Greg Perreault

Washington Journalism Center

Citizen Journalism in the Coverage of Islam in Egypt

Abstract

Over the past decades, the Arab press has radically transformed. With the rise of

satellite news channels like Al-Jazeera, journalists have had much more freedom to cover

stories than ever before (Iskandar 2007; Mellor 2007). Marc Lynch, in an interview on

Doha Debates in 2006, noted that pan-Arab media successfully covers other Arab states,

but difficulties come when trying to cover government and religion in their own country

(Doha Debates 2006). Lynch noted that the next step in the Arab media’s evolution

would be the ability to cover local happenings. In many places in the Arab world, this is

made problematic not just by governmental control but also by self-censorship.

In William Rugh’s foundational book, “The Arab Press,” he notes that criticism of

the government is impeded by the lack of boundary between religion and state. Devout

Muslims may want to critique government policy, but in some Arab societies it is

difficult to do so without being perceived as attacking their own religion as well (Rugh

1987; Ayalon 1995). Journalism is influential and instigates change in the realms it

touches (Mellor 2007). Arab societies often do not have governance structures that allow

for this. And that makes the rising trend of citizen journalism fascinating in the Arab

world. In decades past, running a printing press could be a frustrating, dangerous affair,

but with increased Internet proliferation and wireless penetration, the ability to do

reporting is made a bit safer (Rugh 1987). Similarly, the ability to do critical reporting on

Islam is also made less taboo as citizen journalism can be done anonymously.
 Perreault 2

This paper will argue that the rise of citizen journalism has provided the tools to

perform hard-hitting reporting on Islam, focusing specifically on the complex media

environment of Egypt. And while the obstacles facing such on-the-ground reporting are

similar in many ways to those facing western media citizen journalists, Muslim

journalists have added cultural taboos against such reporting.

Abd al-Karim Nabil Sulaiman is an example of the impact of new media. Raised

in a religious family and very religious himself, Sulaiman used his blog as an outlet to

criticize the growing tendency toward religious extremism he sensed. Sulaiman, better

known by his blogging name Karim Amer, was known on his blog for offering stinging

critique of the Mubarack government in Egypt and of Al Azhar, a powerful Islamic

university in Egypt. On his blog, Sulaiman wrote that he wanted to open a law firm to

protect the rights of Muslim and Arab women. In February 2007, the Egyptian

government sentenced Sulaiman to three years in prison for “incitement to hatred of

Islam” and one year for “insulting the president” (FreeKarim; Bryson; Freedom House

2008). Sulaiman has become lightning rod in the debate over human rights in Egypt with

supporters holding rallies worldwide and keeping up a website that perpetuates

Sulaiman’s story. While not necessarily a journalist, Sulaiman is emblematic of the

contradictions inherent in the Egypt press. Egyptian journalists are increasingly willing to

push the limits of their society, at their own peril, to write and report on subjects they

believe are vital for the Egyptian public and for other Muslims. And the Egyptian

government is increasingly willing to imprison and those journalists (Doha Debates

2006).
 Perreault 3

This paper will argue that the rise of citizen journalism has provided the tools to

perform hard-hitting reporting on Islam. And while the obstacles facing such on-the-

ground reporting are similar in many ways to those facing western media citizen

journalists, Egyptian journalists have added cultural taboos against such reporting.

The Press in Egypt—Background

While Egypt has more than 500 news print publications, broadcast entities, etc.,

the government plays more than a major role in press ownership and business structure.

The president appoints the editors of the top three newspapers, Al-Ahram, Al-Akhbar,

and Al-Gomhorya. That said, Egyptians have increasing accessibility to news via satellite

channels and Internet, which was accessed by more than 10 percent of the population in

2009. In addition, Egypt now boasts an excess of a thousand blogs – an increasing

number of them journalistic (Freedom House 2009; Lynch). But those who cover and

publish news in Egypt still are in a precarious situation.

A month before Sulaiman’s sentence, in January 2008, government officials

detained Al-Jazeera journalist Huwaida Taha Mitwalli and charged her with “possessing

and giving false pictures about the internal situation in Egypt that could undermine the

dignity of the country” (Freedom House 2008). She was sentenced to six months in

prison and fined EGP 20,000 or US $3600. In September 2008, three editors—Anwar al-

Hawari, Mahmoud Ghalab, and Amir Salem—who write for the Wafd opposition party’s

newspaper were sentenced to two years in prison for publishing “false news” (Ibid.).

