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PROSLOGION

3 (1)

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2017
ISSN 2500-0926 63.3(0)4/41
Proslogion: -
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PROSLOGION
Studies in Medieval and Early Modern Social
History and Culture

Volume 3 (1)

Saint-Petersburg
2017
ISSN 2500-0926
Prokopiev, A. Yu. (Ed.) Proslogion: Studies in Medieval and Early
Modern Social History and Culture. Saint-Petersburg: Skifiya-Print,
2017. Vol. 3 (1). 333 p.
The Editorial board
Editor-in-chief Andrey Yu. Prokopiev (Doctor of History, Professor,
St. Petersburg State University, Russia)
Vladimir V. Chichkine (Doctor of History, Associate Professor,
St. Petersburg State University, Russia)
Galina E. Lebedeva (Doctor of History, Professor,
St. Petersburg State University, Russia)
Sergey . Fyodorov (Doctor of History, Professor,
St. Petersburg State University, Russia)
Executive secretary Gleb A. Schmidt (University of Nancy)
Executive editor Zinaida A. Lurie (Doctor of History,
St. Petersburg State University)
Hugues Daussy (Doctor of History, Professor, University of Franche-Comt
(Besanon, France))
David Potter (Doctor of History, University of Kent, UK)
Tatiana Debbagi-Baranova (Doctor of History,
Paris-Sorbonne IV University, France)
Matthieu Gellard (Doctor of History, Paris-Sorbonne IV University, France)

The Editorial council


Igor P. Medvedev (Corresponding Member of the Russian Academy of Sciences,
Doctor of History, Russia)
Pavel Yu. Ouvarov (Corresponding Member of the Russian Academy of Sciences,
Doctor of History, Professor, head of the history
of the Western Middle Ages, Department of World History, Russia)
Sergey V. Kondratyev (Doctor of History, professor,
Tyumen State University, Russia)
Mark Greengrass (Professor, Doctor of History, University of Sheffield, UK)
Eliane Viennot (Professor, Doctor of Literature,
University of Saint-Etienne, France)
Norbert Angermann (Professor, Doctor of History,
University of Hamburg, Germany)

The almanac proceeds the traditional yearbook Studies in Medieval and Early
Modern Social History and Culture, published since 1996, and is indexed inthesys-
tem Russian Science Citation Index (elibrary.ru). The current volume contents papers
on various research fields of mainly of medieval and late medieval history, such associal
life, material culture, political and military history, and studies of textual sources.
Allofthem are united by cross-disciplinary methodology.

The authors of papers, 2017


A. Yu. Prokopiev, editor-in-chief, 2017
http://proslogion.ru/ The foundation European Heritage, 2017

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Bowsky, W. M. A MedievalItalianCommune:SienaundertheNine,12871355.
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na nel Trecento e allinizio del Quattrocento, in: I ceti dirigenti nella Toscana tardo
comunale. Firenze, 1983; Wainwright, V. Conflict andpopular government infourte-
enth century Siena: IlMonte dei Dodici, 13551368, in: I ceti dirigenti nella Toscana
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Information onthe article


Dmitrieva, M. I. Narodnye pravitelstva i partii: obrazy vlasti v Siene XIV
veka [Peoples governments andparties: images ofpower inSiena of the 14th
century], in: Proslogion: Studies in Medieval and Early Modern Social History and Culture,
2017. Vol.3(1). P. 726.
Marina Igorevna Dmitrieva, doctor of History, associate professor, Institute
ofHistory, Saint-Petersburg State University (199034, Sankt-Petersburg, Rossiya,
Mendeleevskaya linia, dom5)
m.dmitrieva@spbu.ru
The article examines theimages ofpeoples governments ofthe 14th century, cre-
ated by thechroniclers inthe late medieval Siena. Their study is important forunder-
standing thesocio-political changes that took place inthe city during this period
andpeculiarities ofperception ofthe power ofgovernments (the Nine, theTwelve,
theReformers) ofthe urban community. Themain criterion forevaluation by
thechroniclers ofthe peoples governments are their ideas about good andbad
government. Inthis system ofgovermental representations find their place between
thepoles ofgood andbad . Theanalysis ofthe peoples government atthe city
pages ofthe Chronicles shows, how theauthors ofthe Chronicles ofSiena came
tothe designed images ofnational governments, reflected thecharacteristics oftheir
ideology and psychology. Representation by thechroniclers, inparticular Donato
Neri andhis son Neri that were members ofthe Twelve, of theReformers as good
governance seems, from thepoint ofview ofthe author, an evidence ofapproval by
thecitizens ofthe political course ofthe authorities ofthe commune, aimed atpre-
serving thecommon good: thebalance between all thepolitical forces ofthe city.
Key words: Chronicles, popol, good andbad government, theGovernment
ofthe Nine, theGovernment ofthe Twelve, theReformers


Bowsky, W. M. AMedieval Italian Commune: Siena under theNine, 12871355.
Berkeley/Los Angeles/London: University ofCalifornia Press, 1981. XXII, 327 .
Bowsky, W. M. TheBuon Governo ofSiena (12871355). AMedieval Italian
Oligarchy, in: Speculum. 1962. Vol. 37. P.368381.
Bowsky, W. M. TheImpact ofthe Black Death upon Sienese Government
andSociety, in: Speculum. 1964. Vol. 39. P.139.

22
...

ardini, F., Cassandro, M., Cherubini, G., etal. Banchieri e mercanti di Siena.
Roma: DeLuca, 1987. 384 p.
Carniani, A. I Salimbeni. Quasi una signoria:tentativi di affermazione politica
nella Siena del300. Siena: Protagon, 1995. 317 .
Cherubini, G. I mercanti e ilpotere, in: Bancieri e mercanti di Siena. Roma:
DeLuca, 1987. P.161220.
ronaca senese attribuita ad Agnolo di Tura del Grasso detta laCronaca Mag-
giore, in: Rerum Italicarum Scriptores. Bologna, 1937. T. 15. Pt. 6. P.253564.
ronaca senese dall anno 1202 al 1362 con aggiunte posteriori fino al 1391
diautore anonimo della meta del secolo XIV, in: Rerum Italicarum Scriptores. Bologna,
1937. T. 15. Pt. 6. P.42162.
Cronaca senese di Donato di Neri e di suo figlio Neri, in: Rerum Italicarum
Scriptores. Bologna, 1937. T. 15. Pt. 6. P.569685.
Isaaks, A. K. Magnati, comune e stato aSiena nel Trecento e allinizio del Quat-
trocento, in: I ceti dirigenti nella Toscana tardo comunale. Firenze, 1983. P.8196.
Lisini, A. Prefazione alle cronache senesi, in: Rerum Italicarum Scriptores. Bologna,
1937. T. 15. Pt. 6. P.IXXXV.
Luchaire, J. Documenti per lastoria dei rivolgimenti politici del comune di Siena
dal 1354 al 1369. Lyon/Paris, 1906. 358 .
Meiss, M. Painting inFlorence andSiena after theBlack Death. TheArt, Religion
andSociety inthe Mid-Fourteenth Century. Princeton: Princeton UP, 1951. 296 .
Rutigliano, A. Lorenzettis Golden Mean: TheRiformatori ofSiena, 13681385.
New York: Peter Lang GmbH, 1991. 200 .
Wainwright, V. Conflict andpopular government infourteenth century Siena
ilMonte dei Dodici, 13551368, in: I ceti dirigenti nella Toscana tardo comunale. Firenze,
1983. P.7380.
, . .
, .: - -
. 2. . 2006. 4. . 231236.
, . . -
XIVXV ., .: (II):
. . . . (. , 2013 .). :
, 2013. . 811.
, . . (12871355) :
, .: , -
, , .
. : , 2015. 31(53). . 8991.
, . . : -
XIV ., .:
/ . . . . ., 2008.
.7. . 98116.

23
. .

, . . :
XV ., .: -
-. . . : . . 2014.
.14, 4. . 6167.
, . .
XIV XV ., .: -
: C. . . . .: , 2003. . 4360.
, . ., , . .

, .: Proslogion:
. 2016. . 2 (14). . 310330.
, . . 1371 . -
5060- .XIV ., .: .
1953. . 4. . 152180.
, . . , .: ,
. , / . ., , .
.. . .: , 2015. . 542.

References
Bowsky, W. M. AMedieval Italian Commune: Siena under theNine, 12871355.
Berkeley/Los Angeles/London: University ofCalifornia Press, 1981. XXII, 327 .
Bowsky, W. M. TheBuon Governo ofSiena (12871355). AMedieval Italian
Oligarchy, in: Speculum, 1962. Vol. 37. P.368381.
Bowsky, W. M. TheImpact ofthe Black Death upon Sienese Government
andSociety, in: Speculum, 1964. Vol. 39. P.139.
ardini, F., Cassandro, M., Cherubini, G., etal. Banchieri e mercanti di Siena.
Roma: DeLuca, 1987. 384 p.
Carniani, A. I Salimbeni. Quasi una signoria:Tentativi di affermazione politica
nella Siena del300. Siena: Protagon, 1995. 317 .
Cherubini, G. I mercanti e ilpotere, in: Bancieri e mercanti di Siena. Roma:
DeLuca, 1987. P.161220.
ronaca senese attribuita ad Agnolo di Tura del Grasso detta laCronaca Mag-
giore, in: Rerum Italicarum Scriptores. Bologna, 1937. T. 15. Pt. 6. P.253564.
ronaca senese dall anno 1202 al 1362 con aggiunte posteriori fino al 1391 di
autore anonimo della meta del secolo XIV, in: Rerum Italicarum Scriptores. Bologna,
1937. T. 15. Pt. 6. P.42162.
Cronaca senese di Donato di Neri e di suo figlio Neri, in: Rerum Italicarum
Scriptores. Bologna, 1937. T. 15. Pt. 6. P.569685.
Dmitrieva, M. I. Dzhovanni dAnolino Salimbeni i pravitelstvo Dvenadtsati
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Signori inSiena], in: Vestnik Sankt-Peterburgskogo universiteta. Seriya 2. Istoriya, 2006.


No 4. P.231236. (in Russian)
Dmitrieva, M. I. Patriotizm i grazhdanstvennost sientsev pomaterialam
gorodskikh khronik XIVXV vv. [Patriotism andcivic consciousness ofcitizens
ofSiena according tothe materials ofChronicles ofthe 14th15th centuries], in: Voprosy
istoricheskoy nauki (II): Materialy mezhdunar. zaoch. nauch. konf. (g. Chelyabinsk, may
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26
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16
[Komromy, A.] Bernyi Gyrgy naplja az 1634/5-ik soproni s az 1637/8-ik vi
pozsonyi orszggylsekrl, in: Trtnelmi Tr. Budapest, 1885. 118143 old.
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Szemere Pl abaji s srosi kvet naplja az 1642.vi orszggylsrl, in: Az
1642.vi meghislt orszggyls idszaka (1640 december 1643 mrcius) / Szerk. I.
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: MNL N 114 Diariae Diaetae etc.
21
Segmentum Diarii Zvodszkiani a. 1618. res notatu dignas inDiaeta Posoniens gestas
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Francisci Libercsey Diarium Diaetae Posoniensis Anni 1659 a die 21. Juli usque
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ractae etcontinuatae. P.1639 (MNL N 114. Diariae Diaetae. Vol. 2).
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...a kiket ismertem, in: Diarium Diatae Posoniensis A. 1637. P.125 (MNL N 49.

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Information onthe article


Gusarova, T.P. Dnevniki vengerskikh gosudarstvennykh sobraniy XVIIv.
iikh avtory [The 17th century diaries ofthe State Assemblies ofHungary andtheir
authors], in: Proslogion: Studies inMedieval andEarly Modern Social History andCul-
ture, 2017. Vol. 3 (1). P. 2747.
Tatiana Pavlovna Gusarova, doctor of History, assistant professor, Lomono-
sov Moscow State University (119234, Rossiya, Moskva, Lomonosovskiy pros-
pekt27/4)
gusarova174@yandex.ru
The paper deals with thediaries ofthe Hungarian State Assemblies written
inthe 17th century. This special group ofhistorical sources, related tothe political
history ofthe Hungarian Kingdom, opens awide field forresearch. Historians
have analyzed diaries, but not regularly. TheDiaries ofthe State Assemblies went
into practice inthe Kingdom ofHungary inthe 17th century. TheDiaries may
provide information about themost important events that happened atthose
estate forums as well as about social background andrelations between thecen-
tral power, theHabsburg dynasty, andthe Hungarian estates. Besides, thereports
onactivity ofthe State Assemblies theDiaries inform us about theeveryday life
ofthe royal Court, thedaily routine ofthe Assembly participants, guests visits
andthe city which accommodated them, as well as about theexpenses andother
difficulties connected with theevent. Thespecial value ofthe Diaries lies
inthefact that their composition was not officially regulated. Their authors were
active participants ofthe State Assemblies andmoreover deputies ofthe nobility
andrepresentatives ofthe cities. TheDiaries reveal personalities oftheir authors,
although they rarely allow toreconstruct their lives or any important landmarks
intheir political careers, inthe activity ofthe State Assemblies. Thepaper focuses

43
. .

onthe analysis ofthis group ofsources andtheir peculiarities anddemonstrates,


how they reflect reality andpresent their authors.
Key words: Diary as asource, State Assembly, Kingdom ofHungary inthe17th
century, history ofcollection


A linzi bke okmnytra / Szerk. s jegyzetekkel ellatta S.Szilgyi. Budapest:
Magyar Tudomnyos Akadma, 1885. 668 old.
Bernyi Gyrgy naplja az 1634/5-ik soproni s az 1637/8-ik vi pozsonyi
orszggylsekrl / Kiad. A. Komromy, in: Trtnelmi Tr. Budapest, 1885.
118143old.
orpus Juris Hungarici. Magyar Trvnytr. 16081657.vi trvnycikkek /
Magy. jegyz. D. Mrkus. Budapest: Franklin-Trsulat, 1900.
Guszarova, T.A XVII. szzadi magyar orszggylsek rsztvevi anvsorok
alapjn (forrs kzlse), in: Levltri Kzlemnyek. 2005. No2. 93149 old.
Hman, B. Kishevenesi Hevenesi Gbor, in: Trtnetrs s forrskritika. Budapest,
1938. 337351 old.
Koltai, A. AMagyarorszgi piaristk rendi trtnetrsnak kezdetei (1688
1698), in: Apiarista rend Magyarorszgon / Szerk. . Forg. Budapest, 2010. 6383 old.
Kosry, D. Bevezets Magyarorszg trtnetnek forrsaiba s irodalomba. 1.
ltalnos rsz. Budapest: Osiris Kiad, 2003. 372 old.
Magyarorszg Orszggylsi Emlkek (Monumenta Comitilia regni Hungariae.
Monumenta Hungariae Historica. III. Reihe). 112. kt. / Szerk. V. Frakni,
A.Karolyi. Budapest: Rth Mr, 18741917.
Nmet, I. Akassai kvetek jelentse az 1572.vi februr-prilisi orszggylsrl,
in: Fons. 1994. No1, 2. 3152, 150179 old.
Paulinyi, O. Az els magyar orszggylsi napl (Feller Mikls az 1547.vi
pozsonyi orszggylsrl), in: AGrf Klebensburg Kuno Magyar trtnetkutat intzet
vknyve. IV. vf. Budapest, 1934. 204230 old.
Szemere Pl abaji s srosi kvet naplja az 1642.vi orszggylsrl, in:
Az1642.-vi meghislt orszggyls idszaka (1640 december 1643 mrcius) / Szerk.
Hajnal Istvn. Budapest: Eszterhzy Pl herceg kiadsa, 1930. 417428 old.
Szinnyei, J. Magyar rk lete s mvei. IV. kt. Budapest: Hornynszky, 1896.
444 old.
Windisch, V. . Kovachich Mrton Gyrgy, aforrskutat (Trsadalom- s
mveldstrtneti tanulmnyok 24). Budapest: MTA Trtnettudomnyi Intzet,
1998. 218 old.
, . .
(

44
...

), .: Univeritas historiae. C
. .: , 2016. . 119129.
, . . (
1659 .), .:
. 2002. . 63. . 302328.
, . .
XVII . , .:
.
. ./.: , 2016.
. 205222.
. / . . . . .:
- , 1986. 495 .


Magyarorszgi Orszggylsi knyvtr. Gyurikovits Gyrgy gyjtemnye
MO: Iab: 1659. Diaria etActa publica Diaetae Posoniensis Anno 1659. celeb-
ratae 700.519
MO: Ia: 1618 b. 700.510. 1
MO: Ia: 1580, 1595, 1596, 1597, 1600. 700.506
Acta Comitiorum annis 1618 et1619
MO: Ia: 1618/B MO: Ia: 1619. 700. 510
Magyar Nemzeti Levltr
N 114 Archivum Regni. Kovachich Mrton Gyrgy gyjtemnye. Diariae
Diaeta. Vol. 12.
N 49. Archivum Regni. Diatae antiquae. Vol. 2.

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Koltai, A. AMagyarorszgi piaristk rendi trtnetrsnak kezdetei (16881698),
in: Apiarista rend Magyarorszgon / Szerk. . Forg. Budapest, 2010. 6383 old.
Kosry, D. Bevezets Magyarorszg trtnetnek forrsaiba s irodalomba.
1.ltalnos rsz. Budapest: Osiris Kiad, 2003. 372 old.
Kosry, D. Bevezets Magyarorszg trtnetnek forrsaiba s irodalomba.
1.ltalnos rsz. Budapest: Osiris Kiad, 2003. 284285 old.
Malinin, Y. P., Philippe deCommynes. Memuaru [Memoires]. Moskva: Nauka,
1986. 495 p.(in Russian)
Mrkus, D. (Ed.) orpus Juris Hungarici. Magyar Trvnytr. 16081657.vi
trvnycikkek. Budapest: Franklin-Trsulat, 1900.
Nmeth, I. Akassai kvetek jelentse az 1572.vi februr-prilisi orszggylsrl,
in: Fons, 1994. No1, 2. 3152, 150179 old.
Paulinyi, O. Az els magyar orszggylsi napl (Feller Mikls az 1547.vi
pozsonyi orszggylsrl), in: AGrf Klebensburg Kuno Magyar trtnetkutat intzet
vknyve. IV. vf. Budapest, 1934. 204230 old.
Szemere Pl abaji s srosi kvet naplja az1642.vi orszggylsrl, in:
Istvn, H. (Ed.) Az1642-vi meghislt orszggyls idszaka (1640 december 1643
mrcius). Budapest: Eszterhzy Pl herceg kiadsa, 1930. P.417428.
Szilgyi, S. (Ed.) A linzi bke okmnytra. Budapest: Magyar Tudomnyos
Akadma, 1885. 668 old.
Szinnyei, J. Magyar rk lete s mvei. IV. Kt. Budapest: Hornynszky, 1896.
444 old.
Windisch, V. . Kovachich Mrton Gyrgy, aforrskutat (Trsadalom- s
mveldstrtneti tanulmnyok 24). Budapest: MTA Trtnettudomnyi Intzet,
1998. 218 old.

46
...

Archival materials
Magyarorszgi Orszggylsi knyvtr. Gyurikovits Gyrgy gyjtemnye
MO: Iab: 1659. Diaria etActa publica Diaetae Posoniensis Anno 1659. celeb-
ratae 700.519
MO: Ia: 1618 b. 700.510. 1
MO: Ia: 1580, 1595, 1596, 1597, 1600. 700.506
Acta Comitiorum annis 1618 et1619
MO: Ia: 1618/B MO: Ia: 1619. 700. 510
Magyar Nemzeti Levltr
N 114 Archivum Regni. Kovachich Mrton Gyrgy gyjtemnye. Diariae
Diaeta. Vol. 12.
N 49. Archivum Regni. Diatae antiquae. Vol. 2.

47
J. Spangler

Sons and Daughters Sent Abroad:


Successes and Failures of Foreign Princes
at the French Court in the Sixteenth Century

[I] find myself ingreater labyrinths than before1


Ippolito dEste atthe court ofFrancis I ofFrance

At theend ofJuly 1512, Queen Catalina ofNavarre andher husband


King-Consort Jean dAlbret abandoned their capital city ofPamplona
andretreated north across thePyrenees tosafety. Despite recent prom-
ises ofsupport from thePope, theKing ofFrance andthe Holy Roman
Emperor, no help had arrived tostop theadvance ofCastilian troops
led by theDuke ofAlba. They continued north tothe French court
atBlois, where only one month before, Louis XII had formally recog-
nised thesovereignty oftheir principality ofBarn. Louis made vague
promises tothe Navarrese royal couple that winter, but by theSpring he
renewed his peace treaties with Aragon andCastile. Two years later anew
king took thethrone inFrance, Franois I; raised with theyoung heir
tothe Navarrese throne, Henri dAlbret, Franois immediately pledged
tosupport acounter-invasion onbehalf ofCatalina andJean inMarch
1515. TheItalian historian Guicciardini wrote that Franois burned
with adesire tosee them re-established intheir estates, andby theterms
ofthe Treaty ofParis, he pledged that they would share amys desamys
etennemys desennemys2. But nothing much came ofthis oath, andafter
1
Letter of Ippolito dEste to his brother, Ercole II, duke of Ferrara, March 1538,
quoted inHollingsworth, M. TheCardinals Hat: Money, Ambition andHousekeep-
ing ina Renaissance Court. London, 2004. P.204.
2
Guicciardini andthe Treaty ofParis, 23 March 1515, both cited in: Boissonnade,P.His-
toire dela runion dela Navarre la Castille: Essai sur lesrelations desprinces deFoix-
J. Spangler, 2017
Sons and Daughters Sent Abroad...

two lukewarm invasion attempts, theHouse ofNavarre settled more orless


permanently atthe French court, theindependence oftheir kingdom lost
forever3.
A generation later andon theopposite side ofFrance, another
borderland principality lost its independence when the last duke
ofitsnative dynasty died, andthe claims ofhis heir were brushed aside
bytheEmperor Charles V. Inthesummer of1538, Wilhelm theRich,
Duke ofCleves, claimed his cousins inheritance, theDuchy ofGuelders,
despite theEmperors warnings. He tried tosecure his hold thefollow-
ing year by sending his daughter, Annewhose betrothal arrangements
with theneighbouring House ofLorraine had produced little diplomatic
fruit andhad been annulledto England fora marriage toHenry VIII.
This tactic also having failed togenerate support, Duke Wilhelm turned
totheKing ofFrance, theEmperors rival, andarranged in1541 amarriage
forhimself, tothe next heir tothe Kingdom ofNavarre, Jeanne dAlbret.
But theKing ofFrance, busy fighting inFlanders, was unable tosend
assistance when Imperial troops moved into theDuchy ofGuelders, whose
sovereignty was thereafter formally yielded tothe Habsburgs bytheTreaty
ofVenlo (7 September 1543). Another sovereign border principality van-
ished4.
Another half-century later, however, when Spanish troops again
threatened theindependence ofa small state onFrances borders, inthis
instance theDuchy ofMonferrato inthe Italian Piedmont, theKing
ofFrance was motivated tointervenewith theaim ofprotecting
therights ofaFrench client prince, Charles deGonzague, Duc deNevers,
one ofthe rival Gonzaga claimants toboth Monferrato andtheDuchy
ofMantuasetting off theWar ofMantuan Succession5. Louis XIII was
Albret avec laFrance etlEspagne, 14791521. Paris, 1893. P.430, 433.
3
This article first emerged as a paper at the Renaissance Society of America con-
ference in Montreal in March 2011, as part of a series of panels entitled Snakes
andLadders: Power Games atthe Renaissance Court, andhas been revised inthe
light offurther research onthe themes ofdynastic identity andtrans-national elites.
Foranew appraisal ofboth ofthese themes, see: Dynastic Identity inEarly Modern
Europe: Rulers, Aristocrats and the Formation of Identities / Ed. by L. Geevers,
M.Marini. Farnham, 2015.
4
See: Nijsten, G. IntheShadow ofBurgundy: TheCourt ofGuelders inthe Late Mid-
dle Ages. Cambridge, 2004.
5
See: Parrott, D. Aprince souverain andthe French Crown: Charles deNevers, 1580

49
J. Spangler

urged onby his first minister, Cardinal Richelieu, ina letter ofDecember
1628: Italy, oppressed forthe past year by thearmies ofthe King ofSpain
andtheDuke ofSavoy, waits toreceive from your victorious arms therelief
ofits misfortunes. Your reputation obliges you totake inhand thecause
ofyour neighbours andallies, who are unjustly despoiled oftheir States6.
This statement certainly allows us tosee amotivation driven by honour
behind theFrench monarchys protection ofborder princes. Andofcourse
Richelieu himself had other justifications forintervention innorthern Italy,
based onraison dtat. But there were other compelling reasons forthe
King tosupport Nevers, notably informal obligations based onpersonal
affinity, kinship, andpatron-client ties which should not be dismissed.
Inthis case theappeal forFrench protection was successful: theresulting
war devastated much ofMonferrato andMantua, but inthe end both
duchies remained inthehands ofNevers.
What had changed between 1512 and1628? How had amember
ofthe House ofGonzaga convinced theKing ofFrance tocome tohis
aid against aHabsburg challenge, when thehouses ofNavarre andCleves
had been unable todo thesame? This article will address this question
by assessing degrees ofsuccess or failures ofnobles ofprincely rank, jun-
ior sons (or daughters) ofsovereign or semi-sovereign dynasties whose
states were located along theborderlands ofFrance (or French interests
as they extended into theRhineland or theItalian peninsula), who were
sent toreside forlong or short periods atthe French court tosafeguard
theinterests oftheir dynasty back home. These courtiers became known
collectively atthe French court as theprinces trangers, theforeign princes.
They continued tobe referred toas foreign long after they settled
inFrance, andtheir influence there has been studied from avariety
ofangles7. But why did they come toFrance tobegin with? It is impor-
1637, in: Royal andRepublican Sovereignty inEarly Modern Europe / Ed. by R. Oresko,
G. C.Gibbs andH. M. Scott. Cambridge, 1997.
6
Richelieu to Louis XIII, Les papiers de Richelieu / d. P. Grillon. Paris, 1975.
Vol.III. P.587588.
7
Carroll, S. Noble Power During the French Wars of Religion. The Guise Affinity
andthe Catholic Cause inNormandy. Cambridge, 1998; Carroll, S.Martyrs andMur-
derers: TheGuise Family andthe Making ofEurope. Oxford, 2009; Hodson, S.Politics
ofthe Frontier: Henri IV, theMarchal-Duc deBouillon andthe Sovereignty ofSedan,
in: French History. 2005. Vol. 19, No 4. P.413439; Vester, M. Jacques deSavoie-Nemours:
Lapanage du Genevois au coeur dela puissance dynastique savoyarde au XVIe sicle.

50
Sons and Daughters Sent Abroad...

tant toquestion thenotion set out by one ofthe first historians toexamine
thenature androle ofthe princes trangers, Robert Oresko8, ofa single-direc-
tional strategy, that these second sons were sent primarily as agents by their
families as part oftheir long-term diplomacy strategies. Another historian
has proposed that theterm was established atthe French court tohonour
high-ranking French aristocrats who shared blood ties with theroyal family,
downplaying theelement offoreignness9. Thetruth is, as so often inhistory,
amixture ofall ofthese ideas: theprinces trangers were sent by their dynas-
ties intheir own interests, andmost ofthem did enjoy close blood ties tothe
French royal house, but they were also invited by successive French kings
who were anxious toensure their kingdoms security by carefully cultivating
andmaintaining stable dynastic links with semi-sovereign princely houses
all along their north-eastern andsouth-eastern frontiers.
This article will argue that French kings starting with Charles VIII
inthe 1480s were not simply receptive, but were eager toattract foreign
princes totheir court toboth increase thesplendour oftheir court andalso
tosecure relations with their princely neighbours. They drew clear les-
sons from theglittering andcosmopolitan court ofthe Valois dukes
ofBurgundy, who had used this strategy earlier inthe century, forexam-
ple, viamembers ofthe house ofCleves-Ravenstein, cadets ofthe dukes
ofCleves, drawn into theclosest circles ofthe Valois dynastic network
through kinship links andthe lure ofoffices andhonours such as theOrder
ofthe Golden Fleece10. This strategy was then emulated by thesuccessors
ofthe House ofBurgundy, theHabsburgs inMadrid andVienna11.
Geneva, 2008; Spangler, J. TheSociety ofPrinces: TheLorraine-Guise andthe Con-
servation ofPower andWealth inSeventeenth-Century France. Farnham, 2009; Kmec,
S. Across the Channel: Noblewomen in Seventeenth-Century France and England:
AStudy ofthe Lives ofMarie deLa Tour Queen ofthe Huguenots andCharlotte
deLa Trmolle, Countess ofDerby. Trier, 2010; Dewald, J. Status, Power, andIdentity
inEarly Modern France: TheRohan Family, 15501715. University Park, 2015.
8
Oresko, R. Princes trangers, in: Dictionnaire delAncien Rgime / Ed. L. Bly. Paris,
1996. P.101920.
9
Antonetti, G. Lesprinces trangers, in: Etat etsocit enFrance aux XVIIe etXVIIIe si-
cles/ d. J.-P. Bardet, D. Dinet, etal. Paris, 2000.
10
Vale, M. ABurgundian Funeral Ceremony: Olivier dela Marche andthe Obsequies
of Adolf of Cleves, Lord of Ravenstein, in: English Historical Review. 1996. Vol. 111.
P.920938.
11
Theinfluence ofthe so-called Burgundian system onthe Habsburg courts has
not been without question. See Paravicini, W. TheCourt ofthe Dukes ofBurgundy:

51
J. Spangler

But theValois kings also wanted tocreate aparti franais ontheItal-


ian peninsula torival Spanish or Imperial influence, andtoaid inestablish-
ing control ofeither Naples or Milan12. Similarly, there was akeen desire
tobind allies from thenortheast frontier regionsLorraine, theMiddle
Rhine andthe Low Countriesthrough kinship andaffinity. Once estab-
lished atthe French court, success forthe princes trangers insafeguarding their
family interests depended ona number offactors: individual skill, courtliness
andpersonality; but also blood affinity with themonarch (either inherited
or obtained); andhaving (or obtaining) an independent income. Beggars
rarely triumphed, though some gamblers succeeded wildly. Some dynasties
offoreign princes established power inFrance far beyond theexpectations
oftheir foundersnotably theGuise from Lorraine, who came todominate
theFrench state itself inthe second half ofthe sixteenth century. Inthelonger
term, however, success can be measured less by individual successes atthe
French court than by thehealth andstrength ofthe dynasty back home.

***
The key tothe success ofthe Duc deNevers in1628 lies inthe fact that
his father, Ludovico Gonzaga, had been sent tolive attheFrench court
as ateenager inthe 1550s, not just fora one-off visit, but permanently.
Ludovicos father, Federico III, Duke ofMantua, whose small duchy was
wedged between Spanish Milan andthe ordinarily pro-French Tuscany
(not forgetting theoften aggressively expanding Venetian Republic
andthe Papal States), would have certainly observed thesuccesses andfail-
ures ofother, similarly precarious border dynasties inthe previous decades.
He realised that thekey tosuccess was inthe establishment ofa perma-
nent embassy more durable andsymbolically charged than one simply
staffed by diplomats, but instead by members ofhis own blood. He will
have seen inthat same decade that when thesovereign duchy ofLorraine
was threatened by Imperial troops in1552, its annexation was prevented
byFrench troops led by aprince ofthe House ofLorraine, from its junior
branch, established inFrance, Franois, duc deGuise13. Atthesame time,

A Model for Europe?, in: Princes, Patronage and Nobility / Ed. by. R. G. Asch
andA.Bircke. Oxford, 1991. P.69102.
12
Solnon, J.-F. LaCour deFrance. Paris, 1987. P.83.
13
This is ambiguous. Stuart Carroll seems certain that Charles V intended totake
over Lorraine tojoin together his territories inBurgundy andthe Low Countries (much

52
Sons and Daughters Sent Abroad...

however, theking ofFrance had no such inclination toremove his troops


then occupying theDuchy ofSavoy. Thecontrast would have been clear:
Guise was one ofthe most popular andinfluential members oftheFrench
courta successful military commander anda leading member ofthe coun-
cil ofHenri II (and indeed, uncle ofthe Dauphine, Marie Stuart)while
his counterpart representing theHouse ofSavoy, Jacques, duc deNemours,
had yet toestablish himself ina similar position ofprominence14. By theend
ofthe decade, however, Nemours credit had risen tothe extent that he was
able toinfluence therestoration ofhis cousins sovereignty in1559. TheDuke
ofMantua undoubtedly wanted thesame protection andinfluence forhis
state insending his second son, Ludovico.
One ofthe first examples ofthe establishment ofa line ofcadets more
or less permanently resident atthe French court, can be seen inthe strate-
gies employed by theHouse ofCleves toingratiate themselves with their
powerful neighbours inFrance, incontrast totheir neighbours andrivals,
thedukes ofGuelders, who were building similar alliances with thedukes
ofBurgundy. Engelbert deCleves, thethird son ofJohn I, Duke ofCleves,
andElisabeth ofBurgundy-Nevers, moved into French orbit inthe last
decades ofthe fifteenth century. Sent toFrance ata young age andnatu-
ralised in1486, he married Charlotte deBourbon-Vendme (a distant
cousin ofthe King) in1489, andinherited thecounties ofNevers andEu
(in Normandy) from his maternal grandfather in149115. Both counties
were also peerages, which tied Engelbert immediately into thestructures
ofprincely justice andceremonial inFrance; thepeers were usually close
kin ofthe monarch andparticipated inhis coronation andin thelegal
decisions ofhis council andhis parlement16.

as his great-grandfather andnamesake, Charles theBold, had attempted todo in1477)


(Carroll, S.Martyrs andMurderers. P.6870). But it would be more logical that theEm-
peror was more interested inrestoring thesovereignty ofhis niece (and thus dependable
ally), theRegent Christina ofDenmark (ruled 1545 to1552); indeed, after theconquest
ofthe duchy by theFrench in1552, they did not annex it outright, but preferred toretain
it as aclient state with its young duke raised asavirtual prisoner atthe French court.
14
Vester, M. Jacques deSavoie-Nemours. P.5053.
15
For the House of Cleves-Nevers in France: Anselme de Sainte-Marie. Histoire
Gnalogique etChronologique dela Maison Royale deFrance, desPairs, desGrands
Officiers dela Couronne & dela Maison du Roy. Paris, 172633. Vol. III. P.349ff.
16
Labatut, J.-P. Lesducs etpairs deFrance au XVIIe sicle. Paris, 1972; Levantal,C.Ducs
etpairs etduchs-pairies laques lpoque moderne, 15191790. Paris, 1996.

