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Review Article: Social MovementsHistory and Future: A Review

Ann Vogel a
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Online Publication Date: 01 February 2005

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 Citizenship Studies,
Vol. 9, No. 1, 107115, February 2005

REVIEW ARTICLE

Social MovementsHistory and Future:

A Review
ANN VOGEL
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Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, University of Cambridge, Cambridge, UK

A Movement of Movements: Is Another World Really Possible?

T. MERTES (Ed.)
London & New York, Verso, 2004, 288 pp., 13

Forces of Labor: Workers Movements and Globalization since 1870

B. J. SILVER
Cambridge, Cambridge Studies in Comparative Politics, Cambridge University Press,
2003, 256 pp., 16.99

Social Movements, 1768 2004

C. TILLY
Boulder, CO, & London, Paradigm Publishers, 2004, 262 pp., $18.95

But still, connecting with what touches people on a daily basis, in a direct fashion, is the
way to move history forward. (Trevor Ngwane, in Mertes, 2004, p. 134)

Introduction: Contentious Politics

In its own way, each of these books on social movements sets out to capture the world-
spanning phenomenon of this social form, which we moderns have come to believe
expresses and mobilizes political discontent in a unique way.
Tillys Social Movements, 1768 2004 takes its readers on a tour of modern world
history to show that within less than two and a half centuries a distinct political form
arrivedthe social movement. The claim that this coming-of-age story makes a case of
institutionalization is interesting in its own right in the light of widely held beliefs among

Correspondence Address: Ann Vogel, PhD, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, University of Cambridge,
Free School Lane, Cambridge CB2 3RQ, UK. Fax: 44 (0) 1223 334 550; Tel.: 44 (0) 1223 330 521.
1362-1025 Print/1469-3593 Online/05/010107-9 q 2005 Taylor & Francis Ltd
DOI: 10.1080/1362102042000325360
 108 A. Vogel

movement researchers that action is for movement (read: opposition) what institution is
for party politics and the state (read: establishment). Interestingly, his book follows upon
States, Parties and Social Movements (Goldstone, 2003), in which Goldstone announces a
new era of research into political change based on the complex interplay of parties,
movements, and the state (see also Tilly, 2004, p. 10) as well as upon a new network-
analytic approach (Diani & McAdam, 2003)both books presenting new directions that
contrast Tillys demarcation project. Tilly predicts that social movements wont
necessarily triumph, although he believes they should, for the sake of humanity, and to
reflect the existence and assist the functioning of democratic institutions (Tilly, 2004,
pp. 157 158).
A Movement of Movements is a collection of 16 interviews and essays on anti-
globalization movements, the majority of which appeared in the New Left Review
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between 2001 and 2003. The book is divided into three sections: Southern voices,
Northern voices, and Analytics. As a book without pretense to be social science,
I consider it one of the most informative sources currently available for stimulating
discussion and thought about movements futures and the phenomenon of globalization.
Providing facts of political action mixed with essayistic intellectualization, the writers
look for answers to basic questions such as: What is truly new about these movements?
Are they globalization or anti-globalization movements? How can this conglomerate of
collective action become a more massive attack on the enemy that binds
(neo-liberalism)? Aside from these questionssome of which are notably at the heart
of sociologists conceptualization debates surrounding social movement organizations
core theoretical questions for both contemporary movement research and normative
political theory are asked. They concern the intellectually explosive issues of global free
trade versus national sovereignty as well as the role of protectionist labor movements
and of the USA as a supreme world power. While they further concern the perennial
theme of reform-or-revolution, they explore it through the notion of civil society.
Although not offering a full debate over anti-capitalism versus civil-society politics,
these questions appear as a good start in an era that has celebrated the massive
organizing of protest on world scale as a renaissance period for civil society, where the
latter often has been assumed to come with a benign if not liberationist connotation.
Perhaps not every reader will appreciate the repetition of empirical facts, which,
however, may be interpreted as an attempt to hammer home the saliency of issues from
the viewpoint of those involved.
Silvers Forces of Labor is a refreshingly systematic and coherent sociological account
of the globalization of political contention that tackles the question of whether the
contemporary crisis of labor movements is here to stay. Indeed, she says, it is. The book
has won an award for distinguished publication by the American Sociological Association
for good reasons. Combining world-system theory, Marx, and Polanyi into one
framework, and putting to use the World Labor Group Database that Silver and others
helped to compile from two world newspapers the recordings of labor unrest between 1870
and 1996 (totalling 91,947 mentions of labor unrest in 168 countries), the author takes
the long view to predict future militancy from both patterns of shifts in labor unrest and an
array of secondary data speaking to events in national and world political economy. She
finds that transnational relocation of capital sooner or later invites the relocation of the
labor movement. Silver shows this by putting together industry dynamics and labor unrest
patterns in the two leading industries of world capitalismcar manufacturing and
 Social Movements 109

