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3 0 0 N o rth Z e e b R e a d
A n n A r b o r. M ic h ig a n 4 8 1 0 6
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
77-1675
PINNELL, Richard Tilden, 1942-

THE ROLE OF FRANCESCO CORBETTA (1615-
16 81) IN THE HISTORY OF MUSIC FOR THE
BAROQUE GUITAR, INCLUDING A TRANSCRIP
TION OF HIS COMPLETE WORKS (VOLUMES I
AND II).
University of California, Los Angeles,
Ph.D., 1976
Music
Xerox University Microfilms, Ann Arbor, M ichigan 48106
Copyright by
Richard Tilden Pinnell
1976
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA
Los Angeles
The Role of Francesco Corbetta (1615-1681) in the
History of Music for the Baroque Guitar,
Including a Transcription of His
Complete Works
A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction
of the requirements for the degree
Doctor of Philosophy
in Music
by
1976
The dissertation of Richard Tilden Pinnell is approved,
and it is acceptable in quality for publication on microfilm.
. /y & J L
Donald F. McCallum
Emma L. Thomas
V/illiam R. nutchmson
u
, t a a ^ _; < (T-w^ ; ircnw.
-c-*
Marie L, GCllner
Richard A. Hudson, Chairman
University of California
Los Angeles, 1976
ii
DEDICATION
To Piedad and
to the glory of the Most High
iii
VOLUME I
TABLE OF CONTENTS
-L. * ^ A t_ T J . j . * ____ n ____ i ___ * - .3 n * - 1
jjx^ u u-L A u u r e v i a u i o n a f ctxiu oxgxa# *vxx
List of Examples, Plates and Tables . . xiii
Acknowledgments . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xv
Vita and Fields of Study. , . . . . . xvii
Abstract. . . .xviii
PART I
INTRODUCTION AND PREHISTORY
CHAPTER It SCOPE AND PURPOSE

The State of Scholarship on Guitar Music.
3 oTr0 +gg>^+i^century Guitar Musics . .6
The Music of Corbetta .......... . . . . . . 7
CHAPTER 2 1 PRECURSORS OF THE BAROQUE GUITAR IN THE 16TH CENTURY
Iconographical Sources..................... 1 0
Literary Sources...................... 15
Juan Bermudo. . . . . * 16
Spanish Music for the Guitar.......... 22
Organological Sources . . . .............. 25
Conclusions................................26
PART II
'nui? niTj/vurp rjiTfniu M cn<=i<5o'i
AND CORBETTAS EARLY PERIOD
CHAPTER 3* MUSIC OF THE RASGUEADO STYLE, 1596-1637

Codification of the Alfabeto. . ......... 3^
Juan Carlos Amat. . . . . . . ............ 35
Girolamo Montesardo . . . . . ............ 39
Sanseverino and Rasgueado Manuscripts . . . ^3
Chitarra Battente . . . . . . . . . . . . . ^6
The Shifted Chords of C o l o n n a ........ .. . ^8
Chordal Variation . . . . . . . . . . . . . 51
Rasgueado Ornaments . . . . . . . . . . . . 55
Lettere Tagliate.......... * ............... 56
Luis de Briceno .......... 5 8
Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . .......... 61
iv
CHAPTER 4 i FRANCESCO CORBSTTA AND HIS FIRST BOOK, 1639
The Bologna Scene. s . . . . c , , . . . . 68
Corbetta*s First Book. . . . . . . . . . . 70
Completion of Technique, . . . . . . . . . 72
Alfabeto Falso . . . . . . > . * 74
Shifted Chords .................. 77
Chordal Variation. . . . . . . . . . . . . 79
The Forms. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 75
Influence on Other Guitarists. . . . . . . 85
Conclusions. . . . . . . . * * .......... 88
PART XXX
THE MATURE ITALIAN GUITAR STYLE AND
CORBETTA*S MIDDLE PERIOD (1640-1660)
CHAPTER 5* CORBETTA'S SECOND BOOK, 1643, AND ITS INFLUENCE

Antonio Carbonchi. . . . . . . . . s . . . 94
Angiol Michele Bartolotti. ........ 96
Nicolao Doizi de Velasco s 98
Giovanni Paolo Foscarini . . . . . . . . .100
Corbetta*s Second Book . . . . . . . . . . 1 0 5
Dissonance and Refinements .............. 107
The Influence of Corbetta's Second Book. .113
Early Influence in the Iberian Peninsula .115
Conclusions. .............. .120
CHAPTER 6* CORBETTA*S BOOK OF 1648 AND THE CULMINATION

OF THE ITALIAN STYLE
Travels to France. . . . . . . . . . . . .127
Travels to Vienna and Brussels . . . . . .130
Corbetta's Style in 1648 . . . . . . . . ,.132
Corbetta and the Zarabanda . . . . . . . ,138
The Influence of Corbetta in Italy . . , .140
Giovanni 3attista Granata. . . . . . . . .143
Other Italians...........................151
Ludovico Roncalli...................... .1 5 4
Modal Concepts vs. Tonality. . . . . . . .157
Connections with the House of Hanover. , .160
Corbetta Returns to France ............ ,162
Corbetta and His Contemporaries in France.166
Conclusions. r- , s . . . . .169
PART IV
THE SUMMIT OF THE BAROQUE GUITAR
AND CORBETTA*S LAST PERIOD (1660-1681)
wn.rx.rt ft uuixaSiox aN.u ij'iU'ir.Sxr.nt uunojiii'AS ArrAxRa
AT THE COURT OF THE RESTORATION, 1660-166?
Greener Pastures . . . . . . .181
Lotteries in English Literature. . . . . .186
Stringed Instruments at Court........ .. ,188
The Instrument of Dilettantes, . , , , , .190
The Infamous Saraband.............. .191
A *r * ft 1 ^ a ^yy r> T 4 an r- > %**
^ m r n i n 01 a .dOOK FOR CnARju.c,S x, io7x, ainx> xr*> xwxLu.'iNu.e
IN ENGLAND AND SPAIN
A New Tuning for 1 6 7 1 . ............ ,208
Use of the Guitar in Basso Continuo. . . .212
New Concepts of Alfabeto and Mode 2l4
The Suite and Its Dances ........ 215
Chaconne, Menuet. and Folie. . . . . . . .220
Cadences and Ornaments in io/l . . . . . *224
Other Musicians in England . . . . . . .228
The Influence of Corbetta in Spain . . . .232
CHAPTER 9 1 A BOOK FOR LOUIS XIV, 1674,AND THE FINAL

DIFFUSION OF THE BAROQUE GUITAR STYLE IN FRENCH
TABLATURE
Corbetta's Last Surviving Book s s s . . ,249
Corbetta's Last Years. ............ 254
Gallot and Imitators of the Rasgueado Style 2
Style G a l a n t ............................ 271
Robert de Vis6e. .................. 273
Francois Campion and Others. . . . . . . .278
The Guitar in the l o w Countries........281
The Le Cocq Anthology................ . .284
Losy and the Guitar in Eastern Europe . .28?
Final Conclusions............... .292
BIBLIOGRAPHY
APPENDIX Is Excerpt from The Arraignment. Trial, and

Condemnation of Squire Lottery, alias Royal
Oak Lottery
APPENDIX H i Concordance of Manuscripts, Printed Sources

and Transcriptions
VOLUME lit A TRANSCRIPTION OF CORBETTA'S COMPLETE WORKS
vi
Abbreviations, Symbols and Sigla
Due to the specialized nature of the present study,
a number of abbreviations, symbols and sigla are neccesar-y.
Generally these are based on two sources* modern guitar nota
tion and musicological literature. Guitar notation is
explained in detail in Volume II of this dissertation. In
order to
understand the musical examples of Volume I, the
following summary is offered:
$ = octave lower than

jg = special tuning or French tuning for Corbetta's
" books of i67i and 157^
0 circled numbers mean courses of the guitar
^ Roman numerals below the staff indicate the

theoretical function of harmony
t/frr Roman numerals above the staff indicate the posi
tion of the first finger of the left hand in barred
chords
course = a pair of strings tuned in unison or octaves, ex

cept the first v/hich was not usually double-strung
b = flat
# = sharp
Cf. = similar, worthy of comparison
P = uulgar or oollice = thumb

i = indice or indice = index. > right-hand fingering
m = medio or medio = middle \
a = anular or anulare = ring fingerJ
Consult the second volume of the present study for a

list of ornaments
The stem direction in the notation of chords indicates:
f =strura to the floor
Chords not joined by a single stemware only to be plucked

3 =strum to the ceiling
vii
Library Sigla
A-Wgm VIENNA, Gesellschaft der Musikfreur.de
B-Bc BRUSSELS- Bibliothfcque du Conservatoire Royal de

Musique
CS-Bn) BRNO- Moravian Museum
CS-Pnm PRAGUE, National Museum
CS-Pu PRAGUE, University Library
E-Mn MADRID, Biblioteca Nacional
P-Pc PARIS, Bibliothfeque Nationale, Conservatoire National

de Musique
F-Pn PARIS, Bibliotheque Nationale
GB-Csp CAMBRIDGE, The private library of Samuel Pepys
GB-Ge GLASGOW, Euing Music Library
GB-Gu GLASGOW, University Library
GB-Lbm LONDON, British Museum

GB-Ob OXFORD, Bodleian Library
I-Bc BOLOGNA, Civico Museo 3ibliografico-Musicale
I-Fc FLORENCE, Biblioteca del Conservatorio di Musica

"L. Cherubini"
I-Fn FLORENCE, Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale

I-Fr FLORENCE, Biblioteca Riccardiana
I-MOe MODENA, Biblioteca Estense
I-Nc NAPLES, Biblioteca del Conservatorio di Musica

"S. Pietro a Maiella"
I-Nn NAPLES, Biblioteca Nazionale "Vittorio Emanuele III"

I-PEc PERUGIA, Biblioteca Comunale Augusta
I-Rsc ROME, Biblioteca del Conservatorio di Musica

"S, Cecilia"
viii
I-Vnm VENICE, Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana
M-Mn MEXICO, D.F., Biblioteca Nacional
NL-DHgm THE HAGUE, Gemeentemuseua
P-Cu COIMBRA, Biblioteca Geral da Universidade
S-Uu UPPSALA, Universitetsbiblioteket
US-BE BERKELEY, Calif,, University of California Library
US-Bh BOSTON, Mass,, Harvard University library
US-Cn CHICAGO, Newberry Library
US-LAu LOS ANGELES, University of California Library
US-NH NEW HAVEN, Yale University Library
US-NYp NEW YORK, New York Public Library
US-R ROCHESTER, N.Y., Sibley Music Library, Eastman

School of Music, University of Rochester
U3-SM SAN MARINO, Calif., Henry E. Huntington Library
and Art Gallery
US-Wc WASHINGTON, D.C., Library of Congress
Other Abbreviations
AM= Acta musicologica
Chilesotti, Bibl. 8* Oscar Chilesotti, Musica del passato

(da intavolaturs antiche) xranscritta per piano
forte. Biblioteca di rarita musicali VIII (Milam
Ric ordi, 1915).
Chilesotti, Cronache= "Intavolature.di chitarra," Le Cronache
musicali I (Rome, 1900), 2-3
Chilesotti, Diss.= "Capricci armonici sepra la chitarra spag-

nola" del Conte Lodovico Roncalli (1692), transcritti
nella moderna notazione (Milan, Lucca. 1881).
Chilesotti, Gazz.= "Francesco Corbetta," Gazzetta musicale

di Milano (4 Oct. 1888), 3 8 6 .
ix
Chilesotti9 Lavignac Ency.= "XVIe et XVTIe sieclas Notes
sur les tablatures de luth et de guitare," Encvclo-
pdie de la musique et dictionnaire du conserva
toire. A. Lavignac and L. de la Laurencie, Part If
Vol. II. pp. 636-684. dated 1912.
Chilesotti, RMI= "La chitarra francese," RMI XIV (190?),

791- 802.
Chilesotti, SIMC-= Notes sur le guitariste Robert de Visee,"
Saromelb&nae der internationalen Musikgesellschaft
IX (1907-1908), 62-75.
CNRS= Centre natxonale de recherche scxentxfxûe
CSIC= Consejo superior de investigaciones cientificas
CSP. Dom= Calendar of State Papers. Domestic Series. M.A,

Everett Green, ed. (London: Longmans, 18o2).
DT0e= DenkmSler der Tonkunst in osterreich
GR= Guitar Review
Groves 6 = Grove's Dictionary of Music and Musicians, forth

coming th edition
POT M. ^ A V% Q AA 4 A l
4
"rf T A11AA*AA 1
uuu u,c
Iu.m-
l ia OuuXc: o.y uvuinQi.
HAF= Richard A. Hudson, an anthology onthe folia soon

to be published. Manuscript.
HAS= Hudson, an anthology on thesaraband, soon to be
published. Manuscript.
Hudson, Chordal- "Chordal Aspects of the Italian Dance Style,
1500-1650," JLSA III (1970), 35-52.
Hudson, Diapason= "The Passacaglia and Ciaccona in Italian
Keyboard Music of the 17th Century," The_Diapason
LX (Nov. 1969), 22-64 passim.. and LXI (Dec. 1969),
6- 7 *
Hudson, Piss.= "The Development of Italian Keyboard Varia
tions on the Passacaglio and Ciaccona from Guitar
Music in the Seventeenth Century," Ph.D. disser
tation, University of California, Los Angeles, 196 7 .
Hudson, Folia Dance= "The Folia Dance and the Folia Formulae
in 17th-century Guitar Music," MD XXV (1971),
199-221 .
Hudson, Folia Melodies= "The Folia Melodies," AM XLV (1973),
4 r\
nO a
7U-1X7,
Hudson, Further Remarks= "Further Remarks on the Passacaglio

and Ciaccona,55 JAMS XXIII (1970). 302-314.
Hudson, Mode= "The Concept of Mode in Italian Guitar Music

during the First Half of the 1/th Century," AM
XLII (1970), 163-183.
Hudson, Rioresa= "The Ripresa, the Ritornollo, and the Passa-
caglia," JAMS XXIV (1971) 364-394.
Hudson, Tablatures= "The Music in Italian Tablatures for the

Five-course Spanish Guitar," JLSA IV (1971) 21-42.
Hudson, Zarabanda= "The Zarabanda and Zarabanda Francese in
Italian Guitar Music of the Early 17th Centurv,"
MD XXIV (1970). 125-149.
JAMS= Journal of the American Musicological Society
JLSA= Journal of the Lute Society of America
Keith, GR= Richard Keith, "The Guitar Cult in the Courts of

Louis XIV and Charles II," GR Ho. 26 (1962), 3-9.
Keith, RMFC= "La Guitars Rovale. a Study of the Career and

Compositions of Francesco Corbetta," RMFC VI
(1966), 75-93.
Lavignac Ency.= Encyclopddie de la musioue et dictionnaire

du Conservatoire, founder, Albert Lavignac. Girector,
Lionel de la Laurencie (Parisi Delagrave).
MAB= Musica antiaua bohemica. J. Racek, ed.
MD= Musica discipline> A Yearbook of the History of

Music
MGG= Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart
MQ= Musical Quarterly
M Sen C94= Oxford, Bodleian Library, Music School, MS C. 94.

"Pieces de guittarre. . .recueillis par Henry
Franqois de Gallot."
Proclamations= Robert Steele and the Earl of Crawford, eds.

Tudor and Stuart Proclamations, 1485-1714. Vol.
iY England and Wales. (Oxford* Clarendon, 1910).
xi
RdM= Revue de musicologie
RISM= Repertoire international des sources musicales
RMFC= Recherches
I I..I ..-.I
sur la musicue Ifrancais
I I ' I Wf .11
classicue. Ser.' 2
............
.
RMI= Rivista musicale italiana
SanZ; Instrucei6n= Gaspar Sanz, Instrucci6n de musica sobre

la guitarra espanola. Reproduceidn en facsimil
de los libros priraero y segundo de la tercera edicidn
(i6?U) y del libr^ tercero de la edicion octava
(1697), Luis Garcia-Abrines. ed. (Saragossa:
Institucion "Fernando el Catolico" CCSIC1, 1966).
SIMG= Sammelb&nde der internationalen Kusikgesellschaft
xii
LIST OF EXAMPIES
1 Fantasia. Fuenllana, 1554, ............ 23

2 The Tuning of Amat, 1596. . . . . . . . .......... .36
3 Two Passacagli. Montesardo, 1606 . .............. 41
4 Folia and Variation. Colonna, 1620 . . . . . . . . .50
5 Pass'e mezzo passeggiato per B m . Colonna, 1620. . .53
6 The Repicco of Millioni, 1627 . . . . . . . . . . . .55
7 The Letter A, as Altered by Several Composers . . . .57
8 Re-entrant Tuning. Mersenne, 1635............. .. .59
9 Briceno's Timing and First Chord, 1626. . ........ 60
10 Parte Passeggiata (Rugiero). Corbetta 1639 . . . . .74
11 Chords on the Letter L by Several Composers........ 75
12 Passacalli sopra la Corbetta, 1639. . . . . . . .78
13 Passamezzi. Colonna, 1620 and Corbetta, 1639 . . . .82
14 Melody from a Passamezzo. Corbetta, 1639 ........ 83
15 Tables of Shifted Chords. Carbonehi, 1643.. . . . .95
16 Ciacona Variata. Foscarini, Books I-III. . . . . . 103
17 Almanda. Corbetta. 1643. . ...................... 103
lb bua__corr2f Corbetta, r iuj
19 New Chords in the libro secondo. Corbetta, 1643. . 106
20 Saraband a. Corbetta, 1643. 7 . . 107
21 Toccata. Corbetta, 1643. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 110
22 Passacaglio. Pesori, 1648. . . . . . . . . . . . . 114
2^ Passacagli. Pesori, 1648, and Corbetta, 1643 . . . 116
24 Passacaglxo. Corbetta, 1648, . . . . . . . . . . . 133
25 Scordature. Corbetta, 1643 and 1648. 136
26 Prelud. al nuovo accordo. Corbetta, 1648 ........ 136
27 Gigue. Corbetta. 1648. . . . . . . . 137
28 Gigue. Corbetta, 1648. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 137
29 Sarabanda francese. Corbetta, 1648 . . . 140
30 Sarabanda. Granata, 1680 ............. 149
31 Sarabande. Corbetta, l671 . . . . . . .......... 149
32 Toccata. Granata, 1680 . .......... 149
33 L'Arpeggiare Ornament. Pellegrini, I6 5 0 . . . . . . 151
34 Preludio. ottavo tuono. Roncalli, 1692 . . . . . . 155
35 Almanda. Roncalli. 1692 ................ 156
36 The Tuoni of Corbetta and Roncalli. . . . . . . . 158
37 The Tonos of Santa C r u z ............. 160
38 Guitar Timings Described by Grassineau, 1740* 209
39 Accord de la Guitarre. Derosier.................. 209
40 Corbetta's New Tuning, 1 6 7 1 ....................... 2*
41 The Chord of B minor. Corbetta, 1671 * 210
42 A Letter for Each String. .......... 211
43 The Lowest Sounding Pitch. Corbetta, I6 7 I, 1674. . 212
44 Naming Pitches by Hexachords. . . . . . . . . . . . 214
45 Passacaille. Corbetta, 1671....................... 218
46 Repicco or batterie. Corbetta, 16?1........... - 221
47 Folias. Corbetta, 1671, and Lully, I6 7 2 ........... 223
48 Sarabande. Corbetta, I6 7 I .................. 225
49 Courante. Corbetta, I6 7 I ................. 226
xiii
50 Gigue, Corbetta, l6yl 226
A. Z.i_S"t ol* 0 cz*bs***i fl>*v\aiwon+o 1^91 000
.............................................................. I 1
Accord preferred by Sanz, 1674, 234
53 Allemandes, Sanz, 16?4, and Corbetta5 1671 234
54 A*)1 AQ SSolS 167^ s.r1U WV1 1 îiO
nj-xcniCj ;ucb x u *f ;
235
55 The Tonos of Sanz, 1674 , , , , , 236
56 Folies. Corbetta, 1671 and 1674, 252
53 Allem. Tombeau de Mr. Francisoue. De Visee, 1682 259

59 Allemandes. De Visee, 1682 and Corbetta, 16 261
60 Sarabande (a 2 ). Medard, 1 6 7 6 . . . , , , , 263
61 Courantes. Medard, 1 6 7 6 , and Corbetta, 1643 264
62 Suites in A minor, Corbetta, 1671? De Visee 1682. 275
63 Overture and Air de ballet. Carre, MS, US-Y/c 285
(In any of these items, consult bibliography for
complete documentation.)
PLATES
(Title, source and library acknowledgement)

I Francesco Corbetta. center portion of Frontispiece
from his book of 1648, GB-Lbm . . 2
II Orphco. Frontispiece from Luys Milan,
E1 maestro. 153&, E-Mn . . .12
III. The Poet Achillini. engraving by Marcantonio
Raimondi, early 16th c., US-SM. .14
IV Francesco Corbetta. center portion of Frontispiece

from his book of 1643, US-Wc* . ,6 7
V Francesco Corbetta. Frontispiece from his book of

1648, GB-Lbm....................131
VI Title Page of the
Book for Charles II. Corbetta, 1671, GB-Lbm . . . . 202
VII Francesco Corbetta. anonymous portrait, Print Room

GB-Lbm......................... 255
TABLES
I 16th-century Tunings ................... . . . . I S
II The Alfabeto of Several Composers . . . . . . . . . .38
III Expanding the Alphabet of Chords . . . . . . . . . . .49
IV A Concordance of Corbetta*s Music in the Gailot MS. 269
xiv
Acknowledgments
I should like to thank the many individuals and
institutions that have helped to bring this study to full
fruition. The work was completed at UCLA, where many members
of the faculty provided valuable suggestions and advice. Their
support, however, was not limited to words alonei the NDEA
Title IV Fellowship I received there and the Clifton Webb
dissertation grant were indispensable.
An historical study is, of necessity, based on the
holdings of many libraries and societies. The elaborate
Interiibrary Loan system was particularly helpful, as
administrated at UCLA by Edith Fuller. The holdings of the
Lute Society of America were also made available to me through
Nancy Carlin. The staff of the British Museum gave enthusiastic

response to all of my requests and provided several plates
for the present work, in addition to films of many original
sources. In this respect. I also wish to aknowledge the
following! Biblioteca Nacional (Madrid), Civico Museo
Bibliograficc-Musicale (Bologna), Library of Congress
(Washington, D.C.), Henry E. Huntington Library and Art
Gallery (San Marino, CA), a n the others listed under library
sigla.
A serious study of baroque guitar music would be

impossible without the qualified assistance of many scholars,
both past and present. For the published works in this area,
my notes and selected bibliography are a concise but sincere
xv
acknowledgment. Recently inspiration cazae from several
colleagues, particularly from the interest and enthusiasm of
Peter Danner; Michael Lorimer and Ronald Purcells I also
thank Thomas Heck and the Guitar Foundation of America for
a dissertation grant. In addition to a fine article on
Corbetta, the personal correspondence of John D. Roberts
was most helpful. And finally, I thank Prof. Richard Hudson
who went far beyond the usual reading and advising of the
research? for the pursuit of truth alone, he perfected my
work by unselfishly contributing many of his own ideas and
discoveries. I therefore gladly share with him the success
of this endeavor. Nevertheless, I remain main wholly
responsible for any errors or omissions,,
xvi
VITA
1961-1964 Missionary, Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day

Saints in Srv.
1965-1966 University of Utah

4 / % / m 4 t> A J k T - TT * .. . * X . . / m u
J .y O f'fJ L y O ? ttX IU I? X 'X îiC L m i u u / i g w u i v C i O A ^ u ^ c o i o y
"Jazz 1 A Documented History of the Innovations
between 1940 and i9 6 0 "
1968-1969 Teaching Assistant, Music Theory and Guitar,

Brigham Young
1970-1975 Teaching Fellow, H i s t o p r of Music,

University of California, Los Angeles
1972-1973 Instructor of Musicianship,

Santa Monica College
197 2 -I976 Instructor of Classical Guitar,

Los Angeles City College
1973-1975 Instructor of Guitar,

Los Angeles City Adult Schools
1974-1976 Instructor of Classical Guitar, Guitar Ensemble,

Music Appreciation and Music Fundamentals,
Los Angeles Valley College
1969-1976 University of California, Los Angeles
FIELDS OF STUDY AT UCLA
Historical Musicologyx Gilbert Reaney, Edwin K. Hanley,

Frank D'Accone, W. Thomas Marrocco,
Marie L. Gdllner, Richard A, Hudson
Aesthetics* W. Thomas Marrocco, Abraham A e Schwadron,

William R, Hutchinson
Organology1 Frederick Hammond

Ethnomusicologyx Peter Crosslev-Hollana
Classical Guitar 1 Theodore Norman
xvii
ABSTRACT OP THE DISSERTATION
History of Music for the Baroque Guitar,
Complete Works
by
Doctor of Philosophy in Music
University of California, Los Angles, 1976
Professor Richard A. Hudson, Chairman
During the 17th century there was a dominating
personality in the history of the baroque guitart Francesco
Corbetta (b. Pavia, 1615; d. Paris, 1681). He gained
considerable fame by publishing several guitar books and by
serving both Louis XIV and Charles II. The most eminent of
his Spanish contemporaries, Gaspar Sanz, praised Corbetta
among other guitarists as, ME1 mejor de todos" (the best of
them all). While some of his suites have recently been tran
scribed for the concert hall, only too little is known of
the man and his music. We therefore need to know Corbettas
exact role in the history of the guitar and also his influence.
The first step in understanding Corbettas music was
to transcribe it from baroque guitar tablatures into modern

musical notation. Since he wrote in all of the various types
of tablature, a single, systematic method of transcription
was needed to decode all of his music. The methodology is
- xvili
described in the Preface to Volume II of the dissertation,
as an introduction to his complete works. An absolutely
authentic transcription follows for both performers and for
scholars. Although the music is intended ideally for a
replica baroque guitar of five courses, it may be played as
easily on a modern guitar without using the sixth string.
Thus, the music of Corbetta's five printed books an*manu
script sources is now available for the first time in modern
notation.
The transcription of Corbetta's works made it possible
to explore his role in history (Volume I). His precursors
and followers were discovered, encompassing the development
of baroque guitar music from Amat (1596) to Le Cocq, Murcia
and Losy (up to the middle of the i8th century). A remarka
ble continuity of theory, composition and performance practice

unified the guitar music of this period, which up until now
had not been comprehensively studied.
The baroque guitar school began in earnest when

Italians took up the "Spanish guitar." Corbetta was born
during the first phase of the school near Milan, He mastered
the repertory of Montesardo (fl. 1606-) and then combined

the innovations of Sanseverino, Colonna and others to suc
cessfully produce his first book at Bologna in 1639. Though
most of the music consisted of chords based on letters of the
alphabet, a few of the pieces contained mixed tablature, the use
of which opened the mature phase of the guitar school in Italy.
xix
In 164-0 the most important publications were by Poscarini and
Bartolotti, who both achieved eminence as lutenists. As the
guitar began to replace the lute, the plucked style, the
ornamentation and other nuances invaded the guitarists reper
tory through the use of Italian lute tablature, in addition
to alphabeto. Corbetta's reputation rested on his books of

164-3 and 164-8, which effectively joined the best techniques
of the lute and of the guitar.
Once the Italian style was established, Corbetta
traveled widely to assure its acceptance across the continent,
he went to Spain and later to Prance, where he taught Louis
XIV, Then as the other courts began to emulate the life-style
and taste of the French, guitarists enjoyed patronage that
has never since been equalled. Corbetta served the courts of
Brussels, Hanover, Vienna* Madrid, Bologna, Mantua, and
Whitehall. Although he became embroiled in several scandals
at the court of the Restoration, it was there that he reached
full artistic maturity.
The book he dedicated to Charles II in 1671 was the

epitome of the baroque, containing dances of repertory that
he himself had stylized, such as the saraband, passacaglia, folia
and the allemande. He grouped the dances into suites, pre

ferring the formula of allemande. courante. sarabande, gigue.
He dedicated a book to Louis XIV in i6?4, in which he

signalled a new direction, a return to the older rasgueado
style. While successful for several decades, guitarists in
Prance began to prefer the lighter, more delicate style galant.
xx
Following the generation of Corbettas students, the baroque
style became diffused and ceased to attract composers by

mid-18th century.
In every country where the guitar had a tradition;
Corbetta counted among his followers the roost eloquent
spokesmen of the agei Murcia and Sanz in Spain, Gallot in
Great Britain, Be Visee in France, Le Cocq and Carrs in the
Low Countries, Losy in Bohemia and his own compatriot Granata.
In the manuscript sources for each of these composers,
Corbetta's music appears also. In fact pieces from all his
books (about 150 duplications and 100 parodies) have been
discovered. These are included in a concise list in Appendix
II, along with ?0 modern transcriptions. The frequency with

which Corbetta's music was duplicated or imitated is a good
barometer of his affect on the musical climate of the age.
His allemandes. courantes and folias were very popular, yet
nearly forty new sources have been located for his sarabandes
alone. Therefore, in the light of this new evidence, Corbetta
emerges an even more important guitarist than we had expected
at the outset. As a composer, his influence was incomparable

in his own day, yet as a performer, his virtuosity became
legendary. He will surely be remembered as one of the most
significant guitarists of all time.
xxi
INTRODUCTION AND PREHISTORY
codetta
fp^nce^co
i
f>LF\xe
CHAPTER 1
SCOPE AND PURPOSE
Music historians have long associated the guitar with
the lower social strata, and with good reason have relegated
its usefulness to the milieu of popular or folkloric song
and dance accompaniment. As a case in point, an example

may be cited from the work of Manfred F. Bukofzer, as follows j
The Spanish fashion in Italy brought a speedy victory

of the noisy guitar over the dignified lute. . .enabling
the dilettanti of modest ambition to play a continuo or
the latest dance hit in a few easy lessons. 1
After introducing this theme, however, Bukofzer offers us
no development. In fact, in only one other paragraph in
the entire book does he ever mention the guitar again.
Tersely, he summarizes that 'the vulgar guitar with its simple
2
technique of chord strumming took over."
A student of baroque history with even the most pas
sive interest in the guitar would want to know more about
the instrument which "took over." Many questions are left
unanswered, such as the nature of performance practice
(especially regarding the guitar in the continue body), the

nobility involved, etc. The inclusion of a few well-chosen
references or musical examples would have left the reader
more satisfied. But, with the exception of a few isolated
precedents (namely investigations by Chilesotti and Wolf to
be discussed later), Bukofzer had comparatively little
previous research upon which to base nis conclusions.
Moreover, it is obvious that he failed to recognize the
healthy tradition of serious guitar music which followed
those early method books he so colorfully describes.
The State of Scholarship on Guitar Music

If musicologists could consult a definitive history
of the instrument, there would be no problem. But the guitar
is just beginning to receive the concentration of research

that other musical instruments have 'enjoyed for over a century.
Keyboard instruments, for example, have had the attention
of scholars since musicology emerged as a discipline. Perhaps
the monumental history of keyboard music representing the
life-work of Willi Apel is the culmination of an era of
research.-^ A comparable history of the guitar, however, has
yet to be written. In fact, not even until the present
decade have any general histories appeared in English.
These histories were preceded by the undertakings of Ricardo
Munoz and Maria Rita Brondi.^ These overviews of guitar
music have proven useful. However, before a definitive
history of the instrument can be made, considerably more
specialized work must fill in the details of each major

historical period.
Previous research has been rather sporadic, and
concentrated in some areas, rather than in others. The 16th-
century music of the vihuelists has received more critical
attention than any other period to date. For a specific
example, El maestro of Luys Milan has been studied seriously
by many scholars.^ In contrast, the 17th and 18th centuries
have been the most neglected. The pioneering effort of
Oscar Chilesotti is of particular interest here. Before

1900, he had already transcribed several works by Corbetta
and De Visee, in addition to transcribing the entire book of

RonoaTH. After Chilesotti, the method of transcription
from tablature was codified by Johannes Wolf in the second
volume of his Kandbuch der Notationskunde. Still more
recently, several facsimile-reprints of the books of C-aspar
Sanz have appeared, yet reprints of the two printed books
of Robert de Vis6e came after the transcription of his

n
complete works for the guitar. The early 19th century has
come into focus with two excellent American dissertations

8 9
on the works of Fernando Sor and Mauro Giuliani.
The influence of guitar music on other music of the
period has been studied very little. The work of Richard
i i u u f i v n
i c
u. u
4-1**o
viiw v u v
^ ai t o o v A o 'c nW + u^x uw i i V> -a
liCi ^
13 rr > vv* n Y \ r r
4/
tirn + K
I t ^ u V 4i
e
a a ^ w
dissertation on the guitar-related forms, passacaglia and
ciaccona, there has been a steady stream of publications
relating 17th-century guitar music to other instrumental

idioms. Comparative studies of this type could be made as
more specialized works on the repertory of the guitarist

become available.
Seventeenth-century Guitar Music
The 17th century commands the interest of guitarists
first because it has been the most neglected. Nevertheless,
it is in the 17 th century that the guitar emerges from
Spain and Italy and spreads into the rest of Europe. It
is in that century that the guitar replaces the lute at
court.
Today s performers are equally aware of the dearth
of information on the baroque guitar. After studying in a

master class with Oscar Ghiglia, I asked the virtuoso to
point me in a direction of productive research. I was not
surprised at his smiling recommendation to work on the
Italian guitarists. I took more seriously his suggestion
to look into the 17th century. A year or so later I had
the privelege of loaning my foot-stool to the eminent
Julian Bream for a concert in Utah. When I reclaimed it
in the reception after the concert, Bream reaffirmed Oscar
Ghiglia's recommendations almost word-for-word.
The Music of Corbetta
Once we begin to focus on baroque guitarists, there
emerges a personality which dominates the century: Francesco
Corbetta, who seems tc have been everywhere at once. He
appeared at the major courts of his day in all of Europe.
He developed a permanent friendship with Louis XIV and
Charles II. He also enjoyed a superlative reputation
among the guitarists of the period. Caspar Sanz praised

10
niE xxne oesx 01 xnem an;.
as "ex mejor ae xoaos" >
The music of Corbetta is probably best known today
because of the transcriptions of Emilio Pujol. Although
somewhat freely arranged for the modern guitar and based
on the transcriptions of Chilesotti .and Wolf, this music

has become part of the accepted repertory for the recital
hall. Modern scholars such as William Sasser, have asserted

that Corbetta was the most important guitarist of his day.*^
The standard articles on him were written by the musicologist