53
J. Spangler

Yet this was not astraightforward patron-client relationship between


France andCleves. As with so many border dynasties, before andafter,
theCleves familys marriage patterns reveal astrategy ofhedging bets:
incontrast toEngelberts French marriage, his elder brother, John II,
Duke ofCleves, maintained thefamilys ties tothe east through marriage
toaprincess from Hesse. Meanwhile, theyoungest son, Philip, again
typically, pursued acareer inthe Church andwas promoted successively
bishop ofNevers, Amiens andAutunsignificantly, all dioceses for-
merly within thesphere ofthe dukes ofBurgundy andwhich retained
some degree ofHabsburg influence. Armed with extensive landhold-
ings inFrance, andkinship with theroyal dynasty, anew cadet branch
oftheHouse ofCleves forged aplace foritself atthe French court, setting
thestandard forcadets from Lorraine andSavoy tofollow. Engelbert
added tohis successes through military valour: he commanded theSwiss
atthe Battle ofFornovo in1495, andwas later named governor ofBur-
gundy in1499. He was honoured by Louis XII, being chosen torepresent
one ofthe six lay peers (the count ofChampagne) atthecoronation
of1498, andaccompanied this king onhis Italian campaigns, sharing his
grand entre into Genoa in1502. Engelberts son served atthe conquest
ofGenoa in1507, andhis grandson was rewarded with theelevation ofNev-
ers toa duchy-peerage in1538, upon his marriage toyet another Bourbon-
Vendme princess. Intheend, however, this was not enough tocompel
theFrench king tocome tothe aid ofthe House ofCleves when challenged
by theEmperor over Guelders in1541. From theperspective ofthe home
dynasty, thestrategy ofcreating thefirst prince tranger dynasty inFrance
was thus not successful.
Nevertheless thestrategy was useful inother ways forborder families
like theCleves-Nevers, enabling them tocultivate their rank as princes,
rather than merely nobles, allies andkin toroyalty. Toaid inthis effort,
they highlighted their possession ofterritories that had fallen through
thecracks ofthe feudal system over theprevious centuries: forexample,
thecounts ofNevers were sovereigns ofthe tiny principality ofChteau-
Regnault, centred ona fortress onthe river Meuse deep inthe Ardennes
that formally owed no fealty toany overlord. When he inherited this
property from his Cleves mother, thethird Duke ofGuise likewise stressed
thesovereignty ofChteau-Regnault, andeven minted coins tomake

54
Sons and Daughters Sent Abroad...

thepoint abundantly clear17. Inthesame manner, when Ludovico Gonzaga


was rewarded forhis loyal service inFrench military campaigns with royal
support forhis marriage tothe other Cleves-Nevers heiress, he ensured that
his marriage brought him not only thewealth andstatus from theduchy-
peerage ofNevers, but also thesovereign territory ofArches (not far from
Chteau-Regnault), which he rebuilt andrenamed forhimself, Char-
leville18. His marriage also made him extremely well connected politically:
he was now brother-in-law toboth theLorraine-Guise andBourbon-Cond
families, thetwo most powerful families inFrance outside theroyal family
itself.
Were thesuccesses andfailures atthe French court forforeign princes
based therefore onwealth andlandholdings? Onmilitary valour? Onper-
sonal relationships with thesovereign? Most likely it was based largely
onkinship, something more enduring inthe early modern conceptu-
alisations ofthe purposes andfunctions ofdynasticism. Looking once
more atthe example ofGuelders, Duke Charles II successfully appealed
toFrance foraid inrestoring him tohis duchy in1492, due tohis close
kinship ties with theFrench royal house. But only afew years before, he
had been firmly inthe sphere ofBurgundy, as cousin ofMary ofBurgundy,
wife ofEmperor Maximilian. Prosopographical studies indeed have alot
totell us about themechanics ofdynasticism within thespheres ofinter-
national politics anddiplomacy inthe early modern world19.
Going further, Duke Charles twin sister, Philippa ofGueldres, duch-
ess ofLorraine, was mother tothe first duke ofGuise, Claude deLor-
raine, who was therefore second cousin ofFranois I (their grandmothers
were sisters) anda close intimate friend, while thefirst Duc deNemours,
Philippe deSavoie, was much closer kin, as theKings uncle, brother
ofLouise deSavoie. Apermanent branch ofthe house ofLorraine was

17
Henry, N. La principaut de Chteau-Regnault, in: Revue de Champagne et de
Brie. 1882. Vol. 13. For a more recent analysis of princely status and the frontiers
ofFrance, see: Spangler, J. LesPrinces trangers: Truly Princes? Truly Foreign? Typolo-
gies ofPrincely Status, Trans-Nationalism andIdentity inEarly Modern France, in:
Adel undNation inder Neuzeit: Hierarchie, Egalitt undLoyalitt 16.20. Jahrhundert /
Ed. by. M. Wrede andL. Bourquin. Ostfildern, 2016. S.117141.
18
Parrott, D. Prince souverain andthe French Crown. P.156, 159.
19
See: Nassiet, M. Parent, noblesse et tats dynastiques: XVe XVIe sicles. Paris,
2000; Prosopographie etgense deltat modern / d. F. Autrand. Paris, 1986.

55
J. Spangler

established inFrance from about 1506, while asimilar branch forthe


house ofSavoy was inplace afew years later. Duchy-peerages were granted
tobothamongst thefirst non-royal peerages inFrench historyin 1526
(Guise) and1528 (Nemours). Nevertheless, this close blood affinity did not
compel theking ofFrance toaid theduke ofGueldres when his duchy was
invaded once more by theHabsburgs in1506, or deter him from occupying
Savoy in1536. Sowhat was thepoint ofthese families, theprinces trangers,
established atthe French court inthe early sixteenth century?
As noted above, historians have tried before todevise regular for-
mulae forthe official recognition ofprincely status by theFrench crown,
based onkinship, andsignalled by theincorporation ofthe French royal
arms into their own20. This idea is mostly pertinent forthe later period,
theseventeenth andeighteenth centuries, andcan be dismissed by not-
ing thenumber ofgrandee families who also added theroyal fleurs-de-lis
totheir arms but did not put forward claims toprincely status (Potier,
Gondi, Arpajon, Rochechouart). This usage inheraldry is called augmen-
tation andwas aright given by French sovereigns tohonour prominent
allies, forexample Cesare Borgia when he was created Duc deValenti-
nois in1499. Infact, theprinces trangers held no formal legal position
inFrance, inthe sixteenth century or even later, but were recognised
bythecrown only obliquely assomething distinct from thebulk ofthe
native-born French aristocracy. Wesee forexample amention inletters
patent ofHenri III ofDecember 1581, which, inconfirming theprecedence
ofhis favourites new duchy-peerage ofJoyeuse over all peers except
theprinces ofthe blood andthe princes des quatres maisons, named
specifically thehouses ofLorraine, Savoy, Mantua (Gonzaga) andLux-
embourg21. Nevertheless, inthe evolution ofthe privileges given tothese
foreign princes, much emphasis was indeed given toblood proximity
tothe reigning dynasty: ina memoir from 1572, King Charles IX gave
explicit royal privileges tothe Queen Mother, theQueen, his brothers,
his sisters, theKing ofNavarre, andthe dukes ofLorraine, Savoy andFer-
arra, qui avoient tous trois espouse desfilles deFrance22. Asimilar (but
20
Antonetti, G. Lesprinces trangers.
21
Printed in: Anselme de Sainte-Marie. Histoire Gnalogique et Chronologique.
Vol.III. P.806.
22
Mmoire sur les honneurs dont jouissent chez le Roy les princes, ducs et pairs,
ducs nonpairs, officiers dela Couronne etautres seigneurs qui vont estre raportez

56
Sons and Daughters Sent Abroad...

lesser) status was then extended totheir kin, inpart tosettle disputes then
raging over precedence atcourt andat state ceremonies between theprinces
du sang andthe princes trangers23. Thestruggle would continue into thelate
seventeenth century, andwould also involve theprinces lgitims (legitimised
royal offspring) andthe ducs-et-pairs24.

***
A few historians have investigated thesuccesses or failures offoreign
princes atthe French court based onperformative andritual agency.
Anthony Cashman has demonstrated that Federico Gonzaga, son ofFranc-
esco II, marquis ofMantua, carried himself very well during aseries
oftournaments atthe court ofFranois I inthe spring of1518, presenting
his bella figura, both indress andin performance onthetilting grounds; but
ultimately failed toachieve his primary goals: therepayment ofsignificant
Gonzaga loans tothe French crown, anda more definitive promise ofalli-
ance between their two houses. He failed inthis regard, not due tohis
performance or even his attainment ofclose friendship with theyoung
King, but because he was unable tocontinue toreside atthe French court
due toa lack ofthe huge levels ofcash needed tovivre enprincemoney
forcourt dress, forhorses andequipment, an appropriate entourage
andhousehold, andespecially forgifts25.
Mary Hollingsworths study ofthe expenditures ofIppolito dEste
while inFrance inthe 1530s, makes this entirely clear26. Ippolito was not
only theyounger son ofthe Duke ofFerrara, he was also brother-in-law
ofthe Kings sister-in-law (his brother Duke Ercole II was married toRene
deFrance, sister ofQueen Claude). Ippolito was invited totheFrench
court in1535, an invitation sweetened with theprospect ofachurch

(Bibliothque nationale deFrance [BNF], Ms. Clairambault 721. P.491), cited in:
Cosandey, F. Prsances etsang royal. Lerite comme construction dun mythe identi-
taire, in: Cahiers dela Mditerane. 2008. No 77. P.25.
23
Jackson, R. Peers ofFrance andPrinces ofthe Blood, in: French Historical Studies.
1971. Vol. 7. P.2747.
24
Spangler, J. Society ofPrinces. P.16, 2021.
25
Cashman, A. Performance Anxiety: Federico Gonzaga at the Court of Francis I
and the Uncertainty of Ritual Action, in: Sixteenth Century Journal. 2002. Vol. 33,
No2. P.333352.
26
Hollingsworth, M. TheCardinals Hat. P.61, 67, 105106, 121, 168169, 174, 192ff,
263264.

57
J. Spangler

benefice. Intheother direction, he was pressed toaccept theinvitation


by his brother theDuke, who was then under intense pressure from both
French andImperial troops innorthern Italy following thedeath ofthe last
sovereign duke ofneighbouring Milan. Here we see clearly that dynastic
diplomacy was atwo-way street. Ippolito quickly became afavourite atcourt,
through hunting with theKing, tennis with theDauphin, andheavy gambling
with thechief royal favourite, Jean, Cardinal deLorraine, himself ofcourse
also aprince tranger (the younger brother ofDuke Antoine ofLorraine).
Hebecame known forhis lavish generosity ingift-giving, notably thefamous
Cellini salt-cellar commissioned as agift forFranois I. He referred tothese
gifts inletters specifically as investments.
By 1540, personal failure seemed imminent however, as he had run
out ofmoney; his revenues as archbishop ofMilan had been sequestered
by theEmperor, andthe Pope was refusing his nomination by theKing
ofFrance tothe archbishopric ofLyon andthe cardinalate. Hollings-
worth indicates that thenumber andvalue ofgifts brought from Italy
toFrance rose significantly inresponse: embroidered sleeves andcol-
lars, viols, candied fruits, gold candlesticks, andso on, over 1,000 items
recorded for1536-40, consuming about 75% ofhis income. Theletters
between Ippolito andErcole are revealingthis visit was not about
pleasure; it was about thesurvival ofthe Este family andtheir hold over
Ferrara (always atarget forVenetian or Papal expansion). When Ippolito
found out inSpring 1538 that Ercole was negotiating with theEmperor
separately forIppolitos cardinals cap, he wrote indistress: I will find
myself ingreater labyrinths than before.27. Finally, inMarch 1539,
theFrench King was successful inobtaining Ippolitos cardinalship, along
with therelease offunds from Milan andthe approval ofhis appointment
toLyon. He remained an influential member ofFranois Is court, andthat
ofhis son Henri II, though thelatter preferred tomake use ofhim inRome
(even supporting him as candidate forPope in1549).
Although acadet Este dynasty was not established inFrance, Este
interests were guarded through themiddle ofthe century, by another prel-
ate, Ippolitos nephew, Cardinal Luigi dEste, who was even more tightly
connected tothe French royal house by blood, as grandson andnamesake
ofLouis XII; by his niece, Anne, married tothe duke ofGuise from 1540

27
Hollingsworth, M. TheCardinals Hat. P.204.

58
Sons and Daughters Sent Abroad...

(on whom more, below); andby another nephew, Alfonso (the future duke
ofFerrara), who served fora time onthe Kings Council andin theFrench
armies. His service with Franois deLorraine, duke ofGuise, andJacques
deSavoie, duke ofNemours, atthe defence ofMetz in1552 established
arelationship which inturn aided Nemours inhis own dynastic pursuits
back inItaly several years lateranother clear example ofthe reciprocity
ofthese trans-national dynastic exchanges28.
French kings Franois I andHenri II were not thefirst toemploy Ital-
ian princes like Ippolito dEste andhis nephew Alfonso as ambassadors
andsoldiers: their predecessors Charles VIII andLouis XII had similar
policies. Ippolitos own uncle provides an excellent example ofthevicis-
situdes ofsuch favour: Ferrante dEste, second son ofDuke Ercole I, went
tothe court ofCharles VIII in1493. But when theKing launched his
famous invasion ofNaples (whose king was Ferrantes maternal cousin
andnamesake), Ferrante chose not tofollow theFrench army, andsettled
inRome insteadin spite ofthe urgent letters his father sent, urging him
not tolose theKings favour. He soon rallied tothe cause ofdynasticism,
however, andserved atthe side ofKing Charles atbattle ofFornovo, near
Parma in1495. In1499, Ferrante was sent by his brother toMilan toformally
recognise Charless successor, Louis XII, as its new duke. But having run up
significant debt atthe court ofCharles VIII, he was not made welcome29.
Prelates seemed tofare better than warriors inmaintaining royal favour.
Several French monarchs acted as patrons ofthe ecclesiastical careers ofsev-
eral micro-sovereign families, notably those that could help oil thewheels
ofdiplomacy innorthern andsouthern Italy. Members ofthe Ventimiglia/
Vintimille andLascaris deTende families, two branches ofan ancient
semi-sovereign house ofin Liguria (the latter ofwhich having adopted
thename ofone ofthe former Byzantine imperial dynasties toboost their
princely status) used their influence straddling theAlps inProvence, Savoy
andGenoa toaid thekings ofFrance intheir incorporation ofthe County
ofProvence into theFrench kingdom after 1480. TheLascaris inparticular
were rewarded with benefices: they provided four successive bishops ofRiez
(in Provence) from 1466 to1543, andone was promoted tothe bishopric

28
Vester, M. Jacques deSavoie-Nemours. P.52.
29
Mantovani, S. Ad honore del signore vostro patre et satisfactione nostra. Fer-
rante dEste condottiero di Venezia. Ferrara-Modena, 2005.

59
J. Spangler

ofBeauvais, one ofthe six ecclesiastical peerages ofFrance, in152330. Louis


XII relied onCardinal deFinale (from another Ligurian house, Del Car-
reto, sovereigns ofNoli andFinale) andCardinal deSanseverino (whose
family were sovereign princes ofSalerno) tomaintain his Italian policies.
Cardinal deFinale was rewarded with thearchbishoprics ofReims (the most
important inFrance) andTours, andthe bishopric ofCahors31. Sanseverinos
brother, Galeazzo, returned toFrance after Louis XIIs conquest ofMilan
andwas named his Master ofthe Horse (1505), aposition he continued
tohold into thenext reign. These patronage cultivations did not always bear
fruit, ofcourse. Forexample, Franois I failed in1532 tosecure acardinals
cap forFinales nephew, Paolo del Carreto, who nonetheless succeeded him
as bishop ofCahors. TheFrench King went so far as torefer toCahors, who
had acted as his Matre dela Chapelle andhis ambassador toRome, as cher
cousin inhis letters tothe Pope, emphasising his princely status (a quality
surely recommendable fora cardinal), though clearly without effect32. There
are several other northern Italian families that should be further investigated
inthis context, poised between subject andsovereign status, andbetween
French andImperial/Spanish service: Pico della Mirandola, Fieschi-Ferrero
andCibo di Massa-Carrara.

***
Small Italian states like Mantua or Ferrara (or even smaller states
like Finale) were not protected only by links forged atthe French court
bysoldiers andprelates. Anna dEste (15311607), duchess ofGuise, then
ofNemours, also acted as ambassador andprotectrice ofher native Fer-
rara, making skilful use ofthe twin keys we have thus far seen forprince
tranger success: close blood affinity with theroyal dynasty, andher own
personal wealth. As co-heiress ofher mother, Rene deFrance, duchess
ofFerrara, she inherited significant properties inFrance, notably theduchy
ofChartres andthe county ofGisors, both formerly prominent (and lucra-

30
For the Lascaris de Tende: Anselme de Sainte-Marie. Histoire Gnalogique
etChronologique. Vol.II. P.284ff.
31
Details ofDel Carreto andSanseverino service inFrance are also in: Anselme deSainte-
Marie. Histoire Gnalogique etChronologique. Vol. II. P.49; andVol. VIII. P.502,
respectively.
32
Anselme deSainte-Marie. Histoire Gnalogique etChronologique. Vol. II. P.49.

60
Sons and Daughters Sent Abroad...

tive) parts ofthe royal domain33. Annes loyalties were mixed, however,
as agrand-daughter ofFrance, adaughter ofFerrara, then aswife ofthe
duke ofGuise, andsubsequently wife ofthe duke ofNemours (an unusual
second marriage fora woman ofher rank). Wecan see clear references
tothis composite status inher funeral oration by Severin Bertrand from
160734. Her last years were spent as matriarch toher offspring from both
clans (Guise andNemours), auseful glue inholding together theultra-
Catholic factions atthe French court inthe 1580s35.
But favour has its limits: Anne was unable as awoman tosucceed tothe
Este domains innorthern Italy, andin theabsence ofa legitimate male heir,
Ferrara was lost when Annes brother Alfonso II died in1597. There being
no French-backed cadet toclaim thethrone (as inthe Mantuan succession
in1628), theDuchy was annexed by thePope. Acousin descended from
an illegitimate Este son, Cesare, did claim thesuccession, andwith Impe-
rial, not French, backing, was able toretain sovereignty over atleast part
oftheinheritance, Modena andReggio, if not Ferrara. Nevertheless, Annes
status as grand-daughter ofa French king (Louis XII), andholder ofa royal
apanage (Chartres), was important insolidifying therank ofthe princes
trangersher descendants inthe houses ofLorraine-Guise andSavoie-
Nemoursin theface ofincreased competition from theprinces du sang
andthe increasing numbers ofFrench ducs-et-pairs inthefollowing century.
It is important forus therefore toanalyse thecareers offoreign daugh-
ters sent tothe French court as well as foreign sons. TheHouse ofSavoy
forexample first established itself through women: theduchy ofNemours
had been granted initially as awedding gift toFranois Is aunt, Philib-
erte deSavoie, then transferred toher sister (the Kings mother), Louise,
in1524, andonly then toher brother, Philippe in152836. Thegift had
originally had been part ofthe Kings initial strategy towin favour not
with Savoy, but with theMedici, inhis efforts toincorporate Florence

33
OnAnne dEste see: Coester, C.Schn wie Venus, mutig wie Mars. Anna dEste,
Herzogin vonGuise undvon Nemours (15311607). Mnich, 2007.
34
Oraison funebre sur letrespas detres-haulte, tres-illustre ettres-vertueuse Princesse
Anne dEst, Duchesse deChartres, deGuyse, Nemours, Genevois, &c. Paris, 1607.
35
Munns, J., Richards, P. Exploiting andDestabilizing Gender Roles: Anne dEste,
in: French History. 1992. Vol. 6. P.206215.
36
Anselme deSainte-Marie. Histoire Gnalogique etChronologique. Vol. III. P.475,
505, 512.

61
J. Spangler

andthePope into his Italian parti franais. InSpring 1515 (just weeks
after succeeding tothe throne), theyoung King invited Giuliano deMed-
ici tohis court andsolidified Valois-Medici bonds through arranging
amarriage tohis mothers sister, andgranting thenewlyweds thelucrative
duchy ofNemours. Theduchy ofNemours had been used inthis manner
several times already, almost exclusively with theaim oflinking thecrown
with apowerful vassal with trans-regional ties: theEvreux king ofNavarre
in1404, thehouse ofArmagnac in1462, andthe house ofFoix in150737.
But Giuliano de Medici died just over ayear later, andwas succeeded
as head ofMedici interests inFlorence (though still under theguidance
ofPope Leo X) by his nephew Lorenzo, Duke ofUrbiNo IntheSpring
of1518, another Franco-Medici alliance was forged: Lorenzo arrived
bearing gifts from thePope, notably several Raphaels, andwas also given
abride with huge estates inFrance andalavish wedding party38 Madeleine
dela Tour dAuvergne was co-heiress ofthe county ofAuvergne, but more
importantly was theKings cousin, through her mother, Jeanne deBour-
bon-Vendme. She was also aclose kinswoman ofthe Constable deBour-
bon, as wellas theKing ofthe Scots andthe King ofNavarre, all three
individuals forwhom theyoung Franois had great plans forhis defensive
strategies against theHabsburgs39. Thedynastic triangle between France,
Tuscany andScotland (to counter aHabsburg-Tudor alliance) was fur-
ther strengthened by thefact that Madeleines older sister, Anne, was
already married toJohn Stewart, Duke ofAlbany, regent ofScotland,
15141524. It is interesting tospeculate how theAuld Alliance with
Scotland might have progressed if this couple had produced surviving
offspring andestablished aStewart line ofprinces trangers permanently
residing atthe French court inthe sixteenth century. Amostly forgotten
figure inFrance, Albany also served as governor ofthe Bourbonnais,
Auvergne, Forez andBeaujolais, asacommander ofFrench troops
inItaly inthe 1520s, andwas influential inarranging themarriage ofhis
ward, JamesV, andPrincess Madeleine ofFrance inthe 1530s40.
37
Anselme deSainte-Marie. Histoire Gnalogique etChronologique. Vol. III. Chapter
XXIV (Nemours Duch-Pairie). P.247250.
38
Solnon, J.-F. Cour deFrance. P.8081.
39
Anselme deSainte-Marie. Histoire Gnalogique etChronologique. Vol. IV. P.530531.
40
See an out-dated yet still insightful biography: Stuart, M. W. The Scot who was
aFrenchman: TheLife ofJohn Stewart, Duke ofAlbany. London, 1940.

62
Sons and Daughters Sent Abroad...

Sadly, Lorenzo de Medici too died within ayear, followed by Made-


leine dela Tour ayear after that. All that remained ofthe Kings Medici
strategies was an infant, Caterina, but as is well known, she was not
forgotten. She became duchess ofOrlans in1533 through marriage
totheKings second son, andDauphine in1536 following thedeath ofthe
eldest son, andfinally Queen-Consort ofFrance in1547. We tend tothink
ofCatherine deMedici inthis light, as wife andmother ofFrench kings,
but it is important toconsider that she also regarded herself as aprincesse
trangre, representing Medici (and other Italian) interests inFrance41,
andshe ensured that this link was maintained through thearrangement
ofthe marriage ofher favourite grand-daughter (and legal heir), Christina
ofLorraine, tothe Grand Duke ofTuscany in158942.
Women like Anne dEste, Philiberte deSavoie andCatherine de Medici
help us see that prince tranger lineages should not be seen only as patrilines,
but as matrilineal networks as well, particularly important inthe transmis-
sion ofblood from one clan tothe next. As inso many other aspects
ofhistory, men have thus far dominated our thinking. Overlooked inCash-
mans account ofFederico Gonzagas visit tothe French court in1518,
forexample, theyoung man was not entirely astranger: his first cousin
was theDuke ofBourbon, aleading member ofthe court, whose mother
was Chiara Gonzaga (who had died in1503). Although Cashman notes
that Federico formally paid court tothe Duke andDuchess ofBourbon,
not once but twice during his stay43, he does not note this close relation-
ship. Chiara had proved invaluable inthe previous generation asaconduit
ofletters andadvice between her brother, Francesco, marquis ofMantua,
andLouis XII, undoubtedly saving Francesco from thefate ofhis ally
andkinsman, Ludovico Sforza, duke ofMilan, who lost his estates after
betraying French interests44.
41
Apoint highlighted by: Vester, M. Jacques deSavoie-Nemours. P.210.
42
Machahelles, K. Appretissage du mcnat ettransmission matrilinaire du pouvoir,
in: Patronnes etMcnes enFrance la Renaissance / d. K. Wilson-Chevalier. Saint-
Etienne, 2007. P.557576.
43
Cashman, A. Performance Anxiety. P.345.
44
Simon, K. ARenaissance Tapestry: TheGonzaga ofMantua. New York, 1988. P.120,
128. Foramore analytical approach toGonzaga familial ties, see: Severidt,E. Familie, Ver-
wandtschaft undKarriere bei denGonzaga. Struktur undFunktion vonFamilie undVer-
wandtschaft bei denGonzaga undihren deutschen Verwandten, 14441519. Leinfelden-
Echterdingen, 2002; or: Antenhofer, C.From Local Signori toEuropean High Nobility.

63
J. Spangler

Other women whose roles inpolitics anddiplomacy inthis era have


been analysed by historians inrecent years include Alfonsina Orsini, mother
ofLorenzo de Medici andregent ofFlorence inhis absences, andMarie
deLuxembourg, countess ofVendme, amodel forthe foreign princesses
who followed her. Alfonsinas advice toher son onhis dealings with theking
ofFrance were clear. InAugust 1515, she urged him to consider well that
that king is inItaly with 80,000 troops andthat this city [Florence] is most
devoted tothe crown ofFrance. Andalso I remind you that because Piero
[Lorenzos father] was determined andopinionated, we were exiled fornine-
teen years45. Marie was aroyal kinswoman, amajor landowner inthe
strategic border provinces ofPicardy andFlanders, andapowerful mater
familias, with areputation forbusiness acumen andpublic pietyattributes
she passed onto her daughter, Antoinette, duchess ofGuise, andto her
grand-daughter, Mary ofGuise, Queen ofScots46.
We have seen how neither theearly Gonzagas nor theEste established
an enduring prince tranger lineage inFrance along thelines ofthe mod-
els established by Lorraine andSavoy, inpart due tolack offunds. But
neither did theapparent victors ofthe early days ofthe court ofFranois
I, theMedici. Thekey tosuccess, both inthe case ofLorraine andSavoy,
seems tohave been theestablishment ofindependent wealth inFrance,
themissing element inFederico Gonzagas failed enterprise, andsheer
genetic misfortune inthe case ofGiuliano andLorenzo de Medici who
both died before they could establish afamily. Claude deLorraine, first duc
deGuise had inherited his vast French estates inChampagne, Normandy

TheGonzaga Family Networks inthe 15th Century, in: Trans-regional andTransnational


Families inEurope andBeyond: Experiences Since theMiddle Ages / Ed.by C.H. Johnson,
D.W. Sabean, S.Teuscher andF. Trivellato. New York; Oxford: Berghahn, 2011. P.5574.
45
Tomas, N. Alfonsina Orsini deMedici andthe problem ofa female ruler inearly
sixteenth-century Florence, in: Renaissance Studies. 2000. Vol. IV, No 1. P.80.
46
ForMarie deBourbon, see: Potter, D. TheLuxembourg Inheritance: TheHouse
of Bourbons and its Lands in Northern France during the Sixteenth Century, in:
French History. 1992. Vol. 6. P.28. ForAntoinette deBourbon, see: Munns, J., Richards,
P. Antoinette deBourbon, Premire duchesse deGuise etRmy Belleau: Construc-
tion dun tombeau, creation dun myth, in: Patronnes etMcnes enFrance laRenais-
sance / d.K.Wilson-Chevalier. Saint-Etienne, 2007. P.401417; and: Grand-Dewyse,
C. Le triomphe dune mater familias: Antoinette de Bourbon, duchesse de Guise,
etune plaque maille deLonard Limosin, in: Patronnes etMcnes enFrance laRe-
naissance / d. K. Wilson-Chevalier. Saint-Etienne, 2007. P.419431.

64
Sons and Daughters Sent Abroad...

andPicardy, from his father, Duke Ren II ofLorraine, who in1506


divided his lands into non-French andFrench forhis eldest andsecond
sons, respectively. Afurther treaty between thebrothers in1530 confirmed
thedivision oftheir lands andtheir spheres ofinterest47. Tofurther solidify
its links with France, theHouse ofLorraine established asecond cadet line,
ageneration later, that ofMercoeur. This branch was founded bythesecond
son ofDuke Antoine, Nicolas deLorraine, whose loyalty toFrance during
theregency crisis of1552 won him theduchy-peerage ofMercoeur (erected
onproperty inAuvergne inherited from his Bourbon mother). This second
branch was never asprominent as theGuisethough thesecond duke
ofMercoeur would beone ofthe last, andmost threatening, hold-outs
ofthe Catholic League against thereign ofHenry IVbut is nevertheless
noteworthy inthe context ofthe establishment ofthe rank ofthe prince
tranger inFrance, andthe overall health ofthe Lorraine dynasty, through
themarriage ofNicolass daughter Louise toKing Henri III, in1575, one
ofthemost successful marriages ofany ofthe prince tranger families inthis
period. Added tothe augmentations made by Anne dEste tothe Lorraine-
Guise princely status as discussed above, Louises contribution tothe solidi-
fication ofthe rank andprivileges ofthe princes trangers, simply by being
queen ofFrance, should not be underestimated48.

***
A further mark ofthe consolidation ofthe position ofthese foreigners
within thepower structures ofthe state was their status as peers oftherealm.
These originated inthe earliest days ofthe Frankish monarchy, as thechief

47
There are several copies ofthe testament ofDuc Ren II: BN, Coll. deLorraine, 20,
fol. 111; BNF, Ms. Fr. 2745. Fol. 1; Archives Dpartementales [AD], Meurthe-et-Mo-
selle, 3F 432. Fol. 181 (this was originally kept inthe Haus-, Hof- undStaatsarchiv
in Vienna, but was sent to Nancy when the Imperial archive was dispersed at the
end ofthe first World War). Thetreaty of1530 is inAD, Meurthe-et-Moselle, 3F 348.
Forthecareer ofClaude deLorraine, see: Roche, F. Claude deLorraine: Premier duc
deGuise. Chaumont, 2005.
48
Louise deLorraine is normally considered noninfluential inthe history ofthequeens
ofFrance. But see: Boucher, J. Deux pouses etreines la fin du XVIe sicle. Louise
deLorraine etMarguerite deFrance. Saint-tienne, 1995, notably P.344, which stress-
es that Louise played an important role after thedeath ofHenri III as theleader ofthe
moderates atcourt who immediately supported thenew regime ofKing Henri IV, thus
deflating some ofthe vehement opposition ofthe Catholic League.

65
J. Spangler

ecclesiastical andlay magnates who crowned theking. Their number was


fixed attwelve inthe reign ofPhilippe II Auguste, but as theoriginal mag-
nate families died out (Toulouse, Champagne, Flanders), their numbers
needed toreplenished forceremonial andritual purposes. Forseveral cen-
turies, there were plenty ofprinces ofthe blood todo so, but from thelast
decades ofthe fifteenth century, their numbers dwindled due tonatural
extinctions or warfare49. Whereas thecoronation ofFranois I in1515 had
been performed with one Valois andfive Bourbon princes taking onthesix
roles (Burgundy, Normandy, Guyenne, Toulouse, Flanders, Cham-
pagne), by thetime ofthe coronation ofCharles IX in1563, thepeers
were represented by one Valois, two Bourbons, two Lorraines, andone
Clevesthree princes du sang, andthree princes trangers50. Franois I had
himself accentuated this trend by creating thefirst non-royal duchy-peer-
ages forthe foreign princes, but not without oppositionClaude deLor-
raine received one ofthe very first in1528, but his duchy-peerage ofGuise
had tobe registered as law atthe Parlement ofParis by royal force51.
We can also see inthe granting ofduchy-peerages aslightly different
strategy onthe part ofthe French monarchy: theamalgamation offormerly
sovereign border dynasties within thebody ofthe French nobility. This is
seen inthe House ofLuxembourg, whose main line became extinct in1437
(and theduchy passing toValois Burgundy), leaving acadet branch
inpossession ofthe counties ofLigny inBarrois, andSaint-Pol inArtois,
both sensitive frontier regions ofthe French kingdom52. One oftheir more
prominent members, Louis deLuxembourg, count ofSaint-Pol, Constable
ofFrance, played abalancing actcompletely typical forthe families
under analysis herebetween Louis XI ofFrance andCharles theBold,
duke ofBurgundy, andlost, ending inhis execution in1475. But, also
49
The most notable extinctions were Burgundy in 1477, Anjou in 1481, Orlans
in1498 by succeeding tothe throne, andAngoulme in1515 forthe same reason.
This left only Alenon, extinct in 1525, and Bourbon, which of course succeeded
tothe throne as well in1589.
50
Jackson, R. Vive Le Roi!: A History of the French Coronation from Charles V
toCharles X. Chapel Hill, NC, 1984. P.257258.
51
Roche, F. Claude deLorraine. P.44.
52
Anselme deSainte-Marie. Histoire Gnaloqique etChronologique. Vol. III. P.715ff.
Infact, Barrois was only half under French suzerainty (the Barrois-mouvant), while
Artois was contested between France and Spain until finally settled in 1659 by
theTreaty ofthePyrenees inthe favour ofFrance.

66
Sons and Daughters Sent Abroad...

inparallel with many ofthese border magnate families, theindividual


may perish but thedynasty would survive through kinship ties: most
ofthe Luxembourg lands andhonours were recovered due toclose blood
relations with thehouse ofSavoy, which thus made theConstable brother-
in-law ofLouis XI, andhis grand-daughter andheiress Marie, both aunt
andcousin ofCharles VIII53. TheHouse ofLuxembourg thrived inFrance
inthe sixteenth century, forming several cadet branches which were each
rewarded fortheir loyalty tothe Valois dynasty by thecreation ofduchy-
peeragesPenthivre (1569), Piney (1576) andBrienne (1587)done
inpart tocounter-balance thenow numerous duchy-peerages oftheHouse
ofGuise. Atthesame time they were recognised by Henri III as one
ofthequatres maisons ofprincely rank resident inFrance in1581,
asnoted above. Henri even created aprincipality forthem in1587, erected
onTingry inthe Boulonnaisa dubious title juridically, andone rarely
found inFrench history, since it legally removed territory from thejurisdic-
tion ofall royal justice save thekings immediate council ofstate. Incon-
trast, almost all other princely titles borne by theprinces trangers were
recognised, not created, by theFrench monarchy, andthis is an important
distinction tomake54. Thecadet branches ofthe House ofLuxembourg
were all extinct by themiddle ofthe seventeenth century; their vast estates
andprincely aspirations were then useful inboosting therank andpres-
tige oftheir heirs, thefamilies ofBourbon-Vendme andMontmorency-
Bouteville, inthe ensuing century55.
The French crowns policy ofamalgamation offrontier princely dynas-
ties is especially noteworthy inthe far south, inGascony andthe Pyrenees.
Theearliest non-royal duchy-peerages were created toenhance thestatus
(and thus attempt tosecure theloyalty) ofpremier magnates inthis region
from thehouses ofArmagnac andFoix (both were given theduchy-
53
Potter, D. TheLuxembourg Inheritance. P.27.
54
See: Spangler, J. LesPrinces trangers: Truly Princes? Truly Foreign? There is concrete
evidence forthe creation ofthe principality ofJoinville inChampagne forthe Guise,
andshadowy details fora handful ofother creations, such as Gumn fortheRohans
or (possibly) Mantoue forthe Gonzagas.
55
The Montmorency received eventually a duchy-peerage of Luxembourg, and its
most famous member, themarchal-duc deLuxembourg, even requested formal rec-
ognition from Louis XIV ofhis sons as princes trangers after he had conquered thereal
duchy ofLuxembourg from theSpanish inthe 1680swith little success (Rowlands,G.
TheDynastic State andthe Army under Louis XIV. Cambridge, 2002. P.327329).