textileswith massive, but not equally successful, labor uprisings. Searching for their
twenty-first-century heirs in a range of post-industrial and new economy industries, she
finds none that qualify. Although labor unrest in services has been growing worldwide
(Silver, 2003, p. 123), workers bargaining power does not translate easily into one pattern.
Apart from suggesting more generally that labor protest based in wider community efforts
(in other words, involving more than class identity) will be more successful than other,
more isolated, forms of contention, she tips Chinathe key site of industrial expansion
and new industrial working-class formationas a near-future site of vigorous workers
movements (Silver, 2003, p. 105).
In the following I look at each book more closely and then briefly examine their
contributions to our understanding of theoretical categories such as public sphere and civil
society.
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Instituted Action, Institutional Politics

Tillys main concern is the isolation of the movement as truly distinct from other forms of
political contention. He says a movement can be recognized by the synthesis of sustained
campaigning, elements of the social movement repertoire (for example, rallies and vigils),
and the public representation of worthiness, unity, numbers and commitment (WUNC).
He also specifies state actors as crucial parts in the setting: whether as claimants, objects
of claims, allies of the object, or monitors of the contention (Tilly, 2004, p. 3). Social
movements three claims of program, identity, and standing vary greatly by time,
situational and institutional context, in other words, the calculation and imagination of
future possibilities against the horizon of political regime history. After this
conceptualization Tilly establishes a list of claims that he follows through in the
historical narrative (that is: Chapter 2 on the birth of the form in Britain and the United
States; Chapter 3 on national and international movements in the West and some of its
former colonies; Chapter 4 on the worldwide proliferation of this phenomenon in the
twentieth century; Chapter 5 on the internationalization of the phenomenon in the twenty-
first century). These claims, in brief, are (1) that democratization inhibits protest violence
and channels popular claim-making into the social movement form; (2) that movements
assert popular sovereignty, and (3) that political entrepreneurshipthat is,
organizing, planning, and schmoozingmatters to process and outcome. Tilly argues
(4) that movements empirically vary with political environments and organizational
dynamicscommunication and competitionand (5) that this form emerged together
with the rise of centralized, relatively democratic states, and thus anything of a counter-
tendency (for example, de-centralization, extensive governmental-function privatization
and transnational powers trumping the nation-state) could endanger it. Chapters 6 and 7
tackle these propositions in more general terms.
While making compelling reading for anyone who does not know everything about
social movement history, the book raises some questions. First, is Tillys relentless effort
of bounding the object convincing? Second, how does the idea of states being claimants
or monitoring agents on behalf of the contenders square with the assumption of movement
research being about the man in the street (versus institutional politics)? Third, why the
hesitation to extend the argument of institutionalization into the future, and if not possible,
what would de-institutionalization of the social movement involve in more theoretical
terms? These issues will be taken up further below.
 110 A. Vogel

Of Fixes and Anti-systemic Movements

Silver not only differs from Tilly by having faith (the Marxian way) in history, but also
because the bounding of the object has fallen by the wayside. Looking at reported acts of
resistance by people to being treated as a commodity, the movement excludes less
institutionalized forms of protest. Her discussion of the relationship between waves of
unrest and political economic transformations is guided by the assessment of workers
bargaining power as it relates to the levels of commodification of labor in a given historical
situation. Silver claims a rescheduled crisiswith the dialectic between capitalisms
crises of profitability and legitimacy being moved over the globe throughout history. With
her typology (taken from E. Olin Wright) of associational as well as structural (that is
marketplace and workplace) bargaining power she effectively places the allegation of the
death of the unions in a new light. The typology corresponds to (1) the capacity to
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collectively organize (mainly unions and political parties), (2) the capacity to negotiate
based on either scarce skill, against levels of labor reserve, or on the opportunity cost of
withdrawing labor at negotiation point, and (3) the capacity to use ones logistical position
in the production process. This mix of forms of resistance and constraints upon them is met
by a second typology, of reaction by capitalists, for which she borrows from D. Harveys
notion of the fix. Thus, to economic relocation she adds the organizational/techno-
logical, product and financial fixes, and shows under what circumstances they apply.
Silvers book of five chapters and efficient appendices on data and methodology does a
number of convincing things.
First, she shows that variance in bargaining power in the context of the systemic
contradictions inherent in the capital labor relationship creates continuing possibilities of
resistance, but not along the fault line between the North and the South. Second, brilliantly
and almost in passing, she sacks some common assumptions about Fordist and post-
Fordist production systems (neither is the first the ultimate seedbed for worker unity nor is
the second wholly guarded from labor militancy). Third, Silvers discussions of success in
labor movement history show that professional and occupational identities (for example,
Silver, 2003, p. 85) matter to collective mobilizationpossibly signaling a point of order
for those who embrace flexible identities as postmodern reality or stop short by arguing
identity as synonymous with exclusion or essentialist politics.