12
Richard Keith. Here Corbetta's music and his milieu
emerge in some detail. Particularly at the French and
English courts, Corbetta's activities seem inseparably wed
to the taste and manners of his age. According to Keith,
the known sources of Corbetta's music are limited to five
published books. No manuscript sources are mentioned.
The goal of the present study is to evaluate Corbetta's
music in the context of the other instrumental guitar music
of the 17th century. In addition, a concentrated effort
has been made to identify the manuscript sources for this
guitarist. Whatever influence he had on the music and life
of his day demands explanation? and if he was "the best of
them all" we need to know in what way, whether composer,
virtuoso, or teacher. A study of Corbetta's music could
add much to our knowledge of the baroque guitar. But in
order to compare his music to that of others, the first
necessity is to make his complete works available, and such
a transcription constitutes Volume II of the present study.
Then armed with this understanding, we may proceed into the

history of the baroque guitar and trace Corbexta's influence
there. Perhaps the resulting overview of this instrumental
tradition will help future scholars avoid the pitfalls and
omissions of past research.
NOTES TO CHAPTER 1
1 M.F, Bukofzer, Music in the Baroque Era from Monteverdi

to Bach (New York: Norton, 19^7), p. 47.
2 Ibid.. p. 168.
3 w. Apei, The History of Keyboard Music to 1700. trans

lated and revised by H. Tischler (Bloomingtons Indiana
University, 19?2).
4 F.V. Grunfeld, The Art and Times of the Guitar (London:

Macmillan, 1 9 6 9 ). A. Bellow, The Illustrated History of the
Guitar (New York: Belwin/Milis"^ 1970). Turnbull,' The Guitar
from the Renaissance to the Present Day (New York: Scribner,
I9 7 4 ).
5 M.R. Brondi, II Liuto c la chitarra: Ricerche storiche

sulla loro origine e sul loro sviluppo (Turin: Bocca. 1 9 2 6 ).
R. Munoz, mstoria gs la guitarra ûuenos Aires: 'i'aiueres
de la Penitenciaria Nacional, 1930).
6 First by Count Morphy, then by J. Trend, L. Schrade,

J. Ward, G. Chase, E. Pujol, R. Chiesa, and C. Jacobs.
7 R, de Visde, Oeuvres compldtes pour guitare. Le Punitrs,

No. 15* Robert Strizich, ed. (Paris 1 Heugel, 19^9)*
8 Y/.G. Sasser, "The Guitar Works of Fernando Sor" (Ph.D.
dissertation, University of North Carolina, i9 6 0 ).
9 T.F. Heck, "The Birth of the Classic Guitar and Its

Cultivation in Vienna, Reflected in the Career and Compositions
of Mauro Giuliani (d. 1829) (with) Vol. II: Thematic Catalogue
of the Complete Works of Mauro Giuliani "(Ph.D. dissertation,
Yale University, 1970).
10 G. Sanz, Instruccidn. fol. 6 r.
11 Sasser, op. cit.. Chapter 2 , passim.
12 R. Keith, "The Guitar Cult in the Courts of Louis XIV

ana Charles II," Cj\ No. 26 (1962), 3-9; and "La Guitare Royale.
A Study of the Career and Compositions of Francesco Corbetta,"
RMFC VI (1966), 75-93.
CHAPTER 2
PRECURSORS OF THE BAROQUE GUITAR IN THE 16TH CENTURY

The Spanish guitar of the baroque era contained five
. . 1 ........................................
courses or strings. it was tunea mucn iixe xne six-string
guitar of today except that it lacked the lower E-string
found on our modern instrument. Although the five-course
guitar was in vogue in Italy by the first decade of the
17 th century, it was curiously overshadowed by other plucked
instruments during the previous century. In spite of its

u x a u u w u x a x _l o y p x i k j n c: v e x j- u m a ^ c o a 0 1 * 1/ u x o p k j la la S -l x a i x w c
appearance around 1 5 0 0 .
In Italy, England, and France the lute reigned
supreme as the plucked instrument of the 1500s. In Spain,
on the other hand, the six-course, guitar shaped vihuela
dominated art music while the lowly four-course guitar
remained the favorite of the poorer classes. It will be
noticed, however, that an instrument of compromise, the
five-course guitar, begins to appear in iconographical,
literary, and organological sources. It is the purpose of
the present chapter to survey some of these sources in

relation to the comparably small amount of music existing
for this five-course instrument prior to 1 6 0 0 .
Iconographical Sources
Pictorial evidences of the guitar in sculpture,
painting, engraving, and manuscript illumination often
10
reveal essential information not found in the writings of
theorists, poets or composers. Many sources date from the
medieval period, they are derived from liturgical manuscrip

2
sketches and illuminations. V/hen the Bible was translated
from Latin, the word "cithara," which occurs frequently in
the Psalms, was rendered "harp" in English. The citharas

mentioned, however, are usually illustrated by guitar- or
lute-like instruments. The 9th-century Stuttgart Psalter

3
is no exception. Here the convention is one form of a
plectrum instrument found in Psalms 42, 58, 70, 80, 92, 99*
108, 141, 14-7, and 1 5 0 ; but on this standard shape, the
stringing varies from single to double courses, and from
four to seven strings. An early precedent for our five-
cotirse guitar exists in the illumination of Psalm 42 s 4-5
(folio 55**) which reads "Confitebor tibi in Cythara,
Deus, Deus meus."
In the Renaissance the more familiar, figure-eight
shape of the guitar becomes consistent, particularly in

Spain and Italy. A typical example is shown in Plate II,
4
which is from Luys Milan's El maestro of 1536. The
instrument is clearly a six-course vihuela being plucked by
none other than the great Orpheus himself. The most

equivocal aspect of the plate is that the head of the
instrument contains ten pegs as if to time up five double
courses of strings rather than six.'
11
4
yLtfT V
12
An earlier source than Milan*s publication is an
engraving now in the Huntington Library (Plate III).^

According to the library identification, the poet Giovanni
Filoteo Achillini (14-66-1533) is depicted. The exact date

of this engraving by Marcantonio Raimondi is not known;
however, the dates of the poet help us to place this work
in the first quarter of the 16th century. The pegbox reveals
that it is an instrument of five courses. A similar Italian
instrument was depicted by Cariani (14-85-154-7) in Gli amanti.
Although undated, this source also helps to document the
existence of a five-course guitar.^ Perhaps the earliest
16th-century source is a rather unspectacular plate dated

Perpinya, 1502, now in the Biblioteca Central, Barcelona.
A musician is shown playing a five-course guitar on the
title page of Yocabulari molt profitos per aprendre lo

7
Catalan Almanv v lo Almanv Catalan.
One last visual source brings us to a logical
conclusion about the gradual acceptance of the five-course
guitar. It is an Italian engraving where the guitar is
used in a broken consort.
Once the capabilities of the five-string [read course]

guitar were realized in Italy, it gradually gained
prominence. Many paintings and other works of art
show it being played alone or in ensemble with other
instruments or singers. One engraving by Gaspare
Osello, dated 1563, shows Apollo, god of music with
nine muses on Mount Parnassus, traditional home of the
arts. The work was based on a drawing by Luca Peni.
hence, the original depiction dates still earlier. 8
13
Literary Sources
Since about 1280, the guitar has appeared intermittent-

_ 9
ly in European literature. The settings are often florid
and descriptive of the social context of the music, but in
such cases the reader is left wanting more organological
detail. The following lively excerpt is a typical setting
for the instrument by Chaucers
In Flaundres whilom was a compaignye

Of yonge folk that haunteden folye,
As riot, hasard, stywes, and tavernes,
Where as with harpes, lutes, and gvternes,
They daunce and pleyen at dees bothe day and night. . .10
Musical theorists, in contrast, are well known for
their articulate descriptions. Although the Flemish
theorist Tinctoris mentions the guitar, we must move on to

Spain for specific mention of a five-course instrument.
It was long held that the colorful priest, Vicente Espinel
(b. 1550), added a fifth course to the guitar. According
to Nieolao Doizi de Velasco in his guitar method. Espinel
added a course above the prima of the four-course guitar.
Y que Espinel (a quien yo conoci en Madrid) le

acrecenf' la quinta, a que llamamos prima. ..(And
that Espinel, whom I met in Madrid, added to it the
fifth course, the one we call the prima. . . ) . 1 1
This is corroborated in the poem of Cervantes, El Via.ie del

12
parnaso of 1614. Since the tuning of the four-course
guitar is known (ascending intervals the tuning
of Espinel may be calculated exactly, as in Table la, p. 18.
Even if Espinel had really invented a guitar with this tuning,
he had no adherents among theorists or composers anywhere.
15
Nevertheless, the eminent Spaniard, Gaspar Sanz was still
crediting Espinel for the invention, even tho.igh he himself

n
W
e'own
."_ M
n i f f a n fW
ln r -r-
41 V VW
i4n i rvcr
44^4 4g *
Los Italianos, Franceses, y demas naciones, la graduan

de Espancia a la guitarra; la razon es, porque antigua-
mente no tenia mas que cuatro cuerdas, y en Madrid el
Maestro Espinel, Espanol, le acrecsnto la quinta, y
por esso, como de aqui, se origino su perfeccidn.
(The Italians, French, and other nations add Spanish
+A *4V A /T>1 A VAOOAV
N AA V s AA 4 V\ r*
* a1 J
\t\j ui i d 5U 1 u&x | uiic i c a b u a .lo Jcv/auoc l-ii uetô Ojl Ojlu. %
it had no more than four strings, and in Madrid the
Spaniard, Maestro Espinel, added the fifth, and
therefore, its perfection was originated in this
country. ) 1 3
T i i O vn "C a a
V U W 4 14W 1 1 U U U V
Five years after the birth of Espinel, Fray Juan
Bermudo published his monumental Declaracion de instrumentos
musicales in 1555* The treatise is perhaps best known for
the organ music it contains. However, Bermudos de
scriptions of performance practices for the vihuela are
especially valuable. For instance, modern writers have
noted the close approximation of "equal temperament" for

lb
the vihuela in Chapter 86 of Book IV.
Chapter 32 of Book II is of special interest to the

*TV>^0 C* OT*' V A A Cl 1O A
c?Ouii it O (/wujf k.'Cv>u.uod Al/x
*P 1 *4-o
J- AA*>N + A V % + A VN +Vl A
unc? grri
u a1 A u4aQ i V% i' vD a iw
Bermudo, the guitar is usually of four courses, and is

tuned in a new way:
La guitarra a los nuevos tiene en vazio una novena

mayor. . * .Desde una cuerda a otra ay un diatessaron,
que es una quarta excepto desde la tercera a la
segunia que ay una tercera mayor. No es otra cosa la
fuitarra sino una vihuela quitada la sexta y la prima.

The guitar, tuned the new way, has a compass on the
open strings of a major 9th. . . .From one string
16
tcourse'j to the next there is a perfect fourth, except
from the third to the second where there is a major
third. The guitar is nothing more than a vihuela
without the sixth and first courses. ) 1 5
Thus, we see he almost equates the guitar to a vihuela with
its outer strings removed; To clarify this point compare
Table Ic and Ie. In the same chapter, Bermudo also includes
an older tuning for the guitar which is more suited to the

strummed music that he disdains (cf. fol. 27 r.).
El temple de la guitarra a los viejos no diffiere de
esta a los nuevosi sino que la quarta cuerda suelen
abaxar un tono. . . .Este temple mas es para romances
viejos, y musica golpeada: que para musica del
tiempo. (The tuning cf the guitar after the old
manner does not differ from the new, except that people
are accustomed to tuning _the fourth course a whole-
step lower [see Table IdJ. . . .This timing is more
for old romances and strummed music, rather than for
music of the present).16
Further in Chapter 32, Bermudo discusses a guitar
of "cinco ordenes de cuerdas" (five courses of strings).
The instrument is used when music of a larger- compass, or
range cannot be suitably performed on the guitars previously
discussed.
Facilmente esta musica se puede taner en guitarra si

le ponen otra cuerda que este sobre la prima un
diatessaron. (This music can easily be played on the
guitar if they put on another string that is a perfect
fourth above the prima ) .1 7
We may now compare this tuning (Table Ig) with that of

Espinel (la). They are virtually the same. Thus it may be
concluded that this timing was known long before Espinel
could have "invented" it. This does not remove the possibility,
however, that he may have popularized it.
1?
TABLE I
16TH-CENTURY TUNINGS
a) first
o
1Z.
i f , 1 ! ' I if f * I " 1 T '

ESPINEL, late 16th century MERLIN, 1583
All of the following examples by Bermudo are from the

Declaracidn, 1555. Two stems on a note indicate two strings
tuned in unison:
c) d) e)
J-
JL
-e-
p ? 1 * 'zk 3 1f f
i> j > r
i
m-*
*f course guitar ^-course guitar Alternate 6 -c.
BERMUDO, fol. 28v. (for old romances) vihuela tuning
BERMUDO, fol. 28v. BERMUDO, fol. 93v.
f) Jg) A h)
j .h
=3F 3
o r
Standard 6 -course vih. 5 -course guitar itaw 5 -c. guitar

BERMUDO, fol 28r. BERMUDO, fol. 28v. BERMUDO, fol. 97r.
j) k) J 1)
-e-
12:
~ s
--- 1
T 1 : Td:
- T Th 1 *
O ti 1
3
T% 1
Ensemble guitar I 6 -c. vihuela 5 -c. vihuela
BERMUDO, fol. 98r. Italian tuning FUENLLANA, i55^
BERMUDO, fol. 28v,
m) n) o)
o
Tf i <f
îi c) -o- 4- -e>-
o.
f
H * *t
6 -string guitar
5 -c. guitar French tuning of
(guitarra espanola) CORBETTA, 1671 19 -2 0 th century
AMAT, 1596
18
A tuning is included in Book IV, for a "guitarra
18
nueva." This is represented in Table Ih. And Bermudo
^
icCvuuiicuuo
<3 X AXV A
vc ^ aiiu wici
Â
iivc-Cuuioc
* A /m4 Xo %
gui ê

ij. xux
A
<* AwV 1 A
cnociuuxc
playing with vihuelas (Table Ij)i

At fol. 98, col . 2 he recommends a trio comprised of
two vihuelas, the one tuned a fourth higher than the
other, and a five-course guitar tuned [ascending
intervals^ 4-4-maj. 3 -^ an octave above the lower
vihuela, as an excellent medium in which to realize
the Mille regrets and Si bona suscenimus Masses
(both a 6 ) by the "doctissimo Christoual de Morales"
as well as certain motets. 19
The importance of this tuning is that it is identical to
the five-course tuning used in the tablature of Fuenllana.
published in 1554 (Table II).. It also becomes the basis
for the standard baroque tuning to be introduced by Amat
at the end of the 16th century (Table Im).
At the risk of leaving out one of Bermudo's

tunings, one final accordatura must be studied from this
great treatise. In Book II, Chapter 31 he gives the

usual timing for the vihuela in Spain, with the intervals
between courses (ascending) 4-4-3-4-4.
Este es el temple conmdn que en Espana se usaj pero

en cifras de Ytalia avemos visto otro. Suben la
tercera cuerda un semitono, quedandose todas las demas
en el temple que estavan. Ay pues en este temple desde
la tercera a la segunda una tercera mayor. (This is
the common tuning used in Spain; but in tablatures from
Italy we have seen another. They raise the third
course a semitone, and leave the others tuned as they
were before. Thus, in this tuning, there is a major
third between the second and third courses. ) 2 0
The resulting intervals are 4-4-4-3-4. Bermudo goes on to
say that this is done because the open strings are more
19
suited to the sixth mode. Every modern guitarist
recognizes this as his own tuning.' (cf. Table Ik and lo).
Nothing compares to the gold mine of tunings for the
five-course guitar and related instruments in the treatise
of Bermudo. However, there is one French theorist,
Franpois Merlin, who gives a tuning for the five-course

21
guitar as early as 1583* For sake of comparison, this
accordatura (Table lb) has been placed beside that of
Espinel. The transcription in the table clearly shows
some notes of the fifth course entering the range of the
other courses. When both notes of either the fourth or
the fifth course are at the higher pitch as in Merlin's
tuning on the fifth course the tuning will hereinafter be
designated by the term re-entrant. Historically, re-entrant
tuning may have resulted from experiments using octaves on
the bass courses as in Im.
In Table I the tunings of Bermudo have been
reconstructed from the intervallic structures he gives. No
concert pitc h was standard in his day; moreover, his timings

may have varied as much as a whole-step up or down in actual
practice (fol. 93v). Following the same logic, we have also
postulated the so-called tuning of Espinel. The following
deductions may be made from the table to help summarize
the information given so far*
20
1)The ensemble tuning of Bermudo is vihuela tuning
without its highest course (cf. j ana e).
2)Similarly, the so-called Espinel timing corresponds

If ^ A I 5 + 1 W/T 1*r^ A<4- 1 4*0 I ATIfA A A A ll V*A A OV*/i 41A
uw v x n u c L .a y c n i x i 10 n x o iiv u x yo x y c J w u y/ u.x o c u i i u uv
Bermudo's 5-course guitar tuning (a, f, and g).
3)Bermuaoss ensemble tuning is equal to the five upper

strings of our modern guitar (j and o).
4)Further, Bermudo's ensemble tuning is the point of

contact between the guitar music of the middle of the
1 ^ 4 V\ A AV>+ 1 1 W T + tA TIT A ( A O V vm ^
xy/ yi i w e n u u i jf dxixyi A ia d ^ O Wux A vJ u ix u iu /
5)Fuenllana duplicates Bermudo*s ensemble tuning (1 and

j).
6 )The tunings of Fuenllana and Bermudo are doubled at
the unison, including the prima (l&j). Other
4 a %V A V A A f O A V N ^ A O 4*A O^Â ^ AllTÎ n 4-Vs A VSVS S o
t/u iix iig o yy/ u v u iu uyuuxxng wuc y/x xtuci.
(m: n, a, b).
7)According to Bermudo, his contemporary four-course

guitar was tuned the same as the vihuela without the
first and last courses (c and e).
8 )Italian six-course tuning is a prototype of modern

guitar tuning (k and o).
9)Merlin's tuning is equal to Espinel's except for

re-entrant octaves in the 4th and 5 th courses (a and b).
1 0 )iMerlins re-entrant octaves foreshadow the popular

17th-century French tuning of Corbetta in 1&71
(b and n ) . 2 2
11)Amat's tuning is similar to Italian tuning without the

sixth course (m and k).
1 ^ ^ T -V w i T T Vs o r*-l p r > i -f*T I p + o r "f-Vi p 4- lirnp -f * c? -Vi m n nrr V i ^ r * r i m a cr
^ V VlXJbA S/W V
o-U.C>i, X AtX vy>X Vi iCs w V U wXi l ^ i i g WWViMW>0
standard for the 17 th century in spite of some

deviations. It must have fallen on fertile ground
in Italy at the turn of the century.
21
Spanish Music for the Guitar
The music of the Spanish vihuelists has been well

2^
documented in the present century. ^ The first extant music
ever published for the guitar appears as a sidelight in the
publications for the vihuela. The music of Mudarra heads
the list in his Tres libros de musica en cifra para vihuela
of ly*6S where six pieces appear for the four-course guitar.
Two of the tunings of Bermudo are usedi "guitarra al
temple viejo" (for old romances. Table Id), and "guitarra
al temple nuevo (Ic).
Following the lead of Mudarra, Miguel de Fuenilana
published nine compositions for the four-course guitar in

25
155^ Preceding him, however, publications had already
26
appeared for the same instrument in Italy and France.
But of prime importance to the present study are Fuenilana's
unprecedented pieces for the five-course instrument which
he calls a vihuela. The tiny repertory consists of three
intabulations two motets by Morales and a villancico by

27
Juan Vasquez and six fantasias. It is noteworthy that
Bermudo had suggested the use of the five-course guitar in
a similar context by the "doctissimo C. de Morales."

28
Using the tuning described in Table I, an excerpt
y 29
from Fuenilana's last fantasia is transcribed below 1
22
Ex, 1 Fantasia Fuenilana, 155^* fol. 162v
! J *
__________ i__L_ 0
o J T7
-e- &-
r*4-
-ct tj-hU -
i j -5 K-
i i 7
1 ---- *---- r-r---------- <P- - re ^ ---------------
1 j- 3 r v 1 ;------ -
4-2 a---- i-i---- *---- \ x " l-%-------- _3 ._:___ :___ --- ----------------
: .
f e x---- !--------r-=- --- 0 13 -- ---- 9-6-
w 1 v
i
1
t i I ! 1 I . I
1
ft 1 z?-- *9--- 1--H -O - .<1-----
^ ---r-------- ------------- 6^ I I , -- ---------------
W - ? 7 - V -t-- V f
^ i-- nV --- . . .
-ff-x? ---------i --------- -----1-,-i--- H---------------
' f- f r M i \ t ^ +
V I 1* V V
i lr a _
J- 0. V C
___
_a a i i yAa
V V U i . Oct
wii o t a
U i U V X V
"
Vaa rrp a 4*a
U V
Ka
V C
V.\
.1
.i.^
A ' i I-nT Sa ><a H
^ U U X X O i l C U . UyJ-L. V..144XVmL
Oa a
30
mid-century, it is feasible to assume that there was a
growing body ox music for theinstrument which did not go to
pressduring the same period. Looking ahead to Amat's book
(1596), we find that the rich yet complex polyphony of the
vihuelists was to be displaced by a simpler, strummed music
for the guitar. In essence, the guitar was part of a broad
trend which eventually resulted in the birth of the baroque
style. It was an instrument ideally suited to accompany
monody, a clearly executed, declamatory kind of singing
which demanded unobtrusive accompaniment. To be sure, the

acceptance of strummed chords at the expense of polyphony
was viewed disdainfully by those who knew well the nuances
23
of the imitative stile antico. especially those of the older
generation. This is reflected in the retrospective view of
Sebastian de Covarrubiass
Guitarra Instrumento bien conoeido y exerc.itado muy
en perjuyzio de la mti'sica; que antes se tah'ia en la
viguela, instrumento de seis y algunas veces mas ordenes.
Es la guitarra, viguela pequeha en el tamano, y tambien
en las cuerdas, porque no tiene m&s_ de cinco cuerdas,
y algunas son de solas las quaxro drdenes.
YigUela: El instrumento musico y vulgar de seis

<rdenes de cuerdas. . . .Este instrumento ha sido
hasta nuestros tiempos muy estimado, y ha avido
excelentissimos mtlsicos; pero despuds que se
inventaron las guitarras,t son muy pocos los que se
dan al estudio de la viguela. Ha sido una gran t
perdida, porque en ella se p o m a todo genero de musica
puntada, y aora^la guitarra no es mas que un cencerro,
tan fdcil de taner, especialmente enylo rasgado, que
no hay moô de cavallos que no sea musico de guitarra.
(Guitars An instrument well known, and practiced

much to the detriment of music; previously the vihuela
was played, an instrument of six, and occasionally
more courses. The guitar is a small vihuela in size,
and in the number of strings because it has no more
than five strings, and some are of only four courses.
(Vihuelas The musical and secular instrument of six

courses of strings. . . .Up until the present, this
instrument has been most esteemed, and there have
been excellent musicians on it; but after guitars were
invented, there are but few who dedicate themselves
to the study of the vihuela. It has been a great loss
because every kind of plucked music was intabulated
on it; and now the guitar is no more than a cowbell,
so easy to play, especially in the strummed style,
that there is no stable boy who is not a musician on
the guitar.)31
Symptomatic of this change- over is the method for
playing the strummed, or rasgueado style by Juan Carlos Amat.
The treatise, first published in 1596, after the end of the

32
vihuela repertory, marks the beginning of the baroque style.
For the history of the guitar, it has xhe role of a missing
2k
link.33
Amat has at once one foot in the 16th century and
the other in the 17th, There are characteristics which
link the treatise with the past. Amats five-course instrument

and its tuning are anticipated by Fuenilana and Bermudo at
mid-century. The difference between the tunings can be
compared in Table I. The octave separation of the bass
courses, and the single prima distinguish Amat's instrument.
The idea of strummed music was not new in Spain either.
After all, Bermudo did what he could to suppress it.
Musica golpeaca (strummed music) was regarded as an antiquated
style in 1555* The aspects of the treatise linking it with
later composers are to be discussed in the next chapter.
Organological Sources
Not many stringed instruments have survived since
the 16th century, but acknowledgement must be made of a
few specimens. Only one 16th-century vihuela has stood the
test of time. The instrument is described by Michael
Prynne in detail; it corresponds closely to the instrument
in Plate I. It is larger than a modern guitar, as noted in
its dimensions: Length 109 cm. Body 5 8 ^+ cm. Depth 7.2 cm.
String length 76 cm. (compared to the modern string length

34
of 65 or 66 cm.).
The five-course guitar was a compromise in size
between the small, four-course guitar and the large,
aristocratic vihuela. The Dias instrument of five courses
25
is a good example. The following is a concise technical
description!
Belchior Dias, 1581. London, Royal College of Music,
171. Label, Belchior Dias a fez. . .lxa nomes de dez
1581. Carved on head Belchior Dias LxA. Small size,
vaulted back of seven deeply fluted ribs of Chestnut (?)
with ivory fillets. Sides of same materials. Rose
missing. Holes for ten pegs in flat head. Length
77 cm., body 36 cm. Max. depth 6 . 5 cm. String length
55 cm. 35
The most famous guitar of the Icth century was un
doubtedly the "Rizzio guitar."36 The problem today is
whether the five-course guitar by that name in the Royal
College of Music is indeed the same instrument David Rizzio
received as a gift from Mary., Queen of Scots. The instrument
represents the perfection luthiers achieved near the end of
the 17th century. At any rats, Rizzio*s involvement with
the Queen began after she had ascended the French throne with
Henry II, who after a reign of two years died in 1560.
Within the year Rizzio was in Scotland in the employ of Mary.

By 156^, the singer and guitarist had become Mary's private
secretary. Rizzio finally died at the hands of a mob of

37
nobles. Scandalous as it seemed, the Riz: .0 affair was a
prototype (by a century) of the prestige foreign musicians
were to enjoy in England and France.in the coming century.
Conclusions
The five-course guitar probably existed before the
16th century. However, it was in the 16th century that the
figure-eight shape, the intermediate size between the
26
vihuela and the four-course guitar, the double stringing,
and tuning all become standardized. Visual sources are
most helpful in documenting the early 16th-century
characteristics of the instrument. The plates of Raimondi
(of the poet, Achillini), and the Catalan dictionary of
1 5 0 2 , show the five-course guitar at the beginning of the
century. The relevant literary sources, especially the

treatise of Bermudo, begin to flourish around the middle
of the century. Bermudo gives the standard, as well as
exceptf.onal practices for the plucked stringed instruments
of his day. Among these, the five-course guitar seems to
grow somewhat in distinction over the plebian, four-course
instrument. For Bermudo, in 1555 strummed music in general
is categorically despised, and is relegated to a class of
music both old and popular in nature. A year before
Bermudo's treatise appeared, Fuenilana published a few
intabulations of vocal music, and fantasias for the five-
course instrument. He helps to codify Bermudo's "ensemble
tuning" with the ascending interval arrangement of courses,
4-4 3-4. It is net surprising that guitar music appeared

as a sidelight in the vihuela books.
The gradual inroads of the five-course guitar over
the vihuela in Spain are brought to light in retrospect
by Sebastian de Covarrubias. The last surviving vihuela
book had been by Daza in 1576. Just twenty years later, the
encroachment of the five-course guitar is complete.
2?
Throughout the history of the baroque guitar, we will
discover that its total success depends on the demise of
the other plucked stringed instruments. This phenomenon
occurs first in Spain. The vihuela repertory abruptly
stops, and within two decades, the five-course guitar is
already in the .limelight with Amat's treatise in 1596.
The 16th century in Spain- and to a lesser degree
in Italy, is the period when the five-course guitar slowly
gained more and more adherents until it dominated the scene.
To the dismay of the older generation, the instrument gained
in popularity side-by-side with the developing strummed
style, which had been dismissed by Bermudo. It was this
very style which was destined to dominate the first phase
of baroque guitar music in Italy during the next century.
28
NOTES TO CHAPTER 2
1 "Course in this case designates a rank of gut strings

tuned in octaves or unisons. The usual arrangement for the
baroque guitar was for the strings to be arranged in pairs
except for the top course, which was but a single string,
called chanterelle. or prima. Several different tunings
existed, but the most common may be represented in the fol
lowing manner : n_________________________
.44 -a . <.2- -
-ee-
-ee-
% -O'
2 Visual sources from antiquity through the Renaissance
are surveyed in the histories of Grunfeld and Bellow, as
cited above. However, more critical evaluations are needed
such as H. Nickel, Beitrag zur Sntwicklung der Gitarre in
Europa. (Ph.D. dissertation, Gdthe-Universitdt. Frankfort)
(W. Germany? Bibl, de la Guitarra, 1972).
3 E.T. Wald. eds* The Stuttgart Psalter, facsimile ed.

(New Jersey: Princeton University, 1930)
4 Courtesy of the Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid.
5 Courtesy of the Huntington Library, San Marino, Calif.
6 Turnbull, op. cit.. p. 8; see also Plate IX.
7 Ibid., p. 141, Plate XV.
8 Bellow, op. cit.. p. 73.
9 E; Bowles, "The Guitar in Medieval Literature," GR No. 29

(June, 1966), 3-7.
10 J. Koch, ed., Geoffrey Chaucers Canterbury Tales

(Heidelberg: C. Winter, 1915) p. 237 ,
11 N. Doizi de Velasco. Nuevo modo de cifra para taner la
guitarra [Naples, ca. 164(3] (E-Mn, musica, 4042), p. 2.
12 Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra, Obras completes. A. Valbuena

Prat, ed. (Madrid: Aguilar, 1965), p. 71 f. See also p. 749.
Cf. Adolfo Salazar, "Mtisica, instrumentos, y danzas qn las
obras de Cervantes," Nueva revista de filologia hispanica
II (1948), 118-173.
13 Sanz, Instruccion. fol. 6r.
34 R. Stevenson, Juan Bsrmudo (The Hague: M. Nijhoff,

I960), p. 58.
29
15 Juan Bermudo, Declaracion de instrumentos musicales.
1555; facsimile ed. by M. Santiago Kastner, Documenta
musicologica. Ser. I, Vol. XI (Kassel: BSrenreiter, 1957),
fol. 28v.
16 Ibid.
17 Ibid.
18 Ibid.. fol. 97r.
19 Stevenson, op. cit.. p. 56.
20 Bermudo, op. cit.. Chapter 31* fol. 28v.

21 "Recherches de plusieurs singularities, par Francois
Merlin. . .escrits par Jacques Cellier" F-Pn, MS fr. 9152),
as cited by S. Murphy, The Timing of the Five-course Guitar,"
GSJ XXIII (1970), 49 and 61.
22 This was already observed by S. Murphy, ibid., 49-63.
23 A brief summary of the vihuela books from 1536 to 1576

is accessible in G. Reese, Music in the Renaissance, revised
ed. (New York: Norton, 1959), pp. 619-625.
24 Alonso de Mudarra, Tres libros de musica en cifra para
vihuela (Seville, 1546), transcription and study by 2. Pujol
in Monumentos de la mtisica espanola VII (Barcelona: CSIC,
1949), PP. 68-70.
25 Fuenllana, Orphenica Ivra (Seville, 1554), fol. 158 ff.
26 Turnbull, op. cit. pp. 33-40, passim.
27 Mudarra, op. cit. (study by E c Pujol), p. 7.
28 See also ibid., p. 6, note 4.
29 Fuenllana, op. cit. , fol. l62v*
30 In the Preface to L. Narvaez, Los seys libros. . .para

taner vihuela (Valladolid, 1538) transcription and study by
E. Pujol, Monumentos de la musica espanola III (Barcelona:
CSIC. 1945), Pujol says: "Y mientras Valderrabano escribe
fantasias para vihuela de cinco ordenes. . ."p. 8. However,
there is no music for a five-course instrument in Enriquez
de Valderrdibano, Libro de mdsica de vihuela intitulado Silva
de sirenas. transcription and study by E. Pujol, Monumentos
de la mtisica espafiola. XXII-XXIII (Barcelona: CSIC. 1965).
30
31 Sebastian de Covarrubias, Tesoro de la lengua eastellana
,o espanola (Madrid: Sanchez. I6li). reprinted by Martin de
Riquer, ed. (Barcelona: Horta, 1943), articles"Guitarra,"
and "Viguela."
32 Juan Carles Amat, Guitarra espanola y vandola. . .

