Issues Of Muslim World

Syria Conflict
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 Syria Conflict Overview

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Since it began, the Syrian conflict has evolved from an organic and largely peaceful uprising against a dictatorial regime,
into a full-fledged war with characteristics of a revolution, a proxy war, a civil war, state collapse, an international armed
conflict, and a terrorist insurgency all wrapped into one. Syrias conflict has destabilized the Middle East, killed more than
250,000 Syrians, displaced half of the population sending waves of refugees abroad, and laid bare the failings of the
United Nations system both in its gridlocked Security Council and its underfunded humanitarian agencies. Syrias future
will shape the Middle East, and international politics, for years to come.
The Syrian conflict began in March 2011 in the southern provincial capital of Daraa when a group of teenage boys spray-
painted anti-Assad graffiti on the walls of their school. In an attempt to avoid the type of popular unrest that led to the fall
of the Egyptian and Tunisian governments, the Syrian regime quickly arrested and tortured the boys, prompting large,
peaceful protests in Daraa. The military was called in to repress the demonstrations, surrounding the city with tanks and
confronting protesters with violence. This bloody clampdown broke the fear barrier that had gripped Syria for over 40
years of Assad family rule, igniting protests across the country. Demonstrators were labeled as terrorists by the Assad
regime, and began to take up arms in the face of the increasingly violent response from Syrian security forces. Superficial
reforms by the Syrian government did little to staunch the spreading unrest.

The international community expressed concern with the abuses of the Assad government and responded with diplomatic
measures including additional sanctions and the recall of many ambassadors throughout 2011 and 2012. But with no
threat of direct international intervention, the Syrian government gradually escalated its tactics from snipers, to tanks, to
helicopters and warplanes, to barrel bombs, chemical weapons and other non-conventional munitions. Following a massive
sarin chemical attack by the regime that killed nearly 1,500 mainly civilians in the suburbs of Damascus in August 2013,
Assad agreed to give up Syrias declared chemical weapons stock at the behest of Russia to prevent U.S. intervention, but to
this day the Syrian regime continues to launch chemical attacks with chlorine and other dual-use chemicals.

The Regime: Russian and Iranian support have been crucial to Assads survival, helping the Syrian dictator rebound from
a low point in late 2012, when many predicted that Assads days in power were numbered. By that point defections,
casualties, and a lack of motivation to fight among Syrian soldiers as well as the loss of airfields and decreased resupply
capacity had severely weakened the Syrian military.

Russia has used its U.N. Security Council (UNSC) veto power to protect Assad from an international response. The first
of several vetoes by Russia and China came in October 2011 in response to a UNSC Resolution condemning the Assad
regime. Russia has also supported the Assad government through the shipment of weapons, spare parts for helicopters, oil,
and credit lines. In September 2015 Russia escalated its role by deploying Russian armed forces to Syria for the first time,
and building out at least three military facilities in the coastal region to accommodate its military needs.

Iran is also deeply entrenched in the war, rivaling Russia in its support for the regime. Iran has pulled its proxy Hezbollah into
the conflict, sent in military advisors who shape Assads strategy, recruited foreign Shiite militias to bolster the failing Syrian
military, and extended Assad tremendous material support including weapons, technology, oil, and credit lines.

The Opposition: The armed Syrian opposition began to take shape early in the conflict, with the announcement of the Free
Syrian Army (FSA) in July 2011, made up of brigades of mainly Syrian military defectors. Over time it became clear that the
FSA was not viable, as funding for the armed opposition poured in from disparate foreign sources whose uncoordinated
patronage fractured the armed groups. Much of the financial support for rebel-armed groups in Syria has come from Turkey,
Gulf countries
 Syria Conflict Overview

such as Saudi Arabia and Qatar, non-state groups such as the Muslim Brotherhood, and individual donors, with the U.S.
and Europe providing limited support. By 2013 there were estimated to be thousands of armed groups across Syria,
ranging from moderate to extreme in their political views. The large number of groups and lack of unity amongst funders
have led to the development of a highly fractured opposition that has had difficulty coordinating across battlefronts and
agreeing on a common political platform. Over time, jihadi movements have become increasingly prominent, crowding out
the visible moderates almost entirely by 2015. Of those groups who remain moderate, many have been accused of
corruption and warlordism, leaving Syrian civilians with no good options. Admirably, some peaceful protesters continue
their weekly demonstrations even today.

At the most extreme end of the rebel spectrum are Jabhat al-Nusra (JN) and ISIS. JN, al-Qaedas official affiliate in Syria,
began its activities very early on but kept its AQ affiliation hidden until April 2013, by which time it had already built a
reputation on the ground as an effective ally against Assad. ISIS announced its presence in Syria that same month, and by
late 2013 it was already focusing most of its attention on fighting against other armed groups instead of the Syrian regime.
Since mid-2014, ISIS has dominated international media coverage of Syria and prompted foreign intervention in the form
of airstrikes fromtheU.S.-ledCoalition.

The Syrian political opposition exists in exile and has remained largely marginalized and much like the armed opposition, it
has been fractured and prone to infighting, undergoing several iterations. The primary political body of the opposition
today is the Syrian Coalition, which is headquartered in Turkey. A handful of additional political opposition groups
continue to exist alongside the Syrian Coalition, although they are smaller, less inclusive, and have not achieved the
same level of international recognition. A few are referred to as the internal opposition because they continue to be
based in Damascus and are tolerated by the Assad regime.

With Turkey, the Gulf States, and (nominally) the West supporting the opposition, and Russia and Iran supporting the
regime, the conflict in Syria has taken on the appearance of a regional or global proxy war. The proliferation of terrorist
groups and proxy militias on both sides adds to the complexity and brutality of the conflict. As a result, the conflict in Syria
has metastasized into one of the most complex and dangerous challenges facing the global community, and the largest
humanitarian crisis of our lifetimes.
Impacts: The conflict is spilling across its borders; forcing Syrias neighbors struggle to cope with an overwhelming
refugee burden, economic strain, and security threats. As a result, many Syrian refugees have been compelled to relocate
several times, and in August and September 2015, European countries faced a stark jump in the number of asylum seekers.
Parts of Syria now serve as a safe haven for the global terror movement ISIS, which is recruiting and inspiring violence
that reverberates around the world.

As of September 2015, with no realistic prospects for peace talks in sight, the UNSC agreed to support consultations by
intra-Syrian working groups on four priority topic areas identified by Special Envoy Staffan de Mistura: safety and
protection; political and legal issues; military, security and counterterrorism issues; and continuity of public services and
reconstruction and development. These consultations give little hope for a successful political solution to the crisis, since key
stakeholders show no signs of coming to a consensus on the devolution of power from the Assad regime to a transitional
government body. In an attempt to seize the momentum, Russia began an unprecedented military build-up in Syria in
September 2015, with the goal of preventing the collapse of the Assad regime. Despite Russian claims that it wants to fight
ISIS, the presence of Russian air-air fighter jets and surface- to-air missiles in Syria suggest that the real purpose is deterrence
against any Western intervention.
Moving forward it seems clear that Russian intervention and its increased political activity will impact the course of the
conflict in Syria, but it is unclear what direction that these actions will take. Russias proposal that it lead an international
anti-ISIS coalition that includes Iran and Syria has not gained Western support, but there have been signs of increased
willingness by some Western leaders to tolerate Assad remaining in power in the short term. On the ground, the U.S.s train
and equip program for moderate rebels has met with a series of embarrassing failures, and initiatives by other stakeholders
such as Turkey appear stalled. On September 30 Russia launched its first air strikes in Syria against non- ISIS rebel targets.
This move has the potential to plunge Syria into even further chaos.
 Refugees

Refugees of the Syrian Civil War or Syrian refugees are citizens and permanent residents of Syrian Arab Republic,
who have fled from their country since the onset of the Syrian Civil War in 2011 and have sought asylum in other
parts of the world.
In 2016, from an estimated pre-war population of 22 million, the United Nations (UN) identified 13.5 million Syrians
requiring humanitarian assistance, of which more than 6 million are internally displaced within Syria, and around 5
million are refugees outside of Syria.The vast majority of the latter are hosted by countries neighboring Syria.
Among countries of the Regional Refugee and Resilience Plan (3RP), a coordination platform including
neighboring countries (with the exception of Israel) and Egypt, the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) counted
5,165,502 registered refugees, as of August 2017.[1] Turkey is the largest host country of registered refugees with
over 3 million Syrian refugees.The UNHCR counted almost 1 million asylum applicants in Europe, as of August
2017.
Humanitarian aid to internally displaced persons (IDPs) within Syria, and Syrian refugees in neighbouring
countries, is planning largely through the UNHCR. In 2016, pledges have been made to the UNHCR, by various
nations, to permanently resettle 170,000 registered refugees. The vast majority of refugees live below the poverty
line (e.g. in 2016 in Lebanon most households were below $85 monthly per capita;[97] in south east Turkey, 90%
were below $100 and 70% below $50 monthly per capita[98]). Average monthly per capita expenditures were
estimated in 2015-2016 at $104 in Lebanon[97] and $55 in south east Turkey.[98]Underemployment and low wages
are widespread. Many rely on less sustainable sources, food vouchers, taking credits or borrowing money mostly
from friends and relatives, less frequently from shops and rarely from landlords (e.g., in Lebanon 90% households
were in debt, $850 in average;[97] in south east Turkey more than half are in debt, a few hundred dollars on
average[98]). Because of this, refugees face difficulties accessing services and providing food, housing, healthcare
and other basic needs for their families.

Internally displaced persons in Syria

More than half the people fleeing the war moved only within Syria itself. While legal definitions of "refugee" do not apply to
them, they are often referred to as such. The term internally displaced person (IDP) is used to distinguish them, with
"(forcibly) displaced person" applying to both groups. UNHCR estimates that 7 million persons in Syria are internally
displaced or in need of humanitarian assistance, as of 2017. Most live in houses, often badly damaged by the war.

Due to security concerns, poor access to areas of need and unpredictability, humanitarian efforts were directed at emergency
aid. The complexity of administrative procedures and limited capacity of NGOs permitted to operate in Syria are also cited as
challenges to assistance.

Shelter aid for internally displaced persons is coordinated mainly by the Global Shelter Cluster (co-led by UNHCR, IFRC
and the Syrian Ministry of Local Administration). No formal camps were set up, but some public buildings are rehabilitated
as collective short-term shelters. For example, of the 90,000 people from east Aleppo registered by the UN, the vast majority
live in houses, but 4,250 remain in the Jibreen collective shelter, as of January 2017.[108] More people are targeted by
programs of help in upgrading private unfinished buildings and of winterization and shelter kit distribution (blankets, light
construction materials, tools, etc.). Only since recently the situation allows for implementing more durable solutions: full,
long-term rehabilitation of damaged houses to basic living conditions, light infrastructure repair and legal help. In 2016,
collective shelters were rehabilitated for 24,000 persons, kits were distributed to 26,000 people, 40,000 benefited from private
building upgrades, 12,000 from long-term house repairs, and 5,000 from basic infrastructure repair.
syria,nst,tute org September 2015