ated during the implementation of these projects will be, in long run, useful for
the development of the organizations. However, the impact of these projects is
very difficult to trace and the visibility of the projects is low.
In terms of treatment of intercultural dialogue and cultural diversity, one
gets impression that the starting point of the projects, even those that pay more
attention to those issues, is that the sheer opportunity for young people to find
themselves in international and multicultural environment would be enough
to characterize a project as one dealing with ID and ICD. This, coupled with
the fact that many projects use art and culture as a tool for facilitating treat-
ment of other issues, brings us to conclusion that the topics of ID and ICD are
rarely a primary issue treated in a project.
Other projects not funded by EU funds

Eighteen projects, which were not supported through any EU-funded
program, were randomly chosen from different projects dealing with the in-
tercultural dialogue and cultural diversity. They have shown how broad those
topics were and represented a wide variety of approaches to the issue. In this
selection, all projects were implemented by NGOs. They come from small
youth community centers and youth organizations to small theatre and dance
groups, from choirs and organizations more interested in theoretical work to
community development foundation.
General audience and local communities are the most frequent target
groups, and artists/professional community and staff in the organizations are
target groups in 3 projects each. Most projects are implemented with partners
from the South East Europe or without foreign partners. However, partners
also come from UK, Germany, Lithuania, Ireland or Lebanon. Activities in
the country are part of broader international and regional projects. However,
majority of projects analyzed were implemented locally, in the town where the
organization is seated or throughout the country. Implementing BiH organiza-
tions came from big cities and cultural centers in BiH, but also from smaller
towns. For all projects but one, majority of funding came from non-EU inter-
national sources.
The projects implemented wide range of activities. They include network-
ing and capacity building activities, childrens and creative workshops, residen-
cies, outreach activities, (co)productions, and organization of different events.
Issues that were treated in different projects were, among others, social cohe-
sion, cultural cooperation and exchange, cultural heritage, divided communi-
ties, public space, intercultural sensitivity, urban-traditional cultural dialogue,
cross-generational gap, information exchange. This show how broad topics of
intercultural dialogue and cultural diversity are, and how diverse focus points
can be. However, it should be said that many of these projects, although essen-
tially dealing with the topics of IDC and CD, they did not stress them explic-
itly. They rather emphasized the need to develop a culture of peacemaking and
non-violence, promote regional project approach and results or strengthen
the exchange of information and foster the cooperation.
The impact indicators offered by the reviewed organizations were mainly
quantitative and gave information about number of people involved, partici-
pated at or visited the activities implemented with the projects. Some regional
projects resulted in creation of networks which will continue with activities
similar to those implemented in the project. All in all, shift in attitudes was able
to notice when observing target groups within the long-term projects or proj-
ects of organizations that consistently deal with the issues of ICD and CD.
Suggestions and Recommendations

The Culture 2007-2013, IPA Cross-border Cooperation, and Youth in
Action programs offer opportunity for funding to projects that are dealing
with the issues of intercultural dialogue and cultural diversity from the Eu-
ropean perspective, fostering these topics in the European context and from
the angle of European citizenship. On the other hand, projects which are not
funded through said EU programs deal with the same topics from the local
BiH perspective.
Furthermore, the EU programs enable for different types of applicants
and projects to be funded. This makes possible for developed cultural insti-
tutions, local communities, and youth NGOs to design projects dealing with
ICD and CD that suit their needs and capacities. In more ways than one these
programs can be used to complement each other for creating synergies. There-
fore, our first recommendation would be for local stakeholders to develop dif-
ferent project that would complement each other using various EU funded
programs. Second recommendation would be more concretely addressed to
local communities and NGOs eligible for IPA CBC programs to use the po-
tential these programs offer and develop more projects dealing with ICD and
CD issues. Third recommendation addresses the issue of long-term projects.
Namely, the donors should favor projects aimed at mid- and long-term pres-
ence in a community when treating topics of ICD and CD. Local funds should
support more intensively projects dealing with ICD and CD, and in this way
facilitate locally relevant projects.
Due to their potential for integration in diverse focus points, concepts of
intercultural dialogue and cultural diversity should be endorsed in different
inter-sectoral projects. Therefore, all stakeholders should pay attention to this
characteristics when developing projects and (funding) programs.
Zbornik rdov s meunrodne nune konferencije
Kultur i odrivi rzvoj u dob krize
Univerzitet umetnosti u Beogradu, 27. i 28 mart 2014.
Izdvi
Fkultet drmskih umetnosti, Beogrd
Institut z pozorite, film, rdio i televiziju
Z izdve
prof. dr Ljiljn Mrki Popovi, Rektor
prof. mr Zorn Popovi, v.d. Dekn
Fkultet drmskih umetnosti, Beogrd
Urednice
Prof. dr Milen Drgievi ei
Prof. dr Mirjn Nikoli
dr Ljiljn Rog Mijtovi
Lektur i korektur
mr Drgn Kitnovi
mr Aleksndr Protulipc
mr Gorn Vencl
Dizajn korica
Ksenija Markovi
Priprema za tampu
Dejan Tasi
tmp
Grafo San 96
Tir
300
Conference Proceedings
Culture and Sustainable Development at Times of Crisis
University of Arts in Belgrade, March 2728, 2014
Publishers
Faculty of Dramatic Arts, Belgrade
Institute for Theatre, Film, Radio and Television
For Publishers
Prof. Ljiljana Mrki Popovi, PhD.
Rector of the University of Arts in Belgrade
Prof. Zoran Popovi, MSci.
Dean of the Faculty of Dramatic Arts, Belgrade
Edited by
Prof. Milena Dragievi ei, Phd.
Prof. Mirjana Nikoli, Phd.
Ljiljana Roga Mijatovi, PhD.
Proofreading
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(2014 ; )
Kultura i odrivi razvoj u doba krize :
[zbornik radova sa Meunarodne naune
konferencije, Univerzitet umetnosti u
Beogradu, 27. i 28. mart 2014.] / urednice
Milena Dragievi ei, Mirjana Nikoli,
Ljiljana Roga Mijatovi. - Beograd :
Univerzitet umetnosti : Fakultet dramskih
umetnosti, Institut za pozorite, film,
radio i televiziju, 2014 (Beograd : Grafo
San). - 360 str. ; 24 cm
Na spor. nasl. str.: Culture and