Censorship is forbidden in Egypt’s constitution, but the Egyptian government has passed

several laws, which very clearly allow for censorship (Black 2). In 2009, Egypt expanded
 Perreault 4

their Emergency Law; a law which states that journalists accused of spreading news

damaging to the president or heads of state can be imprisoned for up to five years. The

Emergency Law gives the president the right to suspend basic freedoms: fines and

sentences like those listed above can be implemented without trial and news

organizations can be censored/closed in the name of national security (Freedom House

2009).

Yet despite all that has happened in 2008-2009, Washington, D.C.-based think

tank Freedom House, which studies the state of global human rights, moved Egypt from a

“not free” press country to “partially free” (Sullivan and Abed-Kotb 127, 130; Freedom

House 2008; Freedom House 2009). On their website, Freedom House explained that the

move was done “in recognition of the courage of Egyptian journalists to cross ‘red lines’

that previously restricted their work and in recognition of the greater range of viewpoints

represented in the Egyptian media and blogosphere” (Freedom House).

Historically, Islam isn’t the easiest subject to cover critically. In an interview, a

female Egyptian media worker, who requested anonymity, noted that “we don’t promote

scandals…when people cause a raucous is when they get in trouble” (Anonymous

interview 2009). But the problem is that reporting about Islam can very easily cause a

raucous (el Mohiebb 26; Isherwood 5; Alterman 46-47; Mellor [2] 133). Alterman

describes the taboo as one against “writing of a religious nature that might cause undue

dissension in a country” (Alterman 46).

Within the generally acceptable bounds of discussion are debates over the nature

of Islamic finance, cultural conflict with Western secularism and the role of

women in the family and in the workplace. What are generally barred are

discussions that seek to delegitimize Muslim groups or that incite violence

 Perreault 5

against religious minorities. This is often a floating line, and it is most clearly

crossed when Islamist partisans start tossing around the concepts of apostasy

(ridda) or disbelief (kufr) to describe groups or individuals whose views they

oppose. Whereas governments in the region often try to appropriate Islam to

legitimize their own rule, they are vigilant in guarding against the possibility that

some would use Islam to delegitimize either the government itself or groups in

the general population (Alterman 46-47).

If a religious leader were caught doing something illegal or culturally

unacceptable, the subject would be avoided if possible. But, if covered, the scandal would

be acknowledged quickly before being killed (Anonymous Interview 2009). So covering

Islam, especially if there is a story where Muslims clerics or Imams appear to be in the

wrong, can be difficult. This is where citizen journalism provides a useful set of tools.

Why Citizen Journalism Works

Citizen journalism is often treated like a new phenomenon. Historically, citizen

journalism was the original form of journalism (Schudson 11-13). Journalism, in its most

basic form, can be traced back to news being spread through the mosque and in the public

square (Ayalon 4). But for several centuries, journalism has been the work of

professionals. In America, the crisis of print journalism, combined with the proliferation

of new media tools – like blogs and YouTube – has brought citizen journalism back into

public discourse. Similarly, the proliferation of new media tools has brought citizen

journalism back into discourse in Egypt.

In the past, if one published something controversial about Islam in a pamphlet,

newspaper or journal, the Egyptian government could just shut down the printing press
 Perreault 6

(Rugh 125). In the television era, video recordings are often censored by Egyptian

government officials. And if the video recording deals with religion, it must be passed

through Al Azhar, an Islamic university that censors to make sure Islam is presented the

way they mandate (Fjeldsted). In the case of broadcast journalists, officials can stop a

broadcast, can storm the station, and can take a journalist’s camera (Bryson). But what

happens when the camera looks like a cellphone? Or when there is no need for a printing

press or television station, just a connection to the Internet? Or when the journalist isn’t a

registered/professional journalist?

All one needs to access citizen journalism is literacy and an Internet connection.

Unfortunately, that group is still a minority in Egypt. But it’s a rapidly growing minority.

In 2005, literacy was at 71.4 percent (Isherwood 3). And there is some debate about the

degree to which the country has widespread Internet penetration. The International

Telecommunications Union estimates the Egypt has as low as 7.5 percent, the Arab

Human Rights network estimated about 10 percent and other estimates take it as high as

13 percent (Isherwood 2). Needless to say, the current state of citizen journalism still

privileges the wealthy, the literate, and the upper class.

