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RESEARCH NOTE
1. INTRODUCTION
1.1 Socioarticulatory research
Data on socially-varied speech have overwhelmingly been acoustic/auditory
records of speech output, with the articulatory mechanisms used by speakers
generally inferred from these data. Research into socially-relevant articulatory
variation is missing and the complex and unpredictable relationship that exists
between the sounds of speech and the vocal tract configurations that generate
them has remained the preserve of experimental laboratory-based phonetics
(except see Wright and Kerswill 1989; Kerswill and Wright 1990). In order to
study how speakers physically create the sounds that signal social meaning,
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SOCIAL STRATIFICATION OF TONGUE SHAPE 257
new analysis techniques are needed. We use ultrasound tongue imaging (UTI)
in order to investigate sociolinguistic variables at the articulatory level and
find unexpected socially-stratified articulatory variation. We will suggest that
articulatory data are an essential component in an integrated account of socially-
stratified variation.
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258 LAWSON ET AL.
3. DATA ANALYSIS
Boyce and Espy-Wilson (1997) suggested that, in American English,
coarticulation may lead to varied articulatory strategies for the production of
/r/. In order to focus solely on socially-motivated variation, avoiding variation
that could be attributed to anticipatory coarticulation, 12 words containing a
variety of vowel qualities and ending in /r/: beer, bear, far, bar, par, purr, fur, for,
bore, poor, sure and pure were chosen from the corpus for analysis.
Impressionistic auditory and visual classification of the audio and video data
were undertaken independently to investigate whether speakers from different
backgrounds were using different underlying tongue configurations and whether
variation in tongue configuration correlated with auditory impression of rhotic
strength. Auditory and visual UTI classification was undertaken by two of the
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SOCIAL STRATIFICATION OF TONGUE SHAPE 259
authors (EL and JMS), who are both phonetically-trained native speakers of
Scottish English.
TIP UP describes an articulation where the overall shape of the tongue surface
is either straight and steep, or a concave shape, suggesting retroflexion.
FRONT UPdescribes an articulation where the tongue surface forms a smooth
convex curve. There is no distinct bunching of the tongue front or dip behind
the front region.
FRONT BUNCHED describes an articulation where the front of the tongue has a
distinctly bunched configuration (the tip and blade remain lower than the
rest of the tongue front). A dip in the tongues surface behind the bunched
section is also apparent.
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260 LAWSON ET AL.
MID BUNCHED describes an articulation where the front, blade and tip are low,
while the middle of the tongue is raised towards the hard palate.
The crucial distinguishing feature between tip/front up variants and bunched
variants is that in the former the tongue tip forms the primary constriction for
/r/, while in the latter, it is the bunched tongue front to mid-dorsum that forms
the primary constriction.
Although the tongue configurations in the present study have been assigned
to discrete categories after Delattre and Freeman (1968), these articulatory
categories might be viewed as ranges on a continuum. In their MRI-based
study of American English /r/, Zhou et al. (2008) also acknowledge the complex
articulatory variability of /r/, but point to the maximal contrast of the retroflex
and bunched /r/ variants (Zhou et al. 2008: 4466). This is also the case in
the present study, where tip up and mid bunched /r/ seem to represent poles at
either end of an articulatory continuum. For this reason, in the analysis of tongue
articulation (section 3.2), the categories are organized as a continuum, so that
general tendencies towards tip up or bunched articulations can be identified.
Waterfall diagrams in Figure 1, below, shows tongue surface outlines for
consecutive video frames (about 30 ms apart) from the onset of the articulation
of the initial consonant in /Car/ words until the maximum of the r gesture.
4. RESULTS
4.1 Auditory classification results
Of the 147 auditory rated tokens, only 136 tokens were used in this analysis,
corresponding to the 136 rateable articulatory tokens. In the auditory rating
study, EL and JMS were in exact agreement for 49 percent of the tokens of /r/.
With one category leeway, this became 90 percent agreement. Variation between
the two raters was not predictably in one direction or the other; for example,
tokens classified by EL as derhoticised might be classified as r-less by JMS or vice
versa. In order to incorporate the judgements of the two auditory raters, the five-
point classification scale was expanded to a nine-point classification scale, and
classifications that were one category apart were assigned to an intermediate
category. The remaining 14 tokens were listened to again independently by
EL and JMS using the same Praat MFC experiment interface and reclassified,
bringing EL and JMSs classification of 13 of the tokens within one category of
one another. The remaining token was jointly agreed upon.