(Valencia* la viuda de A. Laborda, 1639). Copy on Microcard
available from Rochester- N-Y. : Eastman School of Music,
Sibley Library. The Preface of this edition is a letter from
Leonardo de San Martin to Amat, dated 30 April 1639. The
letter states that the treatise was first published at
Barcelona in 1586. This date has been questioned in articles
by Emilio Pujol and Adolfo Salazar. Boxh scholars agree
that the first edition of Amat*s treatise was licenced for
publication on 15 June 1596, and that San Martin*s date (1 5 8 6 )
is in error. In the light of the evidence and logic presented
by these scholars, further references to Amat's treatise in
the present study will bear the date of 1596. Cf. E. Pujol
"Significacidn de Joan Carlos Amat (1572-1642) en la historia
de la guitarra, Anuario musical V (195), 125-133* passim.?
and A. Salazar, op. cit.. 1*4 14-5.
33 Or a "fine golden link," according to E. Pujol,

Significacidn de Joan Carlos Amat," Anuario musical V
(1950), 146.
34 K. Prynne, "A Surviving Vihuela de Mano," GSJ XVI (1 9 6 3 ),
22-27.
35 A* Baines, European and American Musical Instruments
(London: Batsford, 1966), p. ^7, and Plates 283-24,
36 A.J. Hipkins, Musical Instruments. Historic. Rare, and

Unique (London: Black, 1888), Place X.
37 Dictionary of National Biography. . .up to 1900 (London:

Oxford U. Press, 1917), "Mary, Queen of Scots." Refer especially
to XII. p. 1266, and cf. G. Schweizer, "Die Gitarre Maria
Stuarts," Zeitschrift fflr Musik CXIV (July 1953), 409-410,
31
PART II
THE BAROQUE GUITAR (1596-1639)
AND CORBETTA'S EARLY PERIOD
32
CHAPTER 3
THE MUSIC OF THE RASGUEADO STYLE, 1596-1637
The very first music of the baroque guitar is related
to the style of Corbetts. The true perspective of Corbet i;a*s
first book can only result from a comparison between his
music and that of the early baroque guitarists. It can be
calculated that Corbetta was born in 1615; two decades before
that date, method-books and music began to be published for
the guitar. Once underway, there was an effort to build a
viable musical language in these publications. The contribution
of each guitarist was valued for its innovative aspects;
indeed, the language was new. There had been no tradition
of notation for the writing down of chords. Even so, a
complete system of chordal notation was inherited by Corbetta
from early 17th-century innovators such as Amat, Montesardo,

Sanseverino, and Colonna,
The first few decades of guitar music in the 17th
century have been discussed at considerable length in the

works of Richard Hudson. First in his dissertation on the
passacaglio and ciaccona, and later in numerous articles,
Hudson has captured the essence of the music and explained
many important concepts for the first time. The notation
of this music, however, had been explained a generation ago
by Johannes Wolf. During the intervening years, occasional
articles appeared regarding certain details of the period,
such as the technique of rasgueado performance, tuning, a few
33
of the composers, etc. The purpose of the present chapter,
in addition to surveying the period, is to focus in particular
upon these details as they lead up to the music cf Corbetta
in 1639.
Codification of the Alfabeto
The alfabeto which emerged in Italy during the 17th
century was a system of musical shorthand for the notation
of strummed chords on the guitar. This chordal alphabet was
not the work of one man, nor the product of a group such as
the Florentine Cameratas It is indeed surprising that the
highly developed system of the alfabeto appeared at all,
considering its many disparate sources.
In the musical climate of southern Europe around 1600,
there was a definite need for the notation of a practice which
had already lasted for some time. It will be remembered
that at mid-l6th century, Bermudo called chordal strumming
not only the plebian, but the older style. Meanwhile, the
new generation of Italians was becoming firmly united against

polyphonic complexity in the accompaniment of solo song. In
face, some of the outspoken members of the Camerata were

advocating a simple, expressive, but nonobtrusive chordal
accompaniment perfectly suited to the guitar.^- The central
problem then was to devise a method of efficiently notating

chordal music for the new guitarra espanola.
3^
Juan Carlos Amat
In 1596 perhaps after he had finished his doctorate

in medicine at the University of Valencia, Juan Carlos Amat
(1572-164-2) published a small treatise with the following
title *
Guitarra espafrole y vandola, en dos maneras de guitarra,
castellana y valenciana, de cinco ordenest la cual ensena
a templar y taner rasgado todos los puntos naturalss y
b, moliados con estilo maravilloso. Y para poner en ella
qualquier tono, se pone una tabla con la cual podra
qualquiera sin dificultad cifrar el tono, y despues tafrer
y cantarle por doce modos.
(The Spanish guitar and vandola in two kinds of guitar,

Gastillaan and Valenoian. of five courses which teaches
to tune and to play after the strummed manner all the
major and minor chords with marvelous style. And in
order to place any key on it, a table is submitted that
will enable anyone to figure out the key without diffi
culty, and then play or sing to it in any of the twelve
modes.)2
With historical hindsight, it is readily apparent that
this little treatise, the first of the literature on the
instrument, would have a powerful affect on the future of
guitar playing. One witness is the fact that there were
seven subsequent editions in Catalan, Valencian, and Castilian
dialects, not counting numerous plagiarized versions which
lasted into the 18th century. The most obvious of the really
far-reaching precedents for the five-course guitar is found
in the title. For the first time in print, Amat coined
single-handedly the name of the new guitar 1 guitarra espanola
(Spanish guitar), the name we use even today* Amat explains
simply that the guitar is better received (i.e., accepted)

3
in Spain than anywhere else.
35
The treatise is disposed into seven chapters. Chap
ter I consists of a step-by-step tuning which yields the
following accordaturaj
Exs 2 The Tuning of Amat, 1596
As previously observed in Table Im, above, this tuning is
equal to the standard Italian accordatura of the guitar in
the 17 th century.
Probably the most striking feature of the treatise
polyphony, Amat devises a simple scheme for playing chords
only. In addition, no key of the twenty-four major and
minor keys is preferred above the other, a testimony of the
close approximation to "equal temperament" already achieved
on fretted instruments in the generation of Bermudo. Amat's
refined twelve-key proficiency on the guitar is reached first
by studying the definitions contained in Chapters II-IV,
and then by playing from the ingenious circular table in

Chapter V.
Chapters II-IV define punto (=chord, or consonance)
as the basis of harmony, and clarify which are the major

triads (puntcs naturales) and which are the minor (puntos b ,
36
mollados) Each chord has a two-part identity* an Arabic
numeral (Chord no. 1 is on the note E and ascending by
fourths. Chord no* 2 is on A, etc.)- and a letter to
indicate the chord quality. Only two qualities are found*
major (abbreviated by N for natural)and minor(b for b,
mollado) as in Table Ila on the following page.
The height of ingenuity in the book is the circular

table or chart of all the chords. The twenty-four triads
are spelled out in a notation analogous to the tablature
of the vihuela or Italian lute. Besides the location of
the notes on the fingerboard, the notation contains left-
hand fingering as well. Based on the clarity of the
fingering, one mistake may be detected in the Bb major chord.
The note in brackets of my transcription shows the correction.
Also notice that the octave doublings of the lower courses
are not a part of the transcription.
Amat recommends playing a naseo in each of the
twelve keys for complete proficiency. Although he does not
specify whether the major or minor chords are used, the
pattern he establishes yields a tonic, subdominant, dominant
and tonic in each of the keys. It has a,lready been shown
that his paseo is a prototype of the pedagogical passaca^lio

which makes xts debut in the guitar methods of the 17 th
century. Amat also gives the music in twelve keys for the
Yacas. a popular theme for variations ever since the
vihuelists.
37
TABLE II: THE ALFABETO OF SEVERAL COMPOSERS
\
cJ
Montesarao, 1606 4 8 c 0 E * 6 ft t K L
*1 9t r. i - 7_ *
4
"
--------h-5 ~---
--------(V-s--- Cv--- i
e_i__ -5-
-4- .3
-O-- , 1
-0- - A- - a -4- 0-
-2-
90-----
"7 0 T V r 1-9
I / r-
? * '
(tuning)
d) . 1ti a O id 0 a /t
transonptionJ V O 5
0
S
A
JL b*
a 4
Li
dr 5?? fr
1(5 i A?> 0 .0 ,n
% ft &
j % & & 6* 7T 'ar -6- v -#
*
e ) functionalf
ftn11*5srO1&v\+ 1 _1 _ 1 . i i )
1 G I7
L)
i 1
i
P/)
Vfh I
i i
_ i n* *
d
* ;
j~*
k* Z
*/> 1*
1. i
Corbetta, 1639 A & t - D E F ' i ' G V , I K L

i, * -* -1
---1
^ -K- ---5k -i-
-fJl
r . o f
==-*
tft X# --fc ii
___________
-2
- *-
-------A *--- 00 ---- i - V -1- -?

- T - j -2.
4 -2>- -f -13-
&
f-
y-
i ^ 0 ' I
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h) h o o
-------- transcription 0 O -<TT. 0 n tfi -it -- 6-
a &-j 9>
=fc= 0 -G idH -t-ft-
----------- j T r JL St. jt- %- r - * - & r
f
a) .* S'1-
Amat, 1596 5^ 3^ 2> 3^ 1" 2/
r.3 \
J %
[$
(L 0 r
0t0
h % J
_ J ..
> t 71
1 5 *
to
transcription : t 0 t? A c
< / (\ c "2 n ^ u 1 7T or 1 ;> t Vih9) 9
/k L.
0 f
&t T' 0-1 1
_
W % ft n Cr
St d n If
*S- 4 =Br- -tJ- i-fr =5. ijTF

f) w
% / 5 7 3 P G
rBriceno, 1626 7
1
! (y oV
>
fX
/ 00 --j' ' " $t- i ^ r' ii
1 5- I Y 1
?
^ 1 _
J?
/a ro 1
irT --c ^*v fit11
_
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- r - - I-^ - - V j-it- 1
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----y----- 1--- r
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X - 1
t r ~ i
3
___ u --- r ~ ?
1, *. U
--- / --- 1 h - 4 - -------- --------
i*- *r >
=t % 3 r 3* n >

---- * ---- i
---- *
* - r - t 2- - ---- J - 4 - ----- 1----
- y - S -
T + ~ i
1
1
i>0- -0- n
-b-* 1 m
0
fl
0 --iFO
-fcfr-
a - -j # 0
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fag
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fro -b s ~ - e - ---- 6 9 h 9
t ^ = .... 1.
1
: - - = t . z z
- ____

? 5 =
5 ,j
# ~ T T
fro
v ~r\
4
f o -
a -A. 9d -e- - T -
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-H- &V= t ; -4'- z-

-4- j-
M N o f % H . S 7 r x - y ' Z
- 1 t 3 /
1 , - 4 - V- pJr-
3t tt
"~S ' i - 4 - i ----fe- V* 1 -*

fc-- 1 X K f-1 i
j = 4 = 5 = = $i = - S - --- ^- ----î J = 4 = k ------- ( -
- 3f*-
4 4 r - H / t H 1 h - f - fc h
i
be 4 .
-o- u A 0 t I
1
be ZJT7 a
-
. -6 4 P - - r~
J ^ _ _ ~q ------ 4
y-0
* fro fr -s*
A j/ --------9
\ m
P-T-O-------9 - -
-ff4- - = ? r -------^ . ..JZTT- = t =
7> o-J
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0 i 3- w.
<? -S- I -a 1
44 It
*>r 0
/r /z* Hb flb /Of/ ^ lob

* -tf-
=t= *
-.r=t -3

=t
|t^
:iidr 7 F -e- & ibe- &r*
-*-G~ 'i.
m 125: o-
-&4-
vz w v* ~u 0 T
* f S
--3b-
Because of the many precedents it contained, Amats
treatise would have a lasting affect on the history of the

^ v '"mVs a O*
sA ^ 4*0 v*v0 AO OA A I TifAi" M Ka
g^M JL i^ d j. x a c liC u u C f o Q j. i. d o o y C U iv y ju C W I/O I.J .U . I-/C
Italianized, and his tuning remained standard for the
instrument. During the first phase of the Spanish guitar
to 1639 the new books would begin with passacagli in
several keys, followed by a number of popular dances. Amat's
chord numbers, however, had apparently fallen upon deaf ears
in Italy. The Italians who came after him strummed the same
chords, but they chose to designate them according to the
alphabet.
Girolamo Montesardo
Florence was not only the home of the Camerata, it
was also there that Montesardo published the first Italian
book for the five-course guitar in 1606. The full title reads
as follows 1
Nvova inventione d'intavolatvra, per sonare li balletti

sopra la chitarra spagniuola, senza numeri, e note; per
mezzo della quale da se stesso ogn'uno senza maestro
potra imparare.
(New invention of tablature for playing dances upon the

pCUiXOii U1. id i
.- f rrj. oiivyu o iiuiuuci o diiU. aiO oco f U j ;ucaixo UJ-
which everyone will be able to learn by himself without

a teacher.)6
It is apparent that he was writing for the Spanish

7
guitar, tuned exactly the same as that of Amat. In contrast,
however, he indicated chords according to the alphabet, rather
than numbers. Montesaruo*s system seems more practical than
Amat's. The most frequently used chords are indicated first;
39
these are also the easiest to play (refer to Table lie).
Yet while more practical than Amat's numbers, the alfabeto
is less comprehensive; there are no chord symbols for Eb
minor. Ab minor, or C# minor- There appears to be a mistake
in the fingering of the chord R; my transcription shows the
corrected notes in brackets.
Montesardo gives several rules, which may be summa
rized as followsi (1) The alfabeto is to be committed to
memory. (2) One should learn to play what the Spanish call
passacaglie (called ritornelli in the Italian language).
(3) Chord-letters above or below the staff line are to be
strummed up and down respectively, and capital letters held
longer than minuscule. A dot of duration may appear after
a letter, functioning as in mensural notation. In order to
have a light and attractive technique for the right hand,
the following is recommended:
batter le corde dolcemente con tre, o quattro dite in

modo di arpeggiare, e non tutte insieme (hitting the
strings sweetly with three or four fingers in the
manner of an aroeggio and not all at once).8
The duty of the left hand is to play the strings firmly and
close to the fret. Sometimes the little finger is left free:

fare alcuna galanteria nelli tasti consonanti doue
potra arriuare (to make some ornament in the consonant
frets which are within reach).9
Montesardo's music begins with the passacagli. They
are analogous in principle with Amat's paseos. acquainting
the player with most of the keys. Besides serving the
reader for instruction, however, the passacaglio had
a practical application as well. Rhythmically it had an
open ending, which invited repetition. It was used as a

1 A ^ A
%"
?**<5AA A V v*
."14"T ^<
<5A VA A > VA >SA V\,*
! A v A AVI AS^
^ IC IU U C ) X i il / C iX U U C V/X ^.VO UXUUC JL11 U v l OCi_LX i y O p U X C ii OUUgb U1
the day. It is significant that the appearance of the

10
passacaglio here is the first in all music literature.
The last two passacagli of the book are transcribed in the
example below. Note that each has the same harmony, but
a different rhythm. (Stem directions indicate the direction
of the right-hand strumming, down-up down-up down, etc.)
Ex. 3 Two Passacagli Montesardo, 1606, p. 15

[\ t j
|
-f-4 f ;f\

\
-H---
; 9
-- ---
4
Li
* -- f------------------
---
---
---
---
---
---
---
---
---
---
---
---
---
---
---
---
I.
/ If
*
'If I T I V. t 1 S-tr j f t a 9 " + 1 I V t - i n r
*---
4*- -+~ r
j
The passacagli make up about a fourth of the music.
The rest of the book contains popular dances, many of which
also represent the first published examples in history.

Although traditionally many of the dances are associa êd with
a text, Montesardo only supplies an instrumental version.
Dances which were sure to interest guitarists of the future

11
(even Corbetta) include, Ballo del gran duea. Ruggiero.
Bergamasca. Pavaniglia. Spagnuoletta. La Monica. Corrente.
Gagliarda. and Paganina. Dance-songs from Spain include
"the Sarab^nda. Giaccona. Folia. and "the Vi llano di Sp-agna.
Perhaps the greatest drawback of the book is the
overemphasis of harmony. When a primary musical element is
exaggerated at the expense of the others, the music suffers

artistically. It may be argued that the top course of each
chord is the melody. If such is the case, it is always
harmonized in the "familiar style," and there is no way of
notating any melody above the fifth fret. The rhythms are
generally dull, yielding a music of little contrast. The
high frequency of the 6/4 chord in this music has also come
12
to the attention of modern theorists. But of course this
was only the beginning of the history of the Spanish Guitar.
The liberation of melody and rhythm without destroying the
newly invented alfabeto becomes the main concern of the
Italian guitarist-composers for the next several decades.
Given the popularity of Montesardo's alfabeto

throughout the 17 th century, it is a wonder that guitarists
took so long to base an instrumental style upon it. Probably
because of the guitar accompaniments published with vocal
music early in the century, there is a curious fourteen-year

gap between the instrumental music of Montesardo and the
publications which followed it in the 1620s.
Composers publishing for the guitar between 1620 and
1637 all used the alfabeto. However, they attempted to
develop the medium in two directions j (1) to expand the
42
compass of the alfabeto to cover the entire fingerboard
rather than limit it to the first few positions, and (2) for
expressive purposes, to incorporate the use of dissonant
chords along with Montesardo's alphabet of consonances. The

principal guitarist-composers of this phase and the dates of
their first publication are as follows: Sanseverino (1620),
Colonna (1620), Milanuzzi (1623), Costanzo (1627), Million!
(1627), Pico (ca. 1628), Foscarini, Book II (1629), Millioni
with Monte (1637)* and Abatessa (1637). A number of
manuscripts also date from this period; they will be discussed
only briefly with regard to the developments in the vocabulary
of chords.
Sanseverino and Rasgueado Manuscripts
Both Benedetto Sanseverino and Giovanni Ambrosio
Colonna contributed to the vocabulary of "shifted" chords
in 1620. At this time certain chords of the alfabeto were
shifted into higher positions. Chords of this type
necessitated the use of the "bar," a technique where the
first finger of the left hand covers more than one course.
Once a chord is fingered in the first position, it may be
shifted, using the same spacing of intervals, to a higher
position. Chords which have open strings must be re-fingered.
However, chords in which all the strings are fretted may be
played in any position with the same fingering.
Sanseverino*s shifted chords were only moved a
whole-step higher. He indicated the original alfabeto with a
^3
capital letter. The chords were shifted two frets higher
if he indicated them with a lower-case letter. Moreover, the
V WV
r \ Trr C
pat i vvov p c n oS
C-. *
r.W
rv r\
WJ- MWiU
! eid U
r miM
i dW
; .i1.rV
a J XU
+Viiw
r o Vv t c r r r o c * ^^
improvement on Montesardo*s method, was his precise desig
nation of rhythm. His music is the first of its kind to

13
include a time signature, barlines, and mensural note-values.
U 1 fl W AM M A A A ^ A V 4 A M 4 -A M A A ^ A A AS A Aw>M A A* A M U A
iix o xxu u a u iu u i c i i c C u o u j.5 x a o c ic o i c to a. C u m M U O c T 6 x l6
varies the rhythm of a given chord succession as a means of
achieving variety. Ke emulates Montesardo in placing the
passacagli in many keys at the beginning of his book, followed

by dances such as the ciaccona and sarabanda. The ciaccone
are important here because they may be connected. The key
or tonality is the unifying factor in this case, and by
varying the rhythm, pieces of a few phrases result. Tension
and rhythmic vitality often result from hemiola effects and

In
expertly varied patterns of strumming.
For Sanseverino the guitar technique consisted only
in the strumming of full chords. The rasgueado stroke was
moreprecisely indicated by stems above and below the one-line
staff, thus necessitating the indication of chords only when
they changed. This method was more efficient and economical
than writing a letter for each stroke as had been done

previously. Although his notation was different, Sanseverino's
technique used all of the fingers of the right hand, just as
that of Montesardo. He statesx

. . .mi pare, che la Chitarra alia Spagnuola, si debba
suonare coil le botte piene, e non altrimente, perch&
nn
suonandola con diminution!, legature, o dissonaze,
SSrsboe plu tOSto S U O u a i di. L x u t O , Che di o j i i i e t Z ' r u . &JLJ.S.
Spagnuola, & diminuendo tal' instrometo non solo si li
viene a levare il proprio, naturale, & antico stile, ma
aneo se li toglie affatto 1'armonia; talche casta k
ciascheduno di variar la mano in diversi modi, secondo
l'habiliti del suo ingegno, & in questo modo sodisfare
al stile, & totale osservatione del vero modo di suonare
la sopradetta Chitarra alia Spagnuola.
(It seems to me that one ought to play the Spanish Guitar

with full strokes, and not otherwise, because playing
with diminutions, legature or dissonances is more suited
to the playing of the Lute than to the Spanish Guitar,
and in softening such an instrument not only does one
remove its own natural and ancient style, but also the
harmony is completely cut off; thus it is sufficient for
each person to vary his hand in different ways, according
to his ability, and thus succeed in the matter of style
and in all the observations of the true method cf playing
the above-mentioned Spanish Guitar.)15
A number of manuscript sources preserve the rasgueado
style; they represent a step-by-step development of conventions
in the manner of notation. Some composers here are not known
to have published any guitar music. In addition, the

manuscripts also contain separate techniques not mirrored in
printed sources. As suggested by the existing dates and the
innovations listed below, the following sources are in

approximate chronological order:^
ca. 1620 only regular chords of alfabeto:

I-Fr MS 2774
I-Fr MS 31^5 "Questo libro e di Mariotto fallocci"
ca. 1625 shifted, and sometimes dissonant chords:

I-Fn Magi. XX143 "Modo insegnato da me Ant.o Carboni [sic]
fiorentino. . ."
I-Fn Landau Finaly 252 "Questo libbro. . .e di Atto
Celli da Pistoia," dated 1625
I-?c MS B2556 "Questo libro. . .e di Giovanni Antonij"
ca. I630 beginnings of punteadq (plucked single-notes) 1
I=Fr MSS 2793, 2804/ 2349, 2951, 2973 (III)
I-VnmMS Ital. IV 1910, coll. 11701
F-Pn Esp. 390, "Palumbi MS'*
ca, 1635 more diverse and complex notation*

I-PEc MS 586 Contains portrait of Antonio Carbonchi
x-ivi cii uj.h u
I-Fn MS Landau Finaly 1?5
Chitarra Battente
Some modern authors effectively equate the Spanish
term rasgueado with the Italian, battente. The following
description has been applied to the performance of the
rasgueado (or battente) technique by Sylvia Murphy;
The strike can be made either in an upwards direction

(i.e. from the high pitched strings to the low ones) or
in a downwards direction. In the case of the baroque
guitar all the five courses could be struck with one
blow, although three or four adjacent courses might also
be played in this manner.17
While Murphys description is clear, there may be
some ambivalence regarding her use of the term battente.
She uses the expression battente books." It would be simple
to carry the logic one step further, and conclude that all
of these battente books are for use with the battente guitar.
The chitarra battente is an instrument which differs from the
chitarra spagnuola in its doubly strung, wire courses which

18
are struck with a pick. The battente instrument had the
characteristic figure-eight shape, but its back was vaulted

instead of flat, and it was usually shorter than the Spanish
instrument. It must not be forgotten that the Spanish guitar
since Amat was a gut-stringed instrument capable of being
46
19
played with the fingers. ' And while the strummed music
under discussion here may well have been played upon a
chitarra battente , the existence of this instrument can
only be regarded as a short-lived, aberrant strain in the
history of the Spanish guitar.
The clearly separate, but bilateral existence cf the
chitarra battente is made more intelligible by examining its
origin.
This instrument which in Italy was known as^the chitarra

battente. and in Spain as the vihuela de penola.
reveals its originally close relationship to the Fiedel
wiAV'A nl 5 t u +Vior* +V10
414 V * V j
ii
V 4 . W 4
aXi +o
W 4 4 V 4,4 4 W 4 1 X X. M t^ U W V V a.ll U C
retained the vaulted back of the mediaeval Fiedel

which it combined with the straight ribs of the ordinary
guitar. As in the Fiedel, the strings were laid over
the whole length of the table, to the lower edge of the
body, and the pegs were at right angles to the plane of
the table. . . .The adoption of five courses of strings,
which were plucked in the mediaeval fashion with a
plectrum, were the remaining features of this atavistic
instrument.20
There is one other characteristic of the battente
guitar which remains to differentiate it from its Spanish
cousin:its dynamics. It is my own conservative estimate that
the wire-strung instrument could triple the volume of the
gut-stringed lute or Spanish guitar. The modern Columbian
tiple is comparable in size and shape (although it has triple

strung courses). The popular tiple is loud enough to cover
all the delicate shadings of the classical guitar in any
ensemble. The indiscriminate reference of Bukofzer on the

"speedy victory of the noisy guitar over the dignified lute
21
. . . " seems most applicable to the chitarra battente.
47
The Shifted Chords of Colonna
In the same year Sanseverino published his book,

22
GAS Colonna began publishing as well. The innovations of
each man complemented the development of the alfabeto and
the music derived therefrom. Where Sanseverino's rhythms
were intricate and carefully notated, Colonna*s rhythms were
unvaried* Indeed in Colonnas first book, all of the

passacagli are rhythmically identical. Colonna's historical
importance is based upon his attention to harmony.
In the first place, where Sanseverino had shifted
chords only two frets higher with a lower-case letter,
Colonna devised a means of playing certain chords in any
position. The chords which he moved up the fingerboard are
those in which every course is fretted. A portion of his
alfabeto actually shows only six of the possibilities of
shifting the chords upward (see Table Ilia). In effect, he
demonstrates merely the principle to the reader, not all of

the possibilities, which include about seventy new chords.
In his illustration the major chords on G, C, F, and Bb,
and the minor chords on G, and C are included. The key to
the new system is the Arabic numeral written above the chord
letter; the numeral indicates the fret where the first finger
plays, as well as the new position to which the chord is

23
shifted.
With all these new chords at his disposal Colonna
made daring and unprecedented harmonic experiments. Many
48
TABLE III* EXPANDING THE ALPHABET OF CHORDS
a) "by shifting chords of the alfabeto into higher positions

of the fingerboard
c-- 5 5 --3-- --5-- 5-- ! t-- 2--

- - Corbetta t--- $ s ? --3-- "J "-
-- -i-- 1--s-- -?
----------- 1639---- -t- ^ -3-- r -- j* *-1----
--- 3 -i-- -5 - # -- 7-- --b-- -9 -
G3 H3 H5 M3 N3 p3
-Q- 0 b*_ 5?
transcrip- -4-- a O O
--0 --o-- <?
--------- tron------ -
-4
~f-- O
o ^-0- -r-e o -7-0- - Ho--
9 6--
s * -
--O-- --^ --2T ---- o -- -- a- -- G>--
h
T o d 9- 0 0 0 vp.
4
functional
-------- ---------- -- T\ '' ' A "

rd> V 1 77--
. _C.: u r 9 M ? W Ca .
...H ----
p3
G3 h3 M3 N?
c 3 7
.----- .. , , ---- ^ r- 5 -- 1
---- 3-- ---- -3-- ---- i i -$--
:
,-lUfaW -- -F--r 5-- -<5--
= f = : --- ? -3-- = - -- *--
:-- ^ 1 5-- 5-- -*-- 3-------
b) by altering the standard chords of the alfabeto
Alfabeto falso
U W*
Tk* , X*
t
U#
t
ft n*
\
J tj*

n
C'orfrgtta~
-*639-
tran5crtb=~ 4*-
<? >*-
tion
-8r
5 b~S
functional
name Tw -/wf T7cr
Alfabeto dissonante
a. A+ B+ C+ D+ E+ F+ G+ H+ I+ L+ N+ P+ K+ M+
FoscarlTit~ 3=t=
Books ---
n t ii-, -i-n
^9
pieces "modulate" with some returning to the home key. He
achieved variation in harmonic progressions by voicing chords

ft 'f' V>^ I r n i f f *r r ^ t __ . j
3
r*
^^ w ^voj . uxui i b \iO i c ^ d in p j.e | u
replaces A, two different spacings of the G-major chord.)
Frequently his technique of chordal variation included the
insertion of new chords, particularly between progressions of
I to IV. The excerpt of a fclia transcribed below clarifies
several of these techniques. The folia is given in the
first line, and the variation which follows has been copied
below the folia for comparison.
Ex. 4 Colonna, 1620, p. 19
fU1i--/
yfi
...
111 f t h r f t * ) 1 Jf
131 L
H H r r
*& 01 21 s.
* -J. ,,1 1
-%-1 -
fe= M - /
t j *
04 kfr *.Vi- .
7 t t
f.
--
50
In the third measure of the variation, a new position of the
*
o
F-major chord is used. The Ur inversion, however, remains
the same. In measures four and six, new chords replace the
given harmonies.
Chordal Variation
Extensive manipulation of the inner structure of a
piece was now possible. The original chords often became
a harmonic framework upon which were inserted a number of
satellite chords. The new chords added variety and interest

^ V. a A 4 M. 4 VS O 1 *U A A , / s A. ts A /N 4 ^ V S A fl,<) 1 a ^*4* *VS 4 A A 4^ S S . V ^4
wU 04 AC U i J -l AO. U C âU O C 04 AC O 04. U O OU.4. C WCIO U . ^ J . 0 OCA1 U 4 C 0 044. U C U |
The new chords served (in terms of Schenkerian analysis)
as contrapuntal embellishment to the original harmony. This
unique practice was possible without altering the form or
the phrase-length at all. Thus the music could still continue
to function as dance music. The rules which govern chordal
variation are the following:
Each chord of the framework may be preceded or followed

. .,by a chord that bears to it the relationship V-I,
two chords that relate as IV-V to I, or on occasion
(but not as frequently) more complex groups such as
iii-IV-V-I, This is not unlike secondary dominants or
secondary groups in tonal music theory. . . .Each
framework chord thus has a separate system 01 satellite
chords that circle around it and reinforce its effect.
The variation chords are determined in reference to
single framework chords, whereas the relation between
the framework chords is fixed by the choice of the
chord-row.2k
Most of the sung and instrumental dances in the Italo-Spanish
repertory of the guitar had a set form, consisting of a chord

succession, a rhythmic pattern, and occasionally a fixed
51
melody. By way of example, the passacagiio. although not
specifically a dance, had an identifying succession of chords
which was I XV"VI .
A transcription will help us to appreciate more fully
the technique of varying the chord-row. A passeggiato version
(or variation) of the old Italian dance, the passamezzo is
shown on the next page. The minor mode signals at once that
this is the passamezzo antico. The traditional chord row of
this dance is i VII i V, III VII i V i. In the example, these
harmonic pillars have been designated by the usual symbols.
The chords within the parentheses are satellites in the
sphere of each structural unit. Although this music predates
"tonal harmony," most of the satellite chords belong to "the
key" of each structure chord. For example, the first line
pertains to the structure chord of G minor, which may be

9
analyzed as Gmt (i V i iv V i V ). The second line
may be analyzed in the key of Ft (ii V I IV V I ii),
and the third line in Gm. Continuity is achieved by using

pivotal harmonies in each measure which precedes a structural
unit. Thus, a structure chord is not only followed by chords
which belong to it, but it is invariably preceded by them as
well. Note also that each unit of the chord row appears
precisely at four-measure intervals. Coionna adds extra
punctuation to the structure chords by the use of an
isometric pattern ( ' f ' ) in every case. He achieves a
subtle sense of variation without the least dependence on
52
Ex* 5 Pass* e mezzo passeggiato per B m . Colonna, 1620, p, 37
f * * j# j
i f - 4- ^ ffir *
- 1. * pr " - g -L p Jr /
n
r L ~j - L T" L r j
l
i r i !
f m
^ ? f r F T
t*
K
nX r r r ? pi
I
/ i;
ML
53
his other technique of shifting chords.
In the same decade other composers also experimented

with chordal variation. In 1627- Pietro Millioni published
a song book with alfabeto. as well as several reprints of
his first four books of guitar music. In one of these
collections, the alfabeto demonstrates his full understanding

26
of the shifted chords of Colonna. The two composers are
also close on their interpretation of the barriera. a type
of military suite. Furthermore, their treatment of the

27
following dances is almost identical:
Millioni. 1627 Colonna. 1620

Pass'e mezzo, p. 35 P. 39
Vilan di Suagna, p. 5^ 18
Tenor di Napoli. 0 . 27
Spagnoletto. p. kh
Aria di Fiorenza, p. 50 31
vcii uiiOuîi iu x x j- iu iii o DOOa. -lS a. xii u$ a
. o o c c u id Saic
assume that Colonna wrote his first. At any rate, Millioni's
name appeared on the title page of a reprint of the only

po
known book of Foriano Pico.
Millioni's music, like Colonna's of 1620, is tainted
by the lack of both barlines and rhythmic nuance. Harmony
in the context of variation receives all the interest cf
the composer. The new word for variations is mutanze in
Millioni's books, rather than passeggiate. But as before,
the varied repetitions consist in the main of newly voiced,
shifted chords. Modulations are also prominent. Moreover

there is a tendency to replace some chords with others.
Before Millioni, the ciaccona had reached the usual formula
of I V vi IV Y I, In his ciaccone. there is the occasional
substitution of iii for V, yielding a rather uncommon

29
succession of I iii vi IV V I
substitutions in two manuscripts of the Biblioteca Riccardiana,
MS 2804- and MS 2793. Such substitutions have been noted in

30
the passacagli.
Rasgueado Ornaments
The same MS 28Oh- is an early source for the notation

of the repicco. It is produced by rapid strumming of the
right hand, and guitarists regarded it as a special
embellishment. Millioni defines it as follows*
II repicco vi fatto con tre deta, cioe con il deto

medio, & il police, toccando tutte le corde andando
all* ingih, e tornando all' insb il detto police con
quell* altro vicino chiamato indice, toccando pero
solo la prima qua!5 e el cantino.
(The repicco is made with three fingers, that is with

the middle and thumb, playing all of the strings going
downwards and returning upwards the thumb along with
the one next to it jthe indexj, but playing only the
first course the cantinoj . )3I
According to Millioni's description, we may represent it
musically on the following chord 1

Ex. 6 The Repicco of Millioni* 1627
Millioni*s description is confirmed by Foriano Pico.
Per far un Repiccc si danno quattro botte, ciok doi in
55
giu, e aoi in. su; la prima in giii va data con il medio;
la second?, in gill con il pollice* la terza in s\i va data
con il pollice, la quarta in sti con 1'indice, toccando
perb solo il Cantino. . . .
(To play a Repicco one plays four strikes, that is two

down and two up. The first down is played with the
A -P
*^ v* rf AVA A <
*AAAW/1 Alim Tlfl 4
V% +V>A +U A ^
xxx j. v a a. c f
jl -s-xxgjvÂ. w i c u w k u * j- c*xx uxxv? w i u i u i / ) u x x c w u x u
up is played with the thumb and the fourth up with the 32

index finger, playing however only the top string. . . .)
The other ornament for the right hand emerging at the
time of the repicco was the trillo. not to be confused with
the English cognate,trill. It served merely to punctate and
enliven the music at the discretion of the performer. It was
rhythmically comparable to the repicco, except that it may
have be executed with down-up strumming of the index finger

33
cLJ.ORG 1
Lettere Tagliate
The last major development in rasgueado guitar music
was the invention of lettere tagliate. Although anticipated
bv Colonna in 1620- one of the first alphabets to include

3^
specifically altered letters was that of Foriano Pico.
Pico lists four new chords which include dissonance. His
method is simple. On a certain chord one finger of the left

hand is removed from the fingerboard.' And since all the
strings a: 1 to be strummed, dissonant or "wrong" notes
result. Kis instruction on how to play the A^ chord is as
followsi "Per far 1 ;A^. la prima va tastata a tre tasti. . .;

la seconda a tre tasti. . .; la terza, quarta, e quinta
vanno vuote," (. . .the first course is played at the third
56
fret; the second course is played at the third fret; the
35
third, fourth, and fifth courses are open). Of the four
altered letters (A^ C_^ only the chord on the root of
G is shown in the example belowi
Ex, 7 The Letter A, as Altered by Several Composers