Blogging remains the activity of a tiny elite, as only a small minority of the already

microscopic fraction of Arabs who regularly use the Internet actually write or read blogs.

Blogs reach only a fraction of the audience of Al Jazeera or even of tedious state-

dominated newspapers (Lynch).

Readership of citizen journalism remains small, but it has increased (Isherwood 2).

In his typology of Arab press, Rugh labels Egyptian media as transitional: this

press system is a “mixed system in which the largest circulation print media are

controlled directly by the government but smaller ones are owned by private individuals
 Perreault 7

or parties, and they have some latitude to criticize those in power” (Rugh 252). The

government does try to restrict small press at times, but it uses the courts and relies on

journalists' self-censorship.

The mass media play a larger role than other forms of communication in the daily

lives of people everywhere, but especially in the Arab world. These media are

consequently regarded by politicians and governments as having great political

importance. In fact, the acquisition and distribution of news has been seen for a

long time as a vital political function in society because the news items may have

political impact very quickly on large numbers of people...The way government

and society deal with this institution (mass media) is significant for an

understanding of that government and society as well as of the mass

communications process (Rugh xiv).

Citizen journalism provides tools for hard hitting reporting on Islam. Citizen

journalism is mobile. This mobility makes authors harder to capture, threaten and censor.

This provides a degree of anonymity to the blogger and to the reader (Isherwood 3-4).

Alterman notes that censorship is perhaps a dying art. As the Internet proliferates and as

literacy proliferates, people will be using the Internet for information. “Censorship over

the Internet is ...perhaps the easiest to circumvent, because many of those who want to

circumvent restrictions are more technically savvy than those who want to keep the

restrictions in place” (Alterman 47). Bunt notes that authoritarian control is much more

difficult in an Internet age. The ability to speak out against an interpretation of Islam is

more difficult when one needs a printing press or a television studio to spread the

message as opposed to when one needs only a Smartphone (Bunt 159-161).

Governments have applied the Internet as a means of observing ‘dissident’

 Perreault 8

activities online. However, sophisticated encryption programs have made control

of many aspects of the Internet more problematic for government agencies in

Muslim (and other) contexts, for example in censoring email exchanges (Bunt

160).

So controlling and monitoring citizen journalism can be problematic (Lynch).

And blogs are increasingly respected. In an interview with Rania Al Malky, Egyptian

blogger Malek Mostafa said, “One of the things I believe bloggers like me have

achieved…is [to] create a new breed of citizen journalists who communicate what they

witness like any correspondent” (Al Malky 1). Popular Egyptian blogger Wael Abbas

noted, “There has been a huge difference in how blogs are perceived since I began in

2004…Many independent newspapers depend on them, and while at the beginning there

was talk of competition for audiences between e-news and print, now there is

convergence” (Al Malky 3).

Iskandar notes that citizen journalism is becoming increasingly visible and active

among the Egyptian public. During the 2006 presidential and parliamentary elections,

several blogs managed to create and disseminate controversial information. Blogs

including “Bit Bucket,” “Sandmonkey,” and “Arabawy” became a source for information

about police brutality during opposition rallies and demonstrations across the country.

Some blogs used the information to disseminate information critical to opposition party

organizers (Iskandar).

Obstacles to Citizen Journalism

 Perreault 9

Noha Mellor, however, has her doubts. She notes: “The new trends in the Arab

news media will be unlikely to create a new (Habermasian) public sphere, where Arab

publics interact with no fear of censorship” (Mellor 146). Mellor is expressed doubt over

the ability of trends in the Arab media to create genuine, civil public discourse that is safe

for all members of the discussion.

And citizen journalism does have its obstacles in Egypt. Similar to Western

media, citizen journalists struggle with monetizing their media although the stakes are

considerably higher. While Western journalists may struggle to get advertisers because of

a recession economy, Egyptian journalists struggle with getting advertisers because

potential advertisers are afraid to go to prison (von Ritche).

Wael Abbas knows this first hand. In another interview, it was said of Abbas,

“Wael has to struggle to just be able to continue his work…Wael explained that literally

no brands want to advertise on his highly critical blog as they are afraid of the political

consequences” (von Ritchie). For the same reason, it can be difficult to get sources to go

on the record (Doha Debates 2006). So both funding and operating a legitimate citizen

journalism outlet can be difficult when one is offer no guarantee of protection from the

government.