Sustainable Development at Times of Crisis. -
Tekst na srp. i engl. jeziku. - Tira 300. -
Napomene i bibliografske reference uz radove.
- Bibliografija uz svaki rad.
ISBN 978-86-82101-53-6 (FDU)
a) - -
COBISS.SR-ID 210522892

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Zbornik rdov s meunrodne nune konferencije

Konferencij Kultur i odrivi rzvoj u dob krize orgnizovn je povodom obelevnj

Prof. dr Milen Drgievi ei

Univerzitet umetnosti u Beogrdu

Prof. Milena Dragievi ei, Phd.

University of Arts in Belgrade

Prof. dr Liljn Mrki Popovi, Univerzitet umetnosti u Beogrdu

Prof. dr Milen Drgievi ei, Univerzitet umetnosti u Beogrdu

Prof. Ljiljn Mrki Popovi, PhD. University of Arts in Belgrade

Prof. Milen Drgievi ei, PhD. University of Arts in Belgrade

Liljn Rog Mijtovi

Mervat Abdel Nasser

Nada vob-oki, Jeronim Doroti, Dinko Klari, Nina Obuljen Korinek

Milena Dragievi ei, Goran Tomka

Maja Muhic, Violeta Simjanovska, Lea Linin

Aida engi, Aida Kalender

CULTURE AND SUSTAINABILITY

CULTURE AND SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT:

A first debate relates to the concept of democratization of culture, that is

opposition between culture policies and entertainment policies2. Besides, new

As for what can also be regarded as a crisis concerning sustainable de-

Texts and theories addressing the culture-sustainable development

Local dynamics induced by the articulation culture - sustainable

on the articulation between culture and sustainable development, and started

Agenda 21 for culture : a relevant tool for local governments?

The eco-responsible strategies of cultural institutions

Innovative projects developed by the alternative sector

Artists and citizenship

Risks and limits

Dealing with imprecise concepts

Market oriented strategies for arts and culture

economic growth driver can have negative consequences on cultural policies.

Instrumentalizing arts and culture

The tension between prosaic and poetic approaches

Pragmatic comes from the Greek word pragmata, meaning action. It

THE EUROPEAN CITY AND ITS HERITAGE:

The New Global Paradigm Today: The Urban Society

increasingly autonomous in the new supranational realities. This becomes ob-

Cultural heritage as a source of memory and identity

ty), and micro-structures as families, neighborhoods, friendships4. According

Cultural heritage - from national to pan-European conceptualization

of culture without borders takes over in Europe. Nowadays, these elements of

From heritage valorization to its commodification

greater appreciation of what heritage means to the public. Heritage appeals

Cultural heritage as a resource for sustainable development

Generally speaking, the creative re-appropriation of different sites of cul-

Since the mid-1980s in the sociological and anthropological literature

European Union Prize for Contemporary Architecture

SMISAO ODRIVE KULTURE

Shvatanje1 smisla odrive kulture iziskuje istraivanje znaenja ovog iz-

Kriza, koja je nastala kao posledica tehnoloki i potroaki orijentisane

tome na globalnom planu rezultiralo je uvidom da je istraivanje ekonomskih,

Kultura je dakle proglaena za etvrti stub odrivog razvoja. Moe izgle-

Time su objanjivi razliiti protesti koji bi se mogli nazvati buntom protiv

moe ostvariti uz ispravan inenjerski plan, pomou znanja i organizacije, tako

se, umesto insistiranja na stvaranju ekonomski profitabilnog sistema odrivog

neoklasinog modela razvoja, kako bi mogli da zamisle odrivu budunost.

i ekonomskog i tehnolokog progresa koja vetaki kreira nagon za prekomer-

nege imaju premoderni ljudi u svom sapostojanju sa okruenjem. Nametanje

autonomnih i heteronomnih vrednosti. U ovom duhu treba govoriti o smislu

ne oslanjajui se iskljuivo na svoje snage nego pozivajui univerzalne kosmi-

THE MEANING OF SUSTAINABLE CULTURE