A At At
e____ e____ i--- a_ -n
-H- 3

Colonna
1620 Pico Millioni
ca. 1628, -162? -----
a At A
s
I
T T
i
roscarini Trombetti Corbetta
Books I, II, III 1639 1639
fn.d . ) _____
It becomes evident in the example above that Pico's
lettere tagliate were not typical. Each composer named
these chords' differently (variously called lettere false.

alfabeto falso, alfabeto dissonante). and executed them
according to his own taste. With some composers, an alternate
alphabet also permitted inversions of the original alfabeto
letters in addition to dissonances, as in the two chords of
Foscarini above. Furthermore, the alternate alphabet most
like Corbetta's is that of Foscarini. A transcription of

both of these is found in Table Illb.
57
Luis de Briceho
A periphal development in guitar music became evident
at Paris with the publication of Luis de Briceno's method in
1626. The book is significant in being the only known
Spanish treatise published in the first half of the century.
Even though there is some instrumental music for the guitar
alone, the book consists mainly of accompaniments to popular
dance-songs. Usually both the mensural rhythm and the
chord-symbols are written above the text of each song. The
alphabet used seems to be his own creation. It shows the
Spanish preference for numbers rather than letters (see
transcription in Table Ilf), Since Amat's treatise contained
only paseos and vacas. Briceno's book is the first known
guitar music by a Spaniard of such sung dances as the Villano.
Caravanda. Folias. Chacona. etc., as well as a few instrumental
pieces such as the Pasacalle. Gallarda romanesca, Carabanda
frarcesa, and Ssnanoleta.
Historically the treatise is a significant document

37
on the popularity of Spanish fashion in Prance. It is an
early source for showing that the French had heard the above
dances of the popular Spanish style and their accompaniments
in the context of guitar music. This treatise is also a
prime source for the :!re-entrant tuning" which is described

38
in Harmonie universelle by Ivlersenne.
58
Ex 8 Re-entrant Tuning
Mersenne, 1635
- 60-
----- o
~55r -e&- -&e-
This tuning eliminates the octave doubling which had
characterized the standard timing of Amat and Montesardo.
The fourth and fifth courses re-enter the range of the other
courses. In spite of the new tuning, however, the fingering
remains the same as in the Italian alfabeto.
When transcribing Briceno's alphabet into m o d e m
notation for a performer (on guitar or even for keyboard
realisation), it is helpful to distinguish the notes of the
lower courses by using Italian tuning as in Table Ilf. A
kind of scordatura results. Helene Charnasse has arrived at
a similar conclusion. In her computerized transcription of
Briceno's music she has retained the timing with lower
octaves after the Italian manner, rather than record the

39
actual pitches of re-entrant tuning. In order to arrive
at one method of transcription for all baroque guitar music
in this dissertation, the lower octaves alone will be used

to designate the fourth and fifth courses, no matter at
which octave they are tuned. This is to facilitate and

encourage accurate performance of the music. But as far as
actual pitches are concerned, we must keep in mind the
59
tuning used by the composer, which is always a necessity
when dealing with baroque stringed instruments. By way
of* example, Briceno's music may be transcribed in the
following manner:
Ex. 9 Briceno's Tuning and First Chord, 1626

# a) actual pitches ^ b) transcription Q f
I) co ...iLi,-ocobJ\ * -- S l ' t = t
00 -+!- g"
& F?t-
II
The end of the first phase of the baroque guitar was

if.Q
unconsciously signalled by Colonna in 1637. As in previous
decades, new compositions for the instrument had outgrown
the limitations inherent in the system of notation.
Modifications and additions to the system were again necessary.
Colonna began using specific mensural values written above
his single staff-line. It was essentially what Sanseverino

J
. J i *
1< o /"\ Q- rt _ 1 f _
__
_*1_ _ ... ~ J_
ncLKji p j - O i i c c F c r u _ lii iO c u o jL iiu c v u jL U iiiia . & b
developed in other respects, this addition tended to complete
his technique. But there was another aspect which would

eventually lead to the next phase of guitar music after 16^0.
Colonna began to indicate single notes of melody below the
staff line. Occasional Arabic numerals could designate a
new melodic tone to be added to a strummed chord. This
would eventually contribute to the coming trend of mixing
alfabeto with lute tablature. The practice of adding notes
on the first course also characterizes the manuscripts after
60
I6 3 O, listed above, p. 45. Perhaps the most important
leader away from pure rasgueado music was Foscarini. His
music will be compared to Corbetta's in subsequent chapters,
Suii;;S.xy
The first phase of baroque guitar music was charac
terized by the rasgueado style in the publications from 1596
to 1637. It was music to be strummed upon a five-course
Spanish guitar. Amat's treatise of 1596 codified the name

of the instrument, its tuning, and twelve major and twelve
minor chords. Montesardo began the tradition of Italian
guitar books in 1606. He utilized all but a few of Amat's
chords and designated them according to the letters of the
alphabet. Even though evidence is inconclusive that he had
used Amat's book, Montesardo's music reflects Spanish influence
in the oassacagli and in several Iberian dance forms. Italian
dances predominate, however. Montesardo's book became the

model for the Italian books and manuscripts for the rest of
the century.
In 1620 Sanseverino reaffirmed Montesardo's technique

of strumming and designated rhythms precisely by mensural
note values. In the same year, Colonna began to use the
gamut of the instrument's range by notating chords in virtually
any position. With many more chords now available, guitar
music began to grow into an art of variation. Intricate
techniques of chord insertion and substitution became the
principal means of making aesthetic improvements in the
61
music. But since these techniques only enabled the
manipulation of consonant harmony, the peak of the pure
rasgueado style was typified by the addition of dissonant
chords (lettere tagliate). nuances of rhythm and strumming,
and finally, the inclusion of a few notes of melody above the
chords. The primary influence of guitar music at large,
before 1637: was the dissemination of popular dances first
encountered in the Italo-Spanish repertory of Montesardo.
62
NOTES TO CHAPTER 3
1 Both sides of the dilemma (the contrapuntal style vs.

the declamatory style) are translated into English by 0.
Strunk* Source Readings in Music History (New York? Norton*
1950), pp. 363-^15.
2 Juan Carles Amat* Guitarra espanola (Valencia* 1639) =
This is a later edition, copy at US-R.
3 Ibid.. A1 lector (to the reader).
4 Prior to Amat, lutenists such as Giacomo de Gorzanis

were exploring the twenty-four major and minor keys. Reese,
op. cit.. p. 5 2 5 .
5 Hudson, Further Remarks. 302-305.
6 G. Montesardo, Nvova inventione (Florence 1 C. Marescotti,

1606). Copy at A-V/gm.
7 Ibid., pp. 2-3,
8 Ibid.. p. 1.
9 Ibid.
10 T. V/alker, "Ciaccona and Passacaglia. . ." JAMS XXI
(1 9 6 8 ), 305 ff* and Hudson, Diapason.
11 Ballo del gran duca. For the fascinating history of
this dance, including MS and printed sou-tops for the guitar,
consult VI, Kirkendale, L'Aria di Fiorenza. id est. II Ballo
del Gran Duca (Florence: L. Olschki, 1972).
12 H.T. David, "The Six-four chord without Theory: an

'unofficial* History," Bach II (1971), 10-12.
13 Benedetto Sanseverino, Intavolatura facile (Milan, 1620),

GB-Lbm. Hudson, Piss., p. 44^ See examples by V/olf, op. cit.
p. 178.
14 Hudson, Piss.. p. 49 ff.
15 Sanseverino. op. cit., Preface, p. 2 f. Translated by

S. Murphy, "Seventeenth-century Guitar Music: Notes on
Rasgueado Performance," GSJ XXI (I9 6 8 ), 25-26.
16 I am indebted to Richard Hudson for the order and dating

of these sources. For more MSS from this period consult
W. Kirkendale, op. cit.. p. 80 ff.
63
17 Murphy, op. cit., p. Zk.
18 M.R. Brondi, II liuto e la chitarra, p. 9 5 .
19 Pujol, "Significacion de Joan Carlos Aat;- Anuario

musical V il950), lkk,
20 K. Geiringer, Musical Instruments (London: Allen &

Unwin, 19^5) P. 160. See also A. 3aines, ed., Musical
Instruments through the Ages (Baltimore, Md. : Penguin, 1 9 6 1 ),
p^ 1 6 9 . The most vivid photographs comparing the chitarra
battente and the chitarra spagnola are in H. C hamasse,
"la guitars, histoire d'un instrument privil6gid depuis
l'antiauitd aui a tente les artistes les plus'habiles et
les plus raffines," Connaissance des arts (Nov. 1 9 6 5 ),
137 ff.
21 Bukofzer, Music in the Baroque Era, p. 4 7 .
22 G.A. Colonna, Intavolatura chitarra alia soagnuola
(Milan: G.B, Colonna, 1620), GB-Lbm. 2 25
23 Refer to the Preface of my second volume for further

information on shifted chords.
Zk Hudson, Chordal. ^0-^1.
25 Colonna is first among the guitarists to use a dissonant

Cm chord.
26 P. Millioni, Quarta impressione del primo, secondo et

terzo libro d'intavolatura di chitarra spagnola (Rome: G.
'C'^. Z -j- - ^ /o n \ -r t *~
i O c ( J 9 x d O $ p ,
27 Ibid.. and Colonna, on. cit.. 1620, GB-Lbm.
28 P. Millioni, Nuova corona d'intavolatura (Rome, 1661)

is a reprint of F. Pico, Nuova scelta di sonate per la
chitarra spagn ola (Naples', ca. 1628).
29 Hudson, Piss.. p. 75.

30 Ibid., pp. 9^-96, passim. Cf. also chordal substitution
in dances: Hudson, Mode, 17 f ., and Hudson, Further Remarks.
310 .
31 Millioni, Quarta impressione del primo, secondo et
terzo libro, p. 6.
32 Pico, 0 0 . cit.. as translated by S. Murphy, "Notes on

Rasgueado Performance," GSJ XXI, 28.
6k
33 Ibid.. p, 3 0 * Cf. Million!; Quarts impressions del
del primo. secondo et terzo libro. p'.
34 F, Pico, Nuova scelta di senate per la chitarra spagnoja.

Although the title page of his treatise bears the date of 1608
the musical contents and notation place this work about two
decades later* The date of 1628 is stamped in geld on the
binding of the copy at I-Nn, It is this date which is used
in the present dissertation, and which has been preferred by
R. Kudson_and J.JVolf. For further information, consult
C. Naselli, "Foriano Pico, cantimpanca fiorentino del seicento
Siculorum Gymnasium. N.S. IV (1951), 239-24-8.
35 Pico, op. cit.. Preface.
3 6 ^ Luis de Briceno, M^todo muy facilissimo para aprender

a taner la guitarra a lo espanol (Paris: ?. Ballard, 1626).
Facsimile reprint at Geveve: Minkoff, 1972.
37 See esp. J. Castro Sscudero, "La methode pour la

guitare de Luis Briceno, RdM LI (1965), 131-3.43. Cf. also
H. Charnass6, "A propos d'un article sur la methode pour la
guitare de Luis Briceno," RdM LII (1 9 6 6 ), 204-207.
38 M. Mersenne, Karmonie universelle: The Books on the

Instruments I16353 translated by R.B. Chapman (The Hague:
M. Nijhoff, 1957) p. 136. Cf. H. Charnasse, "Sur I'accord
de la guitare," RMFC VII (1 9 67 ) 1 30 f.
39 H. Charnass6 and H. Ducasse, "Des presses de Pierre

Ballard a I'ordinateur (Notes sur une experience de
transcription automatique)." RdM LIV (19o8), 243,
40 G.A. Colonna, Intavolatura di chitarra, Books I-IV

(Milan: D. Gariboldi, 1637) G3-Lbm.
41 Ibid., pp. 48-49. See also p. 50 for a few notes of

Italian lute tablature. Cf. Millioni, 1627, p. 58 ff.
65
CHAPTER
FRANCESCO CORBETTA
AND HIS FIRST BOOK, 1639
Throughout his life, Francesco Corbetta was always
fortunate to be in the right place at the right time. If
he could have selected his own birthplace and date so as
to oversee the progress of the baroque guitar, he could not
have chosen a better time or place. He was born in northern
Italy near Milan in the middle of the first phase of guitar
playing. He then saw the predominantly Italian guitar style
spread across Europe and absorb other influences. He
eventually lived long enough to inspire a new generation of
guitarists to create a style of their own.
From Corbetta's own publications it is possible to
document his birthplace and date. There is little doubt
that he was born at Pavia, Italy, because with the exception
of the last books, his title pages read Francesco Corbetta
Pavese. In the book of 16^3, the inscription around his
portrait includes an age of 28 years (see Plate IV ). Pre
suming that the engraving was completed in the year of
publication, a simple deduction leaves his birth date at
1615.1
This same inscription also gives us some insight
regarding his whereabouts. In full it reads* "Francesco
Corbetta Pavese, academ L-ico} tra gli erranti di Brescia il
66
1
k
05
lÛftTE TS c.o(i& /T t \
67
capriccioso, di etta d'anni 28." From this we may infer
that Corbetta must have had an academic, yet capricious

o a w ?t a 4-V\ o r * * p 4 * o v*v% i T i f ArVo qi w i * rr>*AiiT\ ? r>
u o o v v jk u u x v x i n x v u m & v w j . i 4 J . w jf w v ix & j. S x tu x x & i. g j . v U J |/
the tovm of Brescia. Accademico also rings familiar as
having been part of the nom deplume of Foscarini, 1 Accademico
caliginoso detto il Furioso. We may also assume that in his
youth. Corbetta was first exposed to the leaders of the
guitar school at Milan. Pavia, his birthplace, lies only
twenty miles south of the metropolis where Colonna and
Sanseverino published several books between 1620 and 1637.
It is also significant that Corbetta himself published his
second boook at Milan, one of few books of tablature
published there after those of his predecessors.
Many biographers speak (without documenting the source)
of his youthful dedication to the instrument to the chagrin

2
of his parents.The earliest reference to this is in his
obituary in the Mercuregalant for April, 1681.
During this 3ame period we have lost a man, who by the

marvels of his guitar has filled the whole of Europe
with his reputation. This is Mr Francis Corbet. His
singular merit obliges me to dilate a little upon his
history. He was b o m in Pavia; and throughout Italy,
tlfV AM AM A O AA 4*AMMA 4 A A A
! +A <
M M4 AAA V lf A1 4*1 WA
TTiicii uxic nioiico ou p i d i o c cl g u i t af u y ua. u x x i g
its author, one simply says e del Pavese. From his
youth he was so fond of this instrument that his parents,
who destined him for something different, used caresses
and menaces in vain to detach him from the study of it.
He continued studying with such great success, that he
astonished first all the musicians of Italy.3
The Bologna Scene
Music of the chitarra spagnola was well diffused
68
throughout the Italian city-states from Naples northward
to the Alps. After the beginning of the literature at
Florence with Montesardo and the school of Sanseverino and
Colonna at Milan, there were many publications from Venice
and Rome. However, a close examination reveals that the
latter two cities were centers of publication for vocal
accompaniments, which included alfabeto for guitar. From
this point in history, Bologna became the hub of instrumental
guitar music in Italy. Acknowledging a book of alfabeto
published there earlier by Costanzi, it was Corbetta's first
book of 1639 that stimulated a whole school of guitarists at
Bologna. Later in the same year, Trombetti published his first
book, and following this were the works of Granata (seven
books), Calvi, Pellegrini, Coriandoli and Asioli, all
published at Bologna. The end of the school was signalled
when Roncalli dedicated his book to the Cardinal there in
I6 9 2 . Corbetta then was the key figure in establishing the
tradition which lasted at Bologna to the end of the century.
A number of the Bolognese nobility and clergy had
become his pupils or his patrons. In the Preface to his
book in 1639 he makes special mention of his patron, Count
Odoardo Pepoli. On each name of the Count, Corbetta writes
a special piece. The chord-letters of the alfabeto spell
"Pepoli" in a sarabanda. and "Conte Odoardo" in the corrente

k
which follows. Another nobleman of importance, Gioseffo
Corbetta, who must be a relative, may have been responsible
69
for Francesco's stay at Bologna (1639? ? ?40. Other less
prominent persons who receive a dedication are the following*
Oguzone Pepoli, Buonaparte Ghisigliori, Pompeo Vischi, Marco
Michielli, Padre lachini; Giorgio Biava. Carlo Maffei.
Monsig. Vezoli, Carlo Gaiangos, G.B. Giussani, Francesco
Periz, Sebastiano Eucedo, Giacinto Galarati, G.P. Gira,
Giulio Fe, Capitano Vita Bonfadini, Carlo Caneveri and
Gioseffo Maffezzoni. The inclusion of these men for posterity
is reminiscent of the swaggering group portraiture in Dutch
painting at this time, and in particular two works of Frans

Hals under virtually the same title, The Officers of St.
George. 1616 and 1639*^
Corbetta's First Book
The complete title of Corbetta*s first book is as
follows * De gli scherzi annonici trovati, e facilitati
in alcune curiosissime suonate soura la chitarra spagnuola
da Francesco Corbetta Pavese (Bologna* Monti and Zenero, 1639).
Although I used the copy available in I-Bc, there is another
in the Naples Conservatory (I-Nc).

After the usual flamboyant dedication, Corbetta
gives the reader some down-to-earth advice. Unpretentiously
he confesses that the pieces in the book could be more

difficult and capricious. But his intent is to engage
studious beginners, and leave music of a more intricate
yet perfected nature for his second book. The following
Petrarchan sonnet in praise of the composer appears by
70
Reproduced with permission o f the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Giacinto Onofrioi
Qvella tua man, FRANCESCO, ond'a l*Ibero
Musico legno accresci Armonie noue,
a "no* 'T'o q t vi o iVrMp U/io p* t v a
0 V U V U V d U aLVUJ.il AI V M M 4 > V V A V f
FtI nel Ciel fabricata, e non altroue.
Pesce non guizza in mar cosi leggiero,

Ne si presto per aria augei si moue,
E non striscia per terra angue si fiero,
Nd si rapido scende ardor di Gioue.
A A M f 1 ^ J 4 an A 1 1 A +%AM A W + A
vOiii cxxa u.x uuc; gajiuxu ovxOiucnvv
Scorre le fila- e le percote, o schiua,

Agil piu, che non fa le fronde il vento.
Hor chi non sa, che la tua man deriua

Da le sferedel Ciel, sjogni clemento
In se non ha velocita si viua?
After the sonnet, Corbetta treats only serious
musical matters. He submits the alfabeto of Montesardo
letter-for-letter. There are small differences of fingering
on the letters of A, L, and R. On the A chord Corbetta
alters the fingering on the second course, thus eliminating
a doubled third of the chord (see Table II). The L chord
of Corbetta is much easier to play than that ofMontesardo.
But the result is a dissonance, including thenotes of C,

b
E , G and D, corresponding to that of Colonna in 1620.
Corbetta changes the R chord of Montesardo to a perfect
major consonance on B. The format of Montesardo is also
used; the instructive nassacaglie on all the letters are
followed by various new and old dances of Spanish and
Italian origin. Through the use of lute tablature, Corbetta
gives two methods of tuningj by unisons and by octaves, but
since neither the pitch nor the octave disposition is
71
specified, it must be assumed that he used the tuning of
Amat and Montesardo.
Completion of Technique
Corbetta incorporates all the major advances and
developments of the guitarist's technique since Montesardo.
His notation of rhythm is as precise as Sanseverino*s. He
always uses a time signature. Corbetta's use of barlines

would have greatly improved Foscarini's notation, although
occasionally the correnti of 1639, employ only half the

_______i .... j* _ -i * mi__ ______________ l. ...i -i-T. _
u & u a i uuuivex' ui xiic? uux'-Ltgii a r c mcu/jitru w x u i c l
meter of 3 but contain six beats per measure. Even so, the
mensural note values, also pioneered by Sanseverino, leave
little doubt as to the rhythm intended.
The rasgueado is indicated as previously on a one-line
staff with small stems above and below for the direction of
the strum. The trillo is not mentioned at all in the Preface,
and the description of the repicco is somewhat simplified
over the previous discussions of the ornament. The principal
role of repicco in all Corbetta's works is in variations

on- the ciaccor.a. His notation includes a long stroke-sign
for the thumb, but the other shorter sign may be executed
by "qua! deto piu aggrada, ma sara meglio il pitl lungo"
(the most convenient finger, but the longest J^mjwill be
best).
In addition to the rasgueado ornament, Corbetta also
72
discusses the trill (which he calls tremolo) marked by the
T. sign. Several chords are listed in which the trill may
occur C, E, 3, and P*. In each case the trill is on the
third of the chord even if it is in an inner voice, and
either an upper-note or main-note trill is permitted by
the fingering. Although the text does not specify one or
the other, all Italian guitar music, as well as Corbetta*s
later music in French tablature requires the trill to
begin on the upper auxiliary note.^
Corbetta*s music stands out from the work of his
predecessors particularly in his attention to melody. At
the beginning of the century, guitarists had totally
disregarded melody in evolving the language of chordal
playing. Probably under the influence oi Colonna and
Millioni, Corbetta's music has a more fluid and independent
melodic line. Associated with this melodic aspect is his
method of notation. In his Preface, he explains that
"numbers written under the stroke-signs are understood to
be on the top course." A problem arises when one of these
numbers for melodic purposes appears along with a chord.
"Where necessary, finding a C or an M or other chord-letter
with numbers below, as it is said, hold firm the letter and
sound the melody until one arrives at the next chord-letter.7
Holding firm the letter in this case is understood to mean
that the chord continues to sound as it is sustained under
the melody. The transcription of such a passage is as
73
follows I
Ex, 10 Parte passeggiata (Rugiero). Corbetta, 1639, p. 29

A
\
i i ^
J1 t g, {,. iH\ & 4 "
4jr
-V J
-5-
i W W W
/
Rather than merely to make longer mensural values under the
melody, the original rhythm is retained and sustained notes
are tied. It remains quite clear that Corbetta intended

only the notes of the melody to be struck, and not the whole
chord. (Again from the Preface) "in the plucked numbers
that have a stroke-sign above, seek to place the fingers on
the numbers and later the stroke will be made without
touching the other strings, those which the fingers are on,
for otherwise it would not make a beautiful effect." Such
details regarding how to play from alfabeto with the added
melodic dimension lead step by step to the use of tablature
heretofore associated with the lute. Except for the final

chord of each section, Italian lute tablature is employed
in the corrente on p. 62, and exclusively in the sarabanda
on p. 63- The other pieces on pages 60-65 employ lute

tablature mixed with alfabeto.
Alfabeto Falso
Corbetta follows the principles of lettere tagliate
which began in the second decade of the 17th century. Some
7^
of the letters introduce dissonance, such as B*, H*s and
I*, which suspend a fourth in the chord. Letters such as C*
and P* are major chords with an added minor seventh (See
Table IIIb). One chord, on the other hand, provides more
consonance than found in the plain alfabeto. L# is a
consonant form of the C-minor triad. Letter L in Corbetta*s
plain alfabeto corresponds to the dissonant form introduced
by Colonna in 1620:
Ex. 11 Chords on the Letter L by Several Composers
Montesardo Colonna Corbetta Corbetta

1606 1620 1639 1639
Several other chords provide alternate inversions to the
plain alfabeto. such as A*, a root-position major chord
without a fifth.
The question of how much dissonance was permitted in

the alfabeto falso has yet to oe resolved. The ''dampening
(e.g., muting with the left hand) of a course is well known
in modern technique. In fact first-year students often
dampen strings inadvertently! In a sense, then, it is
easier to dampen the first course than to leave it open on
some chords. It is also possible to leave out one or two

g
of the lowest-pitched courses when strumming rasgueado.
The Flamenco style, for example, often omits the bass strings
75
for certain rasgueado effects, as did Foriano Pico in his
explanation of the repicco ornament. In the A* chord we
have seen the possibility of emitting courses in certain
strummed chords. In the transcription, I have omitted
blatant, unexplainable dissonances when technically feasible.
In nearly every case such dissonances have been omitted by
either dampening the first course or not strumming certain
bass courses. The chord-letters in Table Ilia have some
open courses omitted in the transcription as follows t
a) In B* P (= first course) is omitted. It would clash

with the dissonant suspension on (5) .
b) In E* (l) is omitted. The (J) may be added ad libitum

since it is a harmonic tone.
c) In F*i5) is omitted. Corbetta explains in the Preface

that(^Tis trilled on this chord (notes A-G#). The
addition of another A below might ruin the effect of
the trill.
d) In G* is omitted. (5)may be added ad libitum.
e) In 0* () and 0 have been omitted. @> may be added

ad libitum.
Thus we see a refinement in the rasgueado technique
possible in the hands of serious students ("principianti
studiosi") and converted lutenists such as Foscarini or
his pupils. If, however, a modern performer wishes to strum
"con le botte piene (with full strokes) in the words of
Sanseverino, he may certainly do so. Only occasionally have
some open strings been omitted in the transcription of
Corbetta's book of 1639.
Shifted Chords
Corbetta employs the advances in technique, notation,
and composition pioneered by Coionna. The innovation of
shifting certain chords to any position is basic to the
style in 1639. In Table Ilia, the shifted chords of each
composer may be compared. As before, this small alphabet

1e aw I v P q pw nl o p p p ^ p l a m i o a -P o i l
A buu>^/,LV/ yxv./ywuUx C^ xiu u u Uu wftxwcUC ui wxiC
possibilities. At first, chords in which all the courses
were fretted were moved up the fingerboard. Extending the

principles of chord shifting to the entire alphabet, Corbetta
is capable of moving any chord upwards. On the first page of

2
1639 the chord E appears, for example. This means the chord
of D minor must be played two frets (two half-steps) higher.
Here there is a complication* Because of the open strings
inherent in the chord-letter of E, the fingering must be
changed so that the first finger may be free. Then "crossing
with the first finger ['i.e., barringj the 2nd (or 3rd or
5th or other fret), make the rest of the chord-letter with
the other fingers."^
Shifted chords are absolutely essential to Corbetta's

variation technique. The passacagli on the following page
typical. The first line (a) gives the basic harmony. The
next line contains two chords of the alfabeto falso and five
shifted chords. The last line (c) contains a melody which
is plucked above a completely new set of shifted chords,
subdividing the previous pulse of quarter-notes.
77
Ex. 12 Passacalli sopra la & Corbetta, 1639* P f
a") i
: i
i .
1 1
/... 1* *----
--- - f " +
---------------- &-14-------- ---- --- /-----1*---- * 1 6 1f>
r h
*/
#---
- i -4
t *
=---------to ' k---- *1 1 *-----V ----* F
r 4 i- p;' 'JLi ... -f- . - 7T ' -
: *
r r ' f 1
. . I. P . i* w P . J '
. nrf---
*
IF *------ S--- % = 4 r~ H---
r * ------ *1 1* rf- r ti /
--------- =fc= :*--- ---
!zz!F F 77 1

0 F
~ r n M )
/ ]/ y r
78
Chordal Variation
In the first phrase of the same passacagli. the
structural harmony is given. In the second (b), the chordal
variation technique appears, as used by Colonna and Millioni.
The third phrase (c) is a different set of chords upon the
given structural harmony with a melody of eighth notes for
added interest. The harmony of each phrase is listed below
with the structural harmony in a square*

phrase
Emt 1) fD gvj !v# E
2) E V III V VI V # V I S f 1-3
E
Of G of G
3) S v 1? vii^ v| v # vi 'v
E
of A
The second phrase shows a prolongation before the structural
iv and Y are heard in the middle of each measure. Root
movement of a third and fourth occur, but curious stepwise
motion predominates near the end of the phrase, producing
parallel fifths and octaves. The last phrase begins with
slowed harmonic motion and a new chord of embellishment, the
minor dominant. This is followed by a constrasting flourish
of chords, and then a slow final cadence. With the structural
harmony specially marked, the degree of chord insertion
becomes apparent-
The Forms
Eesides the 24 passacagli. a French song, l Anturlurfo,
79
and to alemane. all the music of the book fits neatly into
the two national styles of Spain and Italy. Listed below
are the total numbers of each dance-typei
ITALIAN DANCE STYLE SPANISH PANGS STYLE

U- passamezzi 5 chiaccone
k ruggieri 5 folie
10 correnti 6 sarabande
k spagnoletti
3 pavaniglie
Mantovana
balletto (Bariera)
Bergamasco
VA pur sunerba vk
2 Arie di Fiorenza
La Betta
Codomella
La mia donna importuna
La moda
Most of the music consists of a dance associated by key and
content with another dance or dances as in a suite. The
passacagli. ciaccone. and folie are all followed by variation
Each ruggiero is followed by its corrente. and the aria di
Fiorenza. likewise with a variation. In a few instances
one phrase of the ciaccona formula may serve as a ritomello.
as on the last page of the book. But since the passacaglio
had originally served as a ritomello in Montesardo's book
(see supra), Corbetta shows the influence here of Millioni

10
of 1627, who had used the ciaccona for the same purpose.
In the previous chapter we saw the passamezzo as the
tour de force of the guitarists*s variation technique. This
dance is also particularly important in Corbetta*s book as
well. Three of them are in the old minor form, and only one
is in the moderno or major form. Counting the variations
as a movement, the suites on the passamezzi are longest,
80
averaging five movements. The Table at the end of the
bools: clearly lists the movements as a groupj for instance,
the passamezzo in A minor and sua parte variata begin
on p. 41, The four movements after the passamezzo contain
the following titles j Altra parte passegiata, Sua corrente.
Gagliarda del pass*e mezo. and Sua corrente.
Corbetta already displays consummate mastery of
traditional guitar techniques, besides a flare for compositi
at this early stage of his career. An excerpt of Corbetta*s
passamezzo and its variation in G minor may be compared to
Colonna's of the same key on the next page. The structural
chords are indicated by the usual figured-bass symbols, and
parentheses have been used again to indicate the sphere of
influence of each structural unite Corbetta follows
Colonna*s version so closely in the initial presentation
(in the middle line), it is difficult at first to find any
differences. He even retains the dissonant 1 chord on C
minor. Corbetta is careful to place an upstroke on the
structural chord, and variation chords generate around it
as in 1620. Corbetta*s version tends to emphasize the
structural harmony by preceding each unit by more chord
changes than Colonna. But in spite of the influence of the
older composer, Corbetta's passamezzo remains a new
composition.
In line three, we find an unprecedented expression
of the guitarist's variation technique. The rhythm is
81
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout permission.
Ex. 13 Passamezzi
Colonnaf
Corbetta
Corbet-tar
K
/ * |> # # #
4
#----- -
/
r\
Sf2.
activated by strumming down and up, and by subdividing
the pulse. The melody is entirely new; it lends an almost
lyrical and songlike quality, given the predominance of
stepwise motion. It has a unity all its own, particularly
with the emphasis of sequence. It may be extracted as

follows;
Ex. lb Melody from a Passamezzo. Corbetta, 1639 p. 38
fc* f e t e 3=t=*
* v
5F
Ri
7 = *
-fcr -i F rr n n i +..i i-j-
nr -* *-
At the end of the excerpt, a trill punctuates a momentary
dissonance of the suspended fourth.
Perhaps the most daring aspect of 1639# p. 38 is the

harmony. Many new chords are substituted for the original
ones, forming long chains, individually associated with each
structural unit. Here Corbetta has' not only mastered Colonna's
concept of isometric harmonic patterns, he has carried it
one step further. Colonna uses the alfabeto falso (m. 9)
and shifted chords for harmonic variety, yet the melody
and chords within the parentheses belong only to the key of
the structural unit. Corbetta*s harmony is more picquant
83
because he may imply a secondary dominant to one of the
chords within a given sphere. The second structural chord
on VII is P major. But in the same measure it is sounded
(m. 5)t there is a passing as a leading tone to the chord
which comes after it. In the following measure, there is
a B chord,' which sounds fresh to the ear because it is
entirely new. Parallel octaves and fifths are also common
to the style. With many techniques of variation operative
at the same time, one may expect the composer to tamper
with the form. But as with the guitarists before him,
Corbetta does not usually alter the form at all in a variation.
In fact the passamezzi and variations are 32 measures in length,
and the dances which follow them in each suite are ordinarily
multiples of this figure, such as correnti of 64 measures

and gagliarde of 16.
The saraband is a dance, however* which Corbetta does
not base upon traditional models from the repertory of the
guitar. Italian guitarists before him, such as Colonna still
based their sarabands on the major chords of this formula*

11
I IV I V I. The simple formula was repeated to accompany
a popular dance-song of fast tempo and triple meter. But
Corbetta chose rather to compose in the somewhat slower,

12
more idealized form known as the zarabanda francese. Here
minor keys predominate along with the chord scheme of the
passamezzo antico or folia. The resulting forms are
symmetrical, binary structures, which modulate to a related
84
key in the middle.Several of his examples incorporate the
i
rhythm pattern 3A Jj J which becomes typical of the
zarabanda francese inItaly. (In later books as we will
see, Corbetta turns to the much slower type, that is preferred
in France, and uses the rhythm 3A- J J- Is). Corbetta's
preference for these traits, combined with the high quality
of these compositions, make him not only an innovator, but
a leader in the dissemination of this new type of saraband.
Influence on Other Guitarists
Soon after- Corbetta published his first book at
Bologna, Agcstino Trombetti published there his first and
second books under the title Intavolatura di sonate.
nuovamente tradotte sonra la chitarra soagnuola. His
alfabeto contains some uniquely altered letters, such as
A t (transcribed above, p. 57 )* B^, Et and E-fc. Trombetti
depends on these altered chords for variety because his
music lacks the intricate oassegiate sections, which
characterize Corbetta's book. Although of little artistic
value, the book is an importa. j record of many popular
dances which correspond in title to those of Corbetta. One

piece appears in lute tablature at the beginning of Book II,
The next important boox of guitar music was published

13
at Florence in 164-0 by Antonio Carbcnchi. It is the first
book of French tablature for the guitar. Even the rasgueado
chords use this notation, although the Italian alfabeto

still occurs in * ie titles. Carbonchi's book bridges the
85
gap between Corbetta's first and second books. The
passacagli on (p. 7 ), for example, resemble Corbetta's
melody from the first page of 1 6 3 9 , in several phrases.
However Carbonchi's texture is more lute-like and the
passacagli are longer, averaging eleven phrases or more in
each key. On the other hand, Carbonchi's Spagnuolette of
his second book in 1643 are almost duplications of Corbetta's
More than anything else, Carbonchi's books are important
instrumental sources of the popular dance repertory. When
comparing his dances to those of Corbetta we usually find two
alternate versions of a particular dance. The exceptions are
listed below, however, where there is a close correspondence!