Another obstacle is the nature of the medium itself. Blogs and online media lends

itself toward commentary rather than genuine reporting (Rodzvilla xii, 48). This is

exacerbated when reporters are unable to get sources to go on the record. And Mellor

notes that language is an issue as well. When news writing first was born, it demanded

writing that was understood by a broad audience. Howcver, journalistic writing grew

from classical Arabic, which was used traditionally among intellectuals. This contrast
 Perreault 10

resulted in two genres: a news genre (khabar) and a commentary genre (maqal). Mellor

describes khabar as simple writing, that which seeks to answer the “Where, Who, When,

Why, What, and How” while maqal is a prose commentary text (Mellor 106-107). Mellor

argues that the new generation of journalists would rather write commentaries than report

the news, which is often more difficult and more dangerous. In addition, maqal has

become the genre through which writers display their mastery of Modern Standard

Arabic. So the writing of maqal has become the peak of a journalist’s career (Mellor

105). In addition, khabar requires context and background information that many authors

don’t believe inexperienced journalists can get (Mellor 106). Unfortunately, citizen

journalism is often practiced by the inexperienced (Vargas; Simon). Blogging and new

media tools also lend themselves toward political activism. They tend to be used more

often for mobilizing political opposition groups rather than straight reporting (Lynch).

This comes to another obstacle citizen journalism faces: a lack of professionals

who take part in it. Schools of media are rare, so most journalists learn their trade on the

job. As a result the credibility of news writers is lower than in the West (Rugh 11).

“Although there are today many competent Arab professional journalists, the economic

and sometimes political risk in entering the profession has to some extent kept talented

people away from it.” (Ibid). If a shortage of journalism skills is a problem in

professional Egyptian media, it’s a deeper problem in citizen Egyptian media.

Journalism has also never been an attractive profession in Egypt. Rugh notes that

journalism has been slow to develop and has never achieved the high status it’s attained

in the West (Rugh 10). “One serious disadvantage in being a journalist was the low

public image of the occupation,” Ayalon noted in talking about early Arab journalism
 Perreault 11

(Ayalon 221). Ayalon illustrates with a story: “When Jurji Zaydan joined al-Muqtataf as

an administrator in 1887, his father’s reaction was, typically, strongly adverse. He wanted

his son to study something more ‘decent,’ such as medicine or law. Still an amorphouse

activity, journalism had none of the prestige of either of the other two professions”

(Ibid.).

Citizen journalism, while perhaps harder to censor that print, television and radio,

still struggles with increasing censorship efforts from government sources. Press freedom

perhaps appears nowhere in a perfect form. Constitutions, cultural norms, religion and

security all encroach on the right for journalists to say exactly what they’d like to (Black

2). And the press in Egypt has more freedom than ever. But censorship still exists in

several forms. Government-appointed editors self censor, imported media must pass

through the Ministry of Information in Egypt and media dealing with religion in books or

video must pass through Al Azhar (Black 4; Fjeldsted). And it’s not uncommon for

journalists to be imprisoned and tortured for not cooperating with censorship (Doha

Debates; Zayan).

And while difficult, governments do pursue filtering and blocking blogs. “Internet

filtering is already common, though of dubious effectiveness, and a number of prominent

bloggers have already struggled with their Web sites being blocked in their home

country. As blogs gain political relevance, bloggers will attract the attention of the

repressive state security services” (Lynch). The government could also manipulate the

blogosphere by filling it with pro-regime blogs or by seeding it with provocative blogs

with false information, insults to Islam, ethnic negativity, etc. which they could justify

blocking a large number of websites (Lynch). In addition, punishing high-profile

 Perreault 12

bloggers can work to intimidate other bloggers.

While blogs make critical citizen journalism reporting on Islam more possible,

that doesn’t mean the consequences are less. In interviews with media professionals from

Egypt, both noted that it was still a dangerous endeavor—especially if a piece gets traffic

in the country (Anonymous interview 2009; Fjeldsted).

Arne Fjeldsted has been a journalist and editor since 1974. He worked in Egyptian

media as the publisher in a media company that included a leading youth magazine,

websites, DVDs and CDs. He’s currently the CEO of the Oxford Center for Religion in

Public Life. In an interview, he was asked if citizen journalism provided any more safety

to journalists. He replied:

On subjects related to the faith and role of Islam: no. On other issues in society:

yes, to some extent. Islam and theological issues are still watched and Egypt does

monitor the 'backbone servers' as well as content on specific web sites. [For

example,] the Muslim Brotherhood's web site can not be accessed in Egypt

(Fjeldsted).