67
J. Spangler

peerage ofNemours, in1461 and1507, respectively; thecounty ofFoix


was also re-granted as apeerage in1458). Their neighbours, thelords
ofAlbret, acted as both peers ofFrance andalso champions ofNavarrese
independence, after themarriage ofJean dAlbret andCatherine deFoix,
queen ofNavarre, in148456. Dual allegiance ofborderland princes thus went
further back into history. Indeed, earlier uses ofthis technique can be seen
inthe fourteenth century with thedukes ofBar andBrittany, onthe eastern
andwestern fringes ofthe evolving Capetian kingdom. Each was given
apeerage, asameans ofbinding these princes more tightly tothe French
crown (with mixed success). Afascinating article by Philippe Depreux
allows us totake this concept even further back, tothe Merovingian period,
where rulers ofterritories bordering theFrankish realm sent their sons
totheMerovingian court with thegoal oftransformation, through baptism
or education, from hostages into guests, andinto long-term allies57.
But why is an analysis ofthe use ofpeerages toattract andbind for-
eign princes tothe French crown important forthe early modern period?
Thepeers represented tosome theFrankish people, electing (or atleast
validating) their king58. Toothers it represented theunificationofthekings
family andhis greatest magnates, tied together by ritual andby blood.
Asthepeerage was extended tothe princes trangers inthe late fifteenth
andearly sixteenth centuries, they therefore came torepresent thekings
blood, inritual andthe ceremonial face ofthe monarchy, andit was therefore
important that they were infact related tohim. French monarchs also used
theclout ofthese foreign princes toconsolidate their hold over theFrench
native aristocracy, anddistanced themselves andtheir blood further from
them. It has also been suggested that thesixteenth-century Valois were
keen toraise up foreign princes as acounter-balance tothe inherent power
56
Anselme deSainte-Marie. Histoire Gnalogique etChronologique. Vol. III. P.423
(Armagnac); Vol. III. P. 342 (Foix); and Vol. VI. P. 205 (Albret). For recent work
on the relationships between France, Foix and Navarre at the end of the fifteenth
century, see: Woodacre, E. The Queens Regnant of Navarre: Succession, Politics
andPartnership, 12741512. New York, 2013.
57
Depreux, P.Princes, princesses etnobles trangers la cour desrois mrovingiens
et carolingiens: allis, htes ou otages?, in: Ltranger au Moyen ge / d. Socit
deshistoriens mdivistes delenseignement suprieur public. Paris, 2000. P.154.
58
Jackson, R. Elective Kingship andConsensus Populi inSixteenth-Century France, in: Jour-
nal ofModern History. 1972. Vol. 44, No 2. P.155171. According toJackson, like much else
about theRenaissance monarchy ofFrance, this tradition was inpart invented.

68
Sons and Daughters Sent Abroad...

ofroyal blood increasingly exploited by theHouse ofBourbon inthe six-


teenth century59. This support, however, led tothe seemingly unstoppable
rise ofthe Guise (and their allies, Gonzague-Nevers andSavoie-Nemours),
until finally reversed through violent means. Their influence inthe affairs
ofthe Kingdom declined across theseventeenth century, andthe number
oflegitimate princes ofthe blood rose once again, tothe extent that, by
thecoronation ofLouis XV in1722, all six ofthe lay peers were represented
by Bourbons, without exception60. This rise andfall ofthe representational
power ofthe princes trangers as peers is part ofa much wider discussion
about aristocratic anddynastic self-conceptualisations, andthe overwhelm-
ing identification ofthe individual with thegroup rather than simply
theself, andthe importance ofblood incementing this group identity61.
Nevertheless, something more was required than blood links andinde-
pendent wealth toensure success or survival ofa small border dynasty.
Consider theexample ofthe House ofSaluzzo, who ruled asmall border
principality inthe Piedmont. Indeed, they alone ofthe families inthis
survey bore themost appropriate title: marchese, literally, lord ofa march
or frontier. TheGonzaga andEste families both used this title before
their fiefs were elevated todukedoms (by imperial grant); andthe House
ofLorraines formal representative position within theconstitutional
structure ofthe Holy Roman Empirethat is, its vote inthe Dietwas
as marchio (or margrave). Although unspecified indocuments asmar-
grave ofwhat precisely, it is thought toindicate theresponsibility toguard
thefrontier region ofthe river Meuse that had divided France from
theEmpire since theninth century62. Inasimilar fashion, theAlpine lords

59
Jackson, R. Peers ofFrance andPrinces ofthe Blood.
60
Compare thelists ofpeers atthe coronations ofLouis XIII in1610 (three Bourbons,
one Gonzague, one Lorraine, andone non-princely duc-et-pair, Nogaret dEpernon)
andLouis XIV in1654 (two Bourbons, one Lorraine, andthree non-princes: Noga-
ret, Gouffier and Bournonville). The peers in 1722 were Orlans, Chartres, Cond,
Charolais, Clermont andConti. In1775, they were Provence, Artois, Orlans, Chartres,
Cond andBourbon (Enghien). See Levantal, C.Ducs etpairs (annexes), foracom-
plete listing ofthe representative peers atcoronations inthe early modern period.
61
Onkinship andaffinity, see: Kinship inEurope: Approaches toLong-Term Devel-
opment (13001900) / Ed. by D. Sabean, S.Teuscher, J. Mathieu. New York/Oxford,
2007, notably chapters by K.-H. Spiess andM. Hohkamp.
62
Thiou, E. Dictionnaire destitres etdes terres titres enFrance sous lAncien Rgime.
Versailles, 2003.

69
J. Spangler

ofSavoy gained their first toeholds inItaly inthe eleventh century through
their hold ofthe imperial marches ofSusa, Ivrea andTurin.
The marchesi ofSaluzzo had French royal blood links (though inter-
marriage with thefamilies ofBlois andFoix), anda history ofsending
prelate sons toserve inFrance (bishops ofValence andMende intheearly
fifteenth century, abishop ofAire inthe sixteenth). They even had agood
track record ofmilitary service: Marchese Ludovico II was Viceroy
ofNaples forthe French in1503; his successor Michele Antonio distin-
guished himself atthe side ofFranois I atPavia in1525. But theyounger
son, Ludovico, had followed thetraditional path ofbalancing his brothers
pro-French alliance with Imperial service, andwas therefore onthe wrong
side when he succeeded tothe marquisate in1528. Ludovico III was duly
deposed by theFrench within ayear, andalthough theFrench replaced
him successively with his two brothersone ofwhom was named com-
mander ofFrench troops innorthern Italy andgovernor ofoccupied Savoy-
Piedmont; andeven secured his place inthe court hierarchy through amar-
riage tothe daughter ofaroyal favourite andMarchal deFrance, Claude
dAnnebaultthe family never fully recovered their sovereignty, andby
1548 Saluzzo was annexed (temporarily) toFrance. An illegitimate branch
ofthe Saluzzo (Saluces) was established inFrance immediately following
theannexation, andobtained significant posts atthe courts ofCharles IX
andHenri III, andwere formally legitimised by theformer in1566. Were
these ever considered princes trangers? Though they faded from prominence
quite dramatically inthe seventeenth century, according toCourcelles, one
ofthese attemptedunsuccessfullyas late as 1773 tore-claim princely
status as heir tothe formerly sovereign marquisate ofSaluzzo63.

***
Before concluding, it is useful toreturn toa contrast insuccess versus
failure tosee if ashift had occurred inthe relationship between theFrench
monarchy andits smaller neighbours from theearly sixteenth century
tothe early seventeenth, andalso toremind ourselves that this story is not
solely about Frances south-eastern neighbours, but concerns small border
states inthe northeast as well. TheDuchy ofLorraine maintained its inde-
63
Jullien deCourcelles, J.-B.-P. Histoire Gnalogique etHraldique desPairs deFrance,
desdignitaires dela couronne, desprincipales familles nobles du royaume etdes mai-
sons princires delEurope. Paris, 18221833. Vol. V: Lur-Saluces. P.4850.

70
Sons and Daughters Sent Abroad...

pendence inthe sixteenth century by serving as abulwark ofCatholicism,


closely allied tothe House ofFrance.
Next door, thetiny principality ofSedan told adifferent story. Its rul-
ers atthe beginning ofthe century, theLa Marck (another cadet branch
ofthe House ofCleves), made careful treaties with theKing ofFrance
(notably theTreaty ofRomorantin, 1521) by which they promised loyalty
andservice, not as subjects, but as allies. Like so many other families
inthis study, they consolidated their alliance through theefforts ofa prel-
ate, Cardinal Erard, Prince-Bishop ofLige, who balanced an initial close
alliance with Louis XII ofFrance with service tothe Emperor Maximil-
ianIhis benefices were diverse, holding episcopal seats both atChartres
andValencia before he died in153864. But by the1560s theLa Marcks had
converted toProtestantism, andSedan became ahaven forreligious print-
ing andCalvinist education, adestabilising force onFrances north-east
frontier. Thelast princes heir, Charlotte, married an able soldier andstates-
man, anda close friend ofthe new king, Henri IV: Henri dela Tour,
vicomte deTurenne, who was also aProtestant. Thetreaty ofDonchry
in1606 was more solid than that ofRomorantin, inthat it specifically used
thewords sovereign when referring toSedan. But thesuccess ofTurenne
(also claiming thesemi-sovereign but contested duchy ofBouillon) was
consolidated by balancing his personal favour with theking ofFrance with
anon-French marital alliance after Charlottes death, with abride from
theCalvinist princely clans ofnorthern Europe (Orange-Nassau, Hesse,
andthe Counts Palatine)65. Unlike theforeign princes whose status was
secured by membership inforeign dynasties, theLa Tour needed tocon-
struct their princely status through foreign alliances. Theprinces trangers
ofthe seventeenth century would face very different challenges tothose
ofthe sixteenth, as grandees squarely inthe crosshairs ofthe centralising
efforts ofCardinal Richelieu, though ultimately they would find anew modus
vivendi as part ofthe ceremonial theatre ofstate atLouis XIVs Versailles66.
As some ofthe older princely clans inFrance became extinct (notably
theLuxembourg, in1616 inthe male line), or indeed moved back totheir
place oforigin (the Gonzague), they were replaced by new princely
64
Lonchay, H. Biographie nationale. Brussels, 1897. Vol. XIII. Cols. 497512.
65
Hodson, S.Politics ofthe Frontier. P.436.
66
These new challenges (and subsequent adaptations) are themain subject ofSpan-
gler, J. TheSociety ofPrinces.

71
J. Spangler

families, who had towork abit harder togain formal recognition. With
theextinction ofthe House ofAlbret andthe elevation ofthe House
ofBourbon tothe throne ofFrance, their Rohan cousins positioned
themselves as thenext heirs tothe sovereign kingdom ofNavarre (should
it ever be re-established), though they later modified their dynastic rep-
resentation topresent themselves as heirs tothe ancient Celtic kingdom
ofBrittany, where thebulk oftheir properties andpower were located67.
Itwould take their conversion toCatholicism andthe chaos ofthe Frondes
forthese ambitious claims tobe solidly recognised by theFrench Crown.
Others were not so successful, forexample theLa Trmolle, whose claims
tobe thetrue heirs ofthe kingdom ofNaples (their eldest son was there-
fore known as thePrince ofTaranto) were never fully recognised68.
Others held genuine, if miniscule, sovereignty andwere recognised
assuch: theLongueville inNeuchtel (in Switzerland), andthe Grimaldi
inMonaco. Again, both ofthese had help: theformer were distantly
related tothe French monarch (from an illegitimate branch ofthe royal
house) andallied themselves by marriage tothe powerful Bourbon-Cond
clan; thelatter secured their recognition as princes trangers through afirm
political andmarital alliance with theremaining Lorraine-Guise princes
who enjoyed close personal favour with Louis XIV himself, notably Louis
deLorraine, comte dArmagnac69.
This personal favour helped re-establish theposition ofthe Lorraine
cadets atthe top ofthe court hierarchy atVersailles after thefamilys
influence was nearly completely destroyed inthe 1630s. It is also relevant
toconsider this re-establishment ofthe prominence ofthe princes trang-
ers inthe light oftheir original purpose forbeing inFrance: totend
theinterests oftheir native dynasty. Inthecase ofthe Lorraine-Guise,
this is clearly evident, inthe re-establishment ofthe independence ofthe
Duchy ofLorraine, after nearly six decades ofFrench military occupation.
This was animportant issue forthe Lorraine princes inFrance, affecting
their status: if their dynastic home was no longer asovereign state, how
could they maintain thepretence ofsovereign rank themselves? TheLor-
raine cadets were therefore important players inthe negotiations that led
up totherestoration ofDuke Lopold ofLorraine following theTreaty
67
Foran overview, see: Boulaire, A. LesRohan. Paris, 2001.
68
Kmec, S.Across theChannel.
69
Spangler, J. Society ofPrinces. P.99105.

72
Sons and Daughters Sent Abroad...

ofRyswick of169770. But this was toprove atemporary gain, anddid


not prevent Lorraines eventual annexation toFrance in1737. Similarly,
theDuke ofSavoy, Victor Amadeus II, played aprecarious diplomatic
game by balancing his own Habsburg kinship ties with aFrench marriage
in1684, andsending theresulting daughter tobe married tothe Bourbon
heir in1696. His victory, by preserving theindependence ofthe Duchy
ofSavoy (and pushing it into theranks ofEuropes fully independent
kingdoms from 1713) can inpart be attributed tothese policies, though
ofcourse there are many other factors, notably thestrategic value ofhis
states control ofAlpine passes71. Moreover this success was achieved
inspite ofa failure ofthe cadet branches resident inFrance: thesenior
cadet branch (Nemours) had died out in1659, but there remained another,
theSavoie-Soissons (or Savoia-Carignano) who moved back andforth
between Versailles andTurin; nevertheless, its influence was limited due
toaffronts caused by its most prominent members, Olympe, countess
ofSoissons, andher son, Prince Eugne72. Yet Eugne can perhaps be cred-
ited with contributing tothe preservation ofthe independence ofSavoy,
not through French support as with thecomte dArmagnac, but through
his personal favour ofthe Emperor inVienna, andhis tremendous military
skill. It pays tohave abalance strategy between Vienna andVersailles.
Nevertheless, balance was not always afailsafe policy (as seen above
forSaluzzo). But it was thebest strategy available, andone which semi-sov-
ereign dynasties would continue toemploy forthe rest ofthe early modern
period. ForFrance was not theonly important court inEurope, andfur-
ther research needs tobe done oncadet lineages established atthe courts
ofVienna, Madrid andBrussels, andthe movements ofprinces between
them.73 When one son (or daughter) was sent toFrance, another was often
sent toa Habsburg court. Going back tothe late fifteenth andearly sixteenth
centuries, we can see examples ofsplit service inthe princely states ofnorth-
70
Spangler, J. Le rappel des princes de sang par Lopold: Une stratgie politique
pour rehausser limage ducale, in: changes, passages ettransferts la cour deLunville
(16971729) / d. A. Motta. Rennes, 2017.
71
Storrs, C.War, Diplomacy andthe Rise ofSavoy, 16901720. Cambridge, 1999.
72
The Savoy branches in France in this later period await a modern academic
study oftheir own.
73
See: Spangler, J. Those InBetween: Princely Families onthe Margins ofthe Great
PowersThe Franco-German Frontier, 14771830, in: Trans-regional andTransnational
Families / Eds. S. H. Johnson, D. W. Sabean. New York/Oxford, 2011. P.131154.

73
J. Spangler

ern Italy (where ofcourse much ofearly modern diplomatic tactics were
born). Inthe1440s, Lorenzo Gonzaga commanded Venetian troops intheir
fight against theSforzas forcontrol ofMilan, while his younger brother
Carlo entered theservice ofthe same Sforzas against Venice.74 Ayounger son
ofthe duke ofMantua, Ferrante Gonzaga, count ofGuastalla, became asuc-
cessful commander andgovernor inthe service ofCharles V (Commander-
in-Chief ofthe Emperors Italian forces in1527, Viceroy ofSicily in1535,
andGovernor ofMilan in1546), having been sent toSpain inhis teens, only
afew years after his brother Federicos sojourn atthe French court, examined
above75. Ferrante established afirm foundation fora cadet branch inLom-
bardy, tied tothe Habsburg monarchy, theGonzaga di Guastalla, which
could counter-balance theGonzague-Nevers inFrance, andultimately led
tothe Franco-Imperial showdown over Mantua andMonferrato in1628.
Asimilar case can be made forthe Este inneighbouring Ferrara, where
theinterests ofthe normally Francophile dukes were counter-balanced by
their pro-Imperial cousins, theEste di San Martino76.
Across theApennines from Mantua andFerrara, when Cosimo I
deMedici, duke ofFlorence, aggressively committed himself toa Papal-
Imperial alliance inthe 1560s, rejecting his traditionally pro-French stance,
he first sent his young son andheir tothe Spanish court tolearn Habsburg
etiquette, ensured that his brother was given acardinals cap, then acquired
an Imperial bride forthe heir onhis return toFlorence. He celebrated this
inMedici style with an enormous festival production, andwas rewarded
with an elevation ofhis title by thePope togrand duke ofTuscany77.
Andyet, Tuscany remained tied toFrance inthe person ofQueen Cath-
erine, andrenewed these ties with themarriage ofher grand-daughter,
Christina ofLorraine tothe Grand Duke in158978. As above, this notion
ofbalance should be considered inlight ofnot just ofprincely sons, but
indaughters andprelates who performed similar diplomatic roles: cardi-
74
Simon, K. Renaissance Tapestry. P.3839.
75
Pescasio, L. Don Ferrante Gonzaga, principe di Molfetta, signore di Guastalla, vice-
r di Sicilia, governatore di Milano, stratega dellimperatore Carlo V. Suzzara, 2000.
76
Formally princes of the Empire from 1623 (Litta, P. Famiglie celebri dItalia.
Torino, 1835. Vol. V, Este).
77
Cochrane, E. Florence inthe Forgotten Centuries, 15271800. Chicago, 1973. P.91.
78
Strunck, C.How Chrestienne became Cristina. Political andCultural Encounters
between Tuscany andLorraine, in: Medici Women as Cultural Mediators (15331743) /
Ed. by C.Strunck. Milan, 2011.

74
Sons and Daughters Sent Abroad...

nals andbishops are easy tofind inPapal or Imperial service, andMedici


andGonzaga brides become an extremely attractive alternative toHabs-
burg dynastic endogamy by theearly seventeenth century.

***
It is apparent that there are anumber offactors that contribute tofor-
eign policy decisions made by semi-sovereign princely families onthe
margins ofgreat powers, andindeed that contributed toboth individual
anddynastic success forsons ofdaughters ofsuch families sent abroad
toaforeign court. Key ingredients were ablood relationship with thehost-
ing monarch andan independent means ofsupporting aprincely life-
style, but other necessities included individual skill, courtly character
andtheability tobalance family strategy between French andHispano-
Imperial alliances. Sometimes it was simply luck. Andit is clear that this
success or failure should not be seen solely inthe longevity andpower
ofcadet branches established inFrance, such as theGuise or theGon-
zaga, or inthe parallel actions ofits prelates andprincesses, as intheEste
andMedici, but also inthe long-term health ofthedynasties oforigin,
seen, forexample, inthe occupation, restoration then annexation forLor-
raine; or theoccupation, restoration, then advancement tofully royal
status forSavoy. More work needs tobe done tounderstand this dynamic
inother French border regions not covered indepth here: notably thesmall
German principalities ofthe Middle Rhine, who did send dynastic mem-
bers tothe French court, sometimes with great impact. Examples include
Jean deSarrebruck (Saarbrcken), who as bishop-peer ofChalons acted
asone ofthe six ecclesiastical peers atthe coronation of1429; ortheCount-
Palatine Jean-Casimir deDeux-Ponts (Zweibrcken), aleading Calvinist
commander inthe Wars ofReligion. Did these act merely as individuals,
or was awider dynastic strategy involved?
This study ofthe survival strategies ofminor ruling families instra-
tegic border regions is important: it allows us torevise ideas about state
building andproto-nationalism inthe early modern era, by noting that
atthe same time French kings were consolidating their frontiersnotably
by incorporating frontier elitesthey were also continuing tomake use
ofcenturies old trans-national aspects ofthe society ofprinces, thediplo-
matic glue that held Europe together, andwould continue todo so until

75
J. Spangler

well into theeighteenth century, andeven beyond.79 Ashas been pointed


out recently by Charles Lipp, studies ofsmall states inEurope are essen-
tial toour understanding ofthe early modern period, as they represent
what should be considered as normal formany peoples experiences
inEurope, rather than thelarge centralised states onEuropes western
edge80. It was not agiven that regions like Germany andItaly would follow
thepathways being laid down by France, Great Britain or Spain inthesix-
teenth andseventeenth centuries, so totruly understand theinternational
politics ofthe timeand lessons it can teach us about centralisation
ordecentralisation inEurope today; tatisme versus regionalismit is
important toexamine closely thediplomatic manoeuvrings ofthe ruling
families ofEuropes smaller states.
From this study, three main themes emerge. Thefirst is aclarification:
although onthe surface it appeared tomany commentators (contemporaries
andlater historians) that foreign princes came toFrance as part ofdynastic
strategy towin security forthe territories ruled by dynasties ofsmall states,
it is now clear that many ofthese princes were invited by French kings,
as ameans tostabilize their borders. Thesecond point is that, once these
princes arrived, diplomatic success depended onindividual skill andcourt-
liness, but almost as much onthe dual factors ofhaving blood links
tothemonarch, andon securing an independent income (in other words,
beggars rarely triumphed; though some gambles paid off). Finally, we can
measure success as something beyond individual triumphs (though those
were helpful, toestablish areputation, even legend, that outlived theindi-
vidual andbenefited theclan as awhole), andinstead inthe establishment
ofa long-term presencea cadet dynastyin France, steadily accumulat-
ing revenues andclout within French politics, which could be put togood
use when thehealth ofthe senior branch ofthe dynasty was threatened.
As we have seen, inthe period that followed, both Lorraine andSavoy
benefitted from having senior courtiers inthe entourages ofLouis XIII
andLouis XIV intimes ofcrisis. Even someone like theduc deRohan,
whose claimed sovereign state was by this period afiction (the ancient
independent kingdom ofBrittany), nevertheless had acrucial role inusing
79
Foraprime example, see Goujon, B. LesArenberg: Legotha lheure desnations,
18201919. Paris, 2017.
80
Lipp, C.Noble Strategies inan Early Modern Small State: TheMahuet ofLorraine.
Rochester, NY, 2011. P.13.

76
Sons and Daughters Sent Abroad...

his membership inthe network ofnorthern Protestant princes (includ-


ing England andthe Netherlands) inrepresenting theneeds ofFrench
Huguenots inthe troubling years ofthe early seventeenth century81. From
thepoint ofview ofthe French crown, these dynasties could also be useful
inretaining key strategic allies insensitive regions, as inthe Mantuan Suc-
cession crisis of1628, inwhich aGonzaga prince resident inFrance was
able toclaim theduchy ofMantua successfully, inopposition tohis pro-
Habsburg Gonzaga cousins. There were also trans-national princely links
that went theother way. Thesenior branch ofthe House ofMontmorency,
having established itself inthe southern Low Countries following afailed
rebellion inthe fifteenth century, made use oftheir strong trans-national
connections inthe service ofthe king ofSpain, andwere rewarded with
therank ofprince themselves by Spain in1630. But these connections
await closer academic scrutiny82.
It is plausible tosurmise that thequickening rate ofdisappearance
ofsmall states atthe start ofthe sixteenth centuryNavarre, Milan,
Naples, Guelders (and only afew decades before that, Holland andLux-
embourg)prompted anew strategy tobe adopted by second-tier bor-
der families. This is not tosay that thestrategy always worked; as seen
intheexample ofSaluzzo. Andit is not say that younger sons anddaugh-
ters ofthese families were not sent toestablish themselves atthe French
court inprevious centuries. Numerous examples can be found. But there
had never before been such aclear effort toestablish permanent repre-
sentatives ofthese foreign dynasties. Moreover, theFrench monarchy
was receptive towelcoming them with top honours due tothe gap left
behind intheceremonial life ofthe court by thedisappearance ofthe
cadet branches ofthe French royal house itself. French monarchs were
also quick torecognise thevalue ofhaving natural diplomats ofsuch high
status attheir disposal. That other second-tier sovereignties did not estab-
lish long-term cadet branches atthe French court can be explained ina
variety ofmanners: papal politics inItaly operated under its own dynamic,
so theEste inFerrara (and later inModena) andthe Medici inFlorence
remained French allies (mostly) out ofa desire toescape Papal control;
andin theyears when thePapacy itself was pro-French, Roman cardinals
81
Dewald, J. Status, Power, andIdentity inEarly Modern France: TheRohan Family.
82
TheBelgian branch ofthe family is mostly absent, forexample, ina new work
by Dessert, D. LesMontmorency: Mille ans au service desrois deFrance. Paris, 2015.

77
J. Spangler

functioned as princes trangers, notably theBarberinis (Francesco andAnto-


nio) inthe1650s. Andwe have seen that representation ofthese families
was also maintained through women like Catherine de Medici andAnne
dEste. It is therefore important not todiscount theroles played by family
cardinals who filled thegap if apermanent lineage was not established, or
by foreign princesses. It is also prudent tosay that while thesuccess stories
ofthe sixteenth-century prince tranger families ina few cases extended
asfar as theend ofthe ancien rgimewitness theimportant roles played
atthe court ofLouisXVI by Lorraine princes inthe entourage oftheir
distant cousin, Marie-Antoinette (whose father was thelast sovereign duke
ofLorraine)83in other circumstances their power significantly waned by
thelate seventeenth century, as recently pointed out by Anna Blum, held
incheck by thehigh native French aristocracy84.
Back in1517, another heir toa disappearing state onthe borders
ofthe French kingdom was thechild Henri dAlbret, prince ofNavarre,
with whom this essay began. TheAlbret princes were not referred toas
princes trangers atthe court ofFranois I as theterm did not fully develop
until much later inthe century. But there are many characteristics that situ-
ate them firmly within this study. Several times theestates ofthe sovereign
viscounty ofBarn asked forthe young prince tobe returned tothe south,
but Franois I explicitly chose tokeep him athis court85, anda decade later,
consolidated his links by offering him his own sister Marguerite inmar-
riage. An earlier marriage within this dynastic circle had already been use-
ful tothe foreign strategies ofthe French monarchy, that ofthegenerally
overlooked Charlotte dAlbret, Prince Henris aunt, who was married tothe
infamous Cesare Borgia, andgiven theduchy ofValentinois, as part ofthe
complex diplomatic manoeuvres ofLouis XII andCesares father, Pope

83
Kaiser, T. Ambiguous Identities: Marie-Antoinette andthe House ofLorraine from
theAffair ofthe Minuet toLambescs Charge, in: Marie-Antoinette. Writings onthe
Body of a Queen / Ed. by D. Goodman. New York, 2003. P. 171198. There are
references to Marie-Antoinette bearing the surname Lorraine (not Habsburg)
inher marriage contract, andindeed ather trial in1793. See forexample, Procs
deMarie-Antoinette, deLorraine-dAutriche, veuve Capet, du 23 du premier du
mois, lan 2 dela Rpublique. 1793.
84
Blum, A. La Diplomatie de la France en Italie du Nord au temps de Richelieu
etMazarin. Paris, 2015.
85
Boissonade, P.Histoire dela reunion dela Navarre la Castille. Chapter 5.

78
Sons and Daughters Sent Abroad...

Alexander VI86. TheFoix-Albret financial base within France was secure87.


Thekey ingredients were there: kinship andindependent wealth. Yet inthe
face ofgreater Spanish power, they never recovered their sovereign state.
Inanother sense, however, they did achieve amuch larger prize: through
theconsolidation oftheHouse ofNavarre first with theHouse ofBourbon
inthe 1560s, then with theHouse ofFrance itself following theaccession
ofHenri deBourbon, king ofNavarre, as king ofFrance in1589.

Information onthe article


Spangler, J. Sons andDaughters Sent Abroad: Successes andFailures ofForeign
Princes atthe French Court inthe Sixteenth Century, in: Proslogion: Studies in Medi-
eval and Early Modern Social History and Culture, 2017. Vol. 3 (1). P. 4889.
Jonathan Spangler, Doctor of Philology (Oxon), Manchester Metropolitan
University (All Saints, Manchester M15 6BH, United Kingdom)
j.spangler@mmu.ac.uk
In theera ofcentralisation ofthe great powers inEurope, dynasties rul-
ing smaller states onthe margins between France, Spain andthe Holy Roman
Empire developed strategies forsurvival. One ofthese was toestablish apresence
atthecourts ofthese larger states, by sending members ofthe ruling dynasty itself.
This article looks inparticular atthe court ofFrance, where such princely emissaries
established lineages known tohistorians as theforeign princes, theprinces trangers.
TheFrench monarchy desired thepresence ofthese princes as well, forvarious politi-
cal andceremonial reasons. Thesuccesses andfailures ofthe foreign princes sent
tothe French court can be measured atthe individual level andthe wider dynastic
level, andare examined by scrutinising activities ofsecular princes (male andfemale)
as well as prelates. Theresults are varied, anddepended ona variety ofever-shifting
factors, notably theestablishment ofkinship ties with theroyal dynasty, asolid
independent financial base, andindividual character. By theend ofthe period, some
smaller states had survived; others had not.
Keywords: Foreign princes, diplomacy, sovereignty, dynasticism, France, Lorraine,
Savoy, Cleves, Mantua


Spangler, J. Sons andDaughters Sent Abroad: Successes andFailures ofForeign
Princes atthe French Court inthe Sixteenth Century, .: Proslogion:

86
Baumgartner, F. Louis XII. New York, 1994. P.7879.
87
See: Eurich, S. A. The Economics of Power: The Private Finances of the House
ofFoix-Navarre-Albret during theReligious Wars. Kirksville, MO, 1994.

79
J. Spangler

. 2017.
.3 (1). . 4889.
, . . .,
(All Saints, Manchester M15 6BH, United Kingdom)
j.spangler@mmu.ac.uk
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in: French History. 1992. Vol. 6. P.206215.
Nassiet, M. Parent, noblesse ettats dynastiques: XVe XVIe sicles. Paris:
ditions delEcole deshautes tudes ensciences sociales, 2000. 374 p.
Nijsten, G. IntheShadow ofBurgundy: TheCourt ofGuelders inthe Late
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G. C.Gibbs, H. M. Scott. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997. P.149187.

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Pescasio, L. Don Ferrante Gonzaga, principe di Molfetta, signore di Guastalla,


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Rowlands, G. TheDynastic State andthe Army under Louis XIV. Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 2002. 404 p.
Severidt, E. Familie, Verwandtschaft undKarriere bei denGonzaga. Struktur
undFunktion vonFamilie undVerwandtschaft bei denGonzaga undihren deut-
schen Verwandten, 14441519. Leinfelden-Echterdingen: DRW-Verlag, 2002. 341 p.
Simon, K. ARenaissance Tapestry: TheGonzaga ofMantua. New York: Harper
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Solnon, J.-F. LaCour deFrance. Paris: Fayard, 1987. 649 p.
Spangler, J. Lerappel desprinces desang par Lopold: Une stratgie politique
pour rehausser limage ducale, in: changes, passages ettransferts la cour deLunville
(16971729) / d. A. Motta. Rennes: Presses universitaires deRennes, 2017 (en cours).
Spangler, J. LesPrinces trangers: Truly Princes? Truly Foreign? Typologies
ofPrincely Status, Trans-Nationalism andIdentity inEarly Modern France, in:
Adel undNation inder Neuzeit: Hierarchie, Egalitt undLoyalitt 16.20. Jahrhundert /
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3F 432, fol. 181
3F 348

89

C. Valdaliso-Casanova

Ipsa Domina Agnes. On the historical basis


of the myth of Ins de Castro1

1
The common basis shared by historical episodes, legends, andmyths
can be reduced toa sentence: Once upon atime, something happened.
Thedifference between them lies inwhether thestory really happened,
or not. This apparently simple distinction, however, is not always easy
tomake. Forinstance, when studying theMiddle Ages, it is quite com-
mon forthe researchers toanalyze historical episodes that contain ficti-
tious elements. Sometimes truths andlies were mixed inthe testimonies
toachieve ausually politicalobjective. Frequently, facts andfiction
were blended by theauthors ofmedieval historiographical texts. Thedefi-
nition ofrealand also oftrue, actual, orauthenticbeing
so complex inthis context, it is especially challenging toestablish
thelimits between fact, legend, andmyth when ahistorical epi-
sode has become legendary or mythological. Still, anyone who intends
tostudy thehistorical basis ofthe mythor legendof Ins deCastro
must try tosolve this set ofproblems: thequestionable veracity ofthe
testimonies, thecomplex characteristics ofthe medieval historiographical
texts, andthe borders that separate history, legend, andmyth. Thelast
one is perhaps theeasiest towork out.
Presently, andaccording tothe Oxford Dictionary, theterm legend
means a traditional story sometimes popularly regarded as historical but
not authenticated; while amyth is a traditional story, especially one
1
This paper has been written inthe remit ofthe project Lugares depoder e configura-
o poltica do reino portugus (12791383) (FCTSFRH/BDP/73087/2010). Iwould
like tothank Adriana Almeida forthe gentle corrections andhelpful suggestions.
C. Valdaliso-Casanova, 2017
Ipsa Domina Agnes. On the historical basis...

concerning theearly history ofa people or explaining anatural or social


phenomenon, andtypically involving supernatural beings or events.
Inother words, alegend is astory coming down from thepast, set
inahistorical context, andaccompanied by historical facts, considered
historical although not verifiable. Amyth, an elaborated account that
tries tomake intelligible something otherwise difficult toexplaincrea-
tion, divinity, religion, natural phenomenausually including fantastical
elements. This division explains why there is alegend ofKing Arthur
anda myth ofHeracles; but not why thedeath ofIns deCastro, ahis-
torical episode that turned into alegend, is usually designated as myth.
To understand why this designation is valid, it becomes necessary
tointroduce other meanings ofthe terms. Besides stories, both leg-
ends andmyths can be real personsextremely famous or notorious,
inthecase oflegends, andidealized or exaggerated inthat ofmyths.
It istherefore accurate tosay Ins deCastroa famous andideal-
ized historical characteris simultaneously alegend anda myth. Itis
furthermore correct tosay she is atthe same time alegend, amyth,
andalegendary andmythological character. Being theetymological
origins ofthe words legend andmyth, respectively, something
tobe read (legenda), andstory (), Ins deCastro can be con-
sidered simultaneously afamous andidealized person, andthe passive
heroine ofher own legenda or ; that is, astory known forcenturies
andsignificant inthe European culture.
The essence ofthis story is themurder ofIns, themistress ofPrince
Pedro ofPortugal, by order ofKing Afonso IV. After that, theprince
rebelled against his father, started awar and, oncoming tothe throne,
solemnly declared he andIns had actually been married, andpro-
claimed her queen after her death. Thestory has evolved inpoems,
theatre plays, paintings, andnovels from theMiddle Ages until our days,
seducing audiences throughout generations with its appealing elements:
theunfair execution, theconsequent war, thelater vengeance, theeternal
love unconquered by time or death2. Numerous narratives have recreated
2
Onthe literature about thestory, Costa, J. P.Ins deCastro (1320?1355): Musa
detantas paixes. Bibliografia anotada. Lisboa, 2009; Roig, A. Inesiana oubibliogra-
fia geral sobre Ins deCastro. Coimbra, 1986; Sousa, M. L. M. 1) Ins deCastro: Um
tema portugus na Europa. Lisboa, 2004; 2) Ins deCastro na literatura portuguesa.
Lisboa, 1984.