Carbonchi, 1643 Corbetta. 1639
p. 10 Spagnuoletto (Ga) p. 22
10 Spagnuoletto (Am) 23
38 Sarabanda cf. 65
38 Sarabanda (II) 65 "la Marinetta"
Carbonchi. 1640 Corbetta. 1639

p. 11, 2 phrases p. 6
26, Ciaccona. 2 phrases 16
33 1* Anturluru. first phrase
almost identical to 66
3 6 , Corrente 67
41, Sarabanda minuta 63
45, Codognella 74
Corbetta's influence almost overpowered Carlo Calvi.
For the same Bolognese publisher, Giacomo Monti, Calvi

published his Intavolatura di chitarra. e chitarriglia in
164-6. First, Calvi takes the alfabeto and alfabeto falso
from Corbetta's book. Then Corbetta's method for tuning
a consort of guitars is used as well. Four guitars are
recommended in Corbetta's Preface, tuned so that the smallest
86
instruments are a half-step apart between them. Of course
it was nothing new for guitarists to interchange timings;
PoscapjLiii. copied Colonria.*3 consort tuning i*or tJiroo guitars t

lb
word-for-wordI It is a shame that no ensemble music was
left by Corbetta in 1639 or by Calvi.
Following Calvi's passacagli there is an unabashed
plagiarism of the heart of Corbetta's book. First the
Spanish dances dominate beginning on p. 9 then likewise,

the Italian dances are copied. Curiously* however* Calvi
is smart enough not to include anything he could not play
for his patron. He leaves off many of Corbetta's intricate
passeggiate. and likewise, he does not bother to copy
Corbetta's repicco variations on the giggiero or ciaccona.
Calvi also has trouble notating the rhythm. But by leaving
off the variations, there is little need for many mensural
signs or barlines. On p. 25 Calvi begins to write in lute
tablature after the Italian manner. At this point, he has
stopped copying Corbetta, Yet just as his mentor had done,

he completes his book with the popular Venetian dance times,
La Moda and La Kia donna importuna. The plagiarized pieces
are listed with page numbers and alfabeto below 1
87
Calvi. 1646 Corbetta. 1639
p. 9 Ciaccona sopra B p. 14
10 Folia soora 18
10-11 Spagnoletto soora D 23
11 Soagnoletto soora 5 24
11 Rugiero sonra A 26
11-12 Sua Corrente 26
12 Rugiero soora C 28
12-13 Pavaniglia soora D 31
13 Pavaniglia soora E 32
10 Folia soora D 17
9 Ciaccona soora C 15
13-14 Pass*e mezoper B quadro 58 f
14 Pass'e mezo soora D 41 f.
15 Sua gagliarda 44
15-16 Sua corrente 43 f.
16 Alemana soora E 48
1? Sua corrente 49
17 Alemana soora 0 50
17-18 Sua Corrente 51
18 Aria di Fiorenza 52 f.
20 Sua corrente 57 f
21 Bergamasco 59
22 2 Correnti 68, in Dm and F
24 I 'Anturlura 66
24 Va pur sunerba vs. 69
Conclusions
Corbetta came with the power to ennoble and recreate
his art. He was b o m in the middle of the popular rasgueado
phase of the guitar in 1615, near Milan, This was the most
important city during the first phase of the guitar, where

the works of Colonna and Sanseverino were published.
Corbetta*s music was closely tied to their tradition, which

was derived from the very first books for the chitarra
spagnola. He used the alfabeto and strumming of Montesardo,
coupled with the rhythmic precision and barlines of
Sanseverino. His music was ornamented by the trill (begin-
88
ning on the upper auxiliary) and occasional use of the
repicco. Historically Corbetta*s first book marked the peak
v j.
a "Vs v*p c* m i o p / i a
id ia
Cuiu quxiuu^
ow/i n mil
vCaACvwoxj
a h n*i if 4uiic najr uu cl
>k a iita f 4>a a
new style, combining rasgueado notation with lute tablature.
His main contribution to the rasgueado phase was
emphasis on the elements of rhythm and melody in a primarily

1aa A m i A
ncLiu\jit.Jm\* jlu.j.isui
i A m T?a m l if
i*cx. j-y ûx t/oi ao oo rrc ic w uixuem eu n j. oil oil6
afii a 4-o m n r4*r vrA via a a m a a m m a J ii <LU 4U a
invention of a system of playing and notating a new music
based on chords. Once a repertory of this music was
established, Corbetta appeared and emphasized the melodic
dimension. His contribution was only possible because he
mastered traditional techniques beforehand. He used
Colonna's method of shifting chords into any position, as
well as inventing his own dissonant chords in an alfabeto
falso. His inclusion of melody was possible due to many of

his own innovations in notation. He also incorporated
rhythmic nuances to enrich the music. For example, his
dotted rhythms and subdivisions of melody eventually converted
guitarists everywhere to the new zarabanda francese.
The majority of the forms he used are found in
Montesardo*s book of 1606. He follows the format of that
book, placing the passacagli first for instructional
purposes. Even so, he is sure to pose aesthetic improvements
on these forms from the very beginning, in spite of their
didactic function. Spanish and Italian dances follow, both
of new and old vintage. He was careful to group most of the
89
dances together, many falling into "suites" of four or five
movements. Corbetta emerges unsurpassed as a guitarist-
composer of variations on the popular dances of his day.
By virtue of his artistic compositions, and no doubt
by carismatic performances, he was able to establish a school
of guitar playing at Bologna. Calvi was his closest follower,
basing half his book on Corbetta's. Those who followed
Corbetta there were Trombetti,Granata (his greatest student
in Italy), Pellegrini, Coriandoli, Asioli, and Roncalli.

Corbetta had the ability of appearing to accomplish
the impossible, a talent he never lost. The great pains he
took over the instrument elevated its music to the realm
of art. We may noY/ view the means of making this aesthetic
improvement as simple and logical to bring into balance
the essential musical elements. For Corbetta, however,
this change was probably based more on talent and creative
impulse, rather than the formulation of a logical plan. In
his book, there is no pretense of making the music virtuosic
indeed, he only intended it for studious beginners.
Although it may have been difficult to play, his first book
emerged as a work of art in a popular genre. Yet in the

Preface of the same work, he promised to satisfy critical
ears with music of greater perfection, forthcoming in his

second book.
90
NOTES TO CHAPTER 4-
1 Brondi, op. cit.. p. 101 f. and Keith, RMFC. 77.
2 Since J. Lahore!e, Sssai sur la musique III (Paris i

Onfroy, 1780), p. 5 0 3 .
3 Copy at US-NH, translated by J. Roberts, "Francisco

Corbetta," Guitar II (1973).
4- F. Corbetta, De gli scherzi armonici trouati. e faci-

litati in alcune curiossisime suonate sopra la chitarra
spagnuola (Bologna1 G. Monti. io39)s PP. 60-61.
5 P. Descargues, Hals 1 Biographical and Critical Study

(Cleveland! V/orld, 1 9 6 8 ), see list of plates.
6 R. Strizich, "Ornamentation in Spanish Baroque Guitar

Music," JLSA V (1972), 20-27.
7 Similar instructions appear slightly later in A. Car

bonchi, Le dodici chitarra spostate (Florence, 164-3)*
"Avertasi che quando troveranno numeri sotto o a canto aiie
battute cio in questa maniera , , I 3 a. 5
i 5 * i ( i I i
s'intendono che vanno fatte sopra il cantino et i numeri
che sono di sopra si fanno alia corda che h accanto il can
tino tenendo fermo la lettera che si fk e facendo detti
numeri con il aito piccolo, o dito piii agile sino k l'altra
lettera battendole delicatamente (my italics). See also
A. Carbonchi, Sonate ai chitarra spagnola (Florence, 164-0),
Preface, , . .fermare la mano, fin a che non si muta
chiave. Cf. I-PEc MS 5 8 6 .
8 S. Murphy also notes that some courses may be omitted.

"Notes on Rasgueado Performance," GSJ XXI (1 9 6 8 ), 25-27.
9 Corbetta, Preface, 1639. See also the Preface of ray

second volume for further explanation of this and other
shifted chords.
10 Millioni, op. cit.. p. 39 ff.

11 Colonna, 1620, p. 17e
12 See Hudson, Zarabanda. pp. 14-0-14-7, passim.
13 A. Carbonchi, Sonate di chitarra spagnola con intavo-

latura franzese (Florence, 164-0).
14- Cf. Colonna, op. cit.. 1620, p. 59 and G.P. Foscarini,

Books I-IV (GB-Lbm), Preface.
91
A r>m *r*r *r
P svnx xxx
THE MATURE ITALIAN GUITAR STYLE
AND
CORBETTAS MIDDLE PERIOD (1640-1660)
92
CHAPTER 5
CORBETTAS SECOND BOOK,
164-3, AND ITS INFLUENCE
There was a mighty change in guitar music following
the publication of Corbettas first book. From 1640, music
for the instrument was surely beyond its infancy. The
alfabeto was now fully formed, alterable (with letters
tagliate). and many chords could be played in any position.
The problems of some composers regarding precise notation of
rhythm had now been solved. And except in England and Germany,
the victory of the guitar over the lute had now started
across Europe, even among rich dilettanti.
The success of the guitar at the expense of the lute
was deplored by many writers such as Giustiniani, Sebastian
de Covarrubias, Pierre Trichet, and later in England, John
Playford and William Turner. But many writers (ancient and
modern) have failed to note just how much of the lutenist's
technique was absorbed into guitar playing. Eventually
guitar music included the contemporary lutenist's ornaments,
control of dissonance, preference for the French dance style,
counterpoint, arpeggiation, and even French or Italian

tablature.
The most immediate need in Italian instrumental music
for the guitar was more melodic independence. Although the

method of writing numbers above and below a single line
proved transitional, it was only through the use of lute
93
tablature that the guitarist-composer eventually achieved
his ultimate end. The history of Western music (especially
art music) has been largely dependent upon a tradition of
notation. As the need grew to express more than the notation
could handle, there were often great changes in the notational
system in order to get closer to the sound ideal. By 1640
guitarists had reached the need for such a change. The
leaders, such as Bartolotti or Foscarini, simply added the
old alfabeto to five-course Italian lute tablature. It was
the same procedure Corbetta had used for seven dances in
1639.
Antonio Carbonchi
The first book of Carbonchi (Florence, 1640) was dis
cussed briefly above because of its relation to the style
of Corbetta's first book. The most notable feature was that
Carbonchi published the first known book of French tablature

for the five-course guitar.
Carbonchi's second book (Florence, 1643) is not a
logical continuation of his first; it is almost a regression.
In spite of the precedent which was set by using French
tablature previously, he now writes' exclusively with the
alfabeto of Montesardo in the rasgueado style. He occasionally
allows the second course to be used in the melody as well as
the first. He uses the single-line staff with numbers below
(to be played on the cantino) and above (to be played on the
second course). The corrente on p. 40 is a good example
94
of this technique, which he explains in the Preface.
Carbonchi shows a profound understanding of the alfabeto.
He carefully demonstrates hew chords on the same root may be
used in different positions of the fingerboard. He lists
major chords first and then minor chords, a categorization
which had no t occurred to Montesardo or his followers.
Moreover, Carbonchi must have added a few frets to his guitar
(as Granata had done after him), for some of hi3 fingerings
reach into the thirteenth fret. His own tables below help
to summarize his theory on alfabeto. Each vertical column

J S ^
represents the same triad* thus, A, G, M and Y indicate a
G-major chord:
Ex. 15 Tables of Shifted Chords from Carbonchi, 16^3
Chord-letters of the major mode (per B. quadro):
A B C F G H I M N Y Q R
3 i a X j 3 % 3 4 4 7 4
G H Y M M N N Y G H M N
5 5 s 4 s * 5 b t u b 7
M *
w u
<
14. V*
A.
V
A. G G U
11 in N Y G
7 * *7 7 % 7 8 9 s ft 9
Y G N H H M M N Y G H M
Chord-letters of the minor mode (~>er B. molle):
0 L E + p K D s Z y K
3 3 s X 3 3 X ft 4 4 4. 4
P K K S S T T K P K s T
5 5 7 7 ft 5 s ft ft 7
s T T K K P P T S T K P
10 ft ID ft 7 it ,1 < 11 9
P P T T S s P K P T S
The style of Carbonchis second book of guitar music

is again much like Corbettas first book. Passagagli sem-
95
plici appear first, as usual, but the spagnolette are the
closest of all the pieces to Corbettas style. The rhythmic
notation is like that of Corbetta with only half of the
expected barlines, Carbonchi's spagnolette semplici are
modeled on Corbetta's of 1639 furthermore the G minor

spagnoletta is identical to Corbetta's. The melody of
Carbonchi's sarabanda on p. 38 is remarkably similar to
Corbetta's of 1639 p. 6 5 . Yet Carbonchi includes many
popular dances which never appear in Corbetta's books. Some
of those are the following* Dupon monami [sic^ , Ghirumetta,
Jo vo cercando di fare l'amore. Romaneses. Norcina. Villan
di Spagna. Tortiglione. and Tenor di Napoli.
Angiol Michele Bartolotti
A real leader in guitar music of this period at
Florence was the Bolognese composer Bartolotti. He published
his first book the same year as Carbonchi in 1640. Tkj
quality of his music is immediately apparent. His alfabeto
contains three new altered letters* fe, and . The alfabeto
of his second book confirms the suspicion that these are

indeed rcot-position chords.
Rather than looking backward, his first book anticipates
Corbetta's books of 1643, and 1648. As usual, the book begins
with passacagli. It is striking that at the end of each
two-page sot, there is a modulation to the next key. In a
sense, the passacaglie are thus continuous, and they prolong
the reader's interest to carry on through all 4-7 pages.
96
Bartolotti begins with minor and at the end of page two
modulates to A~. After a thorough exposure to A~ he modulates
in the last phrase to F minor. Thus, descending by a step
and then a minor third, he covers all twenty-four major and
minor keys. This was a practice Corbetta included in his
own works of 1643 and 1648. This kind of technique had been
used previously by lutenists, namely Gorzanis and Galilei,
in the late 16th century. Giacomo de Gorzanis in 1561 was
the first to publish dance pairs related by key and content
and call them a "sonata."* Subsequently in a manuscript at

1
U tM4 AV* A <*<../.^ Aw /4* 4 A 1 1 /S
, 1 A
A A^3 A AA V
s *A4* ^ V\A 4i?AA4>*
f*A. . AA
lu u iix w iy iic o^y o u t c m c x ^ x w c i x x j r c a u x u i c u c a u ii wx u n c a u jf " iu u i
major and minor keys with a passamezzo-saltarello pair. Not
to be out-done, Vincenzo Galilei wrote a passamezzo and
saltarello in each major and minor key, followed by a

2
romancesca in the parallel minor.
There were still other elements of lute music that
were transferred from Bartolotti to Corbetta. For instance,
Bartolotti*s chordal passages with alfabeto usually contrast
with flourishes of single notes. These are analogous to the
concertato effect of tutti vs. solo. Certain harmonic and

% ft! ^ A 4-*AA AX A A "P n A"*AV\ a 4>4. A I A WS ,4 ^ A V\ A WS A J ASA A1 A A >S AA A.sX
tU C J L V U X v w C L J . l b o x o U X U C l/O C X o I J lx u u x c p c i lU U C .1 C CLJLOU ^ / I C O C ilU
here. The C-minor passacagli of Bartolotti anticipate
Corbetta's in 1648. Likewise, Corbetta's sarabanda of 1648
in A minor (p. 48) looks like a variation on Bartolotti's
(p 58). On the other hand, Bartolotti frequently uses
parallel shifted chords which Corbetta tends to avoid,
unless justified by a sequence. Bartolotti's cascading
97
scale-passages often shift wildly from course-to-course,
using especially the open strings; the notes sustain and
consequently overlap. This is especially typical of Corbetta.
Later, the Spaniard, Gaspar Sanz calls this bell-like technique

3
the effect of campanelas.
The second half of Bartolottis book contains dance
music. Kis suites are of particular interest for they contain

four movements! allemanda. two correnti. and a sarabanda.
All of these dances we have seen before. The corrente and
sarabanda date back to Montesardo. But the allemanda. which
was to become so important in the French dance style, did not
appear in guitar tablatures until around 1620, along with

4
the sarabanda francese. The lack of any examples of the
passamezzo. saltarello, romanesca or gagliarda in Bartolotti*s
book is a witness to the declining popularity of the older
Italian dance style. He published his second book for the
guitar at Home and then probably went northward to Paris
and Vienna to achieve eminence on the lute.'*
Nicolao Doizi de Velasco
Corbetta, Bartolotti, Carbonchi, and most of the other
guitarists lack sufficient explanation in prose of many
aspects of their performance practices. The treatise of the

Portuguese guitarist Doizi de Velasco is particularly useful
in filling this gap. The Nuevo modo de cifra appeared at
Naples in 1640. It was so well accepted that it survived a
second edition in 1645. Its purpose still remains crystal
98
clear* "to dispel any thoughts about the guitar being an
imperfect instrument. . .and to play in 12 different keys

I\/ O WOO V1
1 % ..
The perfection of the guitar is a familar theme to
defend in the Spanish treatises. No doubt the guitar was
still open to the ridicule of traditionalists; its suitability
for art music must have remained open to question* To this
Briceno responded that the guitar was the most favorable
instrument of his time, justly replacing the lute and other
plucked instruments in France.^ C-aspar Sanz squelched the
rumor* the guitar is "neither perfect nor imperfect, but on
the contrary. . .the perfection or lack of it depends on who

7
is playing it.
An other important theme discussed in the treatise of
Doizi de Velasco is the ability to play polyphony (i.e., in
three, four, or five voices, and in fugue). "And for this
reason it seems better to put on bass strings on the fourth
and fifth courses, and not do without them, for thus
[the guitar] is more sonorous and more likened unto the

Q
counterpoint of natural voices." Doizi de Velasco is
therefore advocating the tuning of Amat, which was apparently

9
used all over Italy (except possibly in Rome). The Italian
treatises nearly always include a method for tuning in lute
tablature. But while this is sufficient to tune a guitar,
it does not tell us whether there are any lower octaves on

the fourth and fifth courses.
99
Doizi de Velasco gives long lists of consonances, or
chords. There are several concentric circles which correlate
tablature and staff-notation- But in the next generation,
his ciphers and circles are regarded as confused, "not being
accepted as is the Italian alfabeto, which is better, more

10
used, and understood among aficionados." Sixty-four rules
of transposition conclude the book.
Giovanni Paolo Foscarini
Certain elements of the rasgueado music of Foscarini,
"L'Accademico caliginoso detto il Furioso," have already been

discussed briefly in Chapter three, above. His influence on
Corbetta has already become apparent. Until recently the
only date on Foscarini's music was that of his second book,

11
published at the unlikely place of Macerata in 1629.*" The
next tangible date on his music is 164-0, which accompanies

12
the publication of Li cinque libri. Although it is likely
that the cumulative collections accompanying his third and
fourth books were published before 164-0, we have no evidence
to support the probability. Collections of his first three
and first four books, currently available in GB-Lbm and
I-Bc, contain neither date nor place of publication. Even
though some scholars assert that Foscarini was the inventor

of mixing alfabeto and lute tablature, it is still open to
question because of insufficient dating. Perhaps Corbetta
was the first to use mixed tablature in 1639.
It is important to establish that Foscarini borrowed
100
first hand from the lutenist tradition. In spite of our
dating problems, Foscarini's "nuova inventione," i.e., his
music to be played in the manner of the lute, was a part of
his third book, which was probably published prior to 1640.

Of the pieces called -pizziccate. . .1 do not want to
speak much, having placed them more for an ornament
of the work than for other regards, since I know very
well that they are more suitable to the lute than the
gui jar, with which instrument I actually make my
profession, as is known by those who have known me to
be with various princes, both inside and outside Italy,
and especially in Flanders with the Archduke Albertus.13
However, it appears that Foscarini was known primarily as a
lutenist in the Netherlands. Kis name appears many times
in the letters of Constantijn Huygens regarding the lute,

14
but the guitar is never mentioned at all.
Where Foscarini borrowed first-hand from the lutenist
tradition, Corbetta unconsciously borrowed second-hand from
it. This was certainly a sore spot for Corbetta. As late
as 1671, when someone had explained the difficulty of his

music as imitating the lute style, Corbetta viciously
retorted, "The world knows that I have not ever practiced

such instrument, on which I do not know a single chord. s .
I have always had a talent but for the guitar alone2 "-5
The fact that Corbetta absorbed so many lute-like
characteristics through Foscarini makes the relationship
between them even more important. Corbetta continued to
write in lute tablature, not at the expense of the alfabeto
but in addixion to it. As in Foscarini's later works,
Corbetta's music of 1643 and 1648 employs mixed tablature.
101
Since tablature depicts notes exactly, it is easy to decorate
the notation with signs for ornaments. Corbetta retains the
trill used previously in 1639* but omits the reoicco. The

new ornaments are the accento. also called tremolo sforzato.
or vibrato and the strascino or slur which Foscarini
describes in Book III as an ornament of French lutenists.
^ e slur was still a new ornament for Italian lutenists when

XIX
^ 16
Piccinini and Melii used it in the 1620's. Much of
Foscarini's taste seems to have been absorbed by Corbetta
as well. Counterpoint assumes importance. It can now be
notated, and it was used or recommended by others, such
as Doizi de Velasco. There is little doubt, however, that
Foscarini surpassed them all as a composer in 1640. Most of
Corbetta's music in 1643 and following is based on either
two or three-voiced counterpoint (seldom more), or the
homophony of intermittently strummed chords with a continuous
melody above. Sequences, especially those employing chains
of suspensions, are the epitome of beauty for both composers.
The inclusion of melodic sequences over pre-tonal harmonic
progressions was a real innovation at the time.
Music historians often point to sequential passages
which circumscribe a key as the beginning of major-minor
tonality. The favorite devices were progressions based on

the "circle of fifths" or diatonic succesions of first-
17
inversion chords, such as those of Corelli (1653-1713).
Surely the passages transcribed on the following page would
102
Ex. 16 Ciacona variata Foscarini, Books I-III, p. 97
Ex. T? Almanda Corbetta, l643, p. 40
P
Ex. 18 ~suar correntF- 'Corbetta,- 164-3, p. ~4r
J_XL
Ml U . M - 1 A
i l l
rJ- -JB
* e
f
m $ A/ P.
r*- ia
- f l 'Pi Pr-fl -UX-l
t f T +
r
103
have inspired Corelli or any other of the so-called "Bologna
School."
New harmonies were liberated by the use of tablature.
New consonances were possible and complex dissonances were
as easily notated. There seems to be a new consciousness
regarding inverted chords, particularly at final cadence
points. A simplification of these cadences is found at the
end of Corbetta's new book, under the title of "Rules for
realizing a figured bass. Some passages of the guitar part

double the bass line quite closely as on p. ?!. In other
instances it is not possible to do so. Corbetta's "Rules. . ."

18
were anticipated by Foscarini in 1640.
Along with Foscarini's pieces that were directed toward
a specialized player rather than a mere amateur, there is the
appearance of scordatura and sinfonie with basso continuo,
Scordatura is of course the tuning of an instrument in a way
different from standard practice. It also happens to te a
tour de force of lutenists. It appears for the first time
in Corbetta's music in 1643; there is a suite in B*3 (p. 63 ff.)
consisting of an Almanda. Corrente. and Sarabanda. Finally
Foscarini's two sinfonie with figured-bass accompaniment

neatly correspond to Corbetta's two sinfonie which conclude
his second book.
The influence of Foscarini surpasses all others in

this period of Corbetta's music. Fcscariiii's travels to
Flanders and probably to France, in addition to his dedication
104
to the lute, prepared him unwittingly, perhaps, to change
the course of guitar music. His growing interest in the
music of the French dance style over the Italo-Spanish was
surely felt. In Corbettas second book, the ciaccone are not
distinguished from the passacagii. T h e oldest Italian
dance left in the suites of Corbetta is the corrente and even
this should be played quietly in the French style, according

20
to Foscarini. In the light of so many innovations, it is
a wonder Foscarini could preserve a sense of continuity of
the guitar tradition that began with Montesardo. Foscarini
expanded the horizons of his music without destroying its past
achievements. In so doing he became Corbetta's strongest link
to the lutenist tradition.
Corbetta's Second Book
Corbetta's second book is entitled Varii capricci per
la ghittara spagnola and is dedicated to Carlo V, Duke of
Mantua and Monferrato. In the copy from I-Bc, the dedication
page is missing which contains the date of 30 Oct. 164-3.
The dedication page also appears to be missing in the copy
at the British Museum according to RISM. Fortunately the
copy from the Library of Congress does supply the dedication

21
and date. The place of publication is engraved on the left
side of Corbetta's portrait* ,SG. Bianini fee. in Milano."
Corbetta dutifully presents an alfabeto on p. 6. It
appears rather stark without an alfabeto falso. because the
dissonances and inversions previously contained therein are
105
now a part of the Italian tablature. Nevertheless the chord-
letters from A to Z, and + are presented exactly the same as

in 1639* Three new chords appear- however? and rectify a
small inconsistency in Corbetta's first book*
Ex. 19 New Chords in the libro secondo. Corbetta, 1643

*2 *3
& M M

4------
----------
---------- 3- - - - - - - - - - -
----------- * ^ 7) ( f ------ 3 ------
------i -------- ---------- ----------
J 7
j
' a b -*-
. ft. j
.... ...s ........
'j ' c' ' ---------- 9 -----------
T ~ '' ----- r, 0
J * * -
In 1639* he indicates the shifting of two chords which contain
open strings. The chord-letters E (D minor), and B (C major)
were simply refingered and moved up the fingerboard as
explained in the Preface. Now in the new book, the chords
could be moved up without changing the fingering at all.

*2
The M chord has eluded the eye of a modern transcriber.
Alexander Bellow failed to recognize the minor quality of

22
this chord in his edition of the suites of 16^3. A case in
point is m. 12 of the sarabanda in D major. While by modern
standards Bellow's transcriptions are indeed "beautiful," his

zeal to improve the voice-leading of the original is excelled
only by the number- of added notes. By freely adapting the
tablature to the modern guitar, he has left Corbetta's music
106
quite hidden in the results. The major problem, moreover,
is that Corbetta's indications for chordal strumming have

n o o n n o-WAT'on
k/ V VNA
Virtually all of Corbetta's music contains such
strumming. It is a curious fact, however, that some of the
standard chord-letters grow absolete by 164-3. For instance,
although X appears in the alfabeto it very rarely occurs in
the tablature. Even the passacagli on X do not use this
letter except in the title (pp. 32 -3 3 ). X is from the standard

alphabet and I is a shifted chord. Although they both
indicate the same B-minor triad, Corbetta now prefers the
latter notation. Chord-letters toward the end of the alfabeto
(after P) are already superfluous in his music and therefore
border on extinction.
Dissonance and Other Refinements
Lute tablature also allowed new control over dissonance.
At the same time dissonances became more correctly "prepared"
and more easily justified. Seventh-chords are more frequent
than before. The following example is the final cadence of
a sarabanda. In it minor-seventh intervals occur above the

bass notes of A and G.
Ex. 20 Sarabanda Corbetta, 164-3, p. 56

/** vJr.
\
-- ---- H --------
-P L f--\Xr-b--
* ** * # C--------
~gj: ; r ' _
r
f
/
107
Corbetta introduces the term quinta falsa in the
section on figured bass to indicate the tritone or diminshed
fifth. It is contained in the dominant-seventh chord; as
usual the seventh resolves downward to the third of I. The
device is important in theory because in practice it forms
one of Corbettas favorite harmonic effects in sequential
passages. Usually cadence points show the most dissonance.
For instance, in the oassscsgli on 2 minor (p. 28, m. 3C},
there is the rare occurrence of a diminished-seventh chord on
the second scale-degree (F# A C Eb ).
In i6^3 Corbetta explores a slightly higher range
than before. In 1639* shifted chords are not usually barred
higher than the fifth fret. This does, of course, leave
fingers dangling into the seventh and eighth frets. In
addition, the tablature of 1639 demands reaches to the 8th
fret. By 16^3 the music occasionally ventures to the 10th
fret (see pp. 12, 57) in scale passages.
The sinfonie with basso continuo are of interest because
of several aesthetic differences which separate them from
the rest of the book. The first sinfonia is notable for its
briiiant technical display and rapid passage-work. Gradu
ally the tessitura of the piece descends, and with it, the
emotional level and energy. After beginning clearly in C
major, the piece concludes in a more somber mood on a plagal
resolution to the key of A minor. After a bold opening, the
second sinfonia explores the polyphonic capabilities of the
instrument with a figured-bass accompaniment.
108
Many of the typical qualities of the book are apparent
in the first piece, a toccata, which has been transcribed on
the following page. The promise made in the Preface of io39,
to give a more weighty, perfected music in the forthcoming
second book is at once realized in this piece. The key is
F minor, with a strikingly tonal harmonic direction. Phrases
cadence in F minor and Ab with surprising variety (measure
numbers arc for the last chord of each progression)*

m. 6, Ab * ii V7 I m. 11, Ab * iv7 I
m. 16, Fm: V iv i m. 22, Fm* i iv V
m. 28, Fm* III& iv6 V final, Fm* iv 4 i
Usually melodic ideas grow, spin out over sequential harmonic
successions, and cadence with the harmony. Harmonic and
melodic ideas conclude on the note or chord which begins a
new idea, thus constituting elision in every case.
Second inversion chords are more carefully handled

6
xnan before. The toccata begins on a 4 chord, but it is
justified by the arpeggio which immdiately follows. Note
that the $ chord in the last two measures is cadential.
Parallel 5ths and octaves are still present (mm. 4-5, mm.
12 - 1 5 ), but they are part of a sequential pattern in each
case. Like Foscarini, Corbetta has striven for constant

variety which is subjected to the unifying control of motivic
development, cadences and tonality.