With safety as a concern among journalists, it’s not surprising that the most dominant

form of censorship in Egypt is self-censorship (Doha Debates 2006; Ayalon 4; Rugh 252;

Lynch).

[Self-censorship comes from] the underlying fear for whatever any government

person may react against. This gives a tip-toe attitude among many journalists to

avoid being controversial. … Yet if they have any issues they want to raise or

criticize, look at the last third to forth paragraph and see what he/she is saying.

The last paragraph will always be praising the government at the end. Self-

censorship appears in any media, to a varying degree…The daily newspapers

 Perreault 13

have a more frequent relationship with the censorship, so they will always have a

closer feeling of where the touchy issues are, and what not to say (Fjeldsted).

Self-censorship is a response and a reaction to the strong control measures on the press in

Egypt. Mahfouz calls it the “censorship of the street” (Jacquemond 61). Mahfouz notes:

“You can always come to an accommodation with the official censorship, but how can

you get along with people who are scattered from Alexandria to Aswan?” (Ibid.). And, as

authors noted and interviews substantiated, the greatest government censorship in Egypt

occurs on the subject of politics and the coverage of country leaders. But here too, Islam

becomes involved. Politicians at once attempt to be anti-American, pro-West, secular and

devoutly Muslim (Hammond 32). And this is certainly the case with President Mubarak

of Egypt (Mubarak; Hemingway; Zayan).

The control mechanisms in place in Arab societies are strong encompassing the

religious establishment and the state, with its media, police and official

censorship bodies. One political issues, they engender a form of self-censorship

(Hammond 32).

Alterman notes that reporting on the president, the president’s family or other state heads

is also a taboo in Egyptian media (Alterman 46). And unfortunately, the Egyptian press

has, since it’s inception, been connected to politics. Unlike American news, Egyptian

news never went through a process of commercialization nor the rise of bourgeoise. So if

a television station, newspaper or even a news blog is funded in anyway by a political

party, it can be seen as the mouthpiece of the party—thus bringing about consequences,

not just from the government but from the party as well (Mellor 26). As long as there is

fear that the government won’t protect the press or rather will destroy the press, critical

reporting on Islam in Egypt cannot occur.

 Perreault 14

As noted earlier, press freedom is by no means a function of civil society that

exists perfectly in some utopian society. But there are many obstacles facing the Egyptian

press, especially in coverage of the majority religion of the country. This paper has

argued that citizen journalism provides the tools to perform critical reporting on Islam

and debates that involve the religion in lesser and greater extents. But there are still

obstacles that face effective religion reporting on Islam in Egypt: cultural taboos,

government censorship and self-censorship.

 Perreault 15

Bibliography

Al Malky, Rania. “Blogging for Reform: The Case of Egypt.” Arab Media & Society.
Issue 1, Spring 2007. Online. Access 21 Nov. 2009. Available WWW:
http://www.arabmediasociety.org/?article=12

Alterman, Jon. "New Media, New Politics: From Satellite Television to Internet in the
Arab World." Policy Paper #48. Washington Institute for Near East Policy, 1998.

Ayalon, Ami. The Press in the Arab Middle East. Oxford, England: Oxford Press, 1995.

Black, Jeffrey. “Egypt’s Press: More free, still fettered.” Arab Media & Society. January
2008. Online Accessed 4 Dec. 2009. Available WWW:
http://www.arabmediasociety.org/?article=572

Bryson, Jennifer S. “Freedom in Muslim Countries: An Endangered Species.” Public

Discourse. The Witherspoon Institute. 27 March 2009. Online. Accessed 5 Dec.
2009. Available WWW: http://www.thepublicdiscourse.com/2009/03/75

Bunt, Gary R. “Towards an Islamic Informaion Revolution?” Muslims and News Media.
Ed. Poole, Elizabeth and John Richardson. New York, NY: I.B. Tauris, 2007.

el Mohiebb, Abd. “Islam in the Middle East: A Contemporary Snapshot of Egyptian

Society.” Transformation. Vol. 20, Issue 4. Oct. 2003.

Fjeldsted, Arne. Personal interview via email. 4 Dec. 2009.