Figure 2 shows the percentage makeup of auditory variants used by each of
the socio-economic/gender groups in the study as judged by EL and JMS. The UTI
video recordings of MC male informant EM4s tongue movements were unclear,
possibly due to rotation of the probe during recording. Therefore, no attempt
was made to classify the variants found in his audio recordings. Percentages of
auditory variants used by each socio-economic/gender group were calculated
from raw scores. The lightest shades of grey represent auditory variants at the
Figure 2: The percentage of auditory variants used by each socio-economic and gender
group (N = 136). Paler grey bars represent rless and weakly rhotic variants; darker
grey bars represent strongly rhotic variants
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262 LAWSON ET AL.
Socio-economic group
Sex Working class Middle class
Male 3.9 6.6
Female 4.1 7.5
r-less and derhoticised end of the auditory continuum, while the darkest shades
of grey represent retroflex and schwar-type auditory variants. At a glance, each
socio-economic groups preference for variants at opposite ends of the auditory
continuum is confirmed, with the WC group using more weakly rhotic variants
(pale bars) and the MC group preferring strongly rhotic variants (dark bars).
Female MC informants used a more restricted set of variants than the other
groups in the study and these variants were generally strongly rhotic in quality;
for instance, the MC females made greatest use of schwar-type variants. A similar
preference by female informants was also found by Plug and Ogden (2003) in
their study of post-vocalic /r/ in Dutch.
There is some gender differentiation between the WC males and females, with
WC males using the most weakly rhotic variants more often than WC females.
Figure 2 also seems to show that WC males use variants with a strong rhotic
quality more often than the WC females. However, these strongly rhotic variants
occurred mainly in the speech of one individual (see section 4.2).
The mean auditory classification scores for each socio-economic/gender group
are shown in Table 1. A two-way ANOVA was run including Social Class, Gender,
and their interaction. The interaction was not significant, therefore the results
reported below are from a Social Class and Gender main effects model, which
showed a significant main effect for both Social Class F(1,135) = 141.948, p <
0.001 and Gender F(1,135) = 4.853, p < 0.05.
To summarise, the auditory analysis confirms that the informants in this study
conform to the pattern observed in earlier Central Belt studies (Romaine 1979;
Macafee 1983; Speitel and Johnston 1983; Stuart-Smith 1999, 2003, 2007),
whereby auditory strength of /r/ indexes Social Class and Gender.
Figure 4: All tongue surface splines (between nine and 12 splines per informant)
organized by socio-economic and gender group. Above each set of tongue splines is a
hard-palate surface trace from that speaker
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SOCIAL STRATIFICATION OF TONGUE SHAPE 265
5. DISCUSSION
Our initial auditory identification of a socially-stratified continuum of weaker
(WC) to stronger (MC) auditory variants of postvocalic /r/ was backed up by the
ultrasound investigation. Quantitative analysis of tongue configurations also
showed a continuum from WC boys tending to produce /r/ mainly with canonical
tip up and front up tongue configurations to MC girls always using bunched
tongue configurations. Thus, we find working- and middle-class speakers in the
eastern Central Belt of Scotland using both tongue configuration and gesture
timing in order to produce auditory variants of /r/ at opposite ends of the rhotic
spectrum. This socioarticulatory polarization for postvocalic /r/ is consistent with
the marked sociolinguistic polarization found in auditory data for postvocalic /r/
and seven other consonantal variables in Glasgow, in western central Scotland
(Stuart-Smith et al. 2007).
The indexicality of these different articulatory variants reaches beyond the /r/
itself, causing the vowel systems of these sociolects to diverge. It is likely that
bunched /r/ is responsible for the neutralization of /i/ // and // to [/] before
/r/ e.g. fir, fur, fern [f ], [f], [fn] to [f], [f], [fn] (Aitken 1979: 111), which
is typical of MC Scottish speech, and is untypical of WC speech. (Compare the
prerhotic vocalic tongue body postures of words ending in /ar/ in Figure 1).
Similar articulatory variants of /r/ were identified in American English in
Delattre and Freemans cineradiographic study (Delattre and Freeman 1968).
Delattre and Freeman suggested that alternation between bunched and retroflex
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266 LAWSON ET AL.
NOTES
1. We are grateful to the ESRC for financial support (RES-000-22-2032).
2. According to the Scottish Index of Multiple Deprivation (Scottish Executive 2006).
3. Note that although we have added IPA symbols for each category here, it was
not possible to use IPA symbols in the Praat MFC experiment. Derhoticised /r/ is
particularly difficult to represent using segmental IPA transcription as it is a variant
that arises due to gestural asymmetry in the syllable coda; vowel retraction and
pharyngealisation contribute to the perception of weak rfulness, but are not the only
acoustic cues for derhoticised /r/. The onset of delayed tongue-tip raising before the
offset of voicing means that formant transitions are often weakly audible either during
the final cycles of voicing or in breath after the offset of voicing.
4. Only three British informants took part in Delattre and Freemans study; they were
all nonrhotic speakers from Liverpool and only onset /r/ was studied.
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