Cacophony of Protest
The interviews in Movement of Movements mainly work on two levels: (1) activist career
trajectories connect autobiography with socialization patterns and questions of charisma,
leadership, and organizational hierarchy, and (2) the organizations in question are
discussed by history, structure, political success and failures, and their political and social
environments. The Southern activists represent organizations such as the EZLN
(Zapatistas), the Sem Terra Movement (MST), Focus on the Global South, the Save
Narmada Movement, and 50-Years-is-Enough. Northern activists represent organizations
such as Confederation Paysanne, ATTAC (Tobin Tax Initiative), Greenpeace and Ruckus
Society; and the Pittsburgh Labour Action Network for the Americas (PLANTA). As the
new global movements are coalitions of coalitions (Klein in Mertes, 2004, p. 220), the
book simultaneously reveals information about organizations and networks such as
Greenpeace, Oxfam, the International Rivers Network, Paysanne Europeene, Via
 Social Movements 111

Campesina, Friends of the Earth, Le monde diplomatique, and also some governments
(Brazilian, and African ones). The section on the North includes an essay on current
anarchist movements. The Analytics section blends some more spiritual approaches (for
example, Klein) with focus-oriented ones such as the question of the World Social
Forums historical continuity (by Hardt), a critique (by Mertes) of Hardts and Negris
book Empire (Harvard University Press, 2000), an interrogation into the NGOs role as
agents of neo-liberalism in civil society and the embrace of the civil society/state
binary by some of the movements (see Sader) as well as a historical narrative of anti-
systemic movements by the eminent globalization scholar Wallerstein, who coined the
term in the 1970s.
Although it is impossible to compare these essays systematically here, some issues,
admittedly handpicked from the richness of the book, recur throughout. First, the authors
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largely agree that there is a problem with the definitional content of anti-globalization
movement and globalization without producing a unified new view. Together they hold
a positive vision of the idea and reality of global human society.
Second, the question of what the new global movements are is taken up by network
imagery such as coalitions of coalitions and movement of movements. It seems that
particularly the World Social Forum (WSF), which in the accounts rivals the WTO
protest of Seattle on this position, is the top empirical reality to which the authors return
when trying to communicate the distinctiveness and cutting edge potential of the
organizational structure in which they reside. Ngwane, for example, calls this four-year-
old annual event the movement of the millennium (in Mertes, 2004, p. 133).
Broadly speaking, the book presents a kaleidoscope of the organizations that we refer to
when speaking of the anti-globalization movements, including traditionally structured and
long-lasting voluntary organizations, action networks, initiatives organized or at least
originally set up by the media (as ATTAC by Le monde diplomatique), mass mobilization
movements, and mail-order membership organizations, (for example, Greenpeacesee
Jordan & Maloney, 1997). Clearly, these profiles vary by longevity and targeted objects,
but also by selective mechanisms as to whom the organizations choose as allies and whose
money they accept. While it is not the books objective, the lack of a systematic analysis
based on such interesting empirical material seems a bit unfortunate. Only Wallerstein
launches a classification. In his world-system theoretical approach, anti-globalization
movements feature as the fourth type of claimant since the revolution of 1968, next to
identity-politics movements (like feminism), human-rights movements, and neo-Marxism.
While their importance is, as Wallerstein argues with respect to the anti-globalization
movements, the North South integration, this reviewer would like to add that their
novelty and significance appears to be the fact that they combine all the four types of post-
1968 movement types.
Third, education is seen as a key dimension in the mobilization of activists and the wider
public. None of the authors, however, mean by that so much the advent of the Internet
society as the actual exercise of reading of classical and contemporary social-theory and
economics texts (see, for example, Stediles essay) as well as the paying of attention to
literature, arts and language (see, for example, Subcommandante Marcoss essay). Popular
education features as literacy, non-violence, and self-sufficiency training. The role of
Southern organizations as role models for non-violent protest for both anarchists and
reformists in the North is pointed out and invites future rigorous analysis on the new non-
violence techniques. Likewise, an account of how the Internet contributes to the current
 112 A. Vogel

movement isomorphism in a historically unique way, making available access to protest

templates, and how self-help movements (by origin, in the North, independent of anti-
globalization movements) intertwine with global movements seem foreseeable research
projects of the nearer future in the light of these accounts. While in Southern writings the
different religions and liberation theology play a role in the formation of these activists
(Njehu and Ngwane), this is largely absent from Northern accounts, thus pointing to a
crucial difference in the origins of the contemporary movements, which could be further
explored against the implicit isomorphism argument in Tillys book, Silvers world-
system theoretical account, and broader accounts of modernity and its social organization
(see, for example, Jepperson, in Powell & DiMaggio, 1991, Chapter 6; Meyer &
Jepperson, 2000).
Fourth, the book elucidates the reinvigoration of class consciousness-based movements
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through the farmers initiatives in the South and a renewed focus not only on labor but also
land as a fictitious commodity (see essays by Stedile and Bove), which make way for
research and theorizing into social rights concerning private property.
Fifth, despite the common enemy of neo-liberalization, Southern and Northern activists
work on different projects: the first concerned with debt, the second with the welfare state.
As Silver argues with respect to associational bargaining power in her book, high
inequality disparities between and within nations do not come together in a picture of an
actual community of fate. The success of constructing a global community, in which
there is a common and meaningful understanding of what constitutes its citizenship,
appears to lie in how the two projects are linked in the future.

Movement and Civil Society

Together, the three books are an appreciation of the complexity of contemporary social
movement research. Having stepped in the past decade into the territories of political
sociology and science, organizational analysis, citizenship studies and political economy,
social movements research now redefined seems to carve out its own territory, as Tillys
project exemplifies. This book makes an excellent showcase of the intended and necessary
shift from relatively isolated case studies of contender groups in the past couple of decades
to event history by comparative-historical means. Its evidence for the distinctiveness of
fully-fledged movements, which this reviewer often does not find convincing (see, for
example, Tilly, 2004, pp. 10 11, 25, 29 32), backed by the minimum definition of social
movements involving continuous interaction between challengers and power holders (see
Tilly in Goldstone, 2003, p. 247), contrasts with the contemporary reality of social
movements that increasingly seems to be characterized by the untamed reality of action
networks that rapidly form and dissipate, only to arise once again. Where Tilly discusses
international (and globally often synchronized) events he slips into the language of social
movement activity, event, and action, to discuss what seems a rather short-lived
series of action-laden events (see, for example, Tilly, 2004, p. 119). Given that in
traditional movement research language, feminism or labor movements involving chiefly
the trade unions and leftist parties (see Silver, 2003) are understood as such movements,
Tillys conceptualization deployed to deflect from organization and structure to emphasize
dynamics does not look wholly convincing. Indeed, would it not be rather the
organizational capacity of activists and protesters nowadays, in which action rises to
event, that makes us wonder how new and with what consequences the anti-globalization
 Social Movements 113

movements are? Tilly suggests a splitting of movements into two typesold and
sustaining political decision-making at gun point versus temporary displays of
connections across the continents mediated by professional brokers (Tilly, 2004,
p. 122)but the quasi case studies in Movement of Movements appear to speak rather to a
mingling of empirical forms than to a split. Juxtaposing Movement of Movements with
event history research also reminds us how much rich detail and fluidity gets lost where
historical continuity is perhaps overemphasized.
Silver essentially argues that capital is forced by labor to modernize, but does not take up
class consciousness as a factor in her case-specific analyses, as she aims at sidestepping the
ongoing trench warfare in labor studies (Silver, 2003, p. 32) over the causal relationship
between collective action and class consciousness. In some sense this parallels Tillys
omission to address the ideational power of the institutional form in question above and
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beyond single chains of events, and preempts a fuller argument on the death of the unions.
While due to structural analysis and her approach to labor power she sees labor unrest as
sustained, her lack of cultural analysis leaves out the salient issue of actual damage to the
unions and related working-class consciousness as well as the reality of continuous
construction of an arsenal to pacify labor unrest and dilute class-based identity. Perhaps
there is space here for the notion of an ideological fix to sound out the relationship
between labor movement and citizenship analysis: this would imply taking up the issue of
the rapid expansion of so-called organizational-learning theories and diffusion of human-
resource management practice and ideology that make the notion of organizational
citizenship in light of citizenship understood as public quality unavoidable to explore.
Looking at Tillys argument of institutionalization in the context of his compiled
evidence for high standardization and intense copying of movement elements, it seems
to me that the crux of the matter is not primarily a sustained and interactive mode of
contentious claim-making, or the understanding of movement as a routine-type of
behavior in popular claim-making. Instead, reading between the lines of this book suggests
that what is wholly unique about this form of protest is that movements are indicative of an
institutional space in which claims are made in a particular way: that is, as part of large-
scale pacification of modern state societies (mainly shown in the increase in
demonstrations vis-a-vis other more violent forms), and organized by the logic of
representation (in other words, asserting popular sovereignty) (Tilly, 2004, p. 36).
To paraphrase Tilly, in movements the objects and claimants of protest are brought
together with the public. To expand on this analytic constellation further, by their inherent
legitimacy claim movements present the will of the people at largeby claiming the
failure of the state to represent fully its constituencies, which in turn facilitates an ideology
of back-up by popular consent and the possibility of a cultural-political transformation
of society. Through such space, movements appear to stage a constant challenge to the
states (real or potential) failure to represent. Regarding Tillys hesitations about the future
of social movements, in the light of the ongoing expansion of nation-level and supra-
national regulation we should have no doubt that social movement organization will live
on. In addition, if current institutionalist theory holds (Powell & DiMaggio, 1991), we
should have no worries that the form, if truly instituted and if Tillys analysis holds, can
sustain itself in an era different from the one whose conditions helped it emerge (Tilly,
2004, p. 14). Altogether it seems that Tillys recognition of changing political
environments for movements is a step forward to looking at how this institutionalized
political form actually hinges on the state society relationship in contemporary societies.
 114 A. Vogel

Thus, for example, it remains to be examined how movements analytically relate to the
non-profit sector, which as part of a state-regulated field captures much of the legal
environment but is also place and resource for innovation for the movement as a form.
At the same time social movements do not freewheel in the international regimes
(Lahusen, 1999, p. 199). As Graeber points out, where such regulatory fields are absent,
non-violent protest appears as a privilege (in Mertes, 2004, p. 209).
That the public or representational aspect of the social movement is at stake is
evidenced in the writings featured in Movement of Movements. Here public sphere and
civil society are pivotal concepts, with which these new global movement activists
struggle and juggle. They use them to map the paradoxes in which they are involved when
coming to terms with reformist approaches to global corporations in the notion of social
corporate responsibility, their position vis-a-vis state actors, and the role of political parties
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once radical and now turned into establishment that silences protest vis-a-vis IMF and
World Bank impositions upon populations around the world. Modern-day anarchists,
parading as clowns, construct the political arena as a global circus of life, where they
attempt to rescue the participants (in other words, us) from the illusion that we are mere
spectators (Independent Media Center of Philadelphia, 2000). Likewise, Klein uses the
imagery of the commons (in Mertes, 2004, p. 220), and others call for thinking up a
new language of civil disobedience (Graeber in Mertes, 2004). Indeed, the WSFs own
Charter, drawing the event as . . . an open meeting place for reflective thinking,
democratic debate of ideas, formulation of proposals . . . (WSF, 2004), is reminiscent of
the agora of the ancient Greeks. Yet, it is also indicative of the notion of an active
production of the public in late-capitalist society (Habermas, 1990), the understood
amplification of ever newly constructed social issues brought into political space, and as a,
perhaps sustainable, space wholly discursive and opened by dialogue. For this, the
increasing doubtfulness over the future practicality of the concept of hegemony among
activists and the ability to mobilize across once thought as trenches unbridgeable seems to
be telling. Altogether, it remains to be seen how this immense growth in rebellion against
an array of injustices and its analysis by contemporary social movement researchers can be
integrated with more societal-level theorizing of civil society and public sphere. While the
WSF claims not to be an organization, its organizational capacity for developing a (and of
what sort of) global civil society still needs to be fully understood.

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