Hammond, Andrew. Popular Culture in the Arab World: Arts, Politics, and the Media.
Cairo, Egypt: The American University in Cairo Press, 2007.

Hemingway, Mollie. “Minerets and steeples.” GetReligion.Org. 2 Dec. 2009. Online.

Accessed 5 Dec. 2009. Available WWW: http://www.getreligion.org/?p=22286

Isherwood, Tom. “A New Direction or More of the Same? Political Blogging in Egypt.”
Arab Media & Society. September 2008. Online. Accessed 3 Dec. 2009.
Available WWW: http://www.arabmediasociety.org/?article=693

Iskandar, Adel. “Lines in the Sand: Problematizing Arab Media in the Post-Taxonomic
Era.” Arab Media & Society. Issue 2. Summer 2007. Online. Accessed 20 Sept.
2009. Available WWW: http://www.arabmediasociety.org/?article=226

Jacquemond, Richard. Conscience of the Nation: Writers, State and Society in Modern
Egypt. Cairo, Egypt: The American University in Cairo Press, 2008.

“Karim FAQ.” FreeKarim.Org. Online. Accessed 9 Dec. 2009. Available WWW:

http://www.freekareem.org/kareem-faq/#who_is_kareem
 Perreault 16

Lynch, Marc. “Blogging the new Arab public” Arab Media & Society. Issue 1, Spring
2007. Online. Accessed 5 Dec. 2009. Available WWW:
http://www.arabmediasociety.org/?article=10

Personal interview. Subject requested anonymity. Washington, DC. 2 Dec. 2009.

“Map of Press Freedom: Egypt (2008).” Freedom House. 2008. Online. Accessed 2 Dec.
2009. Available WWW: http://www.freedomhouse.org/template.cfm?
page=251&year=2008

“Map of Press Freedom: Egypt (2009).” Freedom House. 2009. Online. Accessed 2 Dec.
2009. Available WWW: http://www.freedomhouse.org/template.cfm?
page=251&year=2009

Mellor, Noha. The Making of Arab News. Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield
Publishers, Inc., 2005.

Mellor, Noha. Modern Arab Journalism. Edinburgh, UK: Edinburgh University Press,
2008.

Mubarak, Hosni. “How to Achieve Israeli-Palestinian Peace.” The Wall Street Journal.
19 June 2009. Online. Accessed 5 Dec. 2009. Available WWW:
http://online.wsj.com/article/SB124536741783129309.html

Rugh, William. Arab Mass Media: Newspapers, Radio and Television in Arab Politics.
Westport, Conn.: Praeger Publishers, 2004.

Sakr, Naomi (Ed.). Arab Media and Political Renewal. New York, NY: I.B. Tauris, 2007.

Schudson, Michael. The Good Citizen. New York: Free Press, 1998.

Simon, David. “The Future of Professional Journalism.” Lecture. 8 June 2009. National
Press Club. Washington, D.C. Online. Accessed 9 Dec. 2009. Available WWW:
http://press.org/video/player.cfm?type=lunch&id=17674#

Sullivan, Denis and Sana Abed-Kotob. Islam in Contemporary Egypt: Civil Society vs.
the State. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 1999.

"This House Believes that Arab media needs no lessons in journalism from the West."
Doha Debates: Member of Qatar Foundation. 31 July 2006. Available WWW:
http://www.thedohadebates.com/debates/debate.asp?d=21&s=2&mode=details

Vargas, Jose. “Storming the News Gatekeepers.” The Washington Post. 27 Nov. 2007.
Online. Accessed 9 Dec. 2009. Available WWW: http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-
dyn/content/article/2007/11/26/AR2007112602025.html
 Perreault 17

von Ritchie, Alle Beiträge. “WBF2009 Day 1: Blogs, Citizen Journalism and E-
Democracy.” DataDirt. 11 Nov. 2009. Online. Accessed 5 Dec. 2009. Available
WWW: http://blog.datadirt.net/2009-11/wbf2009-day-1-blogs-citizen-journalism-
and-e-democracy/

Zayan, Jalian. “Torture is systematic in Egypt 'police state': rights groups.” Agence-
France Presse. 3 Dec. 2009. Online. Accessed 5 Dec. 2009. Available WWW:
http://www.google.com/hostednews/afp/article/ALeqM5gjbbZqdmF9zLbFQWG2
HP64cEpF7g