91
C. Valdaliso-Casanova

thepicture ofthe innocent andhelpless victim asking forclemency,


surrounded by her children. Thescene was recounted bythechronicler
Rui dePina about acentury anda half after it happened, andpopular-
ized byLus deCames inthe probably most well-known fragment
ofthepoem Os Lusadas3:
Shalt thou, who wearst thesacred stamp ofHeaven,
The human form divine, shalt thou deny
That aid, that pity, which een beasts supply!
Oh, that thy heart were, as thy looks declare,
Of human mould, superfluous were my prayer;

Thou couldst not, then, ahelpless damsel slay,


Whose sole offence infond affection lay,

In faith tohim who first his love confessd,


Who first tolove allurd her virgin breast.
In these my babes shalt thou thine image see,
And, still tremendous, hurl thy rage onme?
Me, fortheir sakes, if yet thou wilt not spare,
Oh, let these infants prove thy pious care!

The death ofIns is not theonly episode that has been repeatedly
evoked. According tothe 15th century chronicler Ferno Lopes, when
theprince became king he carried out asadistic revenge against her
murderers, ordering two macabre executions4:

3
TheLusiad or TheDiscovery ofIndia. An Epic Poem. Translated from thePortuguese
ofLuis deCamons by William Julius Mickle. London, 1877. Theoriginal text isthis:
tu, que tens dehumano o gesto e o peito / (Se dehumano matar ha donzela, / Fraca
e sem fora, s por ter sujeito / O corao aquem soube vencla), / Aestas criancinhas tem
respeito, / Pois o no tens morte escura dela; / Movate apiedade sua e minha, / Pois te
no move aculpa que no tinha (Os Lusadas, Canto III, 127). See Sousa, M. L. M. Oepi-
sdio camoniano deIns deCastro em Inglaterra, in: Actas do Colquio Comemorativo
do VI Centenrio do Tratado deWindsor. Porto, 1988. P.151160.
4
E el-rrei com queixume dizem que deu hu aoute no rrostro aPero Coelho, eelle
se soltou entom contra el-rrei em desonestas e feas pallavras, chamando-lhe treedor, fe
perjuro, algoz e carniceiro dos homees; e el-rrei dizendo que lhe trouxessem cebolla
e vinagre pera o coelho, enfadou-sse delles e mandou-hos matar.Amaneira desua

92
Ipsa Domina Agnes. On the historical basis...

[The king] gave Pero Coelho aslash inthe face, andthen he said
tothe king dishonest andugly words, calling him atraitor, aperjurer,
atormentor, anda butcher ofmen. Then theking asked foronion
andvinegar [to cook] therabbit5, [and after that] he got tired ofthem,
andordered them tobe killed.

The way they were killed, if explained indetail, would be too strange
andcrude totell, as theking ordered Pero Coelhos heart toberippedout
through his breast, andAlvaro Gonalves through his back. Andthewords
heard by theone who did it, who did not know how todo it, would be
very painful tohear. Finally, they were burnt. Andeverything wasdone
before thepalaces where theking was staying, so as while heate he could
watch his orders being carried out.
The nineteenth-century romantic imagination took aspecial interest
inthis event, andalso inIns gothic post mortem coronation, frequently
portrayed as ascene where adecomposed corpse sat ona throne while
thenobility ofthe realm kissed its mouldering hand.
While it is easy tounderstand why all these episodes led tothe creation
anddevelopment ofthe legend or myth, it is not so simple toidentify its
historical bases. There is no doubt Ins deCastro lived inthe 14th century,
had aromantic relationship with Prince Pedro andgave birth tosome ofhis
children; or that was murdered, andwas later declared Pedros legitimate
wife by theking himself. Several documents prove all these facts, some
historiographical texts relate various chapters ofthestory, andafunerary
monument ordered by King Pedro depicts Ins with acrown. Nevertheless,
theliterary narrative has eclipsed thehistorical episode, decorating thefacts
with details that possibly do not correspond tothe real events. Thestory
ofIns deCastro is, forall this, agood example ofthe intersections between
Literature andHistory, fiction andfact.
This paper aims to analyze this intersection paying particular
attention toits historical component6. Thus, andalthough theconversion
morte, seendo dita pello meudo, seria mui estranha e crua de contar, ca mandou
tirar o coraom pellos peitos aPero Coelho, e aAlvoro Gonallvez pellas espadoas;
equaaes palavras ouve, e aquel que lho tirava que tall officio avia pouco em costu-
me, seeria bem doorida cousa douvir. Enfim mandou-hos queimar: e tudo feito ante
ospaaos onde ell pousava, deguisa que comendo oolhava quanto mandava fazer,
Lopes, F. Crnica deD. Pedro. Lisboa, 2007. Cap. XXXI.
5
Pero Coelhos surname means rabbit.
6
This intersection has been deeply studied. See, among others: Aranjo, D. Ins

93
C. Valdaliso-Casanova

ofahistorical episode into alegend is extremely interesting, theattention


will be focused ona previous stage, andspecifically onthe process through
which reality became astory. As shall be seen, that story was constructed
andtransformed according todifferent political interests. Forthis reason,
it is necessary todistinguish between thesignificance ofthe death ofIns
deCastro atthe moment ithappened andthemeaning it was given
later on. Equally important is tounderstand, as far aspossible, who
Ins was andwhy she was thus condemned. This approach might invite
achronological order, but neither thesources nor thefacts are ordered
chronologically. Actually, thedata are dispersed, located indifferent
layers, andall these layers conform tothe substratum ofthe story. Tofind
out how each layer projects onthe others is themain goal ofthis paper.

1 Theprehistory ofIns
In thefirst half ofthe 14th century, inan Iberian Peninsula divided
into five geopolitical territoriesPortugal, Castile, Aragon, Nav-
arra, andGranadathe Portuguese frontiers were already similar
tothecurrent ones, although theborders held not thesignificance
they would later acquire. It was usual for the nobility in western
Iberia to hold properties and titles in both Portugal and Castile7,

de Castro, la Reine morte: Mythe et ralit, in: Babel. 2013. Vol. 27. URL: http://
babel.revues.org/3389 (11. 06. 2017); Asensio, E. Ins deCastro: Dela crnica al mito,
in: Boletn deFilologa. 19621963. Vol. 21. P.337358; Ferreira, M. R. 1) Ins deCastro
etla juive deTolde: Un cas derception active chez Ferno Lopes, in: eSpania. 2014.
Vol. 19. URL: http://eSpania.revues.org/23958(12. 06. 2017); 2) Onde est Ins pos-
ta em sossego? Da escrita da Histria como lugar depoder; in: VI Colquio da Seco
Portuguesa da Associao Hispnica de Literatura Medieval (AHLM), Coimbra, Outu-
bro de2006 (unpublished). URL: http://ifilosofia.up.pt/gfm/seminar/docs/ (12. 06.
2017); 3) Ins deCastro: Du personnage au mythe. Echos dans laculture portugaise
eteuropenne. Paris, 2008; Marinho, M. F. Ins deCastro. Outra era avez. I parte, in:
Revista da Faculdade deLetras: Lnguas e Literaturas. 1990. IIsrie, Vol. 7. P.103136;
Marinho, M. F. Ins deCastro. Outra era avez. II parte, in: Revista da Faculdade deLe-
tras: Lnguas e Literaturas. 1991. II srie, Vol. 8. P.746; Pedro e Ins. O futuro do pas-
sado. Congresso Internacional. Coimbra, 2013; Pimenta, C. D. Pedro I. Lisboa, 2012;
Sena,J.Ins deCastro: Literatura Portuguesa deFerno Lopes aCames e Histria
Social deD. AfonsoIV aD. Sebastio, in: Estudos deHistria e deCultura. Lisboa, 1967.
P.123621. Still, its historical component has been less analyzed than theliterary one.
7
Onthe nobility onthis period, see Pizarro, J. A. S.Linhagens medievais portuguesas:
Genealogias e estratgias, 12791325. Porto, 1999.

94
Ipsa Domina Agnes. On the historical basis...

andseveral marriages made thePortuguese andCastilian royal families


almost one andthe same. Theson anddaughter ofSancho IV ofCastile
andMara deMolinaFernando andBeatrizmarried, respectively,
thedaughter andson ofDinis ofPortugal andIsabel ofAragonCon-
stana andAfonso. Thereby, Alfonso XI ofCastileson ofFernando IV
ofCastile andConstana ofPortugaland theheir tothe Portuguese
throne, Pedroson ofAfonso IV andBeatriz ofCastile were first
cousins onboth sides. Thesame was true forPedros sister, Maria, whom
Alfonso XI ofCastile married in1328. Before that, he practically married
Constanza Manuel, thedaughter ofDon Juan Manuelone ofthe most
prominent aristocrats ofCastile, andgrandson ofKing Fernando III.
Eventually, Constanza became thewife ofPedro ofPortugal.
In order tobetter comprehend this intricate panorama, it is use-
ful toconsult thegenealogical tables provided atthe end, which allow
afiner grasp onkinship, marriages, andthe political alliances ingeneral
between both kingdoms. Inaddition, it is important tonote Alfonso XI
ofCastile andJuan Manuel were enemies, theengagement ofthe king
with Constanza Manuel having been an attempt tocontrol thebrides
father. Constanzas marriage tothe heir ofPortugal was, therefore,
viewed by theCastilian king as nothing short ofbetrayal. Inparallel, one
should take into account that around this time Alfonso XI began alove
affair with aCastilian noblewoman, Leonor deGuzmn, which would
last many years andcause several problems with his wife, Maria ofPor-
tugal, andhis father-in-law, theking ofPortugal8. All these andmany
others courtly plots conditioned theatmosphere ofboth theCastilian
andthePortuguese royal courts inthe 14th century; andthis was theenvi-
ronment where Ins deCastro emerged9.
Even if not all thekings andprinces ofthe time had mistresses, it was
certainly common. Most ofthose mistresses, andtheir sons anddaugh-

8
Onthis period, see: Costa, A. P.M. Ins deCastro, in: Arainha, as infantas eaaia: Be-
atriz deCastela, Branca deCastela, Constana Manuel, Ins deCastro / Ed. by V. L. Me-
nino, A. P.M. Costa. P.227417; andalso: Snchez-Arcilla, J. Alfonso XI (13121350).
Palencia, 1995, andSousa, B.V.D. Afonso IV. Lisboa, 2013.
9
Onthe history ofIns deCastro, see Arnaut, S.D. O episdio deIns deCastro
luz da Histria. Lisboa, 1972; Coelho, M. H. C., Rebelo, A. M. R. D. Pedro e D. Ins.
Dilogos entre o amor e amorte. Coimbra, 2016; Costa, A. P.M. Ins deCastro...;
Gonzlez Vzquez, M. Ins deCastro. Santiago, 2003.

95
C. Valdaliso-Casanova

ters, had political weight. They usually lived in the royal courts,
enjoyed some ofthe privileges ofthe royal family, andmost impor-
tantlyoften had asignificant influence over thekings, thereby being
key pieces inthe political game. As rivalries between parties were aconstant,
their proximity tothe monarchs was unquestionably crucial. As arule, royal
mistresses belonged tonoble lineages andso were part ofthose networks.
Itwas common too fornoblemen tohave mistresses andillegitimate chil-
dren, frequently cohabiting with their wives andheirs andholding similar
rights. Ins deCastro was herself daughter ofa mistress. Herfather was
Pedro deCastro, one ofthe most prominent noblemen ofCastile atthe time;
her mother, Aldona Loureno deValadares, was thedaughter ofaPortu-
guese nobleman10. Ins was raised inthehousehold ofTeresa Martins, wife
toAfonso Sanches, an illegitimate son ofKing Dinis ofPortugal. Teresa was
thedaughter ofJoo Afonso Teles deMeneses, Count ofBarcelos andLord
ofAlburquerque, andTeresa Sanches, anillegitimate daughter ofKing
Sancho IV ofCastile.
Afonso IV ofPortugal had no illegitimate descendants, andonly three
ofhis legitimate offspring survived. His daughters, Maria andLeonor,
married thekings ofCastile andAragon respectively. His only son, Pedro,
was his natural heir, andtherefore his marriage was extremely impor-
tant. He came very close towedding agranddaughter ofKing Sancho
IV ofCastileBlanca deCastillabut, forunclear reasons, thecom-
mitment was dissolved andanother one was signed, in1336, with Con-
stanza Manuel. Traditionally, it was believed Ins deCastro had arrived
inPortugal atthe time ofthe latter unionpossibly in1345aspart
ofthe entourage ofthe new princess. Inthe last few years theissue has
been under discussion, andscholars now agree she was indeed inthe
princess household but most probably did not travel tothe country with
10
OnIns family, see Fernandes, F. R. Do pacto e seus rompimentos: os Castro Gale-
gos e acondio detraidor na Guerra dos Cem Anos. Curitiba, 2016; Fernandes,F.R.
1) Estratgias de legitimao linhagstica em Portugal nos sculos XIV e XV, in:
Revista da Faculdade deLetras. Histria. 2006. 3 Srie, Vol. 7. P.263284; 2) OsCastro
galegos em Portugal: Um perfil denobreza itinerante, in: Actas delas Primeras Jor-
nadas deHistoria deEspaa. Buenos Aires, 2000. Vol. 2. P.136144; Pardo deGuevara
y Valds, E. De las viejas estirpes a las nuevas hidalguas. El entramado nobiliario
gallego al fin dela Edad Media, in: Nalgures. 2006. Vol. 3. P.263278; Romero Portilla,
P.Implicaciones gallegas enel caso deIns deCastro, in: Revista da Faculdade deLe-
tras. Histria. 1998. 2 Srie, Vol. 15. 2. P.14931508.

96
Ipsa Domina Agnes. On the historical basis...

her. Discussion has also addressed thequestion ofwhether or not she


was godmother toone ofConstanza Manuels sons, as declared inalater
testimony, but no conclusion could be reached11.
Unfortunately, little is known about Inss actual life. It is not pos-
sible toestablish her position atcourt, andthere are no sources todeter-
mine when she arrived inPortugal, nor when her relationship with Pedro
began. Apparently, only one thing can be ascertained: after thedeath
of Constanza, and despite the efforts of his father, Pedro refused
tomarry again. Themajority ofthe unknowns are due tothefact
that remarkably few documents ofthe 14th century have been preserved
inthe western area ofthe Iberian Peninsula. This circumstance, thefact
Pedro was not yet king when Ins was still alive, andthe late chronology
ofthehistoriographical texts narrating this period, make it quite difficult
toknow what actually happened inthose years. Inaddition, there is aveil
covering theevents taking place before 1355; aveil created ina specific
context, thirty years later.
King Pedro died in1367, andhis son, Fernando, in1383, leaving
as heiress achild, Beatriz, married tothe king ofCastile, Juan I. Due
tothe opposition ofpart ofthe kingdom tothis succession, Joo deAvis,
an illegitimate son ofPedro, was acclaimed in1385. Inorder tokeep
thecrown, Joo had todemonstrate theother descendants were as ille-
gitimate as himself. Tothat effect, an effort was made todeclare null all
themarriages ofKing Pedro, creating anarrative that, toa large extent,
transformed thepast12. History was rewritten and, indoing so, thestory
ofIns deCastro was written. Inorder tounderstand this process, it is

11
Onall these discussions, see Costa, A. P.M. Ins deCastro...
12
See Arnaut, S.D. Os amores dePedro e Ins: Suas consequncias polticas. Coim-
bra, 1986; Arnaut, S.D. Acrise nacional definais do sculo XIV: Asucesso deD.Fer-
nando. Coimbra, 1960; Brsio, A. Duas notas marginais ao problema do casamento
deD.Pedro com D.Ins deCastro, in: Anais da Academia Portuguesa da Histria. 1962.
Serie II. Vol. 12. P.97112; Brsio, A. Os casamentos deD. Pedro I e o auto dasCortes
de1385, in: Anais da Academia Portuguesa deHistria. 1961. Serie II. Vol. 11. P.235280;
Brsio, A. A argumentao de Joo das Regras nas Cortes de Coimbra de 1385, in:
Anais da Academia Portuguesa deHistria. 1961. Serie II. Vol. 11. P.197231; Brsio, A.
As razes deJoo dasRegras nas Cortes deCoimbra, in: Lusitnia. Revista do Centro
deEstudos deHistria Eclesistica. 1958. Vol. 3. P.740; Caetano, M. As Cortes de1385,
in: Revista Portuguesa deHistria. 1951. Vol. 5. 2. P.586; Conde deTovar. Alegitimidade
dos filhos deD. Ins deCastro, in: Bracara Augusta. 1963. Vol. 1415. P.301315.

97
C. Valdaliso-Casanova

essential toanalyze thesources distinguishing between thedocuments


prior to1385 andthe texts written after that.

2The history ofIns: thesources written before 1385


When reading thesources inchronological order, thefirst revelation
is that Ins deCastro only came onthe stage after her death. Tobe more
precise, onthe 5th ofAugust 1355, when Prince Pedro, inthe small village
ofCanaveses, commanded thefollowing tobe written down, inthree
copies13:
There being aquarrel between thevery high andpowerful lord
Afonso, by the grace of God King of Portugal and the Algarve,
andthe very noble lord Prince Pedro, his first son andheir, as aresult
ofthedeath ofDona Enes anda few other things that have been happe-
ning since then, theking demanded theprince forgot revenge andrage
andforever forgave thenoblemen andthe others who had gone with
him [the King] tothe place where Enes had died, andalso theothers
he [Pedro] considered andconsiders guilty, suspecting andasserting
theyhad partaken, by advice, conscience andaid inthe said death,
aswell as any others, andfor all other things that have been happening
since then, forwhat he thinks andconsiders that neither his honour nor
his service have been kept.

Apparently, Pedro had been fighting against his father forsome


time. Theprince andhis noble supporters had tried totake Porto.
Queen Beatriz, or Brites, had interceded so that peace between father
13
Seendo desuairo antre o muito alto e poderoso Senhor Dom Affonsso pela graa
dedeos rrei dePortugal e do Algarue E o mui Nobre Senhor Iffante dom Pedro seu
filho primeiro herdeiro per rrazom da morte dedona Enes e dalguas outras cousas
que desentom aaca rrecreerom dizendo El rrey que o iffante perdesse sanha e maao
talante e perdoasse pera sempre aos fidalgos e aos outros da sa mere que com elche-
garom a aquele logar hu a morte da dicta dona Enes foi E aos outros que el auia
eha per culpados Sospeitando teendo e afirmando que forom enconselho e sabedo-
res e ajudadores da sobredita morte e aquaesquer outros e por toda las outras cousas
que desentom aaca rrecreerom enque el entende e rrazoa que nonfoi aguardada asa
honrra nen o seu servio. Arquivo Nacional Torre do Tombo (A.N.T.T.). Gaveta 13.
Mao 9. No 26. These, andother documents regarding this subject, were copied one
year later by thenotary Vasco Eanes ina covenant andagreement document preserved
intheArquivo Histrico da Cmara Municipal deLisboa. It has been published inDo-
cumentos do Arquivo Histrico da Cmara Municipal de Lisboa. Livro dos Reis I.
Vol.1. Lisboa, 1957. P.118125, andLoureiro, S.O conflicto entre D. Afonso IV e oinfan-
te D. Pedro (13551356), in: Cadernos do Arquivo Municipal, S.a. 1. Srie, No7. P.863.

98
Ipsa Domina Agnes. On the historical basis...

andson could be signed. Theorigin ofthis quarreldesuairo


intheoriginalhad been thedeath ofDona Enes14. Essentially,
what can be worked out from this text is that Ins de Castro had
diedalthough it is not explained when, how, or whereand theprince
blamed his father forthat. It can also be deduced King Afonso was
present when she died, that he had gone there with some purpose,
andthat some people accompanied him15. Needless tosay, theprinces
promiseto forgive all those whom he considered directly or indirectly
involved inthe death ofIns deCastrowas not fulfilled16.
Ins deCastro was mentioned again ina document dated three years
later, when thealready king Pedro confirmed thejurisdictions belonging
tothe monastery ofAlcobaa. Therein he expressed his intention tobe
buried inthe monastery with his wife Ins andhis sons17. By that time,
14
See: Menino, V. L. Beatriz de Castela, in: A rainha, as infantas e a aia; Menino, V. L.
Arainha D. Beatriz e asua casa (12931359). PhDthesis. Lisboa, 2012; Vasconcelos, A.,
Vasconcelos, C. M., Vasconcelos, J. Ins deCastro: Estudo para uma srie delies no curso
deHistria dePortugal. Coimbra, 1928; andBasto,A. M. Estudos: Cronistas e crnicas
antigas. Ferno Lopes e aCrnica de1419. Coimbra, 1959.
15
Thedocument refers also toJoo, ason ofPrince Pedro that should receive acounty:
E dom Joham filho do dicto senhor iffante dom Pedro, aja o dicto condado com dez mil
lybras enquantya, dasquaes as imquo mil lybras sejam pera mantymento seu e pera o al
que lhy conprir e as outras imquo mil lybras pera moordomo e alfarez e vassallos que se-
jam do livro do iffante quaes el reij scolher. E estes moordomo e alfarez e vassallos fazerem
prometymento, juramento e menagem ao dicto senhor reij que o servham bem e lealmente
e lhy sejam obedyentes enaquelo que lhys el mandar, aca que o dicto dom Joham seja
dhydade dequatorze annos. E depoijs que esse dom Joham forda dicta hydade servham
esses vassallos ael reij pela guisa que devem (A.N.T.T. Gaveta 13. Mao 9. No 26).
16
Some of them lost their properties, such as the Jew Rabbi Guedelha Negro:
D. Juda, rabi mor, era filho de Guedelha, rabi mor, e estes pertenciam famlia
dos Negro (Ibn Yahia). Guedelha Negro, filho daquele, seria rabi mor no tempo
deD.Afonso IV e cairia em desgraa junto deD. Pedro I, pois teria apoiado o assas-
sinato deIns deCastro. Prova desta queda era adoao da sua quinta em Frielas
amestre Vivas, judeu, mdico do infante D. Joo, filho da Castro e deD. Pedro e,
mais tarde, uma quinta do rabi mor Guedelha Negro seria doada a Ins Afonso,
criada do rei (Tavares, M. J. F. Judeus deCastela em Portugal no final da Idade Me-
dia: Onomstica familiar e mobilidade, in: Sefarad. 2014. Vol. 74:1. P.100). Thedo-
cuments are published in: Marques, A. H. O. Chancelarias Portuguesas: D. Pedro I,
13571367. Lisboa, 1984. P.157 (doc. 398), andP.486487 (doc. 1027).
17
E como seia nosso proposito e entenom denos mandar hi deitar e dona Jnes
decastro nossa molher e nosso [sic] filhos ao tempo denosso saymento deste mundo
(Leiria, 8 ofSeptember 1358, in: A. H. O. Chancelarias Portuguesas: D. PedroI. P.125

99
C. Valdaliso-Casanova

theremains ofthe kings father lay inLisbon, andthe remains ofCon-


stanza Manuel inSantarem. Yet, choosing Alcobaa as burial place
was not as peculiar as naming Ins deCastro his wife, because it
was not until June 1360 that theking declared he had married her
inlife18. Forthat purpose, themonarch convened inCoimbra some
of the principal men of the kingdom to listen to the testimonies
ofthetwo witnesses ofthe marriage, andto examine thepapal bull
allowing him tomarry arelative. Inthat meeting it was established
that, approximately seven years before, inBragana, Pedro andIns
had become husband andwife ina secret ceremony, after which they
had lived together until she died 19. It was also declared that, due
tothe prince not having his fathers permission tomarry atthe time,
thematrimony had not been published20.
In theliterature onthe subject, it is usually pointed out that thedelay
inmaking themarriage public andthe inaccuracies inthe testimonies
demonstrate theking was lying21. That is possible, but it should be kept
inmind atall times that sources are scarce andcan lead tomisinterpreta-
tion. Even though now only one document survives where Pedro refers
toIns as his wife, it is possible he commonly did that even before

127 (doc. 324)). Also inCarta deconfirmao pela qual o rei D. Pedro I revalidou
aAlcobaa os coutos e jurisdies, e restituiu as que seu pai, D. Afonso IV, tinha tira-
do ao mosteiro (A.N.T.T., Ordem deCister, Mosteiro deSanta Maria deAlcobaa,
1. incorporao, Documentos rgios. Mao 4. No 15).
18
Juramento deD. Pedro I do matrimnio celebrado com D. Ins deCastro (Arquivo
Nacional Torre do Tombo. Gaveta 15. Mao 20. No 10). Published in: Sousa,A.C.S.Pro-
vas da Histria Genealgica da Casa Real Portugueza. Lisboa, 1749. Vol.1. P.275279.
19
O dito Senhor rrey dom / Pedro seendo enton Iffant passa dhus sete annos es-
tando na villa deBragana e viuiendo enton El rrey dom Affonsso seu padre aquem
deus perdoe rreebeu por sua molher lydima por palavras depresente assi commo
manda asancta Eglesia donna / Enes deCrasto filha que foi dedom Pero fernandes
deCrasto e essa donna Enes er reebeu por seu marido lydimo [] o dito Senhor rrey
que ora he tenera adita donna Enes por sua molher lydima por hu dous tres anos
emais ata o tempo da morte dessa donna Enes viuiendo ambos deconsu efayendos-
se maridana pela guisa que deuian (A.N.T.T. Gaveta 15. Mao 20. No 10).
20
Por que os ditos reebimentos e casamento nonforom eisemprados nem clara-
mente sabudos comunalmente atodos os do Senhorio dePortugal em uida do dito
Senhor rrey dom Affonsso por reeo e temor que o dito seu filho del auia casando
assi sem seu mandado e consentimento (A.N.T.T. Gaveta 15. Mao 20. No 10).
21
See Costa, A. P.M. Ins deCastro. P.424428.

100
Ipsa Domina Agnes. On the historical basis...

officially declaring they had been married22. Indeed, that was probably
thereason leading themonarch tolegitimize that union three years after
his ascension tothe throne: tosilence thedoubts23. That same year, afew
months later, theking paid formasses tobe sung forIns soul24; andit is
quite likely that by that time themonumental tomb ofIns inAlcobaa
had already been finished. Shortly afterwards, between 1361 and1363,
theladys mortal remains were transferred tothe monastery25.
The funeral services were officiated by thearchbishop ofBraga,
Jean deCardaillac, who had previously been an official speaker atthe
pontifical court inAvignon26. His sermon has been preserved andoffers
some information onIns27. Drawing aparallel with thebiblical story
ofAbraham andSara, it begins with areference tothe magnifica
sepultura28:

22
Ins sons are entitled infantes in other documents before 1360. For instance,
in the will of their grandmother, Beatriz. See Sousa, A. C. S. Provas da Histria
Genealgica da Casa Real Portugueza. Vol. 1. P.228238.
23
Poren o dito Senhor rrey dom Pedro para desencarregar sua consienia e dizer
uerdade e nonseer duuida aalgus que dos ditos casamento e reebimentos duui-
dauan se foram assi ou non tomara juramento sobre os sanctos euangelhos sobre
ascousas suso dictas e cada ha delas (A.N.T.T. Gaveta 15. Mao 20. No 10).
24
Em cada hu dias duas mjsas desobre altar e digam as oras canonjcas no dicto
moesteiro desancta marinha e ha por honrra e stado meu em mjnha ujda E depois
do meu saymento deste mundo por amjnha alma E aoutra polla alma dedona jnes
decrasto mjnha molher (Marques, A. H. O. Chancelarias Portuguesas: D. Pedro I.
P.183185 (doc. 469)). Thedocument was written inPorto on18 ofOctober 1360,
andaddressed tothe monastery ofSanta Marinha ofGuimares.
25
Coelho, M. H. C. D. Pedro e D. Ins. Dilogos entre o amor e amorte. P.10. Arnaut, S.D.
Acrise nacional definais do sculo XIV. P.9093.
26
Rebelo, A. M. R. Estudo filolgico, in: Coelho, M. H. C., Rebelo, A. M. R. D Pedro
eD. Ins. Dilogos entre o amor e amorte. P.7576.
27
Rebelo, A. M. R. Sermo nas exquias deD. Ins deCastro. Edio crtica, traduo
e comentrio filolgico, in: Coelho, M. H. C., Rebelo, A. M. R. D. Pedro e D. Ins.
Dilogos entre o amor e amorte. P.7576.
28
Iste Abraam, prnceps magnus etexcelsus, licet aliquandoiram etmotum Domi-
nis Regis Alfonci, patris sui, dubitandoDominam Agnetem deCastro Infantissam,
cuis exequias inpresenti celebramus, uxorem suam esse celauit, tanem quantum ad
dilectionis etcure ipsius dum uiueret scinceritatem etpotissime nunc deffuncte sepul-
ture ipsius excellentem nobilitatem, suam fuisse coniugem cunctis regni sui subditis
hodie intimauit. Rebelo, A. M. R. Sermo nas exquias deD. Ins deCastro. P.52.

101
C. Valdaliso-Casanova

This Abraham, great and illustrious prince, in spite of having


hiddenfearing theire andwrath ofhis father King Afonsothat
thePrincess Ins deCastro, whose funerals we are celebrating, was his
wife, with regard tothe sincerity ofthe love andesteem he gave her
inlife, andspecially now, after her death, with theremarkable grandeur
ofher sepulture, made clear today toall thesubjects ofhis kingdom that
she had been his consort.
In thepraise, theposthumous portrait describes agenerous, kindly,
humble, andabove alldiscreet woman, who was able tohide her
marriage with Pedro29. Yet, themost remarkable is that thesermon seems
toindicate Ins managed toconfessed before she died30. If confiteor
can be interpreted as confess31, this is indeed an important information
because it suggests her death was not as sudden as is usually believed.
In his will, dated 1367the year he would pass awayPedro
remarked he andIns had been married. Therein, theking styled Ins
princessinfanteand made reference toher own will, now lost32.
29
O Deus, siconcideres statum etconditionem Domine Agnetis, quondam Infantis-
se, certe reperies quod quamuis esset mulier uirtuosa quamuis esset mulier generosa,
quamuis esset mulier cunctis gentibus gratiosa, quamuis esset tanto principi despon-
sata, quamuis esset tot ettalbus filiis fecundata, sempre tamen fuit per humilitatem
sepulta etquantum ad opera sua bona absconsa se ipsam terram etmortalem conside-
rando, mundi gloriam declinando, ymmo se uxorem tanti principis quod est contra ge-
nus mulierum abscondendo etancillam confitendo, ut deipsa dicamus quod sepulta
fuit Delbora ad radices montis Betel (Gen. XXX quinto) (Rebelo, A. M.R. Sermo
nas exquias deD. Ins deCastro. P.64).
30
Certe inista sepultura pie credendum estet ita uelit Deusquod sit sepulta
ista Domina Infantissa, cum bene etpie etiuste ipsam inhoc mundo uixisse nobis
per dignos fide fuerit informatio facta etultra hoc, siin aliquio Deum inhoc mun-
do offendit, bene egerit penitentiam inhoc mundo mortem temporalem sustinen-
do etsic cum finem dierum suorum preuideret pie opinandum est ipsam talen ac
tantam habuisse contricionem quod eius animaet ita placeat Deosit sepulta
inparadiso ut deipsa concludendo dicere ualeamus illud Iudit XV scriptum: Iu-
dit, que dicitur confitens, deffuncta este t sepulta inBetulia, que dicitur domus
sublimis, na mista domina Agnes, uidens mortem suam etsic Domino confitens
et condolens reatus suos, mortua est et sepulta, nostra pia opinione, in Betulia,
hoc est, domo sublimi Paradisi, inqua nos etipsam sepeliti eternaliter faciat ipse
Dei filius per cuncta secula benedictus (Rebelo, A. M. R. Sermo nas exquias
deD.Ins deCastro. P.70).
31
See: Rebelo, A. M. R. Sermo nas exquias deD. Ins deCastro. P.73.
32
Item mandamos que entreguem aos filhos da Infante Donna Ignez que outro

102
Ipsa Domina Agnes. On the historical basis...

This is thelast source preserved forthat period, i.e., thetwelve years


between thedemise ofIns andthe death ofthe king. All thedocuments
made during this period give Pedros version oftheir relationship, each
andevery one written after his lover had died. Except inthe covenant
andagreement signed with his father when Pedro was still aprince, Ins
is named princessnot queenin every text. It may be considered
themain intention ofthe king was tolegitimize thesons anddaugh-
terJoo, Dinis, andBeatrizhe had had with Ins; but, undoubtedly,
indoing so he gave way toa story. That story was probably well-known by
his contemporaries, andwas almost certainly transmitted orally33. Never-
theless, themost complete narrative ofthat period, andthe one considered
thekings main testimony, is not verbal but iconographic: it is believed
that inthe bas-reliefs ofthe tombs ofPedro andIns, which have given
rise tovaried interpretations, thestory ofIns has been written instone34.
In parallel or inaddition tothe sculpted tombs andto thedocu-
ments examined above, four historiographical texts were preserved that
could also be considered primary sources forthe study ofIns deCas-
tro, as they were written by authors who were probably alive before
her death, andapparently were not directly involved inthe events that
took place thirty years laterwhich led tothe rewriting ofIns story35.
sifoi nossa mulher aquintaa deCansdelo que era sua e todo aquello que della ou-
emos como no deviamos pera o darem por sa alma como ella mandou em seu testa-
mento (Sousa, A. C. S.Provas da Histria Genealgica da Casa Real Portugueza.
Vol. 1. P.279282). Theoriginal document is inA.N.T.T. Gaveta 16. Mao 2. No 9.
33
David bem Yom Tov Ibn Bilia, aJewish author that lived inCoimbra inthe 14th
century, lamenting his loves misfortune wrote there had been only one worse:
the misfortune of Pedro and Ins. See: Sousa, M. L. M. Ins de Castro: Um tema
portugus na Europa. P.39.
34
Onthese interpretations see, among others, Coelho, M. H. C. D. Pedro e D. Ins. Dilo-
gos entre o amor e amorte. P.2239; Afonso, L. U. O ser e o tempo. As idades do homem
no gtico portugus. Lisboa, 2003; Silva, J. C. V. O panteo rgio do mosteiro deAlco-
baa. Lisboa, 2003; Moralejo, S. El texto alcobacense sobre los amores de D. Pedro
yD Ins, in: Nascimento, A., Ribeiro, C.A. Actas do IV Congresso da Associao Hispnica
deLiteratura Medieval. Lisboa. P.7189; Almeida, C. A. F. ARoda da Fortuna/Roda da
Vida do tmulo deD.Pedro em Alcobaa, in: Revista da Faculdade deLetras. 1991. 2S-
rie, Vol. 8. P.255263; Santos, R. Aiconografia dos tmulos deAlcobaa, in: Lusitnia.
1923. Vol. 1. P.8390.
35
Forthe medieval historiographical texts that narrate thestory ofIns, see Oliveira,A.R.
As vidas deD. Pedro e deD. Ins deCastro na historiografia medieval portuguesa, in:
Seminrio Medieval 20072008 / Ed. Ferreira, M. R., Laranjinha, A. S., Miranda, J. C.

103
C. Valdaliso-Casanova

Two ofthem are concise historical records that merelyand very


brieflyrecount her death. Inthe Livro da Noa or Livro dasEras deSanta
Cruz deCoimbra it is written that on7 January 1355, Ins was beheaded
by order ofKing Afonso IVEra milesima. ccc. nonagesima. iii.
vii. dies januarii decolato fuit dona enes per mandatum domini regis
alfonsi iiii.36. TheBreve Chronicon Alcobacense states that onthat same
day King Afonso killed Ins inCoimbraEra m. ccc. lxxxx. iii. vii.
dies Januarii occidit rex alfonsus domnam aguetem colimbrie37. These
records are apparently similar, but thefirst one indicates themanner
inwhich she diedbeheaded, which seems equivalent toexe-
cuted, by order ofthe kingwhile thesecond says that theking killed
her inCoimbrawhat should be interpreted as he had her killed.
The third historiographical source for the story of Ins de Castro
isaversion ofthe Livro delinhagens do Conde Dom Pedro written before
1383. Ins father is mentioned inthis text, andalso themarriage with
Pedro, as well as thenames oftheir sons anddaughter38. Furthermore,
there is an explicit reference toone ofthe men considered responsible
forIns death, andto his own execution39. As forthe fourth text, we
need some context toanalyze it properly.

R. Porto, 2009. P.113125.


36
Livro da Noa, A.N.T.T., Cn. Reg. Sto. Agostinho, M. Sta. Cruz Coimbra, liv.99. Fol 19r.
Published inCruz, A. Livro da Noa ouLivro dasEras deSanta Cruz deCoimbra, in: Anais,
Crnicas e Memrias Avulsas deSanta Cruz deCoimbra. Porto, 1968. P.6988.
37
Herculano, A. Breve chronicon alcobacense, in: Portugaliae Monumenta Historica.
Scriptores. Lisboa, 1856. P.2022.
38
Casou outra vez este rei dom Pedro com aifante dona Ens, filha dedom Pedro
deCastro, e fez enela o ifante dom Joham e o ifante dom Dinis e aifante dona Bea-
triz. (LL, 21B17). Quoted in: Oliveira, A. R. As vidas deD. Pedro e deD. Ins deCas-
tro. P.115. From Mattoso, J. Livro deLinhagens do Conde D. Pedro (LL). Lisboa, 1980.
See also Ferreira, M. R. Aestratgia genealgica deD.Pedro, Conde deBarcelos, e as
refundies do Livro deLinhagens, in: eSpania, 2011. Vol. 11.
39
E este Pero Coelho matouo el rei dom Pedro porque o culpou na morte dedona
Ines de Crasto, que matou el rei dom Afonso, seu padre. Este Pero Coelho mos-
trou grande contriom asa morte, dizendo que ele perdoava atodos aqueles que o
sentenarom e derom i conselho e ajudoiro, que Deos perdoasse ael. (LL, 32H7).
Quoted in: Oliveira, A. R. As vidas deD. Pedro e deD. Ins deCastro. P.115. From:
Mattoso,J. Livro deLinhagens do Conde D. Pedro (LL).

104
Ipsa Domina Agnes. On the historical basis...

3The rewritings ofIns story


Gathering all theinformation we already have, that is, thedata col-
lected from thesources written inPortugal before 1385, it can be asserted
that Ins deCastro, daughter ofPedro deCastro, had arelationship
with Pedro while he was still aprince; that King Afonso had her killed,
probably beheaded; andthat theprince commanded arevolt against his
father toavenge her death. Some years later, Pedro declared they had
been married, planned monumental tombs forboth, andtransferred
themortal remains ofIns toAlcobaa. He swore they had lived together,
referred toher as princess, anddeclared legitimate theat least two sons
anda daughter they had had together. Some documents explain why
theprince did not make themarriage public during his fathers lifetime,
but noneso farclarify why King Afonso ordered theladys execu-
tion. This information is provided by aCastilian source.
As has been previously noted, thestory ofIns deCastro is character-
ized by intersections: between Literature andHistory, between fiction
andfact, between legitimate andillegitimate wives andsons, andbetween
Portugal andCastile. This is thereason why one ofthe most important
sources forthe study ofIns historical episode is not Portuguese, but
Castilian. This is thechronicle written by Pero Lpez deAyala, who,
although writing several years later, was twenty three years old atthe time
ofIns demise. As anobleman close tothe Castilian kings who took part
inseveral diplomatic missions, Ayala must have had very good knowl-
edge ofwhat was going onin Portugal. Furthermore, he was directly
implicated inthe war between Portugal andCastile that led tothe bat-
tle ofAljubarrota in1385, where he was taken prisoner, being detained
inthecastle ofbidos forseveral months. He was thus sure tobe aware
ofthe story ofIns, andcertainly had apolitical opinion about it.
Two similar but different versions ofAyalas chronicle have been
preserved, both of them written by the author. In the first, Ins
deCastro is mentioned twice: thefirst time toexplain why her brother
lvar wenttoPortugal40, andthe second inregard toher children41.
40
E don aluar perez decastro fuese para el infante don pedro deportogal que tenia
a donna ynes de castro su hermana la qual ouo despues por rreyna & ouo della el
dicho infante don pedro al infante don Juan & al infante don donis & ala infante don-
na beatriz que caso conel conde don sancho hermano del dicho conde don enrrique
decastilla & el dicho infante don pedro deportogal rreibio lo muy bien aldicho aluar

105
C. Valdaliso-Casanova

Additionally, she is likely implicated ina third episode, although her


name is not mentioned inAyalas record ofit. Fora better understanding
ofthis episode, asummary ofits political circumstances is necessary. They
involve thenephew ofKing Pedro, who bore thesame name andwas king
ofCastile since 1350. In1353 he had married Blanche ofBourbon, but
had subsequently abandoned her.41In1354 he arranged anew alliance
forhimself, this time with aCastilian noblewoman, Juana deCastro, half-
sister ofIns. Pedro ofCastile had been facing almost continuous revolt
since he inherited thecrown, but therebellion he had toface that year
nearly made him lose thethrone. Apparently, theaforementioned lvar
Prez deCastro, brother toIns andJuana, offered thecrown ofCastile
toPedro ofPortugal, by then still aprince42. Even though thePortu-
guese infante did not accept theproposal ofthe Castilian nobleman,
theepisode symbolizes theinfluence Ins relatives had onthe prince.
It is inthe second version ofhis chronicle where Ayala included
awhole chapter totell thestory ofIns. Thenarrative is quite extensive
anddetailed, andgives aclear reason why Ins deCastro was executed:
according toAyala, King Afonso wanted tofind another wife forhis heir,
andhad been displeased when informed theprince was already married
toher43. This is indeed aremarkable narrative, probably written inthelast

perez decastro & fizo lemucho bien (Moure, J. L. Lallamada versin Abreviada dela
Crnica de los Reyes de Castilla de Pero Lpez de Ayala. PhD thesis. Universidad
deBuenos Aires, 1991. P.40).
41
El conde don sancho hermano del rrey don enrrique que casase conla infante
donna beatriz hermana del rrey de portogal de padre & hermana de madre delos
infantes don Juan & don donis ca era fija del rrey don pedro deportogal & dedonna
ynes decastro (Moure, J. L. Lallamada versin Abreviada. P.295).
42
Estando ally llego don aluar perez decastro que venia ver adon juan alfonso
por debdo que auia conel E el conde & el maestre & don juan alfonso fablaron
conel que fablase conel infante don pedro deportogal que pues era nieto dedon
sancho decastilla que sy el quisyese que ellos torrnarian boz con el por que fue-
se rrey decastilla &don aluar perez fablo conel infante don pedro & ael plogo
ledello & sopo lo el rrey don alfonso deportogal su padre & pesole dello E enbio
luego para gelo destoruar ael por sus mensajeros aferrnand gonalez coge vino
& amaestre juan dela lez que era del su consejo (Moure, J. L. Lallamada versin
Abreviada. P.46).
43
E assi el dicho infante don Pedro dePortogal amaua tanto ala dicha doa Ynes deCas-
tro que dizian algunos sus priuados que era casado com ella. E por esto el rrey don Alfonso
dePortogal fizo matar ala dicha doa Ynes enSanta Clara deCoynbra, do ella posaua

106
Ipsa Domina Agnes. On the historical basis...

years ofthe 14th century, andalmost certainly not based ina previous
record. Inaddition tothis, two things must be highlighted inAyalas
texts. Onthe one hand, Ins is styled queen andnot princess 44.
Onthe other, thefirst version ofthe chronicle mentioned three sons
andone daughter ofPedro andIns deCastro. Thefirst, andprobably
theoldest, named Pedro as his father, disappeared inthe second version
ofthe text45. Inboth versions they are called infantesprinces. This
is consistent with theCastilian position atthe time thechronicle was writ-
ten, because thesons ofIns were considered legitimate inCastile. InPor-
tugal, by contrast, from 1385 Ins story was narrated ina different way.
Besides theidea ofintersection, another characteristic ofthe story
ofIns deCastro is thenotion ofprojection. As already pointed out,
tosecure thethrone Joo deAvis had toshow theother descendants
ofKing Pedro were not more legitimate than he himself was46. Forthis
purpose, anumber ofpeople were questioned inthe context ofan assem-
bly celebrated inCoimbra in1385. Themost interesting testimony within
this inquiry is that given by Diogo Lopes Pacheco, who had been directly
implicated inIns execution47. Theinquiry was intended todemonstrate
that Pedro had been married toBlanca deCastilla, making all subsequent
marriages null. It was also meant toprove theking had lied about his mar-
riage toIns deCastro. Consequently, theassembly acclaimed Joo deAvis
andrejected all other possible heirs. Thesons ofIns deCastro remained
inCastile, where they were considered legitimate descents ofthePortu-
guese monarch, Dinis ending up being crowned king ofPortugal there

(Lpez deAyala, P.Crnica del rey don Pedro y del rey don Enrique, su hermano, hijos del
rey don Alfonso Onceno. Buenos Aires, 19941997. Ao XI, captulo 14).
44
Inthe first versin, la qual ouo despues por rreyna (see note 40); andin these-
cond, la qual el rrey con Pedro dePortogal dixo que era casado con ella, e llamaronla
rreyna doa Ynes, e yaze enterrada con el dicho rrey don Pedro dePortogal enel mo-
nesterio dAlcobaa (Lpez deAyala, P.Crnica del rey don Pedro. Ao V. Cap. 26).
45
El conde don sancho hermano del rrey don Enrrique, que casasse con lainfanta
doa Beatriz hermana del rrey dePortogal, que era fija del rrey don Pedro dePorto-
gal & dedoa Ynes deCastro (Lpez deAyala, P.Crnica del rey don Pedro. Ao VII
(DE). Cap. 6). Compare with thetext quoted inthe note 41.
46
See note 12.
47
Carta deinquirio arespeito da ilegitimidade dos filhos deD. Pedro e deD. Ins
deCastro, A.N.T.T. Gaveta 13. Mao 3. No 8. See: Costa, A. P.M. Ins deCastro.
P.428435.

107
C. Valdaliso-Casanova

in1397. Although he died shortly after, he remained inthe Castilian


public memory as aking without akingdom.
As forthe new Portuguese kings, theso-called Avis dynasty, they
had torewrite thestory. As therelationship between Pedro andIns was
undeniable andwellknown, instead ofhiding theepisode they lauded it.
Thestory was transmitted but modified. ThePortuguese chroniclers ofthe
15th century emphasized thestrong feelings ofthe monarch, his anger when
he learned ofIns death, andhis desire forrevenge48. However, these texts
were based onthe testimonies ofthe inquiry andthearguments defended
inthe 1385 assembly, andso underscored, above all, theimprobability
ofthe marriage. Transformed into adrama from anapparently remote past,
immortalized instone inthe monastery ofAlcobaa, by theend ofthe 14th
century theepisode already had theelements ofmyth. Inthe course ofthe
15th century thestory was written andrewritten, developed andamplified;
and, over time, became alegend.

Information onthe article


Valdaliso-Casanova, C. Ipsa Domina Agnes. Onthe historical basis ofthe myth
ofIns deCastro, in: Proslogion: Studies in Medieval and Early Modern Social History
and Culture, 2017. Vol. 3(1). P. 90117.
Covadonga Valdaliso-Casanova, PhD inHistory, researcher atCentro deHist-
ria da Sociedade e da Cultura (University ofCoimbra) andat Centro deHistria
(University ofLisbon) (Alameda da Universidade, 1600214 Lisboa (Portugal))
covaldaliso@hotmail.com

48
Especially Ferno Lopes, andothers after him. Theepisode ofthe death ofIns astold
inthe so-called Crnica dePortugal de1419 has not been preserved, but thenarrative about
this subject in the version of the Crnica deEspanha de1344 housed in the French Na-
tional Library (Paris, Bibliothque Nationale de France, Fonds Portugais 9, fol. 207r)
probably summarizes it (see: Moreira, F. A. ACrnica dePortugal de1419: Fontes, estratgia
eposteridade. Lisboa, 2013. P.329341, andalso: Moreira, F. A., Askins, A. L. F. ACrnica
de1344 para alm dePedro deBarcelos: perspetivas recentes e novidades, in: eHumanista.
2015. Vol. 31. P.6479): O iffante don pero, morta sua moller, ouue dona ines decastro e
fez enela dos filhos ahun chamauan don joham e outro don denis. Siendo el rrey mal con-
tente deteer seu filho dona ines, dizen que por maao consselho dediogo lopez pacheco
e depero coelho e dealuaro gonzaluez, amatou nos paaos desanta clara decoymbra.
Desta obra crua e feita com sanha foy el rrey dinamente rrespondido. E o iffante dele muy
quixoso. This text was published inCintra, L. F. L. Crnica Geral deEspanha de1344.
Lisboa, 19511990. It can be noticed that there are no references tothe marriage, Ins
isnot styled princess nor queen, andher sons are not entitled infantes.

108
Ipsa Domina Agnes. On the historical basis...

Although themyth or legend ofIns deCastro is based onhistorical facts,


it has forcenturies been astory where fiction andreality were blended. Thelife
ofthe main character, Ins theCastro, is not documented. Thenarratives about her
death, andthe monumental tomb towhere her mortal remains were transferred, are
themain sources forresearchers. There are also various testimonies about her mar-
riage toPedro, as well as about her sons anddaughter. Inparallel, still inthe Middle
Ages several narratives related toher were written, some ofthem inhistoriographi-
cal texts. This paper aims tosingularize andanalyze thehistorical elements ofIns
story. Indoing so, it studies thesources that created thebasis forthe legend, thus
revealing its origins. Thestory itself is observed as an object ofstudy characterized
by theintersections ofdifferent contexts, disciplines, narratives, andby theprojec-
tions ofdiverse perspectives, objectives, periods.
Keywords: Portugal, 14th century, Ins deCastro, Pedro ofPortugal, myth, legend,
History, Literature, medieval chronicles


Valdaliso-Casanova, C. Ipsa Domina Agnes. Onthe historical basis ofthe myth
ofIns deCastro, .: Proslogion:
. 2017. . 3 (1). . 90117.
-c, . . ., ,
, , ,
(--, 1600-214,
())
covaldaliso@hotmail.com
94(469).027

, .
, , .
,
.
, . ,
, ,
.
,
. ,
, .
,

109
C. Valdaliso-Casanova

, ,
.
: , XIV , , ,
, , , ,

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Officina Sylviana da Academia Real, 1749. Vol. 1. 663 p.

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Sousa, B. V. D. Afonso IV. Lisboa: Temas e DebatesCrculo deLeitores, 2013.


310 p.
Sousa, M. L. M. Ins deCastro na literatura portuguesa. Lisboa: Instituto deCul-
tura e Lngua Portuguesa, 1984. 147 p.
Sousa, M. L. M. Ins deCastro: Um tema portugus na Europa. Lisboa: ACD
Editores, 2004. 589 p.
Sousa, M. L. M. O episdio camoniano deIns deCastro em Inglaterra, in: Actas
do Colquio Comemorativo do VI Centenrio do Tratado deWindsor. Porto: Universidade
do Porto. Faculdade deLetras, 1988. P.151160.
Tavares, M. J. F. Judeus deCastela em Portugal no final da Idade Media: Ono-
mstica familiar e mobilidade, in: Sefarad. 2014. Vol. 74:1. P.89144.
Vasconcelos, A., Vasconcelos, C. M., Vasconcelos, J. Ins deCastro: Estudo para
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Histricos, 1928. 185 p.

117
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sches geistliches Theater inder Reformationszeit undim konfessionellen Zeitalter.
Kln, 2013; Parente, A. J. Religious Drama andthe Humanist Tradition: Christian
Theater in Germany and in the Netherlands 15001680. Leiden, 1997; Washof, W.
DieBibel auf derBhne: Exempelfiguren undprotestantische Theologie imlateini-
schen unddeutschen Bibeldrama derReformationszeit. Mnster, 2007.
5
. : Prosperi, A. Lescom-
mentaires du Pater Noster entre XVe et XVIe sicles, in: Aux origines du catchisme
enFrance / d. Colin Pierre, . Germain, etal. Paris, 1989. P.122.

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7
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8
.: Dietl, C.Neo-latin andProtestant drama inGermany, in: Neo-Latin Drama inEarly

120
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Modern Europe / Ed. by J. Bloemendal; H. B. Norland. Leiden: Brill, 2013. P.102114.
9
Sixt Birck. Die history von der frommen Gottsforchtigen frouwen Susanna: Im
MCCCCXXXII Jar orrentlish inn Minderen Basel durch dieJungen Burger gehal-
tenn, in: Sixt Birck. Smtliche Dramen / Hrsg. von. M. Brauneck. Berlin, 1976. Bd2.
S.353.
10

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Pfeiffer, J. Christlicher Republikanismus inden Bibeldramen Sixt Bircks: Theater

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12
: Sixt Birck. Diehistory vonder frommen Gotts-
forchtigen frouwen Susanna: Variantenapparate, in: Sixt Birck. Smtliche Dramen /
Hrsg. von M. Brauneck. Berlin, 1976. Bd 2. S.438443.

122
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Sixt Birck. Ein herliche Tragedi wider die Abgoettery: Usz dem propheten Daniel.
Basel, 1535. S.7.
14
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15
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InWellichem onandere merckliche nutzbarkait sonderlich erlernet wrt wie frsten-
dig es sey so dieFrsten undOberen dieverthdinger derGttlichen warhait erhalten
unddas ain Gotsliger nach Ehren undWrdigkait Stellen Mge, in: Sixt Birck. Smt-
liche Dramen / Hrsg. von M. Brauneck. Berlin, 1969. Bd1. S.35).

123
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16
Joachim Greff. Ein lieblich vnd nutzbarlich spiel vondem Patriarchen Jacob vnd
seinen zwelff Sonen, Aus demErsten buch Mosi gezogen vnd zu Magdeburg auff
dem Schutzenhoff im 1535. Jar gehalte Dabey ein kurtz vnd seer schoen spiel,
vonder Susanna, jetzund erst gedruckt. Magdeburg, 1535. S.3.
17
Joachim Greff. Drey liebliche ntzbarliche Historien derdreyer Erzveter vnd Pa-

124
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triarchen Abrahams, Isaacs vnd Jakobs aus demersten buch Mosi indeudsche reim
verfasset durch Joachimum Greff von Zwickaw zu spielen und zu lesen trstlich.
Wittemberg, 1540. S.31.
18
Joachim Greff. Ein Geistliches schoenes newes spil auff das heilige Osterfest gestel-
let Darinnen werden gehandelt diegeschicht von derAufferstehung Christi zu sampt
derhistorien Thome. Auch werden gemelt etzliche rede Christi hart frseiner himmelfart
geschehen. Zu letzt wird derTriumph Christi hirinnen auch angezeigt Durch Joach-
imum Greff vonCzwickau. Magdeburg, 1542; Joachim Greff. Ein schne newe Action
auff dasXviij. vnd XjX. Capitel desEuangelisten Lucae gestellet, vnd Reimweis indrey
Actus verfasset: Allen bussfertigen sundern trostlich aber denverstockten Gottes vnd
desEuangelij feinden schrecklich zu lesen. Auch ein kurtz Summarium desXj. Capitels
Johannis, vonder aufferweckung Lazari: gleich als ein Lied verfasset. Zwickaw, 1546.
19
, , -
: Paul Rebhun. Das Gesamtwerk: Dramen: 1 Bd /
Hrsg.vonP. F.Casey. Bern, 2002.

125
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Paul Rebhun. An die Deudschen Leser, in: Thomas Naogeorg. Smtliche Dramen /
20

Hrsg. VonH.-G. Roloff. Berlin; New York, 1975. Bd 1. S.78.

126
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Brauneck. Berlin: deGruyter, 1976. P.189190. .: , . . ,
, : XVXVI ., .: .
2016. . 8. .118129. Dramata sacra
: Sixt Birck. Susanna, comicotragoedia, in: Dramata
sacra: Comoediae atque tragoediae aliquot e Veteri Testamento desumptae. Vol. 2. Basel,
1547. P.332407.
22
Buchwanld, R. Joachim Greff. Untersuchungen uber Anfage derRenaissanssance
dramas inSachsen. Leipzig, 1907. S.20.

127
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128
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26
Sixt Birck. Ivdith: Drama Comicotragicvm, in: Sixt Birck. Smtliche Dramen / Hrsg.
vonM. Brauneck. Berlin, 1976. Bd 2. S.281284; Sixt Birk. Svsanna: Comoedia tragica...
S.171; Sixt Birck. Ivdith: Ain Ntzliche History durch ain herrliche Tragcedi inspil-
wei fr die ugen gesteh Dienlichen Wie man in Kricgjileiifften besonders so man
vonder ehr Gots wegen angefochten wirt vmb hilff zu Gott demHerren flehend riiffen
soll, in: Sixt Birck. Smtliche Dramen / Hrsg. vonM. Brauneck. Berlin, 1976. Bd 2. S.59.

129
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28
.: Kaufmann, T.Konfession undKultur: Lutherischer Protestantis-
mus inder zweiten Halfte desReformationsjahrhunderts. Tbingen, 2006. S.2935.
29
Joachim Greff. Ein schne newe Action auff dasXviij. vnd XjX. Capitel desEu-
angelisten Lucae gestellet, vnd Reimweis indrey Actus verfasset: Allen bussfertigen
sundern trostlich aber denverstockten Gottes vnd desEuangelij feinden schrecklich
zu lesen. Auch ein kurtz Summarium desXj. Capitels Johannis, vonder aufferwec-

130
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History S.6061; 2) Ivdith: Drama Comicotragicvm. .283; 3) Sixt Birck. Ezechi-
as: Amntzliche kurtze Tragedi Wie man sich inknegs nten gegen Gott halten soll,
in: Sixt Birck. Smtliche Dramen / Hrsg. vonM. Brauneck. Berlin, 1969. Bd 1. P.168,
2123; 4) Ioseph. S.7980; Joachim Greff. 1) Drey liebliche ntzbarliche Historien
S.11, 1316; 2) Ein schne newe Action S.9, 1618; 3) Tragedia desBuchs Judith
jnn deutsche Reim verfaffet. Wittemberg, 1536. S.88.

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132
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, . . Spiel zum Leser: -
, .: Proslogion:
. 2017. . 3 (1). . 118138.
, . . ., , - -
(199034, , -,
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z.lurie@spbu.ru
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Information onthe article


Lurie, Z. A. Spiel zum Leser: Osobennosti pechatnoy dramaturgii perioda
Reformatsii [Spiel zum Leser: Specifics ofthe printed drama ofthe Reformation],

chia christiana) .

133
. .

in: Proslogion: Studies in Medieval and Early Modern Social History and Culture, 2017.
Vol.3(1). P. 118138.
Zinaida Andreevna Lurie, doctor of History, assistant lecturer, St. Petersburg
State University (199034, Rossiya, Saknt-Petersburg, endeleevskaya liniya, 5)
z.lurie@spbu.ru
The article examines editions andreprints ofthe biblical dramas published
between 1532 and1550 andwritten by several early Protestant writers, Sixt Birck
(c.15011554), Paul Rebhun (1500/15051547) andJoachim Greff (c. 1500/1505
1552), with thegeneral amount ofthe reprints being 23. Theauthor addresses these
sources toinvestigate peculiarities ofpublishing andeditorial policy that aimed
toclarify dramatic texts totheir readers. Besides, theauthor understands thefirst
half ofthe16th century as atransitional period intwo respects: firstly, marking
out theconflict ofprinted andoral cultures, and, secondly, signifying thetransfer
from theChristian tothe confessional consciousness. Theauthor concludes that
theappearance ofthe first printed dramas was not independent from theatrical pro-
ductions. However, thetexts ofSpiele were edited ina certain way andprovided with
annotations andaccompanying texts that simplified forreaders perception ofastage
text. Even short introductory texts allowed readers toget an idea about thetopic
ofdrama andvalues ofthe author quite easily. Analyzing thecontent ofthe intro-
ductory parts, Z.A. Luries demonstrated that they contained areference tocertain
cultural formulas andintellectual authorities that should be regarded as confessional
information inthe non-confessional early Reformation period.
Key words: Sixt Birk, Joachim Greff, Paul Rebhun, Judith, Susanna, theater,
plays, Basel, Augsburg, Aristotle, Thomas Naogeorgus, productions, performances


Aux origines du catchisme enFrance / d. Colin Pierre, . Germain, etal.
Paris: Descle, 1989. 304p.
Buchwanld, R. Joachim Greff. Untersuchungen uber Anfage derRenaissance
dramas inSachsen. Leipzig: R. Voigtlnders Verlag, 1907. 91S.
Dramata sacra: Comoediae atque tragoediae aliquot e Veteri Testamento
desumptae. Vol. 2 / Ed. Johannes Oporinus. Basel: Johannes Oporinus, 1547. 542p.
Dietl, C.Neo-latin andProtestant drama inGermany, in: Neo-Latin Drama
inEarly Modern Europe / Ed. by J. Bloemendal; H. B. Norland. Leiden: Brill, 2013.
P.102114.
Joachim Greff. Drey liebliche nutzbarliche Historien derdreyer Erzveter vnd
Patriarchen Abrahams, Isaacs vnd Jakobs aus demersten buch Mosi indeudsche
reim verfasset durch Joachimum Greff vonZwickaw zu spielen undzu lesen trstlich.
Wittemberg: Creutzer, 1540. 284 S.

134
Spiel zum Leser...

Joachim Greff. Ein Geistliches schoenes newes spil auff dasheilige Osterfest
gestellet Darinnen werden gehandelt diegeschicht von derAufferstehung Christi zu
sampt derhistorien Thome. Auch werden gemelt etzliche rede Christi hart frseiner
himmelfart geschehen. Zu letzt wird derTriumph Christi hirinnen auch angezeigt
Durch Joachimum Greff vonCzwickau. Magdeburg: Michael Lotter, 1542. 50 S.
Joachim Greff. Ein lieblich vnd nutzbarlich spiel vondem Patriarchen Jacob
vnd seinen zwelff Sonen, Aus demErsten buch Mosi gezogen vnd zu Magdeburg
auff demSchutzenhoff im 1535. Jar gehalte Dabey ein kurtz vnd seer schoen spiel,
vonder Susanna, jetzund erst gedruckt. Magdeburg: Michael Lotter, 1535. 120 S.
Joachim Greff. Ein schne newe Action auff dasXviij. vnd XjX. Capitel
desEuangelisten Lucae gestellet, vnd Reimweis indrey Actus verfasset: Allen
bussfertigen sundern trostlich aber denverstockten Gottes vnd desEuangelij feinden
schrecklich zu lesen. Auch ein kurtz Summarium desXj. Capitels Johannis, vonder
aufferweckung Lazari: gleich als ein Lied verfasset. Zwickaw: Wolfgang Meyerpeck,
1546. 131 S.
Joachim Greff. Tragedia desBuchs Judith jnn deutsche Reim verfaffet.
Wittemberg: S.n., 1536. 109 S.
Kaufmann, T.Konfession undKultur: Lutherischer Protestantismus inder
zweiten Halfte desReformationsjahrhunderts. Tbingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2006. 528S.
Metz, D. Dasprotestantische Drama: Evangelisches geistliches Theater inder
Reformationszeit undim konfessionellen Zeitalter. Kln: Bhlau Verlag, 2013. 906S.
Neo-Latin Drama inEarly Modern Europe / Ed. J. Bloemendal, H. B. Norland.
Leiden: Brill, 2013. 807p.
Parente, A. J. Religious Drama andthe Humanist Tradition: Christian Theater
inGermany andin theNetherlands 15001680. Leiden: Brill, 1997. 260p.
Paul Rebhun. DasGesamtwerk: Dramen: 1 Bd / Hrsg. vonP. F.Casey. Bern:
Lang, 2002. 455S.
Pfeiffer, J. Christlicher Republikanismus inden Bibeldramen Sixt Bircks:
Theater freine neu entstehende Brgerschaft nach derReformation inBasel
undAugsburg. Berlin: deGruyter, 2016. 340S.
Prosperi, A. Lescommentaires du Pater Noster entre XVe etXVIe sicles, in: Aux
origines du catchisme enFrance / d. Colin Pierre, . Germain, etal. Paris: Descle,
1989. P.87108.
Schulz, M. DieEigenbezeichnungen desmittelalterlichen deutschsprachigen
geistlichen Spiels. Heidelberg: Winter, 1998. 408S.
Sixt Birck. Ein herliche Tragedi wider dieAbgoettery: Usz dempropheten
Daniel. Basel: Lux Schauber, 1535. 87 S.
Sixt Birck. Smtliche Dramen: 1 Bd / Hrsg. vonM. Brauneck. Berlin: deGruyter,
1969. 305S.

135
. .

Sixt Birck. Smtliche Dramen: 2 Bd / Hrsg. vonM. Brauneck. Berlin: deGruyter,


1976. 526S.
Thomas Naogeorg. Smtliche Dramen / Hrsg. vonH.-G. Roloff. Berlin: 1975.
Bd 1. 634S.
Washof, W. DieBibel auf derBhne: Exempelfiguren undprotestantische
Theologie im lateinischen unddeutschen Bibeldrama derReformationszeit.
Mnster: Rhema, 2007. 536S.
, . .
Devoti Moderna ( ), .: . .
: . 2016. . 5. .94114.
, . . , .: -
: , , . 2012. . 4. .6065.
, . . : -
, .: . . :
. 2015. . 4. .180197.
, . . , .:
II . 2016.
. 2. .6972.
, . . , , : XV
XVI., .: . 2016. . 8. .118129.
, . .
XVXVI ., .: - .
2016. . 8. .5358.
, . ., , . . -
, .: - . 2: .
2013. . 1. .9097.
, . . ,
.: . 2016. . 77. .313343.

References
Bloemendal, J., Norland, H. B. (Ed.) Neo-Latin Drama inEarly Modern Europe.
Leiden: Brill, 2013. 807p.
Brauneck, M. (Hrsg.) Sixt Birck. Smtliche Dramen. 1 vol. Berlin: deGruyter,
1969. 305S.
Brauneck, M. (Hrsg.) Sixt Birck. Smtliche Dramen. 2 vols. Berlin: deGruyter,
1976. 526S.
Buchwanld, R. Joachim Greff. Untersuchungen uber Anfage derRenaissance
dramas inSachsen. Leipzig: R. Voigtlnders Verlag, 1907. 91S.
Casey, P.F. (Hrsg.) Paul Rebhun. DasGesamtwerk: Dramen. 1 vol. Bern: Lang,
2002. 455S.

136
Spiel zum Leser...

Colin, P. Germain, ., etal. (d.) Aux origines du catchisme enFrance. Paris:


Descle, 1989. 304p.
Dietl C.Neo-latin andProtestant drama inGermany, in: Bloemendal,J.,
Norland,H.B. (Ed.) Neo-Latin Drama inEarly Modern Europe. Leiden: Brill, 2013.
P.102114.
Joachim Greff. Drey liebliche nutzbarliche Historien derdreyer Erzveter vnd
Patriarchen Abrahams, Isaacs vnd Jakobs aus demersten buch Mosi indeudsche
reim verfasset durch Joachimum Greff vonZwickaw zu spielen undzu lesen trstlich.
Wittemberg: Creutzer, 1540. 284 S.
Joachim Greff. Ein Geistliches schoenes newes spil auff dasheilige Osterfest
gestellet Darinnen werden gehandelt diegeschicht von derAufferstehung Christi zu
sampt derhistorien Thome. Auch werden gemelt etzliche rede Christi hart frseiner
himmelfart geschehen. Zu letzt wird derTriumph Christi hirinnen auch angezeigt
Durch Joachimum Greff vonCzwickau. Magdeburg: Michael Lotter, 1542. 50 S.
Joachim Greff. Ein lieblich vnd nutzbarlich spiel vondem Patriarchen Jacob
vnd seinen zwelff Sonen, Aus demErsten buch Mosi gezogen vnd zu Magdeburg
auff demSchutzenhoff im 1535. Jar gehalte Dabey ein kurtz vnd seer schoen spiel,
vonder Susanna, jetzund erst gedruckt. Magdeburg: Michael Lotter, 1535. 120 S.
Joachim Greff. Ein schne newe Action auff dasXviij. vnd XjX. Capitel
desEuangelisten Lucae gestellet, vnd Reimweis indrey Actus verfasset: Allen
bussfertigen sundern trostlich aber denverstockten Gottes vnd desEuangelij feinden
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Information onthe article


Pitulko, G. N. Anglichane v Rossii XVI veka: opyt izucheniya pervonachalnogo
etapa russko-angliyskikh svyazey [Englishmen inRussia ofthe 16th century: Astudy
onthe first period ofthe RussianEnglish contacts], in: Proslogion: Studies in Medi-
eval and Early Modern Social History and Culture, 2017. Vol. 3(1). P.139158.
Galina Nikolaevna Pitulko, doctor of History, docent, North-West Institute
ofAdministration (199004, Rossiya,Sankt-Petersburg, Tuchkovpereulok, 7)
pitulgal@yandex.ru
The Article is devoted tothe important academic topic ofthe Russian-English
contacts ofthe 16th century. Theauthor shows necessity ofrereading traditional
source data, taking into account tendencies ofapproach totheRussian-British
diplomatic, trade andcultural relations ofthe 16th century intheRussian
andBritish research. Theauthor notes that theperiod should be seen as thehey-
day ofabsolutism andactive foreign policy not only ofEngland, but also ofRus-
sia, and relationships between countries werent confined by trade or political
interests.
The author examines academic investigations onthe topic andproofs that sci-
entists were primarily interested inthe questions ofdiplomacy andactivity ofthe
Muscovy Trading Company. However, scholars ofthe St. Petersburg historical
school have pointed out theproblem ofthe bilateral Russian-English relations
basing ona wide range oftextual sources belongs. Moreover, thesource base is
still possible toextend, using unique collections ofmajor libraries andarchives
ofRussia. Andexamination ofnew sources makes necessary toreinvestigate
thewhole range oftraditional sources.
The author focuses onone ofsuch unknown sources, theRussian Psal-
ter D.123 from thecollection ofthe Manuscript Department ofthe Library
oftheRussian Academy ofSciences inArkhangelsk. Having analyzed themanu-
script andits data, theauthor proofs its British origin.
Key words: Muscovy Trading Company, Nikolo-Korelskiy monastery, Richard
Chancellor, Anthony Jenkinson, Richard Hakluyt, Giles Fletcher, new manu-
scripts sources, Russian Psalter D.123


Anderson, M. S.Britains discovery ofRussia. 15531815. Lndn: Maccmillan,
1958. 245 p.
Cross, A. Anglo-Russica: Aspects ofCultural Relations between Great Britain
andRussia inthe Eighteenth andEarly Nineteenth Centuries. Oxford: Providence:
Berg, 1993. 269 p.

153
. .

Crowther, P.A. ABibliography ofWorks inEnglish onEarly Russian History


to1800. Oxford: Blackwell, 1969. 236 p.
Hackluyt, R. ThePrincipal Navigations andVoyages ofEnglish Nation. Glasgow:
E. & G. Goldsmid, 1902. Vol. 3. 353 p.
Hakluyt, R.The Principall Navigations, Voiages, andDiscoveries ofthe English
Nation: Made by Sea or Over Land tothe Most Remote andFarthest Distant Quar-
ters ofthe Earth atAny Time within theCompasse ofThese 1500 Years: Divided
into Three Several Parts... theSecond, Comprehending theWorthy Discoveries
ofthe English Towards theNorth andNortheast by Sea, as ofLapland ... theThird
andLast, Including theEnglish Valiant Attempts inSearching Almost all theCor-
ners ofthe Vaste andNew World ofAmerica ... Whereunto is Added theLast Most
Renowned English Navigation Round About theWhole Globe ofthe Earth. London:
Imprinted by George Bishop andRalph Newberie, deputies toChristopher Barker,
printer tothe Queens Most Excellent Majestie, 1589. 501 p.
Liven, D.Empire: TheRussian Empire andits Rivals. Yale: Yale University Press,
2003. 532 p.
Nerhood, H. W. ToRussia andReturn: An Annotated Bibliography ofTravel-
ers English Language Accounts ofRussia from theNinth Century tothe Present.
Columbus:Ohio State University Press,1968. 375 p.
Rabb, Th. TheEnterprise andEmpire: Merchant andGentry Investment inthe
Expansion ofEngland, 15751630. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1967.
429 p.
Willan, T.S. Early History ofthe Russia Company. 15531603.Manchester:
Manchester University Press, 1956. 295 p.
, . .
, .: . 1856. 2.
C.57106; 3. . 107134.
, . . XVI XVII , .:
. . 1865. . VIII. C.181301.
, X. - :
(1557 .), .:
: . VI
. -, 68 2014 . .:
, 2015. C.256264.
, . . : 12 . .: -
, 2008. . VIII. 487 c.
, . . . .:
. - , 1916. 312 .
, .. XVI . -
. . . . .: , 1988. 17 .

154
XVI ...

,.. - .
. . ... . . . : . . -, 1952.
13 .
, . . . .: ,
1977. 223 .
, . . XVI ., .:
. 1916. . 16. . 123.
, . . . :
. - . -, 1912. . 1. 25 .
, . . , .:
. . II. 1958. . 152169.
. .,
1989. . 8. . 1: . 326 .
, . . -
XVIIXVIII ., .:
. ., 2013. . XXXII. . 360398.
, . . . :
, 1996. 838 .
, .. -
, .: . 1958. 5. . 7178.
: . VI
. -, 68 2014 .
.: , 2015. 767 .
, .. , .: , ..
. .: , 2008.
.359374.
, . . XVI ,
.: . 1885. 12. .131133.
, . . Of the Russe Commonwealth
. .: . . . , 1891. 399 .
, . . . ,
.: . 1873. 3. C.489522.
, . . .
15531593. .: i i . , 1875. 524 .
, . . XVI
XVII.. . . . . .: . . -, 1952.
16 .
, . . . . .:
, 2000. 203 .

155
. .

, . . . .: -
, 2008. 395 .


- - -

(. 149. . 1)

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Dokumenty Kholmogorskoy tamozhennoy izby (F.149. Op. 1)

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VIe s. apr. J.-C.), in: TheLate Roman Army inthe Near East from Diocletian tothe Arab
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7
Constantius in Persas vario et magis difficili pugnavit eventu. Praeter leves
excubantium inlimite congressiones acriori Marte noviens decertatum est, per duces
suos septiens, ipse praesens bis adfuit.
8
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Konfrontation undKoexistenz. Berlin, 2001. S.107.

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untersuchungen an den Grenzkastellen von Sura, Tetrapyrgium, Chelle
undinResafa. Mainz, 2001. S.9799, 104105, 107, 112; 2) Research onthe Roman
andearly Byzantine Frontier inNorth Syria, in: JRA. 1999. Vol. 12. P.408.

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. : Oxford Latin Dictionary / Ed. byP.G.W.Glare.
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.: Rea, J. R. Ordinatus, in: ZPE. 1980. Bd 38. P.217.
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Publications of the Princeton University Archaeological Expeditions to Syria
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unddas Perserreich. S.101102. , -
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Isaac, B. 1) TheLimits ofEmpire. TheRoman Army inthe East. Oxford, 1992.
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ANRWAufstieg undNiedergang derrmischen Welt. Berlin; New York:
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BJBonner Jahrbher. Bonn, 1842.
BZByzantinische Zeitschrift. Mnchen, 1892.
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, . . II -
337350 .:
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2017. . 3 (1). . 159183.
, . . ., -
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(199034, , -,
, . 5)
e.mehamadiev@spbu.ru
94(37).08

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Information onthe article


ekhamadiev, . . Voennaya politika imperatora Konstantsiya II vblizh-
nevostochnykh provintsiyakh imperii v 337350 gg.: Organizatsionnaya struktura
rimsko-persidskoy granitsy i problema rekrutskogo nabora [Themilitary policy
ofEmperor Constantius II inthe Near East provinces oftheEmpire in337350:
Theorganizational structure ofthe RomanPersian border andtheproblem
ofrecruiting], in: Proslogion: Studies in Medieval and Early Modern Social History and
Culture, 2017. Vol.3 (1). P. 159183.
vgeniy leksandrovich ekhamadiev, doctor of History,senior lecturer ofMedi-
eval History Department, Institute ofHistory, St. Petersburg State University
(199034, Rossiya, Sankt-Petersburg, endeleevskaya liniya, 5)
e.mehamadiev@spbu.ru
The present paper is dedicated tothe little-studied aspect ofthe 4th century
late Roman military organization tothe system offortresses andtheir garrisons
inthe provinces ofSyria andMesopotamia in340s. It was theperiod strictly when
theRoman empire waged an intensive war with thePersians forcontrol over upper
Tigris andEuphrates. Thedifficulty ofthe study ofthis period is caused by few
evidence about theRomans fighting with thePersians within Mesopotamia that
contain narrative sources, however, these gaps may be filled by epigraphic data from
Syria andArabia. Theauthor uses theclassical epigraphic material, that have been
known since theearly 20th century thanks tothe catalogue ofPrinceton Archaeological
Expedition inSyria, andalso anew document, theinscription published by M. Sartre
in2007. Having compared epigraphic data andnarrative sources, theauthor concludes
that thedefense system ofSyria andMesopotamia was formed as two-level deploy-
ment oftroopsthe frontier garrisons that occupied an external borders ofprovinces
andfield mobile armies that posted ininternal lands. Thefrontier garrisons kept an
enemys assault before coming ofexpeditionary forces that had torepulse an enemy.
Theauthor has demonstrated that garrisons ofSyria andMesopotamia were sup-
plemented through mandatory hereditary military service, according tothat thestaff
ofgarrisons obtained not only thesons ofretired soldiers (veterans), but also thesons
ofsoldiers who were atactive service. Theauthor summaries that thefixed line offor-
tresses allowed theRomans tokeep control over Mesopotamia until 363 when they
were forced toconcede Mesopotamia tothe Persians.
Key words: late Roman Empire, Constantius II, Mesopotamia, fortresses, centu-
rio, legion, vexillation, veterans, recruiting


Arnheim, M. T. W. Vicars inthe Later Roman Empire, in: Historia. 1970. Bd 19/5.
P.593606.

180
II...

Barnes, T. D. Imperial Campaigns, A.D. 285311, in: Phoenix. 1976. Vol. 30/2.
P.174193.
Brennan, P.The Last ofthe Romans: Roman identity andthe Roman army
inthe late Roman Near East, in: Mediterranean Archeology. 1998. Vol. 11. P.191203.
Brnnow, R. E., Domaszewski, A., von. DieProvincia Arabia. Strassburg: Verlag
vonKarl J. Trbner, 1909. Bd III. 403 S.
Chrysos, E. Rumung undAufgabe vonReichsterritorien von363, in: BJ. 1993.
Bd 193. S.165202.
Grtzmacher, G. Hieronymus. Eine biographische Studie zur alten
Kirchengeschichte. Leipzig: Dieterichsche Verlags-Buchhandlung, 1901. 298 S.
Isaac, B. TheLimits ofEmpire. TheRoman Army inthe East. Oxford:
Clarendon Press, 1992. 510 p.
Isaac, B. TheMeaning ofthe Terms Limes andLimitanei, in: JRS. 1988. Vol.78.
P.125147.
Janniard, S.Centuriones ordinarii etducenarii dans larme romaine tardive
(IIIeVIe s. apr. J.-C.), in: TheLate Roman Army inthe Near East from Diocletian
totheArab Conquest/ Ed. by A.S.Lewin andP.Pellegrini. Oxford: Archaeopress,
2007. P.383393.
Kolb, F. Chronologie undIdeologie derTetrarchie, in: Antiquit Tardive. 1995.
Vol. 3. S.2131.
Kolb, F. Zu chronologischen Problemen derErsten Tetrarchie, in: Eos. 1988.
Vol.76/1. S.105125.
Konrad, M. Resafa V. Dersptrmische limes inSyrien: Archologische
untersuchungen an den Grenzkastellen von Sura, Tetrapyrgium, Chelle
undinResafa. Mainz: Philipp vonZabern, 2001. 158 S.
Konrad, M. Research onthe Roman andearly Byzantine Frontier inNorth Syria,
in: JRA. 1999. Vol. 12. P.392410.
Luttwak, E. N. TheGrand Strategy ofthe Roman Empire. From theFirst Century
A.D. tothe Third. Baltimore; London: Johns Hopkins, 1976. 255 p.
Mosig-Walburg, K. Rmer undPerser vom 3. Jahrhundert bis zum Jahr 363 n.
Chr. Gutenberg: Computus Verlag, 2009. 383 S.
Mosig-Walburg, K. Zur Schlacht bei Singara, in: Historia. 1999. Bd 48/3. S.330384.
Noethlichs, K. L. Zur Entstehung derDizesen als Mittelinstanz dessptrmischen
Verwaltungssystems, in: Historia. 1982. Bd 31/1. S.7081.
Oxford Latin Dictionary / Ed. by P.G. W. Glare. Oxford: Clarendon Press,
1968. 2126 p.
Portmann, W. Die 59. Rede des Libanios und das Datum der Schlacht
vonSingara, in: BZ. 1989. Bd 82/1. S.118.
Publications ofthe Princeton University Archaeological Expeditions toSyria
in19041905 and1909. Division III. Greek andLatin Inscriptions inSyria.
SectionA. Southern Syria. Part 2 / Ed. by E. Littmann. Leyden: Brill, 1910. 639 p.

181
. .

Rea, J. R. Ordinatus, in: ZPE. 1980. Bd 38. P.217219.


Sartre, M. Larme romaine etla defense dela Syrie du Sud. Questions
demthode etnouveau document, in: TheLate Roman Army inthe Near East from
Diocletian tothe Arab Conquest/ Ed. by A.S.Lewin andP.Pellegrini. Oxford:
Archaeopress, 2007. P.263274.
Sartre, M. Un nouveaux dux dArabie, in: Mlanges delUniversit Saint-Joseph.
2007. Vol. 60. P.313318.
Seeck, O. Geschichte desUntergangs derAntike Welt. Berlin: Franz Siemenroth,
1911. Bd IV. 371 S.
Speidel, M. P.The Roman Army inArabia, in: ANRW / Hrsg. vonH. Temporini.
II. Berlin; New York: DeGruyter, 1977. Bd 8. P.687730.
Winter, E., Dignas, B. Rom unddas Perserreich: Zwei Weltmchte zwischen
Konfrontation undKoexistenz. Berlin: Akademie Verlag, 2001. 334 S.
Zuckerman, C.Lescampagnes desTtrarques, 296298. Notes dechronologie,
in: Antiquit Tardive. 1994. Vol. 2. P.6570.
Zuckerman, C.Sur ledispositif frontalier enArmnie, lelimes etson volution,
sous leBas-Empire, in: Historia. 1998. Bd 47/1. P.108128.

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Information onthe article


Nosova, E. I. Ot Gransona do Murtena: Burgundskiy dvor v usloviyakh voyny
[From Grandson toMorat: TheBurgundian court during thewar], in: Proslogion:
Studies in Medieval and Early Modern Social History and Culture, 2017. Vol.3 (1).
P.184208.
Ekaterina Igorevna Nosova, doctor ofHistory, research Fellow, Saint-Petersburg
Institute ofHistory ofthe Russian Academy ofSciences (197110, Rossiya, Sankt-
Petersburg, Petrozavodsakaya ulitsa, 7)
katerinanossova@gmail.com
The Burgundian Court earned fame ofone ofthe most luxurious andwell-
organized courts ofmedieval Europe. But recent publications highlighted
anumber ofdysfunctions ofthe Burgundian Court. This article continues this trend
andanalyzes theorganization ofthe Burgundian Court during theSwiss campaign
ofCharles theBold, Duke ofBurgundy (1476). The study is based onthe month
accounts from Archives dpartementales du Nord (B 3333, B 3377).
Since reforms of1474 theBurgundian Court turned into one ofthe units
ofthearmy, thecampaign had not limited thenumbers ofthe courtiers. A serious
decrease was caused by thebattle ofMorat, inwhich 84 people were killed
orseriously wounded. They receive salaries only until 21 June. Among them were
not only archers, but also theofficials who had no relation tomilitary service. Supply
ofthe court was interrupted forfour days by thebattle.
As awhole, thewar led tothe limitation ofconsumption ofgoods normally
reserved fornobilitysea fish andfruits. The assortment ofwines became poor:
sweet wine andhippocras disappeared from accounts. The stay near Lausanne can
be considered as an exception, because it allowed todeliver wine andfruits from
Dijon. These small details fill thegaps that left Philippe deCommine inhis Mem-
oirs andOlivier deLa Marche inhis famous Estat dela Maison du duc Charles.
Keywords: Burgundian State (13631477), Charles theBold (14671477), Bur-
gundian Wars, Court Society, History ofEveryday Life, battle ofGrandson, battle
ofMorat

C
Abbot, F. Des comptes dapothicaires. Les pices dans lacomptabilit dela maison
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The Courts ofEurope: Politics, patronage, androyalty, 14001800 / Ed. by A. G. Dickens.
London: Thames andHudson, 1977. P.5575.
Barblan, M.-A. DOrient enOccident: histoire dela riziculture etmusologie,
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Bepoix, S., Couvel, F., Leguil, M. Entre exercice impos etparticularismes locaux.
tude codicologique descomptes dechtellenie desduch etcomt deBourgogne
de1384 1450 [Electronic resource], in: Comptabilits. 2011. 2. URL: http://comp-
tabilites.revues.org/491 (07.09.2016).
Bautier, R.-H., Sornay, J. Les sources delhistoire conomique etsociale
duMoyen ge. Vol.I. Paris: CNRS ditions, 2001. 795 p.
Brusten, Ch. Les dpches desambassadeurs milanais sur lescampagnes
deCharles leHardi, de1474 1477, in: Publication du Centre europen dtudes bur-
gondo-mdianes. 1973. Vol.15. P.5362.
Brusten, Ch. Les itinraires delarme bourguignonne de1465 1478, in: Publi-
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Charles leTmraire (14331477): Splendeurs dela cour deBourgogne. Cata-
logue delexposition prsente au Muse historique deBerne du 25 avril au 24 aot
2008, au Bruggemuseum & Groeningemuseum Bruges du 27 mars au 21 juillet 2009
etau Kunsthistorisches Museum deVienne du 15 septembre 2009 au 10 janvier 2010/
d. par S. Marti, B. Till-Holger etG.Keck. Bern: Fonds Mercator, 2009. 382 p.
Cockshaw, P.Les archives bourguignonnes, lesplus riches dEurope?, in: La cour
deBourgogne etlEurope: Lerayonnement etles limites dun modle culturel / Hrsg. von
W.Paravicini. Ostfildern: Jan Thorbecke Verlag, 2013. P.4354.
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Dpches desambassadeurs milanais sur lescampagnes deCharles-le-Hardi,
duc deBourgogne, de1474 1477 / Publ. par Fr. deGingins laSarraz. 2 vols. Paris/
Genve: Joel Cherbuliez Libraire, 1858. 425 p.; 406 p.
Die Hofordnungen derHerzge vonBurgund. Herzog Philipp derGute
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2005. 507 S.
Dubois, H. Charles leTmraire. Paris: Fayard, 2004. 544 p.
Goose, A. Des mots pics, in: Saveurs deparadis. Les routes despices. Bruxelles:
Galerie C.G. E. R., 1992. P.3341.
La face noire dela splendeur: Crimes, trahisons etscandales la cour deBour-
gogne aux XIVe etXVe sicles / d. par W. Paravicini etB. Schnerb. Villeneuve
dAscq: Presses universitaires deLille 3, 2009 (Revue du Nord. 2009. No380). 272 p.

203
. .

Laurioux, B. Les pices desmatres queux, in: Saveurs deparadis. Les routes
despices. Bruxelles: Galerie C. G. E. R., 1992. P.6069.
Laurioux, B. Un dsir dor: remarques sur laproduction etles usages alimentaires
du safran au Moyen ge, in: Plantes exploites, plantes cultives, cultures, techniques
etdiscours. tudes offertes Georges Comet / d. par A. Durand. Aix-en-Provence:
Publications delUniversit deProvence, 2007. P.7791.
Lire lemanuscrit mdival / d. par P.Ghin. Paris: Armand Colin, 2013. 283 p.
Moulin M.-A. Un exemple decomptabilit hospitalire: Les comptes delhtel-
Dieu Saint-Thomas dArgentan (14021499), in: Tabularia tudes. 2010. No10.
P.63108.
Les ordonnances delhostel demonseigneur leduc deBourgogne entous estat.
1469. (Bodleian Library. Ms. Hatton 13)
Ouerfelli, M. Le Sucre. Production, commercialisation etusages dans laMdi-
terrane mdivale. Leyde: Brill, 2007. 809 p.
Paravicini, W. Lembarras derichesse: Comment rendre accessibles lesarchives
financires dela maison deBourgogne-Valois, in: Bulletin dela Classe desLettres etdes
Sciences Morales etPolitiques delAcadmie royale deBelgique. 1996. 6e sr., No7. P.2168.
Paravicini, W. Ordonnances delHtel undEscroes desgaiges. Wege zu
einer prosopographischen Erforschung desburgundischen Staats im fnfzehnten
Jahrhundert, in: Medieval Lives andthe Historian. Kalamazoo: Western Michigan
University, 1986. S. 243266.
Paravicini, W. Ordre etrgle. Charles leTmraire enses ordonnances delhtel,
in: Comptes rendus dessances delAcadmie desInscriptions etBelles Lettres. 1999. 143e
anne. No1. P.311359.
Prosopographia curiae burgundicae [Electronic resource]. URL: http://burgun-
dicae.heraudica.org/fmi/iwp/cgi?-db=Prosopographia%20Curiae%20Burgundicae&-
loadframes (14.02.2017).
Santamaria, J.-B. Un matre prvaricateur la Chambre descomptes deLille
sous Philippe leBon: Roland du Bois, in: La face noire dela splendeur: Crimes, tra-
hisons etscandales la cour deBourgogne aux XIVe etXVe sicles / d. par W. Paravicini
etB. Schnerb. Villeneuve dAscq: Presses universitaires deLille 3, 2009 (Revue du
Nord. 2009. No380). P.421447.
Schnerb, B. Les archives desducs deBourgogne: Tradition, inventaires, publi-
cations, in: La cour deBourgogne etlEurope: Le rayonnement etles limites dun modle
culturel / Hrsg. W. Paravicini. Ostfildern: Jan Thorbecke Verlag, 2013. P.2732.
Schnerb, B. Ltat bourguignon (13631477). Paris: ditions Perrin, 1999. 474 p.
Schnerb, B., Viltart, F. Olivier deLa Marche etla garde du duc Charles deBour-
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204
...

Somm, M. Les approvisionnements envin dela cour deBourgogne au XVe sicle


sous Philippe leBon, in: Revue du Nord. 1997. T. 79. P.949968.
Splendeurs dela cour deBourgogne; rcits etchroniques / d. par Danielle
Rgnier-Bohler. Paris: Robert Laffont, 1995. 1505 p.
Spufford, P.Monetary Problems andPolicies in theBurgundian Netherlands
(14331496). Leyde: Brill, 1970. 239 p.
Vaughan, R. Charles theBold: The Last Valois Duke ofBurgundy. Woodbridge:
Boydell Press, 2002. 523 p.
. / . ., . . . .
.: , 1986. 495 .
, . .
, .: : , ,
/ . . . . ./.: , 2001. . 121136.
, . .
XV ., .: -
: , , / .
. . . .: , 2004. . 177199.
, . :
XIV XV /
. . . .: -, 2004. 538 .


(Archives dpartementales du Nord)
Comptes mensuels delhtel deCharles leTmraire (marsjuillet 1476). B 3333.
F. 1140v, 4561, 6774v, 79100; B 3377, immatriculations 113552, 113555, 113556)
(Bodleian Library)
Les ordonnances delhostel demonseigneur leduc deBourgogne entous estat.
1469. (Ms. Hatton 13.)

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Bautier, R.-H., Sornay, J. Les sources delhistoire conomique etsociale
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Brusten, Ch. Les itinraires delarme bourguignonne de1465 1478, in: Publi-
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Basel: B. Schwabe & Co., 1926. 329 S.
Marti, S., Till-Holger, B., Keck, G. (d.) Charles leTmraire (14331477): Splen-
deurs dela cour deBourgogne. Catalogue delexposition prsente au Muse histo-
rique deBerne du 25 avril au 24 aot 2008, au Bruggemuseum & Groeningemuseum
Bruges du 27 mars au 21 juillet 2009 etau Kunsthistorisches Museum deVienne du
15 septembre 2009 au 10 janvier 2010. Bern: Fonds Mercator, 2009. 382 p.
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Dubois, H. Charles leTmraire. Paris: Fayard, 2004. 544 p.
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pagnes deCharles-le-Hardi, duc deBourgogne, de1474 1477: 2 vols. Paris/Genve:
Joel Cherbuliez Libraire, 1858. 425 p., 406 p.
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despice. Bruxelles: Galerie C.G.E.R., 1992. P.6069.
Laurioux, B. Un dsir dor: remarques sur laproduction etles usages alimentaires
du safran au Moyen ge, in: Durand, A. (d.) Plantes exploites, plantes cultives,
cultures, techniques etdiscours. tudes offertes Georges Comet. Aix-en-Provence: Publi-
cations delUniversit deProvence, 2007. P.7791.
Malinin, Yu. P.(Transl.) Filipp deKommin. Memuary [Memoirs]. Moskva:
Nauka, 1986. 495 s. (in Russian)
Moulin, M.-A. Un exemple decomptabilit hospitalire: Les comptes delhtel-
Dieu Saint-Thomas dArgentan (14021499), in: Tabularia tudes, 2010. No10.
P.63108.
Ouerfelli, M. Le Sucre. Production, commercialisation etusages dans laMdi-
terrane mdivale. Leyde: Brill, 2007. 809 p.
Paravicini, W. Ordre etrgle. Charles leTmraire enses ordonnances
delhtel, in: Comptes rendus dessances delAcadmie desInscriptions etBelles Lettres,
1999. 143e anne. No1. P.311359.
Paravicini, W. Lembarras derichesse: Comment rendre accessibles lesarchives
financires dela maison deBourgogne-Valois, in: Bulletin dela Classe desLettres
etdes Sciences Morales etPolitiques delAcadmie royale deBelgique. 6e sr., 1996. No7.
P.2168.
Paravicini, W. Ordonnances delHtel undEscroes desgaiges. Wege zu
einer prosopographischen Erforschung desburgundischen Staats im fnfzehnten
Jahrhundert, in: Medieval Lives andthe Historian. Kalamazoo: Western Michigan
University, 1986. P.243266.
Paravicini, W., Kruse, H. (Hrsg.) Die Hofordnungen derHerzge vonBurgund.
Herzog Philipp derGute (14071467). Ostfildern: Jan Thorbecke Verlag, 2005. 507 S.
Paravicini, W., Schnerb, B. (d.) La face noire dela splendeur: crimes, trahisons
etscandales la cour deBourgogne aux XIVe etXVe sicle. Villeneuve dAscq: Presses
universitaires deLille 3, 2009. (Revue du Nord, 2009. No380). 272 p.
Prosopographia curiae burgundicae [Electronic resource], URL: http://burgun-
dicae.heraudica.org/fmi/iwp/cgi?-db=Prosopographia%20Curiae%20Burgundicae&-
loadframes (14.02.2017).
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niques. Paris: Robert Laffont, 1995. 1505 p.
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sous Philippe leBon: Roland du Bois, in: Paravicini W., Schnerb B. (d.) La face
noire dela splendeur: Crimes, trahisons etscandales la cour deBourgogne aux XIVe etXVe

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sicle. Villeneuve dAscq: Presses universitaires deLille 3, 2009 (Revue du Nord, 2009.
No380). P.421447.
Schnerb, B. Les archives desducs deBourgogne: Tradition, inventaires,
publications, in: Paravicini W. (Hrsg.) La cour deBourgogne etlEurope: Lerayonnement
etles limites dun modle culturel. Ostfildern: Jan Thorbecke Verlag, 2013. P.2732.
Schnerb, B. Ltat bourguignon (13631477). Paris: ditions Perrin, 1999. 474 p.
Schnerb, B., Viltart, F. Olivier deLa Marche etla garde du duc Charles deBour-
gogne (14731477), in: Publication du Centre europen dtudes bourguignonnes, 2003.
Vol.43. P.125136.
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(14331496). Leyde: Brill, 1970. 239 p.
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Boydell Press, 2002. 523 p.

Archival materials
Archives dpartementales du Nord
Comptes mensuels delhtel deCharles leTmraire (marsjuillet 1476).
B3333. F. 1140v, 4561, 6774v, 79100; B 3377, immatriculations 113552,
113555, 113556
Bodleian Library
Les ordonnances delhostel demonseigneur leduc deBourgogne entous estat.
1469. Ms. Hatton 13

208
A. Dupont-Madinier

Passage deMarguerite deValois


aSaint-Amant-Tallende etSaint Saturnin
(octobrenovembre 1586)

Fille du roi Henri II(15191559) etde Catherine deMdicis (1519


1589), Marguerite deValois (15531615), plus connue sous lenom
dereine Margot, afortement marqu lhistoire deFrance. Dernire
reprsentante dela ligne desValois, elle avcu une vie tumultueuse,
digne dun roman qui sera crit par Alexandre Dumas1 deux sicles plus
tard etqui contribuera la faire entrer dans lalgende. Ses nombreuses
lettres etson livre decompte permettent deretracer avec une certaine
minutie sa fuite enAuvergne etles conditions decelle-ci.

***
Charles IX, son frre, lamarie en1572 Henri, roi deNavarre
etfutur Henri IVengage depaix envers lesprotestants. Alasuite
desmassacres dela Saint-Barthlemy qui sont perptrs pendant lesftes
qui accompagnent lanoce, Henri deNavarre est retenu prisonnier
etneschappera que quatre ans plus tard.
Le troisime frre deMarguerite devient roi sous lenom dHenri
III la mort sans postrit masculine et lgitime de Charles
IXen1574. Marguerite doit quitter Paris en1583 aprs avoir intrigu
afin que son frre cadet, leduc Franois dAnjou etdAlenon (1554
1584) accde au pouvoir. Elle rejoint son mari Henri de Navarre
Nrac o le couple vit chacun de son ct. Son mari accumule
lesmaitresses qui enveulent Marguerite. Elle est galement victime
denombreux pamphlets.
1
Lareine Margot (1845), dAlexandre Dumas.
A. Dupont-Madinier, 2017

209
A. Dupont-Madinier

Cest donc rejete par son mari etdteste par son frre Henri IIIque
Marguerite vient stablir fin septembre 1585 au chteau deCarlat
enHaute Auvergne o elle y demeure durant une anne. Mais sy sentant
menace avec son amant Aubiac2, elle quitte Carlat le14 octobre 1586
endirection dIbois, enBasse Auvergne, dans un chteau qui appartient
sa mre eto elle espre pouvoir se rfugier.
Michel Moisan aretrac sur cette carte3 lestapes du parcours
deMarguerite enAuvergne du 25 septembre 1585 au 5 juillet 1605 (ill. 1):
En lespace detrois jours, accompagne dAubiac, elle traverse
lesvillages deMurat, Allanche, leLuguet puis passe lAllier gu,
prs dOrbeil dans lanuit du 16 au 17 octobre etse dirige vers Ibois.
Accueillie au chteau par lecapitaine Louis deLa Jonchres la tte
dune garnison insuffisante sa protection etavec peu deprovisions,
que des noix, du lard etdes fves4, elle ralise quelle est tombe dans
un pige. Lechteau est encercl par leshommes du marquis deCanil-
lac5 la solde dHenri IIIetMarguerite doit se rendre sans condition
le21 octobre. Lemarquis procde son arrestation etcharge Louis
deMontmorin6 dinformer dela capture etde recevoir lesinstructions

2
Lauzun, Ph. Itinraire raisonn deMarguerite deValois enGascogne: Daprs ses
livres de comptes (15781586). Paris, 1902. P. 352353: Jean de Lart de Galard,
de lillustre famille de Galard en Condomois, Agenais, Prigord, etc., tait issu
de la branche dAubiac en Bruilhois, par les de Lart. Surnomm Aubiac, il tait
le second fils dAntoine de Lart de Galard, cuyer, seigneur de Birac, dAubiac
etdeBeaulens, etde Bene deBourzolles. () Aubiac demeura au service deMar-
guerite et prit Carlat le titre dcuyer de la Reine. Cette dernire ne tarda pas
semontrer sensible son amour.
3
Moisan, M. Lexil auvergnat deMarguerite deValois. Nonette, 1999. P.34.
4
Annales dela ville dIssoire: Manuscrit indit sur lhistoire desguerres religieuses
enAuvergne aux XVIe etXVIIe sicles / d. J.-B. Bouillet. Clermont-Ferrand, 1848.
P.177.
5
Jean deBeaufort, marquis deCanillac, baron deMontboissier, vicomte dela Mothe,
etde Pont-du-Chteau etaffid du duc deJoyeuse (15381589). Lors deson retour
deConstantinople, ilnavait pas purcuprer son rle degouverneur dela Haute-
Auvergne confi Louis dela Rochefoucauld, comte deRandan. Sachant lahaine
que nourrissait Henri IIIenvers sa sur, ilaccepta lamission darrter Marguerite
afin desattirer lesfaveurs du roi etde rentrer enpossession deson apanage.
6
Louis deMontmorin deviendra son gendre en1593 enpousant Marie, la3me fille
du marquis. Louis est galement cousin de Franois de Montmorin qui pousera
en1587 Charlotte, la1re fille du marquis etqui recevra endot lors deson mariage
lechteau deMurol enSaint Amant.

210
Passage de Marguerite de Valois...

royales. Apartir dece moment, lesamants sont spars: Marguerite est


emmene Saint-Amant-Tallende, Aubiac au chteau deSaint-Cirgues,
elle nele reverra plus.

Saint-Amant-Tallende
Louvrage dePhilippe Lauzun7 fournit deprcisions sur lagenda
deMarguerite grce ses livres decomptes: Le mardi 21 octobre, ladicte
dame Royne deNavarre disne Yboy, souppe etcouche Saint-Amand.
Du mercredi 22 octobre au vendredi 31, ladicte dame Saint-Amand.
Dusamedi ler novembre au jeudi 6, ladicte dame Roine deNavarre audict
lieu deSaint-Amand.
Si Philippe Lauzun indique que lemarquis deCanillac crut prudent
dela mener au chteau deSaint-Amant-Tallende8, ilne prcise pas lequel
destrois. Lemarquis possdait la fois lesmaisons fortes dela Barge
etde Murol: tant responsable dela garde dela reine, ilsemblerait
logique quil ait utilis lune oulautre, voir lesdeux. Vladimir Chichkine
atudi lacour deMarguerite qui la suivi dans son exil deNrac Usson
enpassant par Ibois eta mis envidence que lareine avait relativement
peu rduit son train devie, prfrant vivre crdit car sa cour personnelle
lui tait leseul moyen demaintenir son rang etson pouvoir dinfluence.
ANrac celle-ci comptait environ 200 personnes avec un noyau dur
de 60 70 personnes 9 puis Carlat de 120 150 personnes. Dans
safuite vers Ibois, Henri deNoailles10 crit sa mre que Marguerite
est accompagne de Cambon, deLignayrac, etde quelques autres
desamaison, deses filles etde Mademoiselle dAubiac. Lo deSaint-
Poncy 11 prcise que la premire journe de voyage ncessita une
dpense de47 cus, 13 sols, 5 deniers, cequi prouve que lareine avait
un train assez considrable. Dans une autre lettre dHenri deNoailles

7
Lauzun, Ph. Itinraire raisonn deMarguerite deValois. P.358359.
8
Lauzun, Ph. Itinraire raisonn deMarguerite deValois. P.358.
9
Shishkin (Chichkine), V. TheCourt ofMarguerite deValois inRebellion, 158587,
in: TheCourt Historian: TheInternational Journal ofCourt Studies. 2016. Vol. 21, No2.
P.9596, 105.
10
Lespapiers deNoailles dela Bibliothque du Louvre / d. Louis Paris. Paris, 1875.
P.192194.
11
Saint-Poncy, L., de. Histoire deMarguerite deValois, Reine deFrance etde Navarre.
Paris, 1887. P.257.

211
A. Dupont-Madinier

sa mre date du 11 novembre, ilprcise que Marguerite est une


petite ville appele Saint-Amand, avec cent harquebuziers degarde12.
Cest limportance relative desa cour mme rduite etde son escorte qui
pousse Vladimir Chichkine croire que Marguerite aurait sjourn au
chteau deMurol, plus spacieux que celui dela Barge.
Alain Mourgue13 imagine larrive deMarguerite Saint-Amant-
Tallende: Aprs son arrestation Ybois, Marguerite est dabord
conduite au chteau de Saint Amand (actuellement Saint-Amand-
Tallende), sur lesbords dela Monne, prs deClermont. Aprs une halte
Mirefleurs, entoure dhommes enarmes, elle franchit lepont troit
qui enjambe larivire etles rives inondables, tout prs du moulin adoss
aux murailles du bourg etpasse laporte mridionale. Onlaconduit
au chteau deMurol qui domine lesremparts. Latroupe emprunte
ltroite ruelle qui court lelong desfortifications. Avec lechteau
delaBarge, situ plus haut dans lebourg, Murol ( nepas confondre
avec laforteresse mdivale du mme nom difie plusieurs lieues plus
louest proximit du lac Chambon) est lun desforts qui protgent
lacit.
La situation financire deMarguerite continue desaggraver avec son
statut deprisonnire. Lescomptes dela reine indiquent que lessalaires
desa suite etde sa cour ont gnralement cess dtre pays aprs
158514. Pour lemois doctobre 1586, sur 1.790 cus, 58 sols et7 deniers
dedpenses, seuls 411 cus, 2 sols et11 deniers ont t pays15. Cest
sans doute pour cette raison que Marguerite est contrainte dese sparer
dune partie desa suite. Gustave Saige etle comte deDienne16 prcisent
quelle renvoya Madeleine deBirac17, lasur dedAubiac, qui elle fit
payer lesfrais deson retour ensa maison deSaint-Vitour enGascogne.
Elle licencia aussi lereste desa suite, suivant quittance passe devant
Maynon, notaire Saint-Amand. Cette information est reprise par
12
Lespapiers deNoailles. P.250.
13
Mourgue, A. Margot, Reine dUsson. LeManuscrit, 2008.
14
Lauzun, Ph. Itinraire raisonn deMarguerite deValois. P.307.
15
Lauzun, Ph. Itinraire raisonn deMarguerite deValois. P.359.
16
Documents historiques relatifs la vicomt deCarlat / Recueillis etpublis par
ordre deS.A.S. leprince Albert Ier, Gustave Saige etle comte deDienne. Monaco,
1900. P.340.
17
Madeleine deBirac faisait partie dela maison deMarguerite deValois depuis 1584
entant que fille dhonneur.

212
Passage de Marguerite de Valois...

Jean-Hippolyte Marijol18 etHenri deNoailles dans lepost-scriptum


delalettre adresse sa mre du 11 novembre 1586 indique quil at
donn 100 cus Mademoiselle deBirac19.
Cest dans cette mme lettre quHenri deNoailles fait rfrence
une belle lettre quelle avoit escrite durant son sige, dont je nay heu
leloisir detirer encore copie. Ilfait trs certainement allusion une
lettre adresse au maitre dhtel deCatherine deMedicis, M. deSarlan20.
Ladatation decette lettre est imprcise etsujette de nombreuses
confusions. Dans louvrage dePhilippe Lauzun21 aucune date nefigure,
quant Franois Guessard22 illantidate tort dun an. Pour Eliane
Viennot23 etVladimir Chichkine cette lettre at rdige Saint-Amant-
Tallende.
Cette lettre24 est particulirement intressante car elle correspond
une priode desa vie o elle semble toucher lefond ettmoigne
delasituation dsespre dans laquelle elle se trouve: dteste par
son frre, trahie par sa mre, abandonne par son mari, affaiblie
physiquement, imaginant son amant trs certainement perdu25 etdans
lattente desordres du roi statuant sur son sort. Antoine deSarlan tant
matre dhtel dela reine Catherine deMdicis, ilest vident que cette
missive est indirectement adresse cette dernire:
Monsieur deSarlan, puisquela cruautdemes malheurs etdeceux
qui jenerendis jamais que services est sigrandeque, noncontents
desindignits que depuis tant dannes ils mefont ptir, [ils] veulent

18
Marijol, J.-H. La vie de Marguerite de Valois: Reine de Navarre et de France
(15531615). Paris, 1928. P.253.
19
Lespapiers deNoailles. P.250.
20
Monsieur deSarlan, seigneur deBuron, Authezat, Saint Sandoux etSaint-Yvoine.
Ilfut galement Snchal deClermont.
21
Lauzun, Ph. Itinraire raisonn deMarguerite deValois. P.356357.
22
Mmoires etlettres deMarguerite deValois / d. Franois Guessard. Paris, 1842.
P.297299.
23
Marguerite de Valois. Correspondance, 15691614 / d. . Viennot. Paris, 1998.
P.323.
24
Plusieurs copies se trouvent la Bibliothque Nationale deFrance: Dupuy 217,
f192; 704, f14; n.a.f. 7264 , f155; 500 Colbert 29, f751.
25
Le 8 novembre 1586 le prvt Lugoli condamne mort sans jugement Aubiac
qui lui dit Lautorit du roi me fait perdre lavie, pas mon dmrite. Lexcution
eulieu le17 novembre 1586 au chteau dAigueperse.

213
A. Dupont-Madinier

poursuivre ma vie jusqu la fin, je dsire au moins, avant mamort,


avoir ce contentement quelareinemamresachequejai eu assez
decouragepour netomber viveentre lesmains demes ennemis, vous
protestant queje nen manquerai jamais. Assurez len, etquelespre-
mires nouvelles quelleaurademoi seramamort. Sous son assu-
ranceet commandement, je mtais sauve chez elle; etau lieu du bon
traitement queje mepromettais, jeny ai trouvque honteuseruine!
Patience!Ellemamiseau monde, ellemenveutter. Sisais-je bien que
je suis entre lesmainsdeDieu:riennemadviendracontresavolont.
Jaimafianceenluietrecevrai tout desa main.

Votre plus fidle etmeilleure amie.

Marguerite (ill. 2)

Pour Saint Poncy26 cette lettre dpeint laffliction decette me


abattue par desi rude coups, mais se relevant par lafoi. Atravers cette
missive, Marguerite accuse sa mre davoir souhait sa mort27. Accusation
reprise, dans une lettre cette fois-ci qui lui est directement adresse
etcrite desa main fin octobre depuis Saint-Amant-Tallende28:
A laReine, Madame etmre.

Madame, puisque linfortune demon sort ma rduite telle misre,


que je nesuis siheureuse que dsiriez laconservation dema vie, au
moins, Madame, puis-je esprer que vous lavoudrez demon honneur,
pour tre tellement uni avec levtre etcelui detous ceux etcelles qui
jai lhonneur dappartenir, que je nepuis recevoir dehonte quils nen
soient participants, principalement mes nices, au prjudice desquelles
ledshonneur que lon me voudrait procurer importerait plus qu nul
autre; qui me fait, Madame, vous supplier trs humblement encette
considration nevouloir permettre que leprtexte dema mort se prenne
au dpens demon honneur etrputation; etvouloir tant faire, nonpour
moi, mais pour ceux que je touche desi prs, detenir lamain que mon
honneur soit justifi, etquil vous plaise, Madame, aussi que jaie quelque

26
Histoire deMarguerite deValois. P.265.
27
Viennot, . Parler desoi: Parler lautre. Marguerite deValois face ses interlo-
cuteurs, in: Tangence. Masques etfigures du sujet fminin aux XVIe etXVIIe sicles. 2005.
No77. P.3759.
28
Marguerite deValois. Correspondance, 15691614. P.324325.

214
Passage de Marguerite de Valois...

dame dequalit etdigne defoi qui puisse, durant ma vie, tmoigner ltat
enquoi je suis, etqui, aprs ma mort, massiste, quand onmouvrira,
pour pouvoir, par laconnaissance decette dernire imposture, faire
connatre un chacun, letort que lon ma fait par sidavant. Je nedis
ceci, Madame, pour retarder lexcution delintention demes ennemis
etne faut quils craignent pour cela quils manquent deprtexte pour
me faire mourir, car sije reois cette grce devous, Madame, jcrirai
etje signerai tout cequon voudra inventer sur autre sujet pour servir
cet effet; lequel avenant, je vous supplie trs humblement avoir piti
demes pauvres officiers qui, pour lancessit o lon ma tenue pendant
beaucoup dannes nont putre pays. Je sais quil ny arien desi dsa-
grable Dieu que deretenir lesalaire deses serviteurs. Je penserais
emporter cela sur ma conscience qui me fait, Madame, vous enfaire
cette trs humble requte, pour ladernire que je crois, Madame, que
vous recevrez de

Votre trs humble ettrs obissante servante, fille etsujette.

Marguerite

Loriginal se trouve la Bibliothque Nationale deRussie Saint-


Ptersbourg 29, ainsi quun grand nombre de lettres de Marguerite
deValois. Eneffet, ces lettres ont appartenu successivement Roger
deGaignires (16441715), puis la famille Harlay etenfin en1755
labbaye royale Saint-Germain-des-Prs Paris. Ces documents ont t
remis par lebibliothcaire royal Anne-Louis dOrmesson deNoyseau30
(guillotin en1794 sous laRvolution) son ami Pierre Doubrovsky31
envue deles sauvegarder dela destruction. Ce dernier quitta Paris
enjuin 1792, emporta lesdocuments enRussie do, finalement, ils
passrent la Bibliothque impriale publique deRussie en1805.

Saint Saturnin
Le 7 novembre 1586, Marguerite est transfre au chteau deSaint-
Saturnin, fief dela famille LaTour dAuvergne dont est issue Catherine

29
Une copie se trouve la Bibliothque Nationale deFrance. N.a.f. 6012. F1.
30
Chichkine (Shishkin), V. Documents indits sur Marguerite deValois Saint-Pters-
bourg, in: Seizime Sicle. 2012. No8: Lestextes scientifiques la Renaissance. P.328.
31
Piotr Petrovitch Doubrovskiy (17541816) secrtaire-interprte de lambassade
russe Paris (17771792).

215
A. Dupont-Madinier

deMdicis32 eto Marguerite est passe vingt plus tt avec son frre
Charles IXlors deson grand tour deFrance33. Lelivre decompte
rapporte Le vendredi 7 novembre, ladicte dame a disn, soupp
etcouch Saint-Saturnin. Du samedi 8 novembre au mercredi 12, ladicte
dame Saint -Saturnin.
On ignore lesraisons pour lesquelles Marguerite at dplace
Saint-Saturnin pour un sjour plus bref que celui deSaint-Amant-
Tallende. Plusieurs hypothses sont possibles. Lesordres du roi tardant
arriver, il se peut que le marquis de Canillac ait pris la dcision
dinstaller Marguerite etsa suite dans un lieu plus adapt. Certes ilntait
pas lepropritaire du chteau deSaint Saturnin, mais cedernier tait
suffisamment proche deSaint-Amant-Tallende pour pouvoir surveiller
lacaptive dont iltait responsable. Faut-il y voir lessignes avant-coureurs
dela future faiblesse34 du gelier envers sa prisonnire? Toujours est-il
que Marguerite aurait t recluse dans lachambre du dernier tage
delatour sud-ouest du chteau.
La chronique populaire attribue Marguerite laplantation dune large
alle detilleuls, longue dedeux kilomtres, reliant Saint-Amant-Tallende
Saint Saturnin. Son journal nele mentionne pas etil est peu probable
que Marguerite ait eu letemps defaire excuter ceprojet lors deson
sjour dune semaine. Saint-Poncy35 penche pour une ralisation juste
aprs son dpart oubien desannes aprs, lorsque Marguerite deviendra
baronne desdeux villes36.
32
La mre de la reine, Madeleine de La Tour dAuvergne, avait pous Laurent
deMdicis en1518.
33
LeGrand tour deFrance (janvier 1564 mai 1566) est levoyage que Catherine
de Mdicis fait entreprendre au roi Charles IX travers la France pour lui faire
dcouvrir son royaume, qui vient dtre ravag par la premire Guerre de religion.
Le30 mars 1566, leroi quitte Vic-le-Comte, traverse lAllier sur un pont debateaux, tra-
verse Saint-Amant pour aller dormir au chteau deSaint-Saturnin etrepart endirection
deClermont le31.
34
Une fois Usson, Marguerite promet Canillac ses droits sur lecomt dAuvergne.
Enfvrier 1587, celui-ci fait ensorte que lesgardes suisses prtent serment la reine
de Navarre ce qui permettra cette dernire de devenir matresse de la forteresse
lorsque lemarquis passera dans lecamp dela Ligue.
35
Marijol, J.-H. Histoire deMarguerite deValois. P.266.
36
A la suite de sa mre, Marguerite deviendra dame chtelaine de Saint Saturnin,
deSaint-Amant-Tallende, dYbois, deMirefleurs etautres fiefs du comt etdes baron-
nies dela Tour etde laCheyre.

216
Passage de Marguerite de Valois...

Autre souvenir deMarguerite, leretable qui se trouve actuellement


dans lglise Notre-Dame deSaint-Saturnin. Ilest compos detrois
degrs dcors enrelief deguirlandes defleurs etde fruits avec au centre
lemonogramme du Christ IHS droite un M couronn et gauche unH
qui correspondent aux initiales deMarguerite deValois etdHenri IV.
Cesinitiales ledatent desdernires annes du XVIe sicle oudes premires
annes du XVIIe sicle. Ce retable provient dun don dela reine lpoque
o elle habitait lechteau dUsson ettait dame deSaint-Saturnin.

***
Les ordres du roi que rapporte Louis deMontmorin mettent fin au
sjour deMarguerite Saint Saturnin. Lejeudi 13 novembre 1586, elle
est conduite au chteau dUsson qui lui appartient depuis 1582 eto elle
y sera surveille par une cinquantaine degardes suisses. Elle y sjournera
pendant prs de19 ans.
Son divorce avec Henri IV37 en1599 permet celui-ci dese remarier
avec Marie deMedicis qui lui donnera plusieurs enfants dont lefutur
Louis XIII(16011643) qui Marguerite reste sans postrit lguera
ses biens. Cest celui-ci qui sur lesconseils deRichelieu, commandera
en1633 ladestruction denombreuses forteresses susceptibles dabriter
desopposants au pouvoir dont Usson etIbois, faisant disparaitre deux
tmoins majeurs du sjour auvergnat deMarguerite.
En 1605, 52 ans, Marguerite quitte Usson etsinstalle Paris ouelle
meurt enmars 1615, cinq ans aprs lassassinat deHenri IVpar Ravaillac.
Entout, son exil Auvergnat aura dur une vingtaine dannes.

Information onthe article


Dupont-Madinier, A. Passage de Marguerite de Valois a Saint-Amant-Tallende
etSaint Saturnin (octobrenovembre 1586), in: Proslogion: Studies in Medieval and
Early Modern Social History and Culture, 2017. Vol. 3 (1). P. 209220.
Antoine Dupont-Madinier, independent researcher (BH2 6NE, UK, Bourne-
mouth, Dorset, 3 Durrant Road)
antoine@tijaralondon.com
This article aims to make more precise some details of political biography
ofMarguerite de Valois, queen of Navarre, sister of last kings deriving from Valois
dynasty and spouse of Henri of Navarre, future Henri IV, king of France. From
37
Devenu roi en1589.

217
A. Dupont-Madinier

the stay of Marguerite de Valois, queen of Navarre, in Auvergne, her wandering


to Carlat (1585), her flight to Ibois and her long residence in Usson (15871605),
have been widely documented. On the other hand, owing to poor documenta-
tion, relatively little is known by the scholars about the three weeks following
her arrest and the brief passage in Saint-Amant-Tallende and Saint Saturnin.
This article gathers all the elements that exist in this brief period of his life, but
probably one of the most desperate. Analyzing all these few documents kept
inthe National Library of Russia, National Library of France as well as some
other sources the author, co-owner of Saint-Amant-Murol, tries to explain the
choices that have been made regarding her captivity and the conditions of it and
finally lists the still existing traces of its passage.
Key words: Marguerite deValois, Reine Margot, Marquis deCanillac,
Auvergne, Henri III, Catherine deMedicis, Henri deNavarre


Dupont-Madinier, A. Passage de Marguerite de Valois a Saint-Amant-Tallende et
Saint Saturnin (octobrenovembre 1586), .: Proslogion:
. 2017. . 3 (1).
.209220.
-, (BH2 6NE, UK,
Bournemouth, Dorset, 3 Durrant Road)
antoine@tijaralondon.com
94(44).029


(15531615),
, IV.
, (1585 .),
.
,
-
, .
,
-- - .
, -
. ,
--, 1586 .,

.

218
Passage de Marguerite de Valois...

, -
, ,
-
,
.
: , ,
, , III,

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A. Dupont-Madinier


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, . . XVIIXVIII .
-, .: Proslogion:
. 2017. . 3 (1). . 221234.
,
, , . (188300, ,
, ., . 1)
rhys@rambler.ru
903.22
-

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Information onthe article


Rodionov, E. A. Frantsuzskoe okhotnichye oruzhie XVIIXVIII vv. v sobranii
Gatchinskogo dvortsa-muzeya [The French hunting fire-arms ofthe1718th centuries
inthe collection ofthe Gatchina Palace andEstate Museum], in: Proslogion: Studies
inMedieval andEarly Modern Social History andCulture, 2017. Vol.3 (1). P.221234.
Rodionov Eugeniy Alexandrovich, senior research officer, curator ofthe Arms
Department atthe Gatchina Palace andEstate Museum, town ofGatchina (188300,
Rossiya, Gatchina, Krasnoarmeyskiy pr., 1)
rhys@rambler.ru
The collection ofhunting firearms ofGatchina Palace andEstate Museum
(former imperial residence) contents about 50 guns andpistols made inFrance

232
XVIIXVIII .

inthe1718th centuries, theperiod, when theFrench style ofmaking anddecoration


offire-arms dominated all over Europe. The article briefly describes four wheel-lock
pistols ofthe beginning ofthe 17th century andseveral guns andpistols ofthe end
ofthe 17th beginning ofthe 18th century, made inParis, Sedan andSaint-tienne.
Some ofthese guns were made by thebest Parisian masters ofthe time, who had
thekings privilege tolive andwork inthe Galleries ofLouvre, namely Adrien
Reynier andJean Baptiste Laroche. The author focuses ondetails ofconstruction
andstyle offirearms, especially common forFrench gunsmiths ofthat period, such
as French type ofwheel-lock with separated mainspring andaxis ofa wheel,
passing through thestock, amanner ofdecoration ofbarrels with golden incrusta-
tion upon theblued ground, light andelegant stocks, decorated with incrustation
ofsilver wire, etc. Also theauthor gives brief notes about thegunsmiths, their places
anddates oflife.
Key words: Gatchina Palace andEstate Museum, hunting fire-arms, France,
Sedan, Paris, Galerie du Louvre, flintlock, wheellock, gun, pistol, Franoi Bletterie,
Adrien Reynier, Laurent deLachaise, Jean Baptiste Laroche, Tristan Allevin, Pierre
Puiforcat, Giller-Tissot, Baloche


Extremely rare Alsatian double barreled over-and-under wheel lock pistol,
Sedan, circa 1600 [ ], James and Julia Inc. URL: http://
jamesdjulia.com/item/lot-2486-extremely-rare-alsatian-double-barreled-over-and-
under-wheel-lock-pistol-sedan-circa-1600-50042/ (30.05.2017).
Hayward, J. F. The Art ofthe Gunmaker. New York: St. Martins Press, 1962.
Vol. 1. 303 p.
Heer, E. Der Neue Stckel. Internationales Lexikon derBchsenmacher,
Handfeuerwaffen-Fabrikanten undArmburstmacher von14001900. Schwbisch
Halle, 197879. Bd 13. 2287 S.
, . . . .: -,
2012. . 1. 400 .



(. 309. . 1. . 91)
. -
1925 (. 1260/1999)

233
. .

References
Extremely rare Alsatian double barreled over-and-under wheel lock pistol,
Sedan, circa 1600 [Electronic source], James and Julia Inc. URL: http://jamesdjulia.
com/item/lot-2486-extremely-rare-alsatian-double-barreled-over-and-under-wheel-
lock-pistol-sedan-circa-1600-50042/ (30.05.2017).
Hayward, J. F. The Art ofthe Gunmaker. New York: St. Martins Press, 1962.
Vol. 1. 303 p.
Heer, E. Der Neue Stckel. Internationales Lexikon derBchsenmacher,
Handfeuerwaffen-Fabrikanten undArmburstmacher von14001900. Schwbisch
Halle, 197879. Bd 13. 2287 S.
Rodionov, E. A. Kollektsiya oruzhiya Gatchinskogo dvortsa [Collection ofArms
ofthe Gatchina Palace andEstate Museum]. Sankt-Peterburg: AV-Studia, 2012.
Vol.1. 400 p.(in Russian)

Archival materials
Tsentralnyy gosudarstvennyy arkhiv literatury i iskusstva Sankt-Peterburga [Central
State Archive of Literature and Art of St. Petersburg]
Obshchaya inventarnaya opis Gatchinskogo dvortsa [General inventory ofthe
Gatchina Palace] (F. 309. Op. 1. D. 91)
GBUK GMZ Gatchina, Nauchno-vspomogatelny arkhiv [Scientific and auxiliary
archive of the Gatchina Museum]
Opis pistoletov ruzheynogo zala za 1925 god [Inventory ofpistols ofGuns
Gallery for1925] (D. 1260/1999)

234

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1
: Kaufmann, T.1) Martin Luther.
Mnchen, 2016; 2) Erlste und verdammte: eine Geschichte der Reformation. Mn-
chen, 2016; 3) Geschichte der Reformation in Deutschland. Berlin, 2016; Leppin, V.
1) Martin Luther. Darmstadt, 2010; 2) Die fremde Reformation. Luthers mystische
Wurzeln. Mnchen, 2016; 3) DasZeitalter derReformation. Eine Welt im bergang.
Darmstadt, 2009; 4) DieReformation. Darmstadt, 2013; Reinhardt, V. Luther, derKetzer.
Rom unddie Reformation. Mnchen, 2016; Schilling, H. Martin Luther: Rebell ineiner
Zeit desUmbruchs. Eine Biographie.Mnchen, 2016.
: , . : . ., 2017.
.: Goetz, H. W. Moderne Medivistik. Stand und Per-
spektiven derMittelalterforschung. Darmstadt, 1999; Dlmen, R., van. Historische
Anthropologie. Entwicklung, Probleme, Aufgabe. Kln, 2001.
. . , . . , 2017

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, 1983 .,
(19302001), ,
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Schilling, H. 1517. Weltgeschichte eines Jahres. Mnchen, 2017.

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Oberman, H. Luther. S.46.
9
Kirn, P.Friedrich derWeise unddie Kirche. Seine Kirchenpolitik vor undnach
Luthers Hervortreten im Jahre 1517. Dargestellt nach Akten im Thringischen
Staatsarchiv zu Weimar. Leipzig; Berlin, 1926; -
: Ludolphy, I. 1) Diereligise Einstellung Friedrich desWeisen,
Kurfrst vonSachsen, vor derReformation als Voraussetzung seiner Lutherschutz-
politik, in: Jahrbuch frGeschichte desProtestantismus insterreich. 1980. No96. S.74
89; 2) Friedrich derWeise: Kurfrst vonSachsen 14631525. Gttingen, 1984; -
, . . :
, .:
/ . . . . ., 1996. . 7489.
10
Der Reichstag zu Worms von 1521. Reichspolitik und Luthersache / Hrsg. von
F.Reuter. Stadtarchiv. Worms, 1971.

242
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21
Brecht, M. Martin Luther. Bd 13. Stuttgart, 19811987.

252
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, .: Proslogion:
. 2017. . 3 (1). . 235257.
930:929
, , ,
- (199034, , -
, ., 7/9)
.prokopiev@spbu.ru
, . . ., , -
(199034, , -, -
, . 5)
z.lurie@spbu.ru

22
Wendelborn G.Martin Luther. Leben undreformatorisches Werk. Berlin, 1983.

253
. . , . .


.

(19302001).
.
: , , , -
, ,

Information onthe article


Prokopiev, A. Yu., Lurie, Z. A. Lyuter pyat vekov spustya. Razmyshleniya nad
knigoy Khayko Obermana [Luther afterwards five centuries: Thoughts onHeiko
Obermans book], in: Proslogion: Studies inMedieval andEarly Modern Social History
andCulture, 2017. Vol. 3 (1). P. 235257.
Andrey Yurevich Prokopiev, doctor ofHistory, professor, St. Petersburg
State University (199034, Rossiya, Sankt-Petersburg, Universitetskaia nab., 7/9)
a.prokopiev@spbu.ru
Zinaida Andreevna Lurie, doctor ofHistory, assistant lecturer, Saint-Peters-
burg State University (199034, Russia, Saint-Petersburg, endeleevskaya liniya, 5)
z.lurie@spbu.ru
The main attention is focused on the new and the old in formation
ofLutheras atheologian andinterpretation ofconnection between Lutheran
and medieval views by Oberman. Could the Reformation be interpreted
as aGerman event? Was it thedevelopment ofthe medieval tradition?
What was therole oftheLuthers family indevelopment ofhis personality?
In what way the young monk was affected by the late medieval spiritual
practices? HowLuthers worldview changed andis it possible todate precisely
theappearance ofthe Reformation doctrine? What is therole ofthe devil inhis
theology andwhat main discoveries during his biblical studies were made?
Atlast, how thefirst Reformation events went andhow didLuthersplit from
theold Church, what are the external andinternal circumstances ofhis apostasy.
Reflections about his own past greatly influenced on Obermans
interpretation ofLuther. His book onthe Reformer could be seen as his own
confession. His thoughts are from positions ofmodernLutherstudies. Thewide
scopus ofacademic works timed tothe Reformation jubilee is made. Theauthor
marks out the most important idea of the book: Luther signifies the end
ofthe Middle ages andbeginning ofthe Modern era, but his personality was
unchanged. He was thegifted man who managed toreopen Gospel forpeople
andled them after him.

254
...

Key words: Luther, Reformation, biography, late middle ages, piety, Wit-
tenberg


Brecht, M. Martin Luther. Stuttgart: Calwer Verlag, 19811987. Bd 13.
Der Reichstag zu Worms von1521. Reichspolitik undLuthersache / Hrsg. von
F.Reuter. Worms: Stadtarchiv, 1971. 532 S.
Goetz, H. W. Moderne Medivistik. Stand undPerspektiven derMittelalter-
forschung. Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1999. 412 S.
Dlmen, R., van. Historische Anthropologie. Entwicklung, Probleme, Auf-
gaben. Kln: Bhlau-Verlag, 2001. 135 S.
Kaufmann, T.Erlste undverdammte: eine Geschichte derReformation /
3.Auflage. Mnchen: Beck, 2016. 508 S.
Kaufmann, T.Geschichte derReformation inDeutschland / 2. Auflage.
Berlin: Verlag derWeltreligionen im Inselverlag, 2009. 954 S.
Kaufmann, T.Martin Luther /2. Auflage. Mnchen: Beck, 2010. 128 S.
Kirn, P.Friedrich der Weise und die Kirche. Seine Kirchenpolitik vor
undnach Luthers Hervortreten im Jahre 1517.Dargestellt nach Akten im Th-
ringischen Staatsarchiv zu Weimar. Leipzig/Berlin: B.G. Teubner, 1926. 212 S.
Leppin, V. Martin Luther/ 2. Auflage. Darmstadt: Primus Verlag, 2010. 195 S.
Leppin, V. DasZeitalter derReformation. Eine Welt im bergang. Darm-
stadt: WBG, 2009. 160 S.
Leppin, V. Diefremde Reformation. Luthers mystische Wurzeln. Mnchen:
C.H. Beck, 2017. 247 S.
Leppin, V. DieReformation. Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft. Darmstadt:
WBG, 2013. 144 S.
Ludolphy, I. Die religise Einstellung Friedrich des Weisen, Kurfrst
vonSachsen, vor derReformation als Voraussetzung seiner Lutherschutzpolitik,
in: Jahrbuch frGeschichte desProtestantismus insterreich. 1980. No96. S.7489.
Ludolphy, I. Friedrich der Weise: Kurfrst von Sachsen 14631525.
Gttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1984. 592 S.
Oberman, H. A. Luther. Mensch zwischen Gott undTeufel. Mnchen:
Pantheon Ausgabe, 2016. 446 S.
Oberman, H. A. Zwei Reformationen. Luther undCalvin Alte undNeue
Welt. Berlin: Siedler Verlag, 2003. 320 S.
Reinhardt, V. Luther, derKetzer. Rom unddie Reformation.Mnchen: Beck,
2016. 352 S.
Schilling, H. 1517. Weltgeschichte eines Jahres. Mnchen: Beck, 2017. 364 S.
Schilling, H. Martin Luther: Rebell ineiner Zeit desUmbruchs. Eine Biogra-
phie.Mnchen: Beck, 2016. 728 S.

255
. . , . .

Wendelborn, G.Martin Luther. Leben undreformatorisches Werk. Berlin:


Union Verlag, 1983. 499 S.
, . . : -
, .:
/ . . . .
.: - , 1996. . 7489.
, . : . .: -
- . . ,
2017. 710 .

References
Brecht, M. Martin Luther. Stuttgart: Calwer Verlag, 19811987. Bd 13.
Goetz, H. W. Moderne Medivistik. Stand undPerspektiven derMittelalter-
forschung. Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1999. 412 S.
Dlmen, R., van. Historische Anthropologie. Entwicklung, Probleme, Auf-
gaben. Kln: Bhlau-Verlag, 2001. 135 S.
Kaufmann, T.Erlste undverdammte: Eine Geschichte derReformation /
3.Auflage. Mnchen: Beck, 2016. 508 S.
Kaufmann, T.Geschichte derReformation inDeutschland / 2. Auflage.
Berlin: Verlag derWeltreligionen im Inselverlag, 2009. 954 S.
Kaufmann, T.Martin Luther /2. Auflage. Mnchen: Beck, 2010. 128 S.
Kirn, P.Friedrich derWeise unddie Kirche. Seine Kirchenpolitik vor
undnach Luthers Hervortreten im Jahre 1517.Dargestellt nach Akten im Th-
ringischen Staatsarchiv zu Weimar. Leipzig/Berlin: B.G. Teubner, 1926. 212 S.
Leppin, V. DasZeitalter derReformation. Eine Welt im bergang. Darm-
stadt: WBG, 2009. 160 S.
Leppin, V. Diefremde Reformation. Luthers mystische Wurzeln. Mnchen:
C.H. Beck, 2017. 247 S.
Leppin, V. DieReformation. Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft. Darmstadt:
WBG, 2013. 144 S.
Leppin, V. Martin Luther(2. Auflage). Darmstadt: Primus Verlag, 2010. 195 S.
Ludolphy, I. Die religise Einstellung Friedrich des Weisen, Kurfrst
vonSachsen, vor derReformation als Voraussetzung seiner Lutherschutzpolitik,
in: Jahrbuch frGeschichte desProtestantismus insterreich, 1980. No96. S.7489.
Ludolphy, I. Friedrich der Weise: Kurfrst von Sachsen 14631525.
Gttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1984. 592 S.
Oberman, H. A. Luther. Mensch zwischen Gott undTeufel. Mnchen:
Pantheon Ausgabe, 2016. 446 S.
Oberman, H. A. Zwei Reformationen. Luther undCalvin Alte undNeue
Welt. Berlin: Siedler Verlag, 2003. 320 S.

256
...

Reinhardt, V. Luther, derKetzer. Rom unddie Reformation.Mnchen: Beck,


2016. 352 S.
Schilling, H. 1517. Weltgeschichte eines Jahres. Mnchen: Beck, 2017. 364 S.
Schilling, H. Martin Luther: Rebell ineiner Zeit desUmbruchs. Eine Biogra-
phie.Mnchen: Beck, 2016. 728 S.
Wendelborn, G.Martin Luther. Leben undreformatorisches Werk. Berlin:
Union Verlag, 1983. 499 S.
Prokopev, A. Yu. Konfessiya i politika v ranney Reformatsii: Fridrikh Mudryy
i Georg Borodatyy [Confessions andpolitics inthe early Reformation: Frederich
theWise andGeorge theBearded], in: Lebedeva, G. E. (Ed.) Problemy sotsialnoy
istorii ikultury srednikh vekov i rannego novogo vremeni. Sankt-Petersburg.: Izd-vo
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257
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Information on the article


Kovalev, V. A. Politekonomisty ponevole: Richard Lakhman Kapitalisty ponev-
ole. Konflikt elit i ekonomicheskie preobrazovaniya v Evrope rannego Novogo
vremeni i metodologiya neomarksizma [Political economists in spite of them-
selves. Richard Lachmans Capitalists in spite of Themselves. Elite Conflict and
Economic Transitions in Early Modern Europe and neomarxist methodology],

263
. .

in: Proslogion: Studies in Medieval and Early Modern Social History and Culture, 2017.
Vol. 3 (1). P.258266.
Victor Aleksandrovich Kovalev, Doctor of History, assistant professor, St.Peters-
burg State University of the Humanities and Social Sciences (192238, Rossiya,
Sankt-Peterburg, ulitsa Fuchika, dom 15)
onuphriyphd@gmail.com
This review of Richard Lachmans Capitalists in spite of themselves shows
pluses and minuses of the research. Also in the review actual historiography issues
are discussed and neomarxist methodology came under criticism. The criticist argues
that the key issue of the research is Marxists thesis of the distributive role of the
authorities and economical reductionism. Accepting Pierre Bourdieu conception of
social and symbolic capital, Lachman returns to the classical Marxist conception of
base (economy) and superstructure (power, policy culture and other). The role of
the symbolic, social, military, spiritual capital became downgraded and diminished.
Benefit of the research is attention to the historical process in Italian city-states which
set aside of the researchers attention very often. Also other forms of non-classical
form of medieval power and society structuring, the Holy Empire, the spiritual
knights Orders, the citys unions, etc. are left by Lachman unattended, because of
their disengagement in transition to capitalist economy. His interesting conception of
vertical and horizontal absolutism wasnt developed because of the researchers
inattention to non-material and mythological forms of power. In spite of references
to Paul-Michel Foucault and Pierre Bourdieu works, Lachman continues to envisage
political power as a distributive structure. Being interesting and very informative,
Lachmans research inherits Marxists paradigm deficiencies.
Key words: Neo-history, Marxism, neo-Marxism, Foucault, Braudel


Geertz, C. Local Knowledge. Further Essay in Interpretive Anthropology. New
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Geertz, C. Negara: The Theatre State in Nineteenth-Century Bali. Princeton:
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Reynolds, S. Fiefs and Vassals: The Medieval Evidence Reinterpreted. Oxford:
Clarendon Press, 1994. 560 p.
Reynolds, S. Kingdoms and Communities in Western Europe 9001300. Oxford:
Clarendon Press, 1997. 466 p.
Schramm, P. E. A History of the English Coronation. Oxford: Clarendon Press,
1937. xv, 283 p.
Shils, E. Charisma, Order and Status, in: American Sociological Review. 1965.
Vol.XXX, No 2. P. 199213.

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, .
II: 3- . / . . .. . .: . . I.
. 2002. 496 .; . II. .
2003. 798 .; . III. . . . 2003. 632 .
, . / . .; . .
. . . .: /.:
, 2007. 288 .
, . , .: :
/ . . . . . ; .
.. . .: , 2004. . 471518.
, . / . . . . . .: ,
2007. 181 .
, . . -
/ . . . . .:
, 2010. 456 .
, . / . . . . .: , 2009.
288 .
, . ? / . . . . .: ,
2014. 382 .
, . : ,
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1.
, III.
. 19 1577 .
La liste descandidats aux charges dePrsidents etde conseillers du parlement
deToulouse, pour entrinement par Henri III. Original. 19 septembre 1577.
Bergerac (Bragerac)
Roolle desPrsident etConseillers que leRoy deNavarre nomm
etprsent au Roy etlesquelz ilsupplie trs humblement SaMajeste
depourveoir enla chambre accorder pour leParlement deThoulouze
Prsident
Mr Guillaume Rocques, SrdeClausonne, conseiller au sige pr-
sidial deNysmes
Conseillers
Mr [tienne] deMolinier SrdeTourne
Mr Guichard Scorbiac [Escorbiac], advocat Montauban
Et ceoultre lesdeux conseillers que sont deprsent enParlement
deThoulouze nommez lesSrs dAuros etFavier, sibon leur semble
delaccepter.
Fait Bragerac leXIXe jour deseptembre cinq cent soixante dix-
septe.
Henry
Moreau

. . . . 54, 33
,
3
,
4.
[ ]:

3
III (15741589) ,
.
4

Chambre ddit ( ), 1579 .
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: Haag, Eug. etEm. LaFrance protestante.
Paris, 1857. T.VII. P.68.
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(matre derequtes), ,
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1585 . 15951605 (1606) .: Capot, S.Les magistrats dela Chambre d dit
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05. 2017).
8
, (1520 1586 1591) (Thomas deLa-
mynsans, seigneur dAuros), 1554 ., , -
III 15791585 .(Ca-
pot, S.Justice etreligion enLanguedoc au temps deldit deNantes. Lachambre
deldit deCastres, 15791679. Paris, 1998. P.383).
9
(Lon deFavier), , , -
III
15791580 . , , 1580 .: Capot, S. Justice
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10
, 14 1577 .

270
IV...


11

2. . -
. [ / 1585 .] []
Henri deNavarre Catherine deMdicis. Original. Autographe total.
S.l.n.d. [fin Aot/dbut Septembre 1585] [Nrac]
Madame, lesSrs deLenoncourt, dePougny [sic = Poigny] etpr-
sident Brulart mont amplement instruyt dela volont du Roy Monsei-
gneur etde lacharge que vous leur aves donne. Je nevous puys celer,
Madame, que je naye trouv byen estrange lecontenu dela lettre que
SaMajest ma escryt, mand auparavant, tant pour mon particulyer que
detous eux denostre religion ausquels ilsemble que nonobstant leur
fidelyt etobyssance, ilvault fayre porter lapeyne quont mryt eux
quy ont mys son estat enceste combustion. Chose [note sur leschamps
dela page par une main inconnue du XVIe s.: contre guisards], Madame,
que tous bons francoys etvos plus afectyons servyteurs jugent estre
detrs dangeuse [sic! = dangeureuse] consquence pour laconservation
delauctoryt du Roy etde Vostre. Toute lesprance dun chascun gyst
envostre prudence laquelle, syl vous plaist, employe la pacyficatyon
deces troubles etvous aprocher pour cet effect jusques Champigny
suyvant ceque mont fayt entendre lesdits Srs devostre part. Je me
metray entout devoyr devous y ayder etservyr. Jauray regret touteffoys
la peyne que cevous sera sur lentre delhyver, mays vous consyd-
reres limportance dela cause etquautre que vous ny peult remdyer
etme comanderes ceque verres estre bon pour vous doyt
Vostre trs humble ettrs obissant subject, fils etservyteur
Henry
Au dos: laRoyne mre du Roy Monseigneur
Note dechancellerie: LeRoy deNavarre
Note dune lamain inconnue: Juillet 158512

, -
.
. III
17 1577 . , -
: Champeaud, G.
LeParlement deBordeaux etles paix dereligion (15631600). Unegense deldit
deNantes. Bordeaux, 2008. P.5967.
11
. , -
(Robert Moreau), .
12
.

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. , . . , . .

. . .991, 556.
13, 14, 15,
16
, 17. ,
, ,
18, ,
, , ,
, ,
19, ,

13
, -

1584 .
14
(Philippe deLenoncourt) (15271592) -
, (1586), ,
, . 1585 . -
: Pierre delEstoile. Registre-
Journal du rgne deHenri III. T.V (15851587) / d. M. Lazard & G.Schrenck.
Genve, 2001. P.34.
15
, (Jean dAngennes, seigneur dePoigny) (.1593)
, ,
, -
.
16
de Sillery (Nicolas Brulart de Sillery) (15441624)
, -
(Prsident enla chambre desenqutes) (1584),
IV.
.
17
- -
, 25
1585 . ,
18 1585 ., -
.
, -
, -
,
. -
: Thou, J.-A., de. Histoire universelle. Londres, 1733. T.IX. P.350351.
18
, III 11 1585 .: Lettres
deHenri III, roi deFrance. T.VII (15851587) / d. J. Boucher. Paris, 2012. P.120.
19
(15841589) -
, , -
III , ,

272
IV...

[ XVI. : .. 20].
,

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,
,
, 21,
22.
,
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, ,
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,

: -

3. ,
. . 12 1587 .
Henri deNavarre Calignon, son conseiller. Original. Autographe totale.
12 novembre 1587. Pau
Monsieur deCalignon, vous verres par lalettre que jescri [sic!]
aux glises du Dauphin combien ilest ncessaire etimportant detenir
lasomme preste que je lesmande. Je scay que [vous] avez une entire
affection etzle au bien desglises etque vous connoisses lestat desaffres
etlimportance etnecssit decelluy qui se prsente. Je vous prie vous y
employer decure etaffection etfaire ensorte que nous envoyons russir
lesefets lesquels tous lesgens debien atendent devostre province, etmoy

, , -
: Jouanna, A., Boucher, J.,
etals. Histoire etDictionnaire desguerres dereligion, 15591598. Paris, 1998. P.318346.
20
(guisards) , -
.
21
,
, -
. , , -
. .: Thou, J.-A., de. Histoire universelle. T.IX. Londres, 1733. P.350351.
22
. , -
17 1585 .: Recueil de lettres, pour la plupart originales, et autres.
URL: http://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/btv1b9063780b/f197.item.r = enoncourt, pougny,
brulart (30. 05. 2017).

273
. , . . , . .

par dessus tous, qui prie leCrateur vous tenir, Monsieur deCalignon,
enSa sainte etdigne garde. DePau ceXII deNovembre 1587.
Vostre meylleur mestre
Henry
Au dos: Monsieur de Calignon mon conseiller et maistre
desrequetes demon hostel
Note: LeRoy deNav. du 12 nov. 1587

. . . . 4, 40
23, ,
24,
, .
,
,
, .
,
,
,
, ,
. , 12 1587 .

,

: ,

23
(Soffrey de Calignon) (15501606) -
, , -
, ,
, , 1593 .
.-. ,
. 15701580- . -
-
. .: Thou,J.-A. Sylloge scriptorium. Varii generis etargumenti. T.VII.
Londini, 1733. P.1829; Haag, Eug. etEm. LaFrance protestante. Paris, 1852. T.III.
P.98104; Vie etposies deSoffrey deCalignon, chancelier du roi deNavarre / d.
Cte Douglas. Grenoble, 1874 ( IV).
24
,


: Arnaud, E. Histoire
desprotestants du Dauphin aux XVIe, XVIIe etXVIIIe sicles. Paris, 1875. Vol. I.
P.448453.

274
IV...

4. IV . . 10
1591 .
Henri IVaux Etats Gnraux desPays-Bas. Original. 10 juillet 1591. Mante
Trs chers etbons amys, lalettre que vous nous avez escrite du
XIme juing, laquelle nous avons receue depuis trois jours seulement,
nous aconfirm labonne nouvelle que nous avions desj entendue au
paravant dela rduction dela ville deDeventer soubz votre obisance
etlasseurance dela continuation devotre bonne volont ennotre
endroict comme lacommunication que vous nous faictes devoz heureux
succedz nous endonne nouveau tesmoignage, dont nous vous remercions
bien affectueusement vous asseurant quilz neseront jamais entendus
depersonne qui plus sen resjouisse que nous, ny qui plus dsire votre
prosprit etrepos etparticulirement avons est trs aises deceste [sic!]
votre nouvelle acquisition siprompte aprs laprcdente pour lebien
que lun etlautre apportent voz affaires. Ladvancement desquelz nous
dsirons comme desntres propres etsur ceste asseurance que nous vous
prions avoir tousjours denous etque nous ny adjouster moins volontiers
leseffectz siDieu nous enouvroit quelque bon moyen, nous leprions quil
vous ait trs chers etbons amys enSa Sainte etdigne garde.
Escrit Mante leXme jour dejuillet 1591.
Henry
Revol
Au dos: noz trs chers etbons amys lesSrs desEstatz Gnraulx
desprovinces Unyes desPays Bas
Note 1: Reue leVe August. 1591
Note 2: 1591. August.

. . . . 4, 41
, ,
11 , ,
, ,
25.
,
,
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10 1591 . -
, ,
. ,
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. ., 1937. C. 305.

275
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.
,
26 , , ,
.
27, ,
,
, ,
, , ,
.
28, 10 1591 .

29
:

5. IV . . 10 1592
.
Henri IVFranois deTournemine, baron deCampzillon. Original.
10janvier 1592. Camp devant Rouen
Monsieur deCanzillon, jay cydevant escript enrecommendation du
SrdeColumb [sic = Colombey] sur ledsir quil mavoit faict entendre
quil avoit despouser ladame deLisle, fille aysne du feu marquis
deCrymur [sic = Cotmeur]. Mais ayant sceu depuis que cemarriage
nest ruscy etqu prsent leSr baron deNeufbourg larecherche, je vous
ay bien voulu tesmoigner par laprsente comme jauray trs agrable
que cemarriage se faict avec lesd. baron deNeufbourg, etpource je
vous prie prsenter votre contentement pour lesd. mariage ensa faveur
etleprefrir tout autre que se pourroit prsenter estant detelle qua-
lit, etsi riche dhonneur etde moyens, que je massure bons ettous
lesautres parens deladite dame deLisle [lIsle] serez [sic!] advenir

26
, ,
30 1591 .
27
IV , 1591 .
28
, -- (Mantes-la-Jolie), -
--, -
1591 ., .
29
(Louis Revol) (15311594) -
1588 ., IV. -
: LEurope dHenri IV: Lacorrespondance deLouis deRe-
vol, secrtaire dtat dHenri IV, 15881593 / d. J. de Monts de Savasse, S. Gal
etY.Soulingeas. Grenoble, 2004.

276
IV...

trs ayses quil ayt pris votre alliance etparce que je layme beaucoup
pour ses mrites, je vous scauray jamays bon gr devous offices que
vous luy ferez encemariage etle recongnoistres ces endroicts, qui sen
prsenteront dune telle volont que je prie Dieu, Monsieur deCanzillon,
quil vous ayt enSa sainte etdigne garde.
Du camp devant Rouen leXe jour dejanvier 1592.
Henry
P.S. [Par lamain du roi]: Mr deCansyllon, je says marry devotre
pryson etdsyreroys pourvoyr autant fere pour votre lybert comme je
dsyre que facyes pour leSr deNeufbourg enla recherch desa metresse.
Potier
Au dos: Monsieur deCanzillon
Par une autre main du XVIIe s.: 10e janvier 1592. Lettre du Roy
Henry escript Monsieur deCampzillon, du camp devant Rouen, sign
Henry etau dessous sign Potier.

. . .. 1217
30, ,
31, , ,
32,
o33. ,
, 34
, ,
30
, (Franois de Tournemine, baron
deCampzillon) (. 1614) ,
. IV, .
31
, (Charles de Lenoncourt, seigneur
deColombey), , -
IV. , -,
1594 . .
32
, , (Rene
de Tournemine, marquise de Cotmeur) (1576 1613), (1589)
-, (Jean de lIsle, seigneur de Marivault),
- III, , -
, , .
33
, (Jacques de ournemine, marquis
deCotmeur) (.1584) ,
. , - III.
34
, , (Alexandre de Vieux-
Pont, baron puis marquis de Neufbourg) (. 1550 1600) -
, , - : Aubert
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. , . . , . .

,
35.
36,
[] ,
, , ,
,
,
.
, ,

. , ,
.
37, 10 1592 .

P.S. [ ]: ,
38
, ,
.
39

6. IV , . .
26 1592 .
Henri IVFranois deLuxembourg, duc dePinay. Original. 26 aot 1592.
Camp devant Provins
Mon cousin, jay entendu que lespapiers du SrLArgentier que
lon afaict sortir deTroye sont maintenant Pougy sibien quil sera

35
-, ,
1593 .
36

. IV
, -
( ).
37
IV, ,
, 10 1592 .: Recueil des lettres missives de Henri IV. T. III
(15891593) / d. J. Berger deXivrey. Paris, 1846. P.861.
38
1591 . , -
: Philippe Le Noir, sieur de Crevan. Histoire ecclsiastique
de Bretagne depuis la Rformation jusqu ldit de Nantes / d. B. Vaurigaud.
Paris, 1851. P.274.
39
, (Louis Potier, seigneur deGesvres) (. 1630)-
1589 ., , -
IV.

278
IV...

trs facille deles faire porter seurement enma ville deChaalons. Etque
je vous prie defaire leplus tost que vous pourrez, etl, par lesmains
dune tierce personne que vous jugerez soluable [sic!] pour enrespondre,
lesfaire veoir aud. SrLArgentier, eto pour sexcuser desatissefaire au
contenu decompromis que vous avez faict ensemble. Ilvouldroict feindre
lesd. papiers nestre letout oupartye deeux quil demande. Je vous per-
mects deles retirer etles restituer ceulx qui vous lesont baillez debonne
foy. Nevoullant quils puissent estre arrestez pour quelques causes
etpersonnes que cesoict, ceque je vous permects par laprsente laquelle
nestant aultre fin. Je prieray Dieu, mon cousin, vous avoir enSa sainte
etdigne garde. Escript au camp devant Provins leXXVIe daoust 1592.
Henry
P.S. [Par lamain du roi]: Je suys demeur contant, mon cousin,
delafaon deconduyte come despropos quaves tenus au pre dema
belle amye sy bien que saures sy je suys cavalyer courtoys etRoy, reco-
gnoyssant certes cest un terrible home ceque dEstre tellement qu
toutes heures je letrouve ma traverse partant mandes luy, mon cousyn,
quyl na que fere decetant tourmanter nevoullant ryen contre son gr
ny contre lhoneur desa fylle etmoblygeres bocoup deme mander
ceque saures ladessus.
H[enri].
Ruz
Au dos: mon cousin leDuc deLuxembourg etde Pinay, pair
deFrance.
Dune autre main du XVIe s.: . Du XXVI Aoust 1592.

.
... 9, 3140
41, ,
42, ,

40
, , -
, ( ) ,
: Recueil desletters missives deHenri IV. T.III (1589
1593). P.662.
41
, (Franois deLuxembourg, duc dePiney)
(15461613) -, -
III ,
IV, 4
1589.: LeRoux, N. Lafaveur du roi. Mignons etcourtisans au temps desderniers
Valois (vers 1547vers 1589). Paris, 2000. P.705706. -
.
42
(Nicolas LArgentier) (15451610)

279
. , . . , . .

43,
44.
, - ,
,
, ,
, .
,
, .
, 45. ,
-
-, [],
. , ,
.
46 26 1592 .

[ ]: , ,
, ,
47 ,

, -
, -
. -
, (Chapelaines).
43
, , .
44
(. Chlons-en-Champagne) 1592 . IV-
, ,
.
.
45
,
, --
;
.
.. : , . . -
XVII../., 1965. . 246254.
46
3 1592 . : Mesqui,
J. Provins. Lafortification dune ville au Moyen Age. Genve, 1979. P.29.
47
IV (Gabrielle
dEstre) (15731599), , , -
,
, . -
1590 .
. 1591 . IV
, (Nicolas dAmerval
de Liancourt, baron de Benais),

280
IV...

, , ,
48.
, , ,

, ,
.
[].
49
: ,
.

7. IV, . .
. 27 1593 .
Henri IVSillery, ambassadeur Suisse. Original, lapartie chiffre.
27avril 1593. Mantes
Monsieur deSillery, jay reue voz lectres desXIIe Mars etVe Avril
ausquelles je nay peu faire plustost response pour avoir depuis est
occup regarder mes affaires pour y prendre quelque bonne rso-
lution
[la partie chiffre]
Je vous escrivis dernirement de Chartres du XXIX e du mois
prcdent mon passage pour aller se courir ma ville deNoyon o
ilyavoit assez deraisons desprer que je pourrois arriver temps pour
enempescher laperte, mais avant que je pensse estre Compigne veuz
lanouvelle quelle est rendue qui est la vrit venu trs mal propos
pour mon service, car siles assigs meussent peu donner un peu plus
deloisir, larme desennemis estoit desj sideffaicte quil y avoit grande
apparence que me sentant approcher ils nese fussent oppiniastres
poursuivre lentreprinse etde faict cela ces garder defaire celle

: Berger de Xivrey, J. Sur le mariage


de Gabrielle dEstres avec Mr de Liancourt, in: Bibliothque de lcole des Chartes.
1862. Vol.23, No1. P.461468.
48
, (Antoine dEstres, marquis deCoeuvres) (1529
1609), , -
,
. 1594 .
-- , 1596 . -
: , .-. IV. --, 1999. . 363370.
49
, (Martin Ruz, seigneur de Beaulieu) (1526
1613) , -
1588 ., IV1590 .

281
. , . . , . .

deChauny comme ils avoient dliber ny depuis nese sont encores


attacher aultre chose. Touteffois, ils attendent desnouvelles forces
etmunitions pour incontinent aprs quils lesauroient receues recom-
mancer etsemble pas lesadvis que jen ay quils
[la partie chiffre]
prtendent faire quelque grand effort jay pourveu lemieulx que jay
peu lesplaces o ily aplus dapparence quils soient pour saddresser
etrenforceray aussy mon arme mesme etcavalerye defaon que sils
enassaillent quelquune. Je netarderay guerres les approcher qui est
tout ceque je vous puis dire pour ceste heure desoccurrences dedec
priant Dieu, Monsieur deSillery, vous avoir enSa Sainte garde.
Escript Mante leXXVIIe jour dAvril 1593
Henry
Revol
Au dos: Mons[ieur] deSillery, conseiller enmon conseil dEstat
etmon ambassadeur enSuisse
Note: DeRoy du XXVIIe 1593

. . . . 35, 750
51, 12
5, ,
, .
[ ]
52, 29
[], ,

50

.: Rott Edouard.
Inventaire sommaire des documents relatives lhistoire de Suisse conservs dans
lesarchives etbibliothques deParis. Berne, 1882. T.I (14441610). P.256. -
, .
51
, , (.
. 14), , -
. -
1587 . III 1595 .:
Rott Edouard. Histoire dela reprsentation diplomatique dela France auprs descantons
suisses, deleurs allis etde leurs confdrs. Berne/Paris, 1902. T.II: 15591610. P.282.
52
, IV -
1594 ., 1591.
,
1593 .: Constant, J.-M. LaLigue. Paris, 1996. P.370; Recueil deslettres missives
deHenri IV. T.III (15891593). P.864.

282
IV...

,
, ,
, , , ,
53. ,
,
,
54, ,

. ,
, ,
55.
,
[ ],
, ,
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,
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,
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. ,
.
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27 1593 .


: ,

8. ,
, . , . 7
1594.

53
, 1593 .
54
, - , -
1590- .(. . 25) IV-
1594 . . ( 8), : Mmoires pour lhistoire
delaLigue Noyon / d. F.Pouy. Amien, 1868. P.66.
55
, - ,
1591 ., : Melleville, M. Histoire dela ville
deChauny. Laon/Paris, 1851. P.7071. -
.

283
. , . . , . .

Conditions dela capitulation deNoyon adresse Franois Blanchard,


sieur desCluseaux, gouverneur deNoyon pour laLigue. Brouillon. 7 octobre
1594. Paris
Pour donner occasion etmoien au SrDescluseaux derecongnoistre
leRoy etremectre laville deNoyon enson obisance SaMajest luy
accorde cequi sensuit,
Premirement,
Le gouverneur particulier dela ville etcitadelle deNoyon aux
gaiges etestats decent escus par mois. Etpour laseuret deladicte ville,
SaMajest y entretiendra quatre compagnies degens depied, decent hommes
chevaux qui seront choisis par ledict SrDescluseaux56 du nombre decelles
qui sont deprsent enladicte ville que57 Sadicte Majest entretiendra
enladicte citadelle pour lagarde dicelle lieu cent hommes depied.
Luy entretiendra aussi58 sa compagnie degensdarmes dans ladicte
ville laquelle sera paye pour lereste deceste anne dela mesme nature
dedeviner dont elle aest paye jusqu prsent lesquels SaMajest fera
lever cyaprs par59 ses commissions. Etpour leregard delanne pro-
chaine, Sadicte Majest lafera payer desdeniers destaillers du pays par
rescriptions qui seront expedies cest effect etlhonnorera aussi dung
estat dechambellan60.
Et pour donner moien audict sieur Descluseaux depayer ses debtes
etservir ladvenir, SaMajest avec plein decommodit, luy fera don
dela somme devingt mil escus sol payables dans lanne prochaine par
lesquatre quartiers dicelle. quoy sobligeront lesSrs dO, deChom-
bert, deSancy etles intendans desfinances ettrsoriers delespargne
Sadicte Majest fera don aussi aux capitains qui sont enladicte place qui
recongnoistront SaMajest avec luy dela somme dedix mil escus qui
seront pays comptant desquels ensera baill quatre mil au SrdeBeche-
more [Berchemore] son lieutenant. Etlesautres six mil restans seront
distribus par ledict SrDescluseaux ausdicts capitains.

56
. -
-
, c: Leregiment
deBechemore compos desept compagnies degens depied desoixante hommes chaqun etpour
lagarde decytadelle [].
57
( ) : et.
58
,
.
59
,
.
60
-
.

284
IV...

Davantage SaMajest faict don audict SrDescluseaux delabbaye


deSt. Esloy eten recompensera celuy qui enest pourvue qui enpassera
rsignation au nom deceluy qui luy sera nomm par ledict SrDescluseaux.
Lartillerie, poudres etautre munition deguerre qui seront reprsen-
tes, seront appreties etluy ensera baille sret par mesme obligation
que celle desvingt mil escus.
Pourvoira Sa Majest de lestat et office delieutenant gnral
deladicte ville deNoyon celuy qui luy sera nomme par ledict sieur Des-
cluseaux nonobstant toutes autres provisions qui pourroient avoir estre
expedies lesquelles SaMajest revocquera.
Fait Paris leseptiesme jour deOctobre 1594
Henry
De Neufville
Note au dos: . Noyon pour larduction delad. ville du octobre
1594

. . . . 35, 8


61 62
, :
-,
100 .

, ,
,
61
, (Franois Blanchard, sieur des Cluseaux
[deCluzeaux, Du Cluseau]), .-. :
, 1593 . -
, . .
IV -
: Thou, J.-A., de. Histoire universelle. 15931596. Londres, 1734.
P. 283. , -
- , apitaine
decinquante hommes darmes, gouverneur dela ville etcitadelle deNoyon (Les
Oeuvres dEstienne Pasquier. Amsterdam, 1723. T.II. P.463464).
62
, ,
1591 ., 1593 .
, , -
IV(. . 46), :
LEstoile, P., de. Journal du rgne deHenri IV. LaHaye, 1741. T.I. P.309.
18 1594 . , -
, .

285
. , . . , . .

;
100 .
[ ]
,
, ,
,
. ,
,
, 63
[],
,
.


, 20
, ,
.
64, 65, 66,
,

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, 4
, [] 67, 6
.
-,
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, ,
. ,
, , ,

63
.
64
O (Franois dO [Aux]) (15351594)
1588 ., III.
65
( ) (Gaspard de Schomberg / Caspar
vonSchnberg) (15401599) -
. IV -
.
66
, (Nicolas deHarley, seigneur deSancy) (1546
1629) ,
(1594 .) .
67
, Birchmoor.
68
, . , ,
640., 1591 ..

286
IV...

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20 .

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, ,
.
, 7 1594 .

69

( )


, ., , . ., , . . -
IV -
(15771609). . (15771594), .:
Proslogion:
. 2017. . 3 (1). . 267292.
, (42100, France, Saint-
tienne, rue Trfilerie)
laurent.angard@orange.fr
, . . .,
-
(199034, , -, , . 5)
shivlad@mail.ru
, . . ., -
- (109012, , ,
., . 15)
ezhinochka@gmail.com
94(44).031

IV -

69
, (Nicolas deNeufville, seigneur deVilleroy)
(15431617) ,
IX XIII(c 1567 .). 1594 .
IV, .
, 200
. . .

287
. , . . , . .

, -
1 (7) ,
2017.
, , -
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: , , ,
, . . , . . ,
. ., . . .

Information on thearticle
Angard, L., Shishkin, V. V., Gerasimova, E. S. Neizvestnye pisma i dokumenty
Genrikha IV Frantsuzskogo iz arkhivnykh sobraniy Sankt-Peterburga i Moskvy
(15771609). Chast pervaya. Religioznye voyny (15771594) [Unknown letters and
documents of Henry IV of France from the arhival collections of Saint-Petersburg
and Moscow (15771609). The first part. Religious wars (15771594)], in: Proslogion:
Studies inMedieval andEarly Modern Social History andCulture, 2017. Vol.3 (1).
P.267292.
Laurent Angard, doctorant, Universit Jean Monnet (42100, France, Saint-
tienne, rue Trfilerie)
laurent.angard@orange.fr
Vladimir Vladimirovich Shishkin, doctor of History, assistant professor, Insti-
tute ofHistory, St. Petersburg State University (199034, Rossiya, Sankt-Peterburg,
Mendeleevskaya linia, 5)
shivlad@mail.ru
Ekaterina Sergeevna Gerasimova, doctor of History, assistant professor, Insti-
tute of History and Archives, Russian State University for the Humanities (109012,
Rossiya, Moskva, Nikolskaya ulitsa, 15)
ezhinochka@gmail.com
The present publication ofunknown letters andpapers ofthe French king
HenryIVis adocumentary application tothe Introduction initiated by theRussian-
French team ofresearchers andpublished in1 (7) RSUH/RGGU Bulletin,
2017. These documents reflect thestruggle forpower ofthe prince of the blood
Henry deBourbon, king ofNavarre, against theruling house ofValois, andalso
against claimants tothe throne, Dukes ofGuise-Lorraine, which ended inhis ascen-
sion tothe throne under thename ofHenry IV(15891610).
Key words: Henry ofNavarre, autographs, correspondence, Religious wars,
collection ofP. Dubrovsky, collection ofG. Orlov, collection P.Waxel, collection
ofP. Sukhtelen

288
IV...


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sicles. Paris: Grassart, 1875. Vol. I. 572 p.
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chronologique ethistorique. Paris: Duchesne, 1757. T.III. 500 p.
Berger deXivrey, J. Sur lemariage deGabrielle dEstres avec Mr deLiancourt,
in: Bibliothque delcole desChartes. 1862. Vol. 23. No1. P.461468.
Capot, S.Justice etreligion enLanguedoc au temps deldit deNantes.
Lachambre deldit deCastres, 15791679. Paris: cole desChartes, 1998. 427 p.
Capot, S.Les magistrats dela Chambre d dit deLanguedoc (15791679), in:
Annales du Midi: Revue archologique, historique etphilologique dela France mridionale.
1996. T.108. No213. P.6388.
Champeaud, G. LeParlement deBordeaux etles paix dereligion (15631600).
Une gense deldit deNantes. Bordeaux: ditions dAlbret, 2008. 440 p.
Constant, J.-M. LaLigue. Paris: Fayard, 1996. 520 p.
Estienne Pasquier. LesOeuvres dEstienne Pasquier. Amsterdam, 1723. T.II.
741p.
Garrisson, J. LHomme protestant. Paris: Hachette, 1980. 254 p.
Haag, Eug. etEm. LaFrance protestante. Paris: J. Cherbuliez, 1852. T.III. 520 p.
Haag, Eug. etEm. LaFrance protestante. Paris: Cherbuliez, 1857. T.VII. 530 p.
Jouanna, A., Boucher, J., etals. Histoire etDictionnaire desguerres dereligion,
15591598. Paris: Robert Laffont, 1998. 1526 p.
Le Roux, N. Lafaveur du roi. Mignons etcourtisans au temps desderniers Valois
(vers 1547 vers 1589). Paris: Champ Vallon, 2000. 806 p.
LEstoile, P., de. Journal du rgne deHenri IV. LaHaye: Frres Vaillant, 1741.
T.I. 502 p.
Lettres deHenri III, roi deFrance. T.VII (15851587) / d. J. Boucher. Paris:
Socit delhistoire deFrance, 2012. 634 p.
LEurope dHenri IV: Lacorrespondance deLouis deRevol, secrtaire dtat
dHenri IV, 15881593 / d. J. deMonts deSavasse, S.Gal etY. Soulingeas. Gre-
noble: Presses universitaires deGrenoble, 2004. 329 p.
Melleville, M. Histoire dela ville deChauny. Laon/Paris, 1851. 154 p.
Mmoires pour lhistoire dela Ligue Noyon / d. F.Pouy. Amien: Caillaux,
1868. 90 p.
Mesqui, J. Provins. Lafortification dune ville au Moyen Age. Genve: Droz,
1979. 317 p.
Philippe LeNoir, sieur deCrevan. Histoire ecclsiastique deBretagne depuis
laRformation jusqu ldit deNantes / d. B. Vaurigaud. Paris: Grassart, 1851.
370 p.

289
. , . . , . .

Pierre delEstoile. Registre-Journal du rgne deHenri III/ d. M. Lazard


&G.Schrenck. Genve: Droz, 2001. T.V (15851587). 416 p.
Recueil deslettres missives deHenri IV. Paris: Imprimerie royale, 1846.
.III(15891593) / d. J. Berger deXivrey. 908 p.
Rott Edouard. Inventaire sommaire desdocuments relatives lhistoire deSuisse
conservs dans lesarchives etbibliothques deParis. Berne: Imprimerie S.Glin,
1882. T.I (14441610). 472 p.
Rott Edouard. Histoire dela reprsentation diplomatique dela France auprs
descantons suisses, deleurs allis etde leurs confdrs. Berne/Paris, 1902. T.II:
15591610. 482 p.
Scobriac, B. Lacarrire politique, judiciaire etmunicipale dun officier calviniste
entre Guyenne etLanguedoc, Guichard dEscorbiac (15271608). Thse dedoctorat
endroit priv, 2011. URL: http: in:www.theses.fr/s31239 (30. 05. 2017).
Thou, J.-A., de. Histoire universelle. Londres, 1733. T.IX. 684 p.
Thou, J.-A. Sylloge scriptorium. Varii generis etargumenti. Londini: S.Buckley,
1733. T.VII. 684 p.
Tulchin Allan, A. TheMichelade inNmes, in: French historical studies. Vol. 29,
No1. 2006. P.135.
Vie etposies deSoffrey deCalignon, chancelier du roi deNavarre / d.
CteDouglas. Grenoble: E. Allier, 1874. 563 p.
, ., , . ., , . . -
IV -
(15771609), .: . 2017. 1 (7). -
. . -
. . 8997.
, .-. IV. --: , 1999. 608 .
XVI.
(15591560) / . . . . ; .
..; . . . , .:
. 2013. . 7. 330 .
, . . XVII../.:
, 1965. 362 .
, . . .: . .-. .-, 1937. 574 .

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15591610. 482 p.
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v.v.shishkin@spbu.ru

Information onthe article


Shishkin, V. V. Mezhdunarodnaya akademicheskaya konferentsiya Ritualy
vlasti. Gosudarstvennye i pridvornye tseremonii v pozdnesrednevekoviy period
i v Novoye vremya. Varshava, 68 oktyabrya 2016 .[Chronica: International
Academic conference. Rituals ofpower. The ceremonies ofCourts andStates
from theLate Medieval period tothe Modern era. The Royal Castle inWarsaw,
Poland. 68 october 2016], in: Proslogion: Studies inMedieval andEarly Modern Social
History andCulture, 2017. Vol.3 (1). P. 293298.
Vladimir Vladimirovich Shishkin, doctor of History, assistant professor,
Institute ofHistory, St. Petersburg State University (199034, Rossiya, Sankt-
Peterburg, Mendeleevskaya linia, 5)
v.v.shishkin@spbu.ru

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Information onthe article


ekhamadiev, . . Okonferentsii XXXVI Kurbatovskie chteniya [About
the conference XXXVI Readings after G. L. Kurbarov], in: Proslogion: Studies in
Medieval and Early Modern Social History and Culture, 2017. Vol. 3 (1). P. 299308.
vgeniy leksandrovich ekhamadiev, doctor of History, senior lecturer, Insti-
tute ofHistory, St. Petersburg State University (199034, Rossiya, Sankt-Peterburg,
Mendeleevskaya linia, 5)
e.mehamadiev@spbu.ru

308
V aldaliso -C asanova , C. I psa D omina A gnes ...

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1. Marriages between the royal families of Castile, Portugal and Aragon


V aldaliso -C asanova , C. I psa D omina A gnes ...

310

2. The family of Ins De Castro


V aldaliso -C asanova , C. I psa D omina A gnes ...

311

3. The portuguese Royal family


, . . S piel zum L es er ...

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1. . . . - 2. . (1535).
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au5juillet 1605, par Michel Moisan

327
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2. Lettre de Marguerite de Valois Serlan, octobrenovembre 1586.


Original. Chteau de Saint-Amant-Murol // Bibliothque Nationale de Russie,
Saint-Ptersbourg. Manusc. dept., Dubrovskiy, Aut. 57, 1

328

, . . ........................................................5



, . . :
XIV ....................................................7
, . .
XVII . ....................................................................... 29
Spangler, J. Sons and daughters sent abroad: Successes and failures of
foreign princes at the French court in the Sixteenth Century............ 48


Valdaliso-Casanova, C. Ipsa Domina Agnes. Onthe historical basis
ofthe myth ofIns deCastro .......................................................... 90
, . . Spiel zum Leser: -
........................................................... 118
, . . XVI :
- ................... 139


, . . II
337350 .: -
-
...................................................................... 159
, . . : -
.................................................................................. 184
Dupont-Madinier, A. Passage de Marguerite de Valois a Saint-Amant-Tall-
ende et Saint Saturnin (octobrenovembre 1586).............................. 209

, . . XVIIXVIII .
-....................................... 221


, . ., , . . . -
.............................................. 235
, . . .
. -
...258


, ., , . ., , . .
IV
- (15771609). . -
(15771594) ............................................................ 267


, . . M
.
. ,
68 2016 ....................................................................... 293
, . . XXXVI -
............................................................................................. 299

.............................................................................. 329
Contents

Prokopiev, A. Yu. Introduction ............................................................5

ARTICLES

Power, society, law


Dmitrieva, M. I. Peoples governments andparties: Images ofpower
inSiena of the 14th century ................................................................7
Gusarova, T.P. The 17th century diaries ofthe State Assemblies
ofHungary andtheir authors .......................................................... 27
Spangler, J. Sons anddaughters sent abroad: Successes andfailures
offoreign princes atthe French court inthe Sixteenth century......... 48

A man and society


Valdaliso-Casanova, C. Ipsa Domina Agnes. Onthe historical basis
ofthe myth ofIns deCastro .......................................................... 90
Lurie, Z. A. Spiel zum Leser: Specifics ofthe printed drama
oftheReformation........................................................................ 118
Pitulko, G. N. Englishmen inRussia ofthe 16th century: Astudy
onthefirst period ofthe RussianEnglish contacts........................ 139

Society in conflicts and compromises


ekhamadiev, . . The military policy ofEmperor ConstantiusII
inthe Near East provinces ofthe Empire in337350:
Theorganizational structure ofthe RomanPersian border
andtheproblem ofrecruiting........................................................ 159
Nosova, E. I. From Grandson toMorat: TheBurgundian court during
thewar.......................................................................................... 184
Dupont-Madinier, A. Passage de Marguerite de Valois a Saint-Amant-
Tallende et Saint Saturnin (octobrenovembre 1586)..................... 209
Everyday life and material culture
Rodionov, E. A. The French hunting fire-arms ofthe 1718th centuries
inthe collection ofthe Gatchina Palace andEstate Museum.......... 221

Reviews and commentaries


Prokopiev, A. Yu., Lurie, Z. A. Luther afterwards five centuries: thoughts
on Heiko Obermans book ............................................................ 235
Kovalev, V. A. Political economists in spite of themselves. Richard Lach-
mans Capitalists in spite of Themselves. Elite Conflict and Economic
Transitions in Early Modern Europe and neomarxist methodology.. 258

PubLications and archive

Angard, L., Shishkin, V. V., Gerasimova, E. S. Unknown letters and


documents of the Henry IV of France from the arhival collections
of Saint-Petersburg and Moscow (15771609). The first part. Religious
wars (15771594) .......................................................................... 267

Chronica
Shishkin, V. V. Chronica: International Academic conference. Rituals
ofpower. The ceremonies ofcourts andstates from theLate Medi-
eval period tothe Modern era. The Royal Castle inWarsaw, Poland.
68october 2016........................................................................... 293
ekhamadiev, . . About the conference XXXVI Readings after
G.L. Kurbarov ........................................................................... 299

Illustrations .................................................................................. 329


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