All three of his ornaments are present in the toccata*
the vibrato occurs twice in the middle, and at the very end.
109
Ex. 21 xoccata uoroe-cxa5 io ^ , p. y
-fr~k z r T n i z ^ - -ft-
i 3 n r-tj m t
-fj-*-
i t *
U-1
/V
\
r= f a r~t ' ' -i -b-- -4-
ifc -v'V- ---- 1-- h------
-i *- B p *
F * f
Af ^
j j
-4- /
-fv]?-I
y?L C
F -rirf
i rt L 4 F f#--- J ! S'
n --- k f 4- ^ - s
w T f r
v "3- i J. 25 # ^
9^-4-i
i X
_ 'y'
-j~r-rir
V z**'
y- .*
J. -1-* # '
m A;
j r.
-------- t - r
! J i l i # 1 , j i ^ _ J_ i
6F
f Ti X T
J i
:tt fe
-* +-
T = n ! :
l^= A*/ 1
* I
Aa/
-4 JL
N
t t m

+
'JsJr.
"J" r
s
-r
110
There are no fewer than 15 trills: most of them occur in
combination with a slur. Occasionally the trills emphasize
a syncopation. In just the ornamentation alone there is an

obvious change in taste. Corbetta always seems at the
forefront of aesthetic trends. Where his taste had been
almost completely Italian in his first book, there is in the
present book s n ew cosmopolitan air.
The toccata introduces the opening of the long set
of passacagli. Corbetta does not quite match the comprehensive
approach of Bartolotti, but he arrives at each new key by
modulating in the same way, descending by a step and then a
minor third: Fm E^ Cm B^ Gm F. .F#m E. Under his
influence and that of Foscarini, Corbettas passacagli are
much longer than before, averaging 68 measures in each key.
The rhythm of Corbetta's passacagli is also similar to that
of Foscarini, yet the four-bar phrase length is even more

regular than that of the older master, The typical passacaglio
rhythms used in Corbetta's early and middle periods and in

23
Foscarini's late period are compared below:
m t \ 1
Foscarini 3/4- * ,. / *' ; j Books II1 - 1 V
i 1
3A / 7'n
'' 0 t ' r 1 Books III-IV
Corbetta 3A
\
* J i f)
\
0 i i (1639)
i 1i M
* * * * \ 91 1
3A n i # (164-3)
3A m \ 1 J n 1 * 0 0 J (164-3)
i \ 1
3/2 0- ji 0 o JI (164-8)
111
Only a very few elements of Foscarini's music did not
influence Corbetta. One aspect was the interminable length
of some of "il Furioso's" pieces. In his third and fourth
books, Foscarini's sets of passacagli averaged thirty phrases
in each key. Corbetta's longest ciaccona lasts 19 phrases,
and only the folia in D minor of 16?1 matched Foscarini's
longest pieces. In 164-3* the sets of passacagli average 64
measures, or 16 phrases in each key. Neither does Corbetta
share Foscarini's aversion to barlines. The usual problem
in transcribing Foscarini's music is making up a rhythm which
fits the style. Foscarini also had the misfortune of having
many errors printed in his books. In this respect, Corbetta
was most fortunate. His rhythms are clear and barlines are
omixted only for hemiola effects.
Eight suites comprise the heart of the book in 1643.
Half of the suites are in major keys, one of which is in
scordatura. the other half, in minor. The usual format is
almanda. corrente and sarabanda. The new maturity of
Corbetta's guitar technique and compositional flare comes to
light by comparing the almande of 1639 to those of the present
book. The old almande consisted of twelve measures each,

2
with a chord strummed on every quarter-note in The
almande of 1643 have become highly personalized. The strumming
is used only as an intermittent effect. The new thread of
continuity is a melody of long and short notes (now eighth
or sixteenth-notes) in the same meter. The new almande last
112
about twenty measures. They have become binary structures
that modulate to a related key (V or III) at midpoint.They
are composed on an opening motive that dissolves into
sequential passage work. Eventually there is a cadence in
the middle after seven to eleven measures. The second half
begins on the opening motive in a related key, after which
similar passage work finally returns the piece to its home
key.
The corrente is closely based on the key, form and
content of the almanda, except that it has triple meter and
a faster tempo. In each of these, as in the preceding dance,
the phrasing is fairly unpredictable, due to the sequential
spinning out of motives. Such is not the case in the
concluding sarabande. They too are in triple meter, but they
are now slow dances in wholly predictable four-bar phrasing.
Each section ends on a multiple of four measures. The
sarabande are less dependent on the almande for motivic
development. The suites on the whole seem inspired from
sources apart from guitar music. There is sufficient change
during the four years since his first book, that Corbetta has
now come into a new style. This music constitutes the
beginning of his second period.
The Influence of Corbettas Second Book
Corbetta's book was dedicated to Carlo II, Duke of
Mantua and Monferrato. It is quite possible that if Corbetta
had worked for the Duke before dedicating a book to him, he
113
might have known Stefano Pesori. Pesori himself was from
.. . . .
Mantua, and he published his rirsx exxanx book xnere. it
was dedicated to the Marchese, M.A. Sagramosi. The book
is sufficient evidence that Pesori could write in any of
the three systems of notation based on lute tablature and
alfabeto. The Balletto. . .di Parma and the Arietta
vaghissima are in pure lute tablature, full of trills and
slurs. The Passagio of the latter is in mixed tablature,
and the Zarabande francesi are in alfabeto (p. 11). The

music is up to date, but amateurish and of modest artistic
accomplishment.
Pesori's second known book seems to have mirrored
somewhat the style of the first two publications of Corbetta.
Although it was published at Verona in 1648, his Galeria
musicale was dedicated to the head butler of the Austrian
Archduke Carlo and Claudia. His alphabet contained all of
Corbetta's chords (but not the alfabeto falso). The work is
plagued by an inaccurate sense of rhythm. Sometimes the
rhythm is simply dull, as in the passacagli semplici which
open the work. The following is a transcription of his
example in minor*
Ex. 22 Passacaglio Pesori, 1648

1
1
^ { -6=^=
% JJ
**'
I
1.%
7^ *
*
r t" ~
- h i y . . i
-U
TT^
i r - r -
--
Corbetta never started a -passacaglio on the first beat during
his first and second periods. Pesori's biggest problem is
the omission of barlines in the rasgueado pieces, except to
separate phrases. Barlines are more frequent, however, in
the punteado pieces, separating the measures. Mensural
difficulties still arise. The many carefree and lusty titles
expand the repertory without enriching its art.
Of interest to Pesori are the melodies and harmonic
sonorities of Corbetta's music. His passamezzo and spagnoletta
(p. 27) are much like those of Corbetta's first book (p. 22).
The ciccone (p. k) are also comparable to Corbetta's in 1639
and 16^8. In order to show how close two versions can be
without exact duplication, two of Pesori*s passacagli
passegiate are transcribed on the following page. No doubt
Pesori knew some of Corbetta's music. Perhaps he had heard
it played and then, at his leisure, wrote down what he could
remember of the model. The greatest variance between the
two composers occurs at the cadences. After Corbetta's
exposure to lute-like ornamentation, his complex activity at
cadence points must have been most elusive to the ear.
Early Influence in the Iberian Peninsula
In a later book, Corbetta himself mused upon his trip
to Spain. He was actually complaining that G.B. Granata
(who began publishing at Bologna in 164-6) had stolen some of
his pieces and had published them at Venice. Corbetta

25
discovered the plagiarism upon his return from Spain.
U5
Ex. 23 Passacagli
W- # 1n/in
~f r
\ ~
r*
Corbetta, 164-3, p. 16
9 J ^ |--------
f ' -M- Ltf 1
t n1- ^
If 1 t* U I u
1 "r F
---------- 1 4 f 3 ' ' It r
1 f ^ f
Pesori, 1648, p. 3
(ph*.Asc f )
& /*
m -
i
Corbetta, 1643, p. 16
& $
,h
.a * j v -j

t J f
116
Evidence of his influence in that country is demonstrated in
the treatise of Gaspar Sanz, who sagely speaks of a number
of important guitarists including ''Foscarini. . ., Caspergier,
Pelegrin, Granada, Lorenqo Fardino, y ultimamente Francisco

Corbeta, el mejor de todos. (, . .and finally Francisco
x 26
Corbeta, the best of all).
Noting the spelling in the quotation above, Sanz uses
the Spanish equivalent for the first name, and simply

spells Corbetta's last name phonetically. Since Spanish
words seldom end with the syllable -ta. it would not be the
least surprising to find - t a replaced by the common suffix
-ra. This form of his name is associated with a guitar book
in Spain. It is first mentioned by Antonio Nicolas in 1684
as follows:
Franciscus Corbera, scripsit & Phillipo IV, Regi

nuncupavit: Guitarra Sspanola v sus diferencias de
sones.
(Franciscus Corbera wrote and dedicated to King

Philip IV: The Spanish Guitar and Its Differences
of Sounds.)27
Unfortunately the book is no longer extant. However, since
Philip IV reigned 1621-1665, the book certainly dates from

this period? in fact it may be the missing libro terzo of
Corbetta. It neatly fills the gap between his libro secondo
(1643) and libro quarto (1648). Philip IV was the brother

of Anne of Austria, who ruled France until her son, Louis
XIV, became of age. Thus, Philip IV may also have recommended
Corbetta to the.French court in the 1640's, to be discussed
117
in the next chapter.
The guitar was sufficiently successful at the court
of Spain for the King to employ several guitarreros (guitar

28
makers or repairmen), who were contemporaries of Corbetta.
Further, Doizi de Velasco was also employed there as "musico

^ 29
de camara de su majestad (chamber musician of his majesty).
Doizi de Velasco's subsequent employment at Naples in 16^0
may help to explain the existence of a suite from that city

by Corbetta. The manuscript CS-Pnm, XLb 209 contains several
pieces by him, including the Allemande amoureuse de Mons.
Corbetta's strongest tie with Spain, regarding his
second book, is found in the anonymous manuscript, "Libro
de diferentes cifras de gitara, escojidas de los mejores
autores.'u A sarabanda of the MS (p. 128) is nearly equal
to Corbetta's in 1639 (p. 65). Yet still more notable is a

suite in E minor by "Corbera" complete with a scribal
attribution (pp. ^2-47). The suite consists of four
movements: Almanda. Couranta. Jiga and Sarabanda. The style
is dependent on Corbetta's book of 16^3 In fact, the

Almanda is like a memorized version (or one learned by rote)
of 16^3 p. ^0, The other movements are closely based on

the Almanda. but are entirely new pieces. These other dances
were probably composed at a much later date. The MS is
replete with errors in the time signatures.
There is another manuscript by Don Antonio de Santa
Cruz, which probably dates near the end of the 17th century.^*
118
The title is archaic "Lihro donde se verin pazacalles de
ocho tonos. . .para bigtfela hordinaria" (for the plain
vihuela-) It is most certainly for five-course guitar. The
Italian alfabeto is used rarely in the tablature, but frequent

ly in the titles. Rasgueado is used sparingly. Much of the
book consists of music unique to Spaini .i^caras, marionas.
marizapalos, etc. But some music of continental interest
is also present, such as espanoletas. canarios. gallardas.
fantasias, and pabanas. A few of the passacalles resemble
Corbetta's style in his second book, as on folio 27 (cf. 1643,
p. 32 f.). Santa Cruz also employs Corbetta's scordatura of
1648 for a short suite.
There is one scribal attribution which assures us
of the influence of Corbetta all the way to Portugal. This
quaint little piece in manuscript is called Bayletto del

Corbetto.^2 The character of the dance seems to place it
outside Corbetta's style (refer to my transcription in
Vol. II). At any rate, it is entirely in tablature with
neither alfabeto nor mensural signs. It could be, however,
a piece by Corbetta which suffered a gradual transfer by
rote through a number of guitarists across the Peninsula.
The most important alternate source for Corbetta's
book of 1643 is the H.F. Gallot manuscript.^ Gallot used
so much of this music that it must be treated separately in
Chapter 9, below (see Table IV).
119
Conclusions
The year of 164-0 marked a g-reat change in guitar
music. The change came about when guitarists fused the old
strummed style with the uunteado style and its notation in
lute tablature. The idea was pioneered by Corbetta in seven
pieces of his 1639 book and by Foscarini, whose first three
books were probably published before 164-0. At the same time,
various composers such as Corbetta (1639), Trombetti (later
in 1639) Pesori (164-0) and Calvi (164-6), experimented by-
writing some music in Italian lute tablature alone.
Carbonchi's use of French tablature in 164-0 was even more
of an exception in those days; he himself returned to the
alfabeto in 164-3. The exclusive use of lute tablature on
the guitar was important, but this alone did not constitute
the main stream of the tradition.
The greatest guitar music in Italy from 164-0 to the
end of the century combined the old alfabeto with lute
tablature. The resulting notation may be appropriately called
mixed tablature. Mixed tablature proved the ideal medium
for adding the innovations and techniques of lute players
to the previous tradition of guitar music. The music became
more difficult to play as guitarists strove for aesthetic
improvements; it became music to be performed by expert
professionals and not by dabbling amateurs.
Besides Corbetta, the leaders in this improved guitar

music were Foscarini and Bartolotti, both of whom would
120
eventually achieve eminence on the lute. The elements of the
lute tradition which Corbetta and others absorbed through
Bartolotti were the followingj 1) the systematic exploration
of twenty-four major and minor keys with many passacagli,
drawing together the influence of Gorzanis, Vincenzo Galilei
and Juan Carlos Amat, 2) a new self-conscious approach to
chord inversions, 3) chordal passages alternating with scalar
passages (essentially the concertato effect), 4) cascading
scale passages (primarily on open strings) in which many
notes are allowed to ring over, that Sanz called campanelas.
and 5) suites comprised of the aiemanda, corrente and
sarabanda. The leadership of Foscarini toward the marriage
of guitar and lute techniques was equally important. The
vibrato, trill and slur are used to great advantage not only
in the ornamentation of melody, but also to draw attention
to the voice leading of the other parts. The counterpoint,
described ideally by Doizi de Velasco in 16^0. became a
reality in the music of Foscarini and then Corbetta. However,
a predominant melody accompanied homophonically by strummed
chords also continued to be important. Foscarini used this
texture in the sequential development of motives, or in chains
of suspensions. Because some of these techniques had already
been a part of lute music, it was Foscarini5s innovation to
include them within the context of the guitar. These devices

were also the main improvements in the music of Corbettas
second book, even though he did not play the lute at all.
121
He also emulated Foscarini by including a suite in scordatura.
two sinfonie with basso continuo. and instructions for playing
a figured bass on the guitar.
In his first book, Corbetta emerges simultaneously as
an innovator and artist; his importance, however, rests on
his contribution to an existing tradition. His role is
virtually the same in the second book, published at Milan in
16^3. The first half of the book contains long, original
passacagli based on the models of Bartolotti and Foscarini.
The second half presents eight elegant suites, which are
without equal in the guitar music of the period. The older
Italian dances, such as the passamezzo and gagliarda. which
were previously grouped together are now absent. Corbetta
has already made the mainstay of his suite the almanda,
corrent? and sarabanda. As the music of the book began with
a daring Toccata, it concludes with another single piece, a
set of variations on the folia.
Although Corbetta's interaction with Carbonchi, Calvi
and Pesori is obvious, his influence outside Italy was
equally strong. In Spain, Corbetta was known as "the best
of them all." He appears to have written his third book there,
which is now lost. His music is contained in E-Mn, Musica
811, in a Portuguese manuscript, in another at Prague and
finally, in the Gallot manuscript, copied in Great Britain,

Conversely, Corbetta seems to have absorbed a considerable
influence from the cosmopolitan taste he experienced at the
122
Mantuan court. It was sure to lure him to travel beyond
the barrier of the Alps when there became a high demand fo
Italian musicians at foreign courts*
123
NOTES TO CHAPTER 5
1 Reese, Music in the Renaissance, Rev. ed., pp. 520-525;

passim.
2 G. Reichert, "Giacomo Gorzanis' 'Intabolatura di liuto*

(1567) als Durch- und Molltonarten-Zyklus," in Festschrift
fur K.G. reiierer (Regensburg! G. Bosse, 1962),~pp. 428-438.
See also C. Palisca, 3aroaue Music (Englewood Cliffs, N.J . 1
Prentice-Hall. 19 6 8 ), p. 78* snd B, 3echerini, Catalogs dei
manoscritti musicali della 3iblioteca Naz. di Firenze (Kassel!
BSrenreiter, 1959), p. 140,
3 Sanz, Instruccion, fol. 8 r.
4 Hudson, Tablatures, 3 6 .
5 C.N. Amos, "Lute Practice and Lutenists in Germany

between 1500 and 1750" (Ph.D. dissertation,Univ. of Iowa,
\Q
- / I7C.\
J / I >
. 2 1 fi
-xw.
6 L. Briceho, Metod0 (Paris, 1626), Preface.
7 Sanz, op. cit. (167*0, "Prdlogo." fol. 6 r.

8 N. Doizi de Velasco, Nuevo modo de cifra (Naples, 1640),
p. 16.
9 Sanz, op. cit.. (167*0, fol, 8 r. See also S. Murphy,

"The Tuning of the Five-course Guitar," GSJ XXIII (1970),
49-63.
10 Sanz, op. cit.. (1674), fol. 6 v.
11 Roughly 150 miles north, north-east of Rome on the

Adriatic Sea.
12 P.K. Danner, "Giovanni Paolo Foscarini," JLSA VII (1974),

10-12.
13 Translated in Hudson, Piss., p, 153*

14 H. Bots, Constanti.in Huygens > Zi.in Plaats in geleerd
Europa (Amsterdam* Amsterdam University Press, 1973)* p. 147,
and notes, p. 158. Also J.A. Worp, ed. De Briefwisseling van
Constanti.in Huygens (1608-1687). (The Hague 1 M. Nijhoff,
1915- ), 26 Aug. 1647, 30 Aug. 1647, 9 Sept. 1647, 29 Nov.
1647, 20 Nov. 1648, 1 Jan. 1649, 29 Mar. 1649, 2 Apr. 1649,
29 Apr. 1649.
15 F. Corbetta, 1571, Italian Preface.
124
16 S. Buetens "Communications," JLSA VIII (1975), 106-107.
17 Bukofzer, op. cit., pp. 219-223, passim.
18 Danner, "G.F. Foscarini, JLSA VII (1974-), 12.

19 Corbetta*s table in 164-3 indicates that ciaccone are
combined with the passacagli. However, no pieces in the book
are ever entitled ciaccone.
20 Foscarini, Book III, Preface, last page, GB-Lbm.
21 Copy at US-T
rfc also contains the last page of 164-3 (p. 81)
22 A. Bellow, Renaissance and Baroque, a Collection. Vol.

V (New Yorki Colombo, 1 9 6 7 ).
23 Foscarini's rhythms are from Hudson, Piss, pp. 228-231.
24- S. Pesori, Lo scrigno armonico. Op- 2 (Mantua, 164-0),

GB-Lbm.
25 Corbetta, 1671, Italian Preface.
26 Sanz, op. cit. (1674-), fol. 6r.
27 Antonio Nicolas, Scriotorum hispaniae gentis (Rome, 1684-)

reprinted in 3ibiioteca hispana nova I (Matriti: J. de Ibarra,
1788, copy at US-LAu), p. 4-16. In the 18th century J.G. Wal-
ther cited the above in Musikalisches Lexikon (Leipzig, 1732)
facsimile ed. by R. Schaal (Kasselt B&renreiter, 1953;, p. 184-
Valther gives no entry under Corbetta; even so, after Walther,
Corbera became a favorite dictionary entry (cf. Forkel, Fetis,
Eitner, Lichtenthal, Riemann, Angles, Carfagna, Bone, Zuth,
et al).
28 R. de Aguirre, "Noticias para la historia de la guitarra,

Revista de Archivios. Bibliotecas v Museos XXIV (1920), 85
29 Doizi de Velasco, op. cit., Dedication. Cf. E, Schmitz,

Gitarren-tabulaturen," Monatshefte ftir Musikgeschichte XXXV
(1903), 133 ff.
30 E-Mn, MS Musica, 811.
31 A. de Santa Cruz, "Libro donde se veran pazacalles. . ."

E-Mn, MS Musica 2209.
32 P-Cu, "Cifras de viola por varios autores recolhidas

pelo L, do J. Carneyro-Tavares Lamacense. I am indebted
to Ronald Purcell for this identification.
125
33 GB-Ob, Music School, MS C, 9^ "Pieces de guittarre.
recUeillis par Henry Franpois de Gallot.
126
CHAPTER 6
CORBETTA*S BOOK OF 1648
AND THE CULMINATION OF THE
ITALIAN STYLE
The years and circumstances which accompany Corbetta's
libro quarto can best be described as restless. Up until the
publication of his second book in 1643, he seemed content to
blild his reputation in southern Europe, i.e., in Spain and

Italy. In the years that followed, Corbetta gained an
insatiable appetite for travel. He went to France with the
"first wave" of Italian musicians in that country. He estab
lished himself so securely at the French court that he
returned to Paris many times. During these years of travel,
he made the guitar totally acceptable for art music at court.
Moreover, once the Dauphin began to study it, the guitar
became the favorite chamber instrument of the aristocracy.
Since Italian musicians had already developed a solo reper
tory on the instrument, they were in demand as artists and
teachers all over Europe. Corbetta led the way at the courts
of Vienna, Hanover, the Low Countries, and eventually England.
Travels to France
Corbetta's first trip to Paris may have been the
result of a recommendation from a former patron, King Philip
IV of Spain, who had been the recipient of the guitar book
of "Corbera" and was the brother of the Queen-regent of France,
127
Anne of Austria. Queen Anne ruled France as regent for young
Louis XIV until he became of age. Her husband, Louis XIII,
had died only a year after his chief minister of state,
Cardinal Richelieu, in 1643.
Queen Anne shared the stewardship of France from 1643
with Cardinal Kazarin (1602-1661), the successor to Richelieu.
Since the Queen had seldom participated previously in govern
mental affairs, she was only too h a p p y to give all of her
confidence and authority to the new Cardinal.* Then, with
the Parlement relegated to a merely judiciary role, Mazarin
became in reality the autocrat of .rranee.
The real irony of the story is that Mazarin, formerly
Giulio Mazarini, was a Sicilian. In addition to bringing
his next of kin to France (his nephews and notorious nieces),
he surrounded himself with all the comforts of a luxurious
Italian life-style. He began importing Italian musicians
to France at once. Meanwhile, on the death of Pope Urban
VIII (Maffeo Barberini) in 1644, the extravagant opera produc-

2
tions of the Barberini family had come to a sudden halt.
The opera company was obliged to flee to France where
Mazarin was waiting with open arms. This constituted the
first wave of Italian musicians in France from 1644 to the
out-break of French civil war in 1648. "In December 1645,
the Italians offered their first production, a musical

3
comedy entitled La finta Pazza." Francesco Corbetta came
during this period to begin a life-long but intermittent

4
association with the French court.
128
The guitar was enjoying a spectacular surge of popu
larity in Paris by the 1640's. Luis de BriceHo's famous
method had already appeared in 1626. "Estienne Moulinie,
music master to the Due d Orleans, in his third book of
Airs de Coeur (1629), used guitar accompaniments for a third
of the songs."-' But all were not happy with the inevitable
conquest of the guitar. Pierre Trichet deplored the very
existence of the instrument around 1640:
The guiterre or guiterne is a musical instrument

widely used by the French and Italians, but still more
among the Spanish, who were the first to make it fash
ionable, and who know how to play it more madly than
any other nation, using it particularly for singing and
for playing their sarabands, galliardes, espagnolettes,
passemezes, passecaglias- pavanes, allemandes, and
romanesques with a thousand gestures and body movements
which are so grotesque and ridiculous that their playing
is bizarre and confused. Nevertheless even in France
one finds courtesans and ladies who turn themselves into
Spanish monkeys trying to imitate them, demonstrating
that they prefer foreign importations to their own native
products. In this they resemble those who, though they
could dine well at their own table, would rather go out
to eat bacon, onions and black bread. For who is not
aware that the lute is what is proper and suitable for
the French, and the most delightful of all musical instru
ments? Still there are some of our nation who leave
everything behind in order to take up and study the
guitar. Isn't this because it is much easier to perfect
oneself in this than in lute-playing, which requires long
and arduous study before one can acquire the necessary
skill and disposition? Or is it because it has a certain
something which is feminine and pleasing to women, flat
tering their hearts and making them inclined to
voluptuousne ss ?6
Despite the zealous defense of the opposing camp, the

guitar had reached a pinnacle of popularity when the Dauphin
himself took up the instrument. The study of the guitar was
no doubt encouraged by Mazarin who had not the least intention
129
of involving young Louis in any political strife or decision
making. Even as Voltaire so bluntly put it, "The only thing
he fthe King3 ever learned was to dance and to play the

7
guitar." So every day he had guitar concerts with Butaut,
"lecture de la chambre" and La Chesnaye, gentleman of "la

8
Manche." As the Dauphin matured, he gained a strong attrac
tion to Marie Maneini, who "sang French and Italian songs

9
accompanied by the King on his guitar."
It was only logical for Mazarin, Godfather ol the
Dauphin, to provide Louis with a fine Italian teacher.
According to Laborde, the Duke of Mantua sent Corbetta to
the D a u p h i n . T h i s is clarified by the historians Bourdelot
and Bonnet who were contemporaries of the Kingi
I believe it is proof of the greatness of His Majesty

that they say he equaled, after 18 months, his guitar
master whom Cardinal Mazarin had brought from Italy
expressly to teach him to play this instrument, much in
vogue at the time.11
Travels to Vienna and Brussels
Corbetta's trip to the Austrian court resulted in

12
finding a patron for a new book. The full title is Varii
scherzi di sonate per la chitara spagnola di Francesco

Corbetta Pavese. All'Alt.za S.ma di Leoooldo Guglielmo
I*5
Arciduca d'Austria etc. Libro quarto. Following the title
page is the dedication, which is dated "Bruxelles il I. del
anno 164-8," as well as two fine engravings by Frederick
Bouttats. The first engraving is a splendid family Crest,
probably of the Hapsburg dynasty; the second is an almost
130
131
photographic vignette of the author in the midst of an angelic
consort of cherubims and musical instruments (Plate V).
The music of the book begins, as in the books of 1639

and 164-3, with passacagli, followed by suites. This time,
however, a preludio precedes each set of dances. Miscellaneous

forms follow the suites, and the book ends with several
pedagogical exercises in playing from a basso continue.
Two similar chord-alphabets indicate both the standard
and shifted chords. The first alfabeto is in Italian lute
tablature. Besides containing a few illegible numbers, the
chord-letter E is incorrectly notated, and ii lacks a + above
to assure its minor quality. The second alfabeto constitutes
the earliest indication of French lute tablature in Corbetta's
work. The letters after P are not included, since they have
now lost even their theoretical significance.
Corbetta's Style in 1648
The style of the music in 164-6 does notdiffergreatly
from that of 164-3. However, it does represent another step
toward the ultimate refinement of Corbetta's last period.
Here the sets of passachaglie are fewer in number and shorter

in length than in 164-3. The keys are traversed by the same
method as before, with a terminal modulation. This time
they range from C minor to D major as follows*
Cm Eb Gm F Dm C Am G Em D
The passachaglie have now become more stylized and, as it
were, more French. The Italian tablature is still mixed
132
with alphabet-chords, but the texture is often clearer,
especially in the first three or four keys. The rhythm is
particularly changed. The meter is new 3/2. probably implying
a slower, more stately tempo than before. Dotted patterns
(such as | j* J | J J. J ) predominate. The passachaglie are

also graded progressively, becoming more difficult up to
the key of A minor. The three ornaments used are the same
as in 16431 they too are presented progressively in the
passachaglie. Beginning moderately in the Cm and Bb
passachaglie. some phrases with a few ornaments are contrasted
with other phrases with none. In the A-minor passachaglie
virtually every note of some phrases is either slurred or
ornamented. The fourth phrase, transcribed below, is
representative t
Ex, 24 Passacaglio Corbetta, 1648* p. 20
Note that the intricacy of the melody depends upon the use
of the slur in different contexts, and a characteristic
rhythm. The harmonic element (once of prime interest to
133
guitarists) has become quite unobtrusive. By contrast,
however, the fifth phrase begins on a minor sub-tonic (Gml),
and explores the pseudo-contrapuntal devices of style brise.
It employs only one ornament, the cadential trill. The
passachaglie thus continue to serve a pedagogical purpose,
yet while each phrase may teach a technical principle, a
high musical quality is also maintained.
The passachaglie are followed by a stylish chiacona;
however, as in the 1643 book, the quick strumming of the
repicco is omitted. The meter has also been cut to 3/2 as
in the passachaglie. The suites (or, according to the title
of this book, the sonate) are, as before, several movements
in the same key. But the preludes which precede the suites
are new. The spelling is curious. In nearly every case
prelud is written without a dot of abbreviation, as if to
phonetically spell the French cognate of the term. The
Table of Contents does consistently use the dot, however.
The preludes flash by in arpeggios, scales, or rapid note-
pairs. It is as if the Corbetta had been listening to the
unmeasured preludes of the French contemporary virtuoso,
Denis Gaultier (16l5-i6?2). For the first time in
Corbetta's music, the appearance of thirty-second notes
becomes frequent in these preludes.
The almanda shows a continuing French influence as
well. Nearly always Corbettas almande begin with an anacrusis.
Apart from this, the most typical features are in the phrasing
and rhythm. Especially from 1648 on, Corbetta's phrases are
134
of varying length, hut more typically of ten or twelve meas
ures. He usually avoids the "classical" 4+4 phrasing in
almande and correnti= probably in contrast to the regular
phrasing of his passacagli. The same is also true of the
allemandes of Denis Gaultier. The following examples in the
sumptuous manuscript, "La Rhetorique des Dieux" (1652 or later),
contain phrases of five to ten measures; most frequent of

all is the nine-measure phrase
No.l, La Dedicasse (mode Dorien)

9t Andromede
26, (Mode Souslydien)
144. A-nnolon Orateus (Mode Mixolvdien)
471 Arple'e (Mode Jonien)
Gaultier's allemandes also begin with a very characteristic
rhythm. The following is the incipit of every allemande
listed above* A | a n
V 0' 0
Corbetta uses the same rhythm in 1643 (p. 50) and in 1648
(p. P 40, and very nearly on p. 48), except that he

16
adds an anacrusis.
Corbetta's suites conclude with several other dances,

usually a corrente and a sarabanda or two. The correnti
mirror the form, key, phrasing and motives of the preceding
almanda. On the contrary, each sarabanda. while less exactly
based on its almanda. usually contains 8+8 phrasing, and is

17
only 16 measures 3ong. We have seen the same procedure
mastered in 1643.
The last suite contrasts considerably from the others;
135
like his final suite of the 164-3 hook, it is in sc ordatura.
The tunings of each may be compared in the following example

(as usual, octave doublings are not transcribed)*
Ex. 25 Scordature of Corbetta* Open Strings

O 164-3 J r) 1648
- -------------------------------- 0 -----------n
1 0 1 11
/ v ? 1 1 A
I r --------------r ------------ (------------i---------------- a-----------r - t ----------- 4 -------------------------- M
The 1643 work consists of a virtuosic almanda in Bb, a
lengthy corrente. and a sarabanda. The corresponding suite
of 1648 also has three movements in Bb, but it is even more
virtuosic. In the prelude there is an approach that we have
seen before. There is a flourish of scales and arpeggios
in 16th and 32 nd-notes, as shown below*
U 1 U v v l/d| 10 t 0, JJ, J V
f, , ............... _______________________________ FFfi rn r ^ .

f H - t -------
j/i." r --------- ~ ; ~ ~ ,7 U
!?l 1 '
M=*=J
I

1--------
=

- * * /
'V
Then a slowing down follows, with the introduction of
accidentals, two-part polyphony, and the working out of

sequences embellished by trills.
. 136
The other two movements, a gigue and a passchal.. show
a marked French influence. The gigue is Corbettas first
composition of this type. It bears some motivic resemblance
to the prelude. However, the gigue commands interest as an
independent composition. Its binary form results from the
following symmetrical harmonic scheme: B^t I >vjlv vl.
The melodic design is based on the recurrence of this
opening motive:
Ex. 27 Gigue Corbetta, 1648, p. 60
: * fT ; f ----------------- -
Although the first note is occasionally omitted, there are
particles of the motive throughout the piece. A motor
rhythm results, and gives continuity to the whole. Following
the double bar, the second half begins on an inversion of
the same motive, as shown below:

Ex. 28 Gigue. Beginning of 2nd Half
=*>.=,, m +.n n n =
This descending version of the motive also brings to mind
the beginning of the prelude (Ex. 26). The form is then

balanced by a gradual return to I via harmonic sequences on
"he circle of fifths.
137
The passchal. stands apart from the instructional
passacaglie at the beginning of the book. Obviously it does
not contain any alfabeto letters, because of the scordatura.
Neither does it contain flourishes of eighth-notes, until its
very last phrase. It is nearly twice as long as the previous
ones in the book. The passchal. never breaks the mood of the
stately affection of the beginning. The rhythm
(2 J* J Ji J ) is only gradually subdivided into

sequences of quarter-notes. Rather than return continuously
to a B*5 tonic, several deceptive cadences occur (m. 12 on vi,
m. and 28 on IV, m. 32. 36, bo, on ii) and on m. 20 there
is no cadence at all. Moreover, the mood and style of this
piece point toward the type of passacaille that emerged in
Corbettas 1671 book and probably influenced the examples of
Lully.
Corbetta and the Zarabanda
Other dances after the French manner conclude the
book. According to the Table of Contents, Correnti francesi
begin on p. 6 3 and Sarabande francesi on p. 70. This
collection of sarabande has just begun to interest musicolo
gists. Richard Hudson has recently completed a transcription
of nearly all of the sarabande in this book for a forthcoming
anthology on this dance.
Corbetta's role in the history of the zarabanda and
zarabanda francese is an important one. The dance first
appeared in Montesardo's book of 1606. The sarabands there
138
were merely fast, Spanish dance-songs in triple meter and
in the major mode. Twenty years later, the first zarabande
francesi began to appear, such as those of Briceno, It had
become a cosmopolitan dance in a moderate triple meter.
Corbetta's first sarabands were of this later type in I6 3 9 .
In 1648 he continues to use the rhythm found in Italy
(4 J J i J* P J j ) which is the usual incipit. However,

the C-minor Sarabanda francese. p. ?2, stands out from the
rest. It is first of all characterized by the minor mode.
Its most forward-looking trait is the rhythm. Corbetta's
incipit (| ; j.p j j ) eventually becomes one of the chief
identifying factors of the French saraband in France itself.
This rhythm implies a slower tempo, with three beats felt
in each measure. This contrasts with the rhythm preferred

in Italy 0 J J Jt Pi| ^>
seems to suggest an
18
accent only at the beginning of each triple group.
Unfortunately there are no tempo markings to tell us the
speed of the Sarabanda francese in C minor. However, the
activity of the rhythm and the frequent embellishments
suggest a slow tempo. The piece is ornamented with a trill
about every other measure, but it is curious that neither
the slur nor the vibrato occur at all. scalar sixteenth-note
pairs appear and are imitated in m. b to enliven the rhythm,
and eighth-notes appear in nearly every measure. The melody
is usually underscored by a moving part or a chord, as shown
below in the first four measures 1
139
Ex. 29 Sarabanda francese Corbetta, 1648, p. 72
C
* 1 < t -
' * c - A p* ^j ! j
i 'f *
\f 1 rj f 1 11 u * 11 9 9/ T1n
1 9 I #* 1** *' 1
1
A b u H m to* *1 \ \ \ f. j
(S * y 1 i . w \
J T*-
i 1 i ** i
<3 I
Corbetta had employed this rhythm j j. j j i ) in one
saraband of his 1643 book (p. 59), and three others (pp. 46,
56 and 62) show the motive at an experimental stage. This
rhythm finally dominated the sarabands in his books of 1671
and 1674. In addition, he was probably responsible, as we
will see, for introducing this type of saraband into England.
Corbetta, by virtue of his continuous travels, was

20
also a key figure in the dissemination of the folia. He
spread to England, France and elsewhere the developments
reflected in Spanish and Italian guitar music. In connection
with this form, one is amused to find that Corbetta's version
of 1648 contains a duplication of the last three variations
from his folia of 1643.
The Influence of Corbetta in Italy

The importance and certainly the influence of a
composer can be measured by the degree he is copied or
imitated. Literally scores of Corbetta's sarabands and
other dances dot the repertory of the guitar. The richest
manuscript source for his book of 1648 is from the Biblioteca

21
Estense, Modena. This manuscript brings together the work
140
of various composers. G.B. Granata, for instance, is
represented by a sarabanda taken from his book of 1659,
p. 3k. Therefore the MS was probably compiled after this
date. The last piece in the collection has the caption
"Sarabanda del Corvetta." The lack of mensural signs and
poor legibility hinder the transcription; nevertheless, one

has been attempted in the second volume of the present work.
This odd little piece is really somewhat beneath Corbetta's
mature style. It appears to be a simplified version of

I6*f8, p. 7 0 .
The fact that this saraband was close in style to
the music of 16*4-8 led the present writer to peruse the rest
of the MS. The following identifications have been discovered
(the abbreviation cf. before an entry means that the
duplication is not exact)i

I-MOe. Mus. F 1528 'Corbetta
folio lr, Sarabanda............ .16^8, p. kk .
2v, Sarabanda. .1648, p. 7k
5r, Pas sac........... cf. 16*4-8, pp. 16-17
5v, Sarabanda .16*4-8, p. 70
6r, Pas sac........... cf. 16*4-8, pp. 8-9
6v, Passac........... cf. 16*4-8, pp. 18-19
7v, Sarabanda. .. . .cf. 16*4-8, p. 37
8r, Sarabanda. ., . ,cf. 16*4-8, p. 71
8v, Sarabanda........ cf. l6*4-8,.p, 70
9r, S o n a t a .......... cf. 16*4-8, pp. 28-31 (Chiacona)
lOv, Sarabanda. ,16*4-8, p. ?k
16v, Sarabanda delCorvetta. cf. 16*4-8, p. 70
*4-vp Passac.. . . . . .cf. 16*4-8, pp. 26-27
The last of these parodies (fol. *4-v) is completely
transcribed on pp. *f02-*4-03 in the second volume of this
dissertation. The transcription clearly demonstrates that
these pieces must have been learned without th c benefit
1*H
of notation. They are close to Corbettas work, but they
often remain simplifications of it, as in the manuscript from

22
Madrid described above* The ornamentation, for example,
is often attenuated, or merely omitted. The passacagli
become even simpler by omitting Corbetta's anacrusis and by
beginning on the first beat of the measure, yet Corbettas

sonorities are all present. The title of folio 9r., "Sonata."
is deceptive because this piece is really Corbettas sole

ciaccona of 1648.
A few of the other dances in the manuscript such as
the rugglero and corrente. are from the older Italian dance-
stylej however, most of the MS displays considerable French
influence. A prelude may precede each dance-group, and there
are several gigues and gavottes. One passagallo aruegiata
r sic i seems to be an attempt to notate the style brise in
the style of contemporary lutenists.There is even a

minueto which had not been used appreciably before the ballets
of Lully in France.
There is a contemporary MS from Naples, which also

23
contains music from Granata's book of 1659. It differs
in its influence, for hardly any French elements are present.
It is included here because its correnti and prelude
resemble the style of Corbetta's book of 1648. It is all
in Italian tablature, but contains neither rasgueado nor
alphabet chords. The dances are all southern-European!
from the Spanish dance-style come the canario. ciaccona.
142
and passagalli (containing a strong first-beat accent)j and
from the Italian, the Venetiana. ballo di Mantoa, ruggiero.

pavaniglia and spagnoletta.
Giovanni Battista uranata
The period from 164-6 to 1698, which represents the
full maturity of the Italian guitar style, has had but only
very limited exposure in modern research. Virtually the
only recent activity here has been that of transcription.

Future investigations into guitar music will no doubt be
concentrated upon this important and fruitful area.
The name of Giovanni Battista Granata has already
appeared in conjunction with Corbettas career. According to
Corbetta in the Preface of 16?1, Granata had been his pupil,

oh.
probably at Bologna. It is indeed a compliment to the
former to have tutored Granata, the most prolific composer
of the Italian guitar school. Notwithstanding, Corbetta

was provoked to insult Granata by whatever means for having
stolen some suites (sonate), which were published at Venice.

Only Granatas works published at Bologna (164-6-1684), however,
25
are known today. Therefore we may never know the
identification of the pieces in question.
Granata's first book (1646) was subject to all of
Corbettas former influences.2^ His alfabeto is a case in
point. The standard alphabet (except the mistake on letter T)
contains all the chords of Corbettas 1639 and 1643 alphabets
even the dissonant L chord is the same. Granata's shifted
143
chords include all those in Colonna's first book of 1620.
Up to the letter M, Granata*s dissonant alphabet is identical
to the alfabeto dissonants of Foscarinis first three books.
The layout of the book is backwards by the standards
of the period. The book concludes with the passacagli and
dances of the older strummed style in pure alfabeto. No
doubt Granata was duly proud of the two ingenious pieces
which begin the book. The first is a corrente mostly in lute
tablature; the few alphabet chords interspersed spell his
patron's name, Don Lorenzo. This would have been most impres
sive if Corbetta had not preceded him in 1639 (p. 60) with
the Corrente detta I'Odoarda. which uses the same procedure.
The second piece is a sarabanda which similarly spells Medici
in the alphabet letters, as Corbetta had done in his Sarabanda
detta la Pepoli (1639 p. 61). It is much to the credit
of Granata, however, that he used only the procedure and not
the music itself in imitating Corbetta's style.
Granata's Preface is important, not for its description
of anything new, but on the contrary, for its clear presentation
of established concepts. He gives eight rules of performance
practice, which reveal that he was not only a student of
Corbetta. His entire Preface is paraphrased from Foscarini's

Preface to Books I-III (GB-Lbm): The rules in summary are
as follows; (1) The alfabeto utilizes lines, numbers, letters,
and stroke-signs. (2) The strokes (botte) are notated either
down or up and include all five courses. (3) Upon
encountering mensural signs such as minima or semiminirn_a?
sound the first stroke longer than the other. (4-) Take care
when sounding those numbers that are placed after a letter?
they should be sounded simply, i.e.. without playing any
other strings than those indicated. (5) Sound each chora
le tter and the numbers of the tablature clearly. Stroke-
signs without letters mean to continue sounding the preceding
chord. (6) When numbers are found connected by ligatures

(called strascini) use the most convenient fingers and
firmly glide down or up as indicated. (7) The letter T.
indicates a trill on that course upon which it is found.
(8) The sign ff means to detach the left hand from the
guitar and using an appropriate finger, shake the note
indicated while pressing it down, thus attempting to produce
the most resonance possible. A method of tuning follows.
The significance of Granata's rules is that they confirm
the tradition before him. They are a concise but inclusive
document of Corbetta's practices as well. The last three
rules explain Corbetta's ornaments used in 164-3 and 164-8.

Further, the absence of the repicco in Granata's book (even
in his ciaccone) corresponds to Corbetta's omission of this
strummed ornament in 164-3 and 1648.
Granata's book, as expected, does not show all of

the budding cosmopolitan influences of Corbetta's middle
period. Granata*s work does compare favorably with Corbetta's
first two books, however. Kis concept of the suite follows
1^5
Corbetta's. Dances often occur in pairs, such as an almanda
and corrente. Three dances together, however, are a rare
occurence- such as the almanda-corrente-sarabanda group,
pp. 17-19. This particular suite is also a fine example of
the direction of Granata's later works. Intricate rhythms
and a rather high range are effectively explored.
Some of the dances are rather ordinary for the period-
but since this book is only the first of many, the lack of
individual character at this early stage should not be judged
too harshly. There is a marked preference for minor keys,
particularly for the aimande. Except for one in C major, the
other five are in A minor. The Table of Contents usually
tells more about a dance than its title alone. For example,
the adjective francese is often applied to the correnti
and almande. The major or minor mode is also usually
indicated. The pieces which are not dances, and which seem
the most independent of Corbetta's influence, often prove the
most interesting. Compositions entitled Toccata. Sinfonia.
Capriccio. Arpegiate. or Ricercata soaue. seem more suited
to Granata's invention. The passacagli are also of good
quality, and they share the inspiration of Foscarini.
Thf next known publication of Granata is his third
book of 1651 (the second seems to be lost).2 '* It is the
fourth book, however, Soavi concenti Csicll di sonate
musicali. . . .(Bologna, 1659), that shows a considerable
advancement over the earlier works. It is large, with 168
lk6
pages. It contains four curious scordature for the five-course
guitar. They are all different than either of Corbetta's
from 1643 or 1648, There is a sonata (p. 115) for guitar
and basso continuo. as in Corbetta's second book. Other
ensemble music includes a sonata (p. 112) for violin,
recorder, guitar, and basso continuo. Yet the most unusual
element of the book is Granata;s sonata for the chitarra
tiorbata. This instrument apparently had five main courses
as well as some bass strings. The notation consisted of
the usual Italian tablature on five lines, with numbers
from 6 to 12 above the tablature for the seven bass courses.
The sonata for this instrument (p. 97) is in his favorite

key of A minor and consists of a Preludio. Toccata. Corrente,
Sarabanda. Corrente, and Chiacona.
As for the rest of the music, it would fit neatly
into Corbetta's repertory between 1648 and 1671# For example,
the two alemanae (pp. 44-45) are similar to Corbetta's.
These two paired dances are typical of the book. Granata
has continued his early preference for dance pairs rather
than many different dances to form a long suite. As in
other Italian guitar books, many pieces are dedicated to the
local nobility. Gio. Giordano Gonzaga composed an ode for
Granata to begin the book. Thera is also a dedication to
Nicoletto Foscarini Venetiano, who may be related to the

now notorious "Accademico caliginoso."
It is in this book that Granata wrote an open letter
147
to "certain professore." which may have kindled the wrath of
28
Corbetta's remarks about Granata in 1671. These professore
criticized the adaptation of lute music to the guitar, and
likewise opposed the incoming French influence. Bartolotti's
connection with the lute (see above and Chapter 9) may be
implied by his association with Alexandri Piccinini and
Foscarini in Granata's Preface of 1659. The other lutenists
Gottieri and Monsu de Fo are mentioned by both Corbetta
(I6 7 I) and Granata (1659) in their Prefaces. "Gottieri" is
no doubt a member of the Gaultier dynasty of the lute,
probably Denis himself. The other lutenist may be Monsieur
Deforges, one of two lutenists at the French court (1661-1664)

29
by that name. A more likely possibility, though,would be
Mr. Du Faut, a student of Denis Gaultier.
The culmination of Granata's style is seen in his

30
sixth book of 1680. He has no intention of giving a book
so late in his career to beginners, ::ma solo da Maestri."
Judging from his Preface, this music may well have been
regarded unplayable. Granata*s main aesthetic has now

become virtuosity. The virtuosic elements contained here
are fast passage work in long pieces which continually
explore the highest range of the instrument, as in Ex. 32,

below. In fact, Granata must have added a few frets above
the customary limit, the tenth fret. Moreover, this first
Toccata is four pages long.
The allemande (abbreviated in the work as allem.)
1^8
Ex. 30 Saraband Granata, 1680, p. 5 ^
1 ^ J ?
f . 1 n
J . h ]
1i1
f a^ !| I* . 0
1 1 TL V' f
1 "V I 1 1 v
f
0 1 0 1
"
a j ---- ' 0 -------------1 =------------------
Ex. 31 Sarabande Corbetta, 1671, p. 32
/ r/ V 1 P
. . f j*> f ^ ** 4 J* h J *
U 1 i* ^ r- f ^ 5
j p.
v 1 t V f ' f 7 1
I f f
I u i i
1 i
1iI
i?, 4- r b , . . r1 _
'9 T 1 L- r I I I i i
* F r r f
Ex, 32 Tocata (Partly Unmeasured) Granata, 1680, p, 1

. ,i'-'TI
S B
-k 4
#-T/
/!
1^9
has now become his favorite form. It appears either alone
or in a suite with a gigha and corrente. The usual incipit
and characteristic rhythm of his allemandes ( Is n m )

i
resembles that of Denis Gaultier and Corbetta. However,
nervous melodies with many subdivisions of the beat are now
typical. It seems as if contrivance has occasionally
supplanted inspiration. The mere quantity of notes within
a phrase has become his means of overwhelming the listener.
If Corbetta had spent his life in Italy his music might
have taken a parallel direction. In this respect, the
allemande of p. 59 may be compared to Corbetta's of 1648,
pp. 54 55 The closest Granata comes to the style of
Corbetta's late works is shown by the two excerpts in
Examples 30-31, The most conspicuous difference between
the two composers, however, is in ornamentation. The

allemande (p. 34-) in C minor of Granata never contains an
appoggiatura on Eb, the third of the tonic chord: Corbetta's
mature music would never be without it.
The essential difference then between Corbetta and
Granata is ultimately an aesthetic one. Eventually, Corbetta's
style is swayed very much by French taste. His most perfect
pieces become the epitome of style and the characterization
of a single affect or mood. His music becomes as cosmopolitan
as that of Froberger, his contemporary. On the other hand,
Granata remains in Italy. He develops a more national style
which represents the peak of Italian virtuoso playing for
150
his instrument analogous, say, to the violin music of
Vital!.
Other Italians
The sum-total of other Italian publications for solo
guitar in the second half of the century barely equals
Granata's output. To this group belongs the only known work
of Domenico Pellegrinis Armoniosi concert! sopra la chitarra
spagnuola (Bologna, 1650), dedicated to the Papal legate at
Bologna, Cardinal P. Savelli. It isintended only for
professional guitarists*The book is in the style of Corbetta'
publications of the Ô's. The alfabeto is the same except
the letter L, which takes the more difficult consonant form
in Pellegrini's work (Ex. lid). The ornaments are also
alike, except that Pellegrini adds one others l'arpeggiare.
The signtjaj, indicates the arpeggiation of certain chords,
as shown in the following examples
Ex 33 L'Arpeggiare of Pellegrini, 1650
- jaen.
tejj II- --III
y c0i-.if.
I ' I1t ~ | - - J -I, 4^14
*
-f :[|- -
It is among the oldest ornaments of lutenists (along with
the slur and trill), which appeared for the first time in
Kapsberger's book for chitarrone in 1604.-^
The layout of the book is like Corbetta's second. A
Ricercata heralds the beginning and is followed by "passacagli
151
per tutte le iettere." His concept of the suite is strong
and cosmopolitan. The first group of dances in the same key
consists of a Balleto (which as the appearance cf an almanda)
two Correnti and a Sarabanda. Excellent toccate frequently
precede the suites and increase the usual number of movements
to five. The suite closest to Corbetta's style of the 164-0* s
is the one beginning on p. 49. The longest suite (pp. 43-47)
contains seven movements. In spite of his up-to-date approach
to the suite, however, the newer pieces of the French dance
style, such as the gigue. minuet and gavotte. do not appear.
The book is impressive as a "Who's Who" of the local nobility
around Bologna. Every dance has a dedicatory inscription
and a descriptive title. Pellegrini's music has also had the

32
acclaim of being recently transcribed and studied.
The same year Pellegrini published his book, Tomaso
Marchetti published a collection of villanells with an

33
accompaniment of alfabeto for the guitar. In the next
decade, he published there his first book of solo guitar
music. It has been classed, however, with the rasgueado

34-
books prior to 1639 because of its old style. Another
contemporary continuing precisely in the tradition was

Giovanni Bottazari from Mantua. He published the Sonate
nuove per la chitarra s~pagnola at Venice in 1663. His preface
is reminiscent of those of Pellegrini and Granata* his book
is intended for the "proffessor di chitarra." The Table of
Contents (p. 5) immediately reveals the core of his suiter
152
the almanda, corrente. sarabanda. To this group of dances
he also adds such pieces as preludio. toccata, giga. or
passacaglj; The suites are frequently rather long. The
first suite in C minor for example, consists of a Preludios

two Almande. a Corrente. and a final Sarabanda.
Bottazari's style is up-to-date. While the tablature
is still mixed with aifabeto, the influence of his compatriots

Corbetta and Granata seems apparent. The second half of the
book is written in tablature for several tunings of scordatura.
His music shows considerable French influence and anticipates
Corbetta*s last period. If Bottazari had played the guitar
in his home town of Manuta, he could not have avoided the
influence of Corbetta, who dedicated his second book to the
Duke there, Bottazaris suites in C minor and B minor look
forward to the opening suites in Corbetta*s book of 1671,
yet those in F minor and Eb are in two keys not used in
Corbetta*s suites. However, problems of continuity and
notation make his music difficult to transcribe.
Among the last Kooks of the Italian school, two are
relatively inconspicuous, since they utilize only the
antiquated rasgueado style. The works of Pietro Ricci (Rome,
1677)^ and Antonio di Micheli (Palermo, 1 6 9 8 ) ^ demonstrate,
however, that the simple, strummed style of the earliest
guitar books persisted throughout the entire century.
153
Ludovico Roncalli
A fitting close to the Italian guitar school is the
only known work of Ludovico Roncalli* Capricci armonici sopra

la chitarra spagnuola. . .Opera urima (Bergamo, 1692). The
music of this book clearly places Roncalli among the greatest
guitarists of the century. The quality of his music was
discovered early; in fact, he was probably the first of the
17th-century guitarists to have been studied in depth. A
transcription of his complete works constituted the inaugural
dissertation of the indefatigable musicologist, Oscar

37
Chilesotti in 1881. All succeding transcriptions of
Roncalli's suites (and there are many) are dependent in some
way upon the original ground-breaking of Chilesotti.
Roncalli must have held a position analogous to his
predecessor, Pellegrini. As discussed above, Pellegrini had
dedicated his book to Cardinal Savelli, the Papal legate at
Bologna in 1650. A generation later, Roncalli dedicated his
book to Cardinal Panfilio who held the same position at

38
Bologna. Roncalli places the Table of Contents after the
dedication. There is no preface to aid the reader.
All of Roncallis music is arranged in suites, with
no stray pieces whatsoever. There are only two passacagli.j.
but even they are attached to suites of the same key. As
one would expect from a book so late in the period, there
is a highly developed concept of the suite and what it
contains. Each one has a prelude, almanda. and either
154
a sarabanda or corrente. In addition, the minuet, gavotta.
passacagli.i and gigua appear optionally, making a total
number of five to seven movements. The preludes begin v/ith
a chord using Pellegrini's "arpeggiare" embellishment notated
thus . They are all short (10-18 mm.). At first they
are treble-dominated, with dashing scalar flourishes in the
top voice (see especially the E-minor prelude). Gradually,
however, particularly in the last two preludes, the outer
voices take on equal contrapuntal interest and often imitate
back and forth. In contrast to the counterpoint, sequential
passages such as those in Corbetta*s 1643 and 1648 books

often develop an essential motive. A favorite device of
Roncalli is a chain of inverted chords such as the parallel

seventh-chords below
Ex. 34 Preludio. ottavo tuono Roncalli, 1692, p. 1
i -#---
1-1
*---- Eg-f:,4
- ---- * 9
r
-
1
4
_
S=s* "fc y^ a -rf-

4 - + - - t - j -
j u m fa &
20
The preludes are all measured and in common time.^
Roncalli*s dances are also short, but in their
carefully balanced form is bound a perfect equilibrium of

virtuosity and content. The alemanda consists of two
phrases equal in length. The phrases tend to last from seven
to thirteen measures, but are usually nine measures in length,
as in Corbetta's 1643 and 1648 books and Gaultier's
155
"Rhetorique des Dieux" (see p. 135 above).
The style, however, often mirrors Corbetta's 16?1

liQ
book.' The unpretentious alemanaa in D minor, below, uses
a new rhythm favored by Corbetta in 1671, p, 20. On the
other hand, Roncalli also specifies rhythms more intricately
subdivided than any guitarist of the period. The music has
a virtuosic quality, but unlike Granata, the virtuosity is
never for its own sake.
Ex. 35 A1znszid-Si
Sz
-----
v i
The almanda, the most complex of the dances, is
followed by other dances which get progressively simpler.
The corrente continues the motives of the previous dance in
triple meter. Four of the suites end on a gavotta. and

kl
curiously, the gigua is never last. As with Corbetta
(l6 7 i), the gigua here may be in such varied meters as 3/S
or common time (with n ). Both Roncalli and Granata,
however, also use 12/8, which is not found in Corbetta's

kZ
gigues at all. The closest saraband to Corbetta's style
43
is in E minor, p. 12.
Other characteristics of Roncalli's book seem
156
cosmopolitan as well. Modern performances of his music
are enhanced by the use of Corbetta's French tuning (from
loyl). Moreover, the ornamentation of Roncalli is well
developed and appears judiciously throughout his book; In

summary, there are five specific embellishments used*
1. slur
2. heavy vibrato
3 trill
h-. arpeggiation
5. mordent
Thus in Roncalli's work we see strong influence from France.
The ornamentation, the development of ideas, and the
stylization of his dance types all show affinity for French
taste. In addition, the dances so important in Roncalli's
book, the minuet, gavotte, and gigue. had all gained fame
in Lully's ballets beforehand. Therefore, the irresistible
French music had charmed Italian guitarists so completely
that it supplanted their own music. No guitar tablatures

appeared in Italy after 1700.
Modal Concepts vs. Tonality
Tonality gradually emerged in the guitar music of the
17th century. It began to evolve even in the earlier
rasgueado music, which was still based essentially on the
Renaissance concept of chord-rows*
Finally at some point full tonality is achieved within

the chord-rows. At the same time, realization of
complete tonality makes the rows unnecessary. A firmly
established tonal system ultimately replaces the chord-
rows as the basic guiding force for harmonic movement
in the broadest sense. . . .In guitar music around 16^-0
it is difficult to determine precisely which modal
157
with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
system is actually in effect, for B molle-B quadro
modality dissolves imperceptibly into ma jorminor
tonality.44
Corbetta, like Roncalli, set his suites according tc
major and minor keys. A relationship to the medieval modes

45
makes this aspect illusive at first. Nevertheless, let
us set up the keys of each of Corbetta's suites and compare
them to Roncalli's below:
Ex. 36 The Tuoni of Corbetta and Roncalli
IU7L
Tuono 1 (Key of Dm) 164-3 Tuono 1 (Key of DmJ
2 (Gm) 164-3 2 (Gm)
**
fim t 1A h a n / a_ \
4- (Em) 164-3 1648 4 (Em)
5 (C) 164-3 1648 5 (C)
6 (F) 164-3 1648 6 (F)
7 (Cm) 164-3 7 (D)
8 (G)
trasportato (D) 1643 trasportato (Bb)
Scordatura (Bb) 1643 1648
The fact that both composers place the minor keys
first and then the major, expands our present knowledge of
their concept of tonality. The foundation of their concept
was underway already in 164-3 Although by 164-8 Corbetta had
only seven tuoni, the entire system was completed by Ron
calli (adding the eighth key) and codified as well. By I692
the first four keys are minor, the other four are major.
Both composers also speak of transposition. For Roncalli
the key of Bb was a tuono trasportato: Corbetta used this
key only in suites of scordatura. For Corbetta in 164-3,
his suite in D was essentially in the fifth tuono only
transposed a step higher ("del quinto tuono, un tuon piu
158
46
alto"). The key of D represents a discrepancy between the
system of each composer; thus, in the final codification of
Roncalli, D becomes the seventh and G the eighth key.
There is a contrasting system of eight keys for guitar
in Spain. It is indicated in the title of the undated
manuscript of Santa Cruz, "Livro donde se veran pazacaiies
de los ocho tonos i de los trasportados. . .(A book where
will be seen -pazacaiies of the eight keys and those that
are transposed. . ,).H Although the book was treated above,
in Chapter 5 the system of eight keys demands that it also
be treated here. In the titles of the pieces, such as
Passacalles sobre la E que es 5. the Italian chord-letters
are equated with the numbers first used by Briceno (see
Table II). Briceno's numbers differ from those used earlier
by Amat. Both number systems are described in 1774 by Pablo

47
Minguet y Irol, who refer's to Amat's as the "Catalan
M O *AV\ tl *D A A MÂ f A A A J.I. A 11/Â a 4>4 1 '{JM If flll./AT A 4*4*/AV. .rVt A a U
x iia ix ix c i. a iiu ux. o a .o u i i c v a o v x x x a u i 4 .4 1 c j-<x k, u c j . f m u -v n
was also used in 1677 by Ruiz de Ribayaz (to be discussed
later), contains nine numbered chords and several other

miscellaneous chords (+, P, X, lb). The first eight numbered
chords become the key-centers for the pazacaiies of Santa
Cruz. The other chords in the miscellaneous category become
his transposed keys. It will be noted below that four major
keys are treated first. The four .ceys which follow are mostly
minor even though a major tonic(tierce de Picardie) occurs
in the seventh and eighth keys.
159
Ex. 37 The Tonos of Santa Cruz
Tono 1 (key of G) Tono 5 (Dm)

2 (C) 6 (Am)
3 (?) ? (Em)
k (Bb) 8 (Bm)
Legibility is a real problem in the manuscript. One can only
arrive at conclusions about it by comparison to other Spanish
works. After exploring all of the various keys, Santa Cruz
concludes his music in a way that would have pleased Corbetta.
He uses Corbetta's scordatura of 16^8 in a short suite in
the key of B^. Then the last suite in the key of D uses
conventional tuning. It is called a torneo and includes
the following Spanish piecesi gaita, retirada, prado. guisado.
The key of D is a transposed key for both Santa Cruz and

Corbetta.
Connections with the House of Hanover
There were forces across Europe which tended to unify
the Continent in spite of its national diversity. Let us
focus on two of the unifying aspects that seem to affect the
entire career of Corbetta* social relations and blood
relations. The milieu of social activity at the major courts
brought many nationalities into close contact. Neighboring
princes and lesser persons of quality were drawn into gala
musical productions, such as an opera, which would attract
the royalty of virtually any country. Italian music was
very much in vogue at the time. Even in courts as far north
as Hanover, Italians enjoyed royal patronage in the performance
160
of their own music. The royalty would also travel to delight
in certain spectacles, such as the Carnival of Venice. Maria

4-8
Mancini in her memoirs recalled some details of one of
these events*
I passed the Carnaval with sc much pleasure in seeing

plays, in feasting, dancing, and other entertainments,
playing often at bassette. .wherein I had the company
of the Prince of Brunswick, and the Duke of Mantua,*and
other persons of quality who were come to Venice.
This particular occasion is of interest because it brought

together rulers from Mantua and Brunswick. Corbetta had
dedicated his second book to Carlo II, Duke of Mantua.
Another book, that is no longer extant, was dedicated to
George William, Duke of Zell of the domain of Brunswick.
Corbetta was the court guitarist at Hanover from I652

50
to 1653. He may have been introduced to the court through
blood relatives of the Gonzaga family, of which Carlo II was
a part. Anne de Gonzaga (from Mantua) had married Edward, the
Rhenish count. In 16^8 they had a daughter, Benedicta-Henrietta.
Because of a family dispute, three brothers ruled the House
of Hanover in the following divisions* John Frederick (Duke
of Brunswick-Lflneburg), George William (Duke of Zell), and

Ernest Augustus (Duke of Hanover).-^1 Benedicta-Henrietta of
Gonzaga lineage married John Frederick, thus preserving the
union between the families of Mantua and Brunswick. These
circumstances probably contributed to the acceptance of
Corbetta at the courts of Brunswick and his subsequent
dedication of the book to George William.
161
Corbetta Returns to France
Internal problems kept France from achieving the great
political and social glories which later characterized the
life of the aristocracy during reign of Louis XIV. Often
during the years from 1648 to 1653 the monarchy was in the
minority. Since Louis was too young to be crowned. Mazarin
still remained at the helm of France. In spite of rising
taxes and unpopularity, Mazarin manged to negotiate the
treaty of Westphalia which ended the Thirty Years War.
Meanwhile, taxes soared to finance the continuing war with
Spain. By now Mazarin even tended to get the blame for

natural calamities such as the failure of crops. Anti-Italian
sentiment was never stronger. Mazarin's greatest obstacle
at home was the opposition he received from factions of the
Parlement. With the country divided by several violent
political parties, France was forced into civil war in 1649.*^
It had become fashionable to hate Mazarin as much among the
nobility as the laboring class. No publications at Paris
outnumbered .the circulation of the notorious Mazarinades.
the pa - )hlets that unmercifully slandered the Cardinal.
Mazarin's full retinue of Italians was certainly

dissolved. Particularly the large-scale musical extravaganzas
the court had witnessed were now out of the question. They
were replaced either by performances of small ensembles or
or by gaming the new kind of entertainment that was destined
to corrupt the whole of the nobility. In the light of his
162
waning control of the King's minority,
Mazarin. . .introduced gaming at the court of Louis XIV

in the year 164-8. He induced the King and the Queen-
regent to play: and preference was given to games of
chance. The year 164-8 was the era of card - playing at
court. Cardinal Mazarin played deep and with finesse,
and easily drew in the King and Queen to countenance
this new entertainment, so that everyone who had any
expectation at court learned to play at cards. Soon
after the humor changed and games of chance came into
vogue to the ruin of many considerable families.54-
Gambling was universal among the aristocracy, and fabu

lous amounts were lost at play. At court there were
tables for cards both day and night, and ladies as well
as gentlemen played for high stakes. Ancre lost 80,000
pistoles in one night. . . .Cardinal Mazarin lost over
half a million at a sitting. Gourville won 110,000 francs
of the Duke of Richelieu in a few minutes. The Duke sold
a piece of land and paid the amount.55
We see then that the upward mobility of a courtier
now depended on his ability to gamble, in addition to such
traditional social skills as conversation, proper dress.
dancing, and dueling. In all probability it is in this
milieu that Corbetta gained the expertise and social grace
needed to attach himself more permanently to the potentates
of Europe. As we have already seen, he had been accepted
as a musician at the french court. It was no doubt through
his music that he maintained contact with the new element,
the gaming circle, with which he was later to become heavily
involved. Madame de Sevigne vividly recalls the effect of

music at one typical gambling affairi
I got a very convenient and agreeable place. I saluted

the King in the way you taught me, which he returned as
if I had been young and handsome I received a thousand
compliments you know what it is to have a word from
everybody.' This agreeable confusion without confusion
lasts from three o'clock till six. If a courtier arrives,
163
the King retires for a moment to read his letters, and
returns immediately. There is always some music going
on, which has a very good effect; the king listens to
the music and chats with the ladies about him. At last,
at six o clock, they stop playing they have no trouble
in settling their reckonings.5 6
The court, along with the army, led Prance into
gambling; and soon the gentry outside the capital was involved
as well as the middle class. It was at this time that
"the Italians whom Mazarin brought into France obtained from
the King permission to set up Hoca tables in Paris."-^ The
description of the game of Hoca is almost identical to the
description of the game of Oca fui Catalonia1 which Corbetta
introduced singlehandedly into England at the beginning of

TO
the Restoration.
From references to banques, tables, and balls, we may

picture games of hazard such as roulette, or roly-poly
as it was sometimes termed, which may be seen at the
present day in active operation at some country fairs
. . . . "The master of the ball maintained that the
punter had no reason to complain since he would undertake
that any particular point of the ball would come up in
22 throws, and he often offered to lay a wager to that
effect."59
The method used to set up a gambling monopoly was
the same used by the nobles in setting up their own monopolies
for private enterprise. The key factor was the permission
of the King. With a royal patent in hand the whole affair
became perfectly legal, the ethics of the practice
notwithstanding. Games of chance like Hoca were often

euphemistically called "lotteries," in order to improve
the chances of obtaining a royal patent.
These games elicited two kinds of literature first,
164
moral tirades for or against them; and second, tongue-in-
cheek representations, usually plays, dialogues, or even
comic operas* In the first category, the books of Gregori
Leti and Mons. Le Clerk respectively defend and oppose
lotteries.^0 The other type of literature is illustrated
by an amusing dialogue between Pasquin and Marforio in which
virtually every court in Europe is implicated in corruption
and vice.Â In the spirit of this latter work there is a
precious comedie by Dancourt called La lotterie. It is a
polyglot work where the Italian, Petronillo, frequently
speaks his own language in the development of the plot. In
essence, the Frenchmen are completely taken in by the
Neapolitan. The conclusion of the comedie is the moral
given by Lisette. It serves as due warning to Parisians,
as well as an indictment against Italians*
Lisette * . . .Profitez de l'exemple, Messieurs, si

jamais quelque Napolitain est assiz hardy pour faire
une lotterie, que les Parisiens ne soient pas affez
fous pour y mettre.62
It was not long before Hoca had become as much of a
menace in Paris as it had been in Rome.
The game of Hoca is prohibited at Paris under the

penalty of death, and yet it is played at court. Five
thousand pistoles before dinner is nothing. That game
is a regular cut-throat. . . .In the seventeenth century
this game had caused such disorder at Rome that the
Pope prohibited it and expelled the bankers.63
It was at this time and in this environment that
Corbetta must have established a lasting relationship with
the future English King, Charles II. Because of the civil
165
war in his own country, Charles was brought by his mother,
Henrietta-Maria, to Prance to stay with his relatives.
Since Charles was the first cousin of the Dauphin, and his
mother was the sister of Louis XIII, it was only natural that
they should be included in all of the social affairs of the
French court.
The French court had returned to Paris, and Charles

was enjoying such dissipation as he had never before
experienced. The winter of 164-6-164-7 was a particularly
gay one.64-
The years that followed, in contrast, were not so easy for
him. In January of 164-9 Charles I was tried for treason at

Whitehall, after which he was beheaded. In name only,
Charles II assumed the title of King on the death of his
father; but in reality, Cromwell was on the brink of the
protectorate of England. After 1654-, under suspicion of
intrigue, Charles II was obliged to leave France for good

65
and spend the rest of his exile in Flanders and Germany.
Corbetta and His Contemporaries
in France
By 1654- much of the civil strife had quieted in
France. Mazarin had already returned from his exile at
Cologne, and the eyes of Paris were now upon the maturing
Louis. Although the Dauphin was still under age, Mazarin
deemed ^ proper to give him a full coronation. Louis was
created King of France at the age of 15. From this point
forward, France became the focal point of western culture.
Only one final step in the master-plan of Mazarin was left
166
to completei to make peace with Spain. This of course was
but a simple negotiation as long as the contrived marriage
of Louis XIV with his cousin, the Infanta Maria Theresa
remained inevitable.
Even though Louis XIV was crowned in 165*+, Mazarin
still remained the chief minister. With the return of peace
Mazarin lost no time in reinstating a large body of Italians
to insure proper entertainment at court. Thus a second
wave of Italian musicians entered France between 165 *+ and
1660, The first large work of this period was Carlo Caproli's
Le Nozze di Peleo e di Teti. with the spectacular stage
machinery of Giacomo Torelli.^ Possibly the main attraction
of the whole affair, however, was the entr'acte. It was a
ballet by Benserade in which the King himself danced six
different roles.'
The nucleus of Caproli's musicians remained at court
to perform in the ballets of the up-and-coming Jean-Baptiste
Lully. The ballets were ideally suited to both Mazarin
and the King the airs were usually in Italian, and Louis
could perform the latest French dances himself. For the
Carnival of 1656 Mazarin ordered just such a work from the
pen of Lullyt Le Ballet de la galanterie du temps. The
Italian airs were interpreted by Anne de la Barre and Anna

. 68
Bergerotti. It was here that Corbetta himself appeared,
69
leading an ensemble of guitars. Corbetta was duly proud
of this performance. He mentioned it in both Prefaces of
167
his book of 1671. On the occasion of the ballet, Corbetta
took advantage of the situation by presenting his Majesty
with two samples of a new book which had already been set
to print in the same year. Unfortunately the plates were

stolen and the book was dedicated by someone else to a
. . 7 0
foreign prince.
From 1650, Bernard Jourdan de La Salle, a native of

71
Saint-Luc, was the King's teacher of the guitar. He was
72
replaced by his son Louis Anne in 1695. Lully (1632-1687)
was also a guitarist. In fact, it was as a guitarist that
he first attracted the attention of the French. It was the
Duke of Guise who discovered Lully in his home-town of
Florence. The duke was so impressed when he heard the
Florentine that he brought him to Paris and presented him

73
at once to Mme. Montpensier. However, it was not until
Lully began the steady stream of ballet music for the King
that he became well known (1653-- ) The fame of his ballets
supplanted whatever reputation he had achieved as a guitarist.
Another guitarist involved in ballet music was Henri
Grenerin. He appeared on the scene in 1641 as musicien du
Roi, and later participated in the Ballet de Psyche (16 5 6 ) and

74
the Ballet royal de 1*impatience (1661). He performed in
the ballets as a theorbist in the company of Germain Pinel,
Hurel, and Le Moine, in addition to publishing a book of

76
French tablature for guitar and another for theorbe.
A number of French guitarists are included with
168
Corbetta in a manuscript from the Bibliotheque Nationale,
Although Corbetta's book of l6?l was more influential in
France, an identification from his book of 1648 is found in
F-Pn, Vm7 6?5. On p. 88 there is a Sarabande de Francisque
which is only slightly varied from his version in 1648,
p. 44. Because of this one concordance with Corbetta's work,
we can be reasonably sure that the Canaries de Francisoue^
p. 102, are also by Corbetta. This constitutes his only
example of this dance. Another composer in the manuscript

is Viste, p. 64. Whether or not it is really De Visee is
hard to tell. On p. 46 there is an unidentified minuet in

the style of De Visee. The composer most frequently
mentioned is Valleroy, with a handful of attributions.
Others represented are Kardel, Hotman, and Luigi.
Even though lute music appears separately in the
manuscript, a few pieces for guitar are attributed to
lutenists. In this category there are at least three pieces
by Angelo Mikielo (=Angiol Michele Bartolotti?). Gaultier
is represented by several colorful pieces, such as "La belle
homicide" (a great piece for those ruinous gambling parties).
Although there are a few suites (p..57 ff.), one of which is

in scordatura. most of the pieces are separate or in pairs.
Conclusions
Corbetta possesed an incredible ability to adapt to
any situation; indeed, he made every situation his own. The
fact that he always seemed to be in the right place at the
169
right time was part of this adaptability. He had the
mobility and drive to find a lucrative place to work. Then
by his talent and manners, he won many praises and rewards.
In essence, Corbetta was perfectly suited to patronage.
Having satisfied himself with tours of Spain and
Italy, and with the successful publication of three books,

he ventured off beyond the Alps, Probably at the request
of the Sicilian, Cardinal Mazarin, Corbetta went first to
Prance to teach the Dauphin, who was a mere boy. This was
an important contact for Corbetta, however. Due to the
autocracy of Mazarin, Louis XIV was destined to become the
most influential monarch of western civilization, when the
eyes of Europe turned toward Louis, the guitar was ennobled
because it was his favorite instrument. Even though French
musicians were employed as guitar teachers to the Dauphin
following 1650, Corbetta could still come and go as he pleased.
He performed for Lully and the King in the ballet of 16 5 6 .
He eventually published two elegant books at Paris to
satisfy his followers there. Though to his death Corbetta
was a traveler, France became more a home to him than any

other country.
Because Corbetta had taught the absolute monarch,
the "Sun King," he could move about in the continent with
the utmost ease; he went virtually from court to court. To
Leopold William, Archduke of Austria, he dedicated his fourth
book, which was published at Brussels in I6~f3. He dedicated
170
another toGeorge William, Duke of Zell. It was probably in
Paris that Corbetta met Charles II of England, who was exiled
in France. He must have also befriended others there, such
as James (Duke of York) and Henriette Anne (Duchess of
Orleans), Corbetta, then, became the absolute guitarist
among the potentates of Europe.
His music became imbued with more French elements.
To be sure, Corbettas fourth book remains in the style and
notation of the 16^3 book, but the following characteristics
are newi 1) an alfabeto in French lute tablature, 2) slower,
more stylized passacagli, 3) more frequent use of style brise.
*0 the addition of a prelude to his previous concept of the
suite in three movements,5) features of phrasing and rhythm
common to Denis Gaultier, 6) a new scordatura. and 7) the
further stylization of the sarabanda.
Corbetta was more qualified than anyone to bring
home to his compatriots the new cosmopolitan trends. He
remained a key figure in Italian guitar music. His music,
along with Granata's, inspired some anonymous collections
(I-MOe, Mus. F 1528 and I-Npm MS 1321). In addition,
Corbetta taught Granata, the most prolific and virtuosic of
the Italian guitarists. Gthers such as Pellegrini and
Bottazari seem less dependent on Corbetta. Roncalli, the
best of the next generation, was considerably influenced by
the French style, which Corbetta brought to Italy. He also
codified Corbetta's concept of tonality and was affected by
171
the suites in Corbetta's book of 1671.
Meanwhile in France, Corbetta had managed to influence
the compiler of a manuscript collection (F-Fn, MS Vmy 675)

But this was minuscule in importance after Corbetta's great
book of l671 which would inspire many guitarists. Before
he was able to produce this monumental book, however,
Corbetta was to undergo a total deviation from the art of
composition, during the next decade.
172
NOTES TO CHAPTER 6
1 P. Girth, Mazarin (Paris* Flammarion, 1972), p. 282 ff.
2 R.Jfi. Isherwood, Music in the Service of the King (Ithaca

and London* Cornell Univ. Press, 1973), p. H8. Cf. F.
Liuzizi, L'Opera del genio italiano delestero* I Music is ti
in Francla. Vol. I ^Romes Danesi, 1946).
3 Isherwood, loc. cit.
4 M. Benoit, Versailles et les musiciens du Rov. 1661-1733

(Paris* Picard, 1971), P. 264-, and Chilesotti, Gazz.. 386.
5 Keith. RMFC. 76. Keith also states that there is a

copy of the Airs de Coeur in US-Wc.
6 F. Lesure, "Le Traitd des instruments de musique de

Pierre Trichet des instruments de musique a chordes,"
Annales musicologiques IV (195^). 216-217, Translated by
Grunfeld, op. cit.. p, 106.
7 As cited by A. Boschot, Portraits de musiciens. Vol. II

(Paris, 1947), p. 135.
8 Ibid., p. 134. See also H. Charnasse and F. Vernillat,

Les Instruments a cordes pincees (Paris* Presses Universi-
taires, 1970), p. 1 0 5 .
9 M, Sutherland, Louis XIV and Marie Mancini (London*

Cape, 1958), p. 94.
10 J. Laborde, Essai sur la musique III, p. 503.
11 P. Bourdelot and P5 Bonnet, Histoirs de la musique et

des ses effets ( [Paris)1715) See facs. reprint of edition
of 1725, 0. V/essely, ed. (Graz, Austria* Akademische Druck-
u. Verlagsanstalt, 1 9 6 6 ); translated by Keith, GR, p. 5.
12 J. Zuth refers to Corbettas concerts in Vienna for
Ferdinand IV. Handbuch der Laute und Gitarre (Vienna* Goll,
1926- ), p. 71.
13 Although I used a copy from GB-Lbm, there is another

available from F-Pn.
14 Cf. R. Petschauer, "Denis Gaultier and the Unmeasured

Prelude," GR No. 36 (1972), 12-14.
15 0. Fleischer, Denis Gaultier (Leipzig* Breitkopf und

Hflrtel, 1886), p. Ill ff.
173
16 For more examples of the same rhythm consult E. Mohr,
Die Allemande, eine Unterschung ihrer Entwicklung von den
Anfangen bis zu Bach un Handel (Zurich and Leipzig* Hug, 1932),
p. 137 ff.
17 Twelve-bar phrasing of gigues and sarabandes is described

by Constantin Huygens (1596-1687) in Musioue et musiciens au
XVIIe sidcle, Correspondence. . .ed. by wVJ.A: Jonekblost, et
ai ^Leiden, Netherlands* E.J. Brill, 182), letter of 20 Oct.
1656.
18 Hudson, see forthcoming publications on the saraband.
19 Ibid.
20 To be discussed in HAP.
21 I-MOe, Mus F. 1528. "Autore incerto. Raccolta di balli

per la chitarra spagnuola. 1 codLiceD del sectolo^ 17o."
22 See supra, p. 118, regarding E-Kn, MS Musica 811.
23 I-Nc, MS 1321. "Canzoni e madrigali, musica diversa. . ."

Indexj "Danze intavolate," fol. 75-88.
24- Modern scholars confirm this, but without further evi

dence. Cf. Brondi, 0 0 . cit.. pp. 102-103, and M. Caffagni
(ed.) Introduction to C-.B. Granata, Capricei armonici
(Bologna, 1646), facs. reprint (n.p., n.d.).
25 The following publications of Granata's works are

available at I-Bc* 1646, 1651, 1659, 1674, 1680, 1684, and
one undated work.
26 G.B. Granata, Capricci armonici sopra la chitarra spagn

uola (Bologna, 1646).
27 G.B. Granata, Nuova scielta di capricci armonici. . .

Opera terza (Bologna, 1651).
28 Corbetta, Italian Preface, I6 7 I. Cf. Granata, Preface,
1659.
29 M. Benoit. Musiaues de Coeur. 1661-1733 (Paris* Picard.
1971), P. 489.
30 G.B. Granata, Nuovi soavi concenti Csicj di sonate
musicali in vari.i toni. . .Opera sesta (3ologna. 1680).
31 Wolf, Handbuch der Notationskunde II, p. 148,
32 A. Bellow, "Domenico Pellegrini," GR, No. 29 (1 9 6 6 ), 23-24,

See also Bellow, Renaissance and Baroque6 a Collection.
174
Vol. IVi Domenico Pellegrini (New York; F. Colombo, 1966).
33 F. Danner, "Bibliography cf Guitar Tablatures." JLSA V

(1972), 45.
34 Hudson, Tablatures. 38.
j j x u i u v v x D J-iOHl j .
36 A. di Micheli, La nuova chitarra. copy at US-Wc.
37 0. Chilesotti, "Capricci armonici sopra la chitarra spagnola"

del Conte Lodovico Roncalli (1692). transcritti nella
moderna notazione (Milano, Lucca. 1881).
38 Koncalli, 1692, Dedication.
39 Deliberately unmeasured pieces (such as the Gaultier

preludes for lute) are comparatively rare in Italian guitar
music- See Granata *s unmeasured rieercata, I0 8 O, pp. 24-25
40 Corbetta died more than a decade before the publication

of Roncalli's book.
41 Cf. Bukofzer, op. cit.. p. 109* "In Froberger's

autograph the gigue appeared, if it was present at all, as
an insertion in the middle; only in the posthumously printed
edition (1 6 9 3 ) did it become the final dance."
42 Granata, 1680, p. 61.
43 Cf. Corbetta, I6 7 I, p. 15.
44 Hudson, Mode. 181.
45 I. Horsley, "Symposium on 17th-century Music Theory,"

Journal of Music Theory XVI (1972), 5 3 : Regarding "the
recognition of the supremacy of major andminormodes, Italy
was far in advance of the other nations," A comparison of
17 th-century tonality and medieval modality follows.
46 Corbetta, 1643, Table of Contents and p. 44.
4? P. Minguet y Irol, Reglas v advertencias para aprender

por mbsica y cifra el puntear la guitarra (Madrid. 1774),
Tables following the seventh rule. (Copy at E-Kn, Musica
893).
48 Maria Mancini (1640-1715) was a niece of Cardinal
Mazarin and close friend of the Dauphin.
175
49 [Gabriel de Bremonde] , The Apologyt Or the Genuine
Memoires Csicl of Madam Maria Maneini. . .Sister to the
uuc'hess oi Mazarin (London, 1679) p. 46. Copy at US-LAu.
50 The registers document Corbetta's yearly salary of 160

Thalern. Heinrich Sievers, pie Musik in Hannover (Hannover*
Sponholtz, 1961), pp. 46, ljlT,
51 Memoirs of the House of Hanover, with some Passages of

the Lives of the Electors (London. 1713). p . 13. Copy at
US-LAu.
52 The book is no longer extant, and its dates are unknown

It is mentioned by Corbetta, ioyl, Italian Preface.
53 A. Hassal, Mazarin (London* Macmillan, 1903), p. 70,

Consult also Chapters IV and V.
54 A. Steinmetz? The Gaming Table* Its Votaires and

Victims. . .especially in .England and France. Vol. I (London
-1.Xiioxcv 5 4
On \- p.
iu/u; > s
O/
55 J.B. Perkins, France under Mazarin (New York* Putnam,

1886), pp. 417-418. Cf. also Sutherland, op. cit.. pp. 93,
144-147, 152-153.
56 Steinmetz, op. cit.. p. 91.
5? Ibid.. p. 9 6 .
58 Cf, CSP. Pom. January (?) 1661 (entry no. 79), and
C SP. Pom. 14 November 1661,
59 Samuel Clark, 1775, is cited by C. L'Estrange Ewen,

Lotteries and Sweepstakes. . .in the British Isles (London*
Cranton, 1932), p. 95 f= Steinmetz describes the odds of
Hoca as twenty-eight against thirty, op. cit., p. 94.
60 G. Leti, Critique. . .sur les lotteries (Amsterdam,
1697) and Mons. CJ1 Le Clerk, Reflections upon what the
World Commonly Call Good-luck ana Ill-luck with Regard to
Lotteries. . .Done into English (London. 1699). Copies at
US-LAu.
61 [E. Lenoblel, La lotterie de Pasquin [9th Dialogue]

(Basle, 1690). Copy at US-LAu.
62 Dancourt, La lotterie* Comedie (Paris, 1697). Copy at

US-LAu.
63 Steinmetz, op. cit.. p. 94.
176
64 _E. Scott, The King in Exile (New York* Dutton, 1905),
p. 2 /.
65 The latter half of his exile is the central topic of

E. Scott, The Travels of the King: Charles II in Germany and
Flanders. 1654-1660 (London: Constable. 1907). See also
Perkins, 0 0 . cit.. p. 294.
66 Isherwood, op. cit.. p. 128 f.
67 Ibid.. p. 131.
68 Guth, on. cit., p. 642 f .
69 H. Prunieres, ed., Oeuvres completes de J.-B. Lully. . .

Les Ballets. Vol. I (Paris 1 Revue musicale, 1931), p. xix.
See also Prunidres, L*Opera italien en France (Paris, 1913),
p. 195-196. Corbetta was mentioned by name on the MS of
the ballet in the Reserve of the Paris Conservatoire:
Corbette, les 2 La Barre freres et les petits violons,"
according to Prunieres.
70 Corbetta, Italian Preface, I6 7 I.
71 Benoit, Versailles et les musicien;-, du Roy. 1661-1733

(Paris: Picard, 1971), p. 27.
72 Ibid.
73 C. Lozzi, "La Musica e specialmente il melodramma alia

corte medicea," RMI IX (1902), 3 3 7 .
74 F, Lesure, "Trois instrumentalistes fran<?aises au

XVIIe siecle," Revue de musicologie XXXVII (1955) 186-187.
75 H. Grenerin, Livre de guitare et autres nidces de

musiaue mesl'es de symphonies avec une instruction nour
.iouer la basse continue (Paris. 1680) and H. Grenerin.
Livre de theorbe (Paris: Bonneuil, n.d.).
177
PART IY
THE SUMMIT OP THE BAROQUE GUITAR
AND CORBETTA*S LAST PERIOD (1660-1681)
178
CHAPTER 7
GUITARIST AND GAMESTER*
CORBETTAfS AFFAIRS
AT THE COURT OF THE' RESTORATION, 1660-1667
There was a considerable change in France beginning
around 1660. It was in that country that Charles II had
spent most of his adult life in exile, France was beginning
to exert a dominating cultural and political force throughout
Europe largely because of the efforts of Kazarin, who was now
on his death-bed. There was nobody to replace Kazarin:s
autocratic role at court, and Louis XIV was finally ready to
rule France on his own. A new wave of French nationalism
was beginning to pervade the arts. There was particularly
an independence now from Italian dominance. Even the
Florentine musician, Lulli, saw fit to alter the spelling of
his name (Lully) as he became a naturalized Frenchman. By
"hook or crook," Lully helped France toward a national opera
and, in the meantime, continued his role in the establishment
of the French academic ballet. He eventually consolidated
his responsibilities by monopolizing the Academie Royaie
de musiaue et de danse, installing Beauchamps as teacher of
ballet at the French court.
The decade of the 1660's for England brought the
Restoration of the monarchy. At the end of May 1660, Charles
II boarded the fleet with his brothers, the Dukes of York
and Gloucester, and left the Netherlands for Dover. They
. 179
were welcomed to England with due pomp and splendor, according
to one vivid description:
Never was any Prince so welcome to his people as Charles

II., after twelve years banishment. . .such state and
such acclamations as I want words to expresse. . . .Mr.
Will. Coventry, youngest son of the Lord-Keeper Coventry
rid first. After him ye Kings coach, empty. After it
sixteen coaches, with six horses apiece, in one of which
rid Sir Philip Musgrave. A pretty while after came Major-
General Browne, with three squadrons, gallantly accoutred;
ye first squadron were all of cloth of silver doublets,
ye second all in plush, ye third in buff. After him ye
old Earl of Cleveland led up one thousand gentlemen, all
in buff laced with silver. . . .His Majesty in a dark
cloth suit, ye Duke of York on his right hand and ye
Duke of Gloucester on ye left.l
The transporting of the Kings belongings to England
must have been an ordeal. Samuel Pepys was in charge of
the most important items which were brought over first.
Pepys recalled in his diary, 8 June 1660:
Out early, took horses at Deale. I troubled much with

the Kings gittar, and Fairebrother, the rogue that I
had entrusted with the carrying of it on foot. . .2
Corbetta may have been included in the grand entourage
of Charles II, when the King left Breda in the Netherlands.
Corbetta played in that city only a few weeks before the
sovereign left for Dover. This is verified in a letter
(in English) from Constantijn Huygens to Lady Swanni
I hope you shall have your eares feasted at Breada with

the excellent guitarre del Sig. Corbetta, which indeed
is worth your hearing and admiration, as I can testifie
by the favor of her Royal Highness (The Hague, 7 May
1660).3
Another fact which lends credibility to the early arrival of
Corbetta is a suite published by the guitarist in 1671
(pp. 7-9) Corbetta composed it lamenting the death of Henry,
180
the brother of the King. Henry died only a few months after
Charles was restored.
In the evening of the thirteenth of September* died

Henry, Duke of Gloucester, third brother to the King, . .
He joined in himself the best qualities of both his
brothers? the understanding and good nature of Charles,
to the industry and application of James.4-
"The joy, which the Restoration of monarchy diffused
over the kingdom, seemed to level all parties into a
voluntary obedience to the K i n g . W i t h the affairs of
state somewhat settled the King began again in earnest to
cast about for a suitable wife. He had made several proposals
during his exile, none of which ever resulted in a proper
marriage. He had entertained, for instance, the idea of
marriage with the stunning Hortense Mancini (the heiress of
Cardinal Mazarin), an idea which the Cardinal never approved.
Once on the throne, however, and in the face of many tempting
offers, Charles agreed to a match with Catherine of Braganza.

6
He did so for obvious political alliance with Portugal.
The King was married in 1661 and was officially crowned
shortly thereafter.
Greener Pastures
The very nature of the Restoration evoked many changes

in social conditions. England became a land of opportunity.
The very joy or the period produced a somewhat licentious
environment that attracted foreigners as well as returning
royalists. For instance, Hortense Mancini, after a short
and unsuccessful marriage, came to England to spend her
181
inheritance x
You whc are not unacquainted with the Duchess of Mazarin,

must allow her to have her charms, that render her the
most agreeable of her sex, which made her house the
rendezvous of all the men of wit and quality, and the
scene of all the news of the town, gaming, entertainmenets,
and all manner of diversions.7
It was in this irresistible milieu that Corbetta
emerged a leader. He sustained an interest in games of chance
which for several years supplanted his activity as a composer.
Even before the coronation of the King he petitioned "for an
order for a patent, prohibiting any other person from setting
up the game of L*Acca ui Catalonia, the privilege of which
His Majesty is pleased to grant him. (Granted 22 February
1661)."8
The game of Acca may have been named for the letter
h in Italian. A play on words resulted from the name of the
game. The letter h is without sound, and is therefore
worthless, hence the saying "non valere un' acca." It is
curious, however, that in subsequent petitions, Corbetta always
begings the spelling with o instead of a. In Spain, however,
oca was known as a game of the "royal goose." Later in the
year, Corbetta protested that the lottery set up by Francisco

9
Finochelli was the same as his own game, "l'Oca di Catalonia."
From this point forward there appeared many petitions and
counter-petitions between Corbetta and a handful of gamesters
who attempted to monopolize his patent. In a mess of terrible
confusion, the ever benevolent, always permissive Charles
was only too glad to help out the old friends from the days
182
of his exile.
King Charles during his enforced sojourn on the Continent

came into contact with numerous foreign gamesters, whose
devices relieved the tedium of the exile, and with the
restoration of the monarchy, a revival with considerable
increase of interest in lotteries and other gambling
games took place, the devices, in general, being set"
up by alien court officials, who, infringing each others
rights, were constantly embroiled in disputes, the records
of which make it possible to compile an account of the
schemes. The popular method of the Italian adventurer
was to obtain a license, dispose of the rights for a cash
consideration, and then continue to work the concession
as though no transfer had been made.10
It has already been pointed out that the term lottery
was used euphemistically in conjunction with these vices for
the sole purpose of obtaining the King's patent. In reality

11
Corbetta's game was more "like roulette at Monte Carlo;"
although 1*Oca was played with many balls, the Royal Oak
12
(set up later by Finochelli) was played with only one:
On November 23rd an order issued forbidding Finochelli

to carry on the lottery, and shortly afterwards, Roche
and his associates petitioned the King that they not be
prevented from exercising the new lottery, the Royal
Oak. By agreement dated February 10, l6ol/2, Corbett
transferred his share to Demarces and Dupuy, in con
sideration of receiving an allowance of L 200 yearly
out of the profits. Roche then joined forces with
Demarce's and Dupuy and a new license under His Majesty's
signet, for exercise of the Royal Oak lottery was
obtained in the three names, Corbett's satisfaction for
his interest in I*Occa being particularly expressed,
and, on October 30th, the latter completely severed his
connection, relinquishing all interest in the concern
for a consideration of Lo2 10s, from Demarces, a similar
amount from Dupuy, and, as he alleged, a further L62 10s.
from Finochelli, who at the same time released him from
a debt of L170. . . .Subsequently it was found that Roche
for "near a quarter of a year" had been sending his
servants to places unknown to his associates, and
exercising the same lottery, and upon exposure of his
faithlessness, he confederating with Corbett, on August
2 5 , 1 6 6 3 , by misrepresentation of the facts, obtained
a license "to set up and exercise the lotteries of the
183
Royal' Oak and Queen's Nosegay in any place in England
and Wales.13
To those who understood the scheme, this lottery was
infallible. Gullible adventurers were duped into thinking
that the odds were in their favor and a sure win was in
store. Thus deluding the public, the master of the game
kept one eighth of the gross income rn every toss of the

V. 1 1
Dax.L
By the play of the Royal Oak, many years since in use,

some persons who lost considerably by it, had their
losses occasioned by an argument of which they could
not perceive the fallacy. The odds against any parti
cular point of the ball were thirty-one to one, which
entitled the adventurers, in case they were winners, to
have thirty-two stakes returned, including their own;
instead of which, they having but twenty-eight, it was
very plain, that on the single account of the disadvantage
of the play, they lost _one eighth part of all the money
they had plaid for [sic J . But the master of the ball
maintained, that they had no reason to complain, since
he would undertake that any particular point of the
ball should come up in twenty-two throws; of this he
would offer to lay a wager, and actually laid it when
required. The seeming contradiction between the odds
of thirty-one to one, and twenty-two throws for any
chance to come up, so perplexed the adventurers, that
they began to think the advantage was on their side,
for which reason they plaid on, and continued to lose.14
The lottery men began to circulate around the smaller
communities. In late August of 1663, Corbetta, Finochelli
and Simon Mancelli, under permission of Roche netted
substantial profits at the Smithfield f a i r . T h e country

fairs seem to have been particularly lucrative.
Indeed, this lottery seems to have been a swindle; for

in a letter, January 6, 1664-, from Nathaniel Cole, who
had been Mayor of Bristol, to Joseph Williamson,
secretary to Sir Henry Bennet, and afterwards keeper of
the State Papers, he says he "will forward any lottery
at the Bristol fair, except the Royal Oak, which broke
half the cashiers in Bristol when last there." Yet on
184
the 11th of the same month, he writes to the same that
he has prevailed with the mayor, Sir John Knight, to
allow the Royal Oak Lottery during the eight days of
the fair. . . .But he has a prejudice against it; for,
at its last being there, many young men ruined themselves,
and his own son lost L50.16
On February i4, 1664, Sir John Knight wrote to

Williamson that he had received his letters in behalf
of the Royal Oak Lottery men. . . .Last year they were
there five months, and the cry of the poor sort of
people was great against them, because, not being allowed
by the great seal they were clear against the law. Will
tolerate them some longer, but thinks they will soon be
warped out.l?
By this time, Corbetta has sold out for good. Many
petitions appear before the King where Des Marces, Dupuy
and/or others ask for "protection against the sinister

18
practices of Francisco Corbett and his associates." Cor-
betta's license is revoked. So he
begs the profits of the patent for six months, or some

satisfaction therefor; also leave to sell his place as
valet de chambre to the queen, as ill health obliges
him to go abroad, and he wants money for his journey
and medical treatment.19
Following his request, there are no less than seven
counter-petitions from the other gamesters. After a heated
discussion on 27 January 1664, the King outlawed all lotteries
except for a lottery in support of the dwindling fishing
trade, which became monopolized by the Duke of York and his

20
employees. Not content to leave without- his board wages,
Corbetta demanded his back pay as documented in the
Treasury Books
March 16, 1665* Letter of direction from Treasurer

Southampton to the Auditor of the Receipt concerning
the L144 10 s . warranted to Francis Corbett for his
arrears of board wages.21
185
December i^-, 1665* Privy Seal for the_allowance of 3s.
h-u . a day for board wages to Charles Le Gard, to whom
Francis Corbett has with the King's consent surrendered
his place of Groom of the Privy Chamber to the Queen
Consort.22
Lotteries in English Literature
What can we Courtiers, Priests or Lawyers name,

But Lott'ries? What, Physicians, but the same?
All Lott'ries, where the Credulous trust their Fate
In Int'rest, Health, Soul, Body and Estate.23
In spite of the royal precedent of 27 January 166k
which annulled the grant of the Royal Oak and others, the
lotteries persisted. There was an intent, however, to permit
only those for the benefit of the state or charities. For
example, on one occasion alone in 1668, twenty-two petitions

oh
for lotteries were recorded. There were nobles such as
Lord Arlington, represented that day, but most of the
petitions were from widows. There was also a lottery approved
for Sutton's Hospital. The Royal Oak was mentioned again,
but Corbetta was no longer associated with it.
Apart from its appearance in the State Papers, the
Royal Oak is also the subject of criticism and literary
satire. One particular source happens to be a biographical
account of a chronic gambler, Major-General Fielding:
He much frequented the Royal Oak Lottery in which sort

of gaming is neither truth nor profit, because the
master thereof runs away with ail the gains; here
Fielding could obtain but very little to uphold his old
extravagancy.2 5
Another anonymous source, The Arraignment. Trial, and
Condemnation of Squire Lottery, alias Royal Oak Lottery
(London, 1699), seems to discuss the activities of Corbetta,
186
even though it does not mention him by name. Apparently
Corbetta's trip to England in 1660 or 1661 was anxiously
anticipated by several gamesters. They needed Corbetta to
secure the royal patent, because of his influence with the
King. "He pretended a mighty friendship with antiquated

27
Loyalists." In addition, "he had been banish'd out of
several countries for disorderly practices, till at last he

28
pitch'd upon poor easy credulous England for his refuge.
The entire episode is related in a humorous dialogue between
a former partner of Corbetta and a manager (the prosecuting
attorney) of an English court. The affair ends with the
confession of the partner, who after clearing profits of
I/t-,000, sold his share in the lottery for another L700.'
(see Appendix I).
Gaming and lotteries were now becoming the subject
of a good many books and plays. One account clearly states
that there were gamesters "who live every way more expensive
29
and elegant than men of estates can do." The lottery alsu
became a subject for comic opera. One such work is probably
the basis for the modern comic opera, the Rake's Progress.
by Stravinsky and Auden. The Lottery 1 A Comedy*^ may well
have been more an inspiration to Stravinsky than the painting

31
by Hogarth- A fitting close to our discussion of gaming
in England is the final song from another comic opera, The
Lottervi A Farce as It Is Acted at the Theatre-Royal in Drurv

32
Lane by His Majesty's Servants (London, 1732)i
.187
The world is a lottery, what man can doubt?
when born, we*re out in, when dead, we're drawn out,
And tho' tickets are bought by the fool and the wife,
Yet 'tis plain there are more than ten blanks to a prize,
(sing Tantararara) Fools ail, Fools all. , .
The stage is a lottery, by all 'tis agreed,
where ten plays are damn'd, ere one can succeed;
The blanks are so many, the prizes so few,
We all are undone, unless kindly you
(sing Tantararara) Clap all, Clap all.
Stringed Instruments at Court
The Restoration as an era of change was reflected in
the use of instruments. The King emulated the example of
the French court by instituting an orchestra of 24 violins.
The viols would now have to share the spotlight with this
comparatively new instrument. Eventually the band of ViOliiiS
would evolve into the string orchestra of the Classic period,
thus replacing the other bowed instruments.
Another new instrument, the guitar, was destined to
replace the cithern. This was deplored by the publisher
and musician, John Playford in 1666:
It is observed that of later years all solemn and grave

musick is much laid aside, being esteemed too heavy and
dull for the light heels and brains of this nimble and
wanton age; nor is any musick rendered acceptable, or
esteemed by many, but what is presented by foreigners:
not a City Dame, though a tap-wife, but is ambitious to
have her daughters taught by Monsieur La Novo Kickshawibus
on the Gittar, which instrument is but a new old one,
used in London in the time of Queen Mary, as appears by
a book printed in English of Instructions and Lessons
for the same, about the beginning of Elizabeth's reign;
being not much different from the Cithern, only that was
strung with gut strings, this with wire, which was
accounted the more sprightly and cheerful musick, and
was in more esteem, till of late years, than the Gittar.33
The gradual demise of the lute in favor of the guitar
188
was comparable to the relationship which has already been
observed between the viol and violin. Both the quantity and
quality of lute music had begun to decline in England
following the publications of Robert Dowland (son of -John),
Anthony Holborne and Francis Cutting. The advantages of

accessibility and portability which the lute had over keyboard
instruments, were now diminished in the 7arger theorbo and
chitarrone. Another problem was acquiring a proper technique
on an instrument which continued to develop more complexities.
It was rumored that Thomas Mace had a lute of fifty strings,*

~ I.
3*
In his Musick's Monument, Mace gives two English tunings
and three French. Lute music was not without a legacy,
however; keyboard players studiously imitated the patterned,
fanciful titles, the symbols for o r n a m e n t s t h e instrumental
dance style, the tombeauc and the preludes of the lutenists.
Meanwhile the status of the guitar was improving.
Some had begun to notice the superiority of punteado guitar
music over the style of strumming alone. By the end of the

century, the guitar had superseded the lute, as noted by
William Turner in 1697
The Lute is not wholly laid aside, but within this 20

or 3 Years much neglected, to what it was formerly,
notwithstanding the great Improvement of this Instrument
among us, within a hundred Years, by reason of the
diversity of Tunings received from France. . . .
The Fine easie Ghittar, whose Performance is soon
gained, at least after the brushing way, hath at this
present over-topt the nobler Lute. Nor is it to be
denied, but that after the pinching way, the Ghittar
makes some good work.36
189
The Instrument of Dilettantes
As already observed by Playford, the guitar was not
new in great Britain even at court. The collection of
instruments left by Henry VIII in 15^7 included twenty-one
guitars.^ Moreover, we have noted the intrigues between
the guitarist, David Rizzio, and Mary Queen of Scots around
1560. In these cases, however, the guitars were undoubtedly
of four courses. It was not until the accession of Charles

II that the five-course guitarra espaKola really took hold
in England.
The acceptance of the guitar was dependent on two
prime factors* the approval of the court, and the presence
of a virtuoso to represent the instrument and to entertain

with it. First of all, the King himself returned from
the continent an amateur guitarist; hence, the court had
every reason to approve the instrument, In the second place,
Francesco Corbetta, who was in England at least as early as
February 1661, became the virtuoso performer at the English

court.
Once in England Corbetta set himself at work to build
a fortune. It is regrettable that nothing is known of his
first few years at court apart from his escapades as a
gamester. However, beginning in 1664 we begin to hear of
his activities as a guitarist. At one affair he played for
the King and his cabinet. The French Ambassador wrote*
The King of Great Britain with twelve of the principal

Lords of his Court did me the honour of having tapper
190
after supper was employed listening to music, the violins
and the Sieur Francisque, the great guitar player.38
By 1665 Corbetta had even been giving lessons to the
King at Whitehall. Charles was so delighted with the music
that he sent some samples over to his sister Henriette-Anne,
Duchess of Orleans, in France. On May 29, his letter to her
concluded on the following note?
I have here sent you some lessons for the guitar, which
I hope will please you. The Comte de Grammont did carry
over with him others, which it may be you have, and as
Francesco makes any more that pleases me, I will send
them to you.39
The role of Henriette-Anne as a guitarist was an
important one. Similar to the role of Louis XIV in making
the guitar acceptable, she made it downright fashionable for
women of the nobility to be amateurs. Evelyn in his diary
celebrated "the extraordinary skill and dexterity of Mrs.

ij-0
Bridgeman" on the guitar in 1681. Likewise in 1671
Constant!jr. Huygens speaks in superlatives of Madame Killigrey
(Killigrew?), who as a lutenist, guitarist, and theorbist

kl
was excelled by no other woman or man. The Duke of York
saw to it that "Lady Anne" took lessons from Corbetta himself
k2
in 16 7 7 . The many works of art which show female dilettantes
with this instrument are but another witness of the trend

43
for women to be seen with a guitar.
The Infamous Saraband
Easily the most notorious event at court involving
a guitarist of the fair sex is the tale of the saraband of
191
Corbetta.^ Since the intrigue is long and complicated, it
is of considerable help to identify the principal persons
involved* Lady Chesterfield, the object of the attention
paid her by some of the gentry, possessed the best guitar
in England. She seems to have been noticed by the Duke of
York in a number of public assemblies. The Duke of York, of
course, was James, who succeeded to the throne after his
brother, Charles II. He had been married to Anne Hyde shortly
after his arrival at Dover in 1660. In spite of this fact,
Lady Chesterfield had every intent to ensnare the Duke.
However, as Lady Chesterfield could not see the Duke of

York, except in public assemblies, she was under the
necessity of making the most extravagant advances, in
order to seduce him from his former connection; and as
he was the most unguarded ogler of his time, the whole
court was informed of the intrigue before it was well
begun. ^-6
Other parties included the ladys husband, Lord Chesterfield,
who viewed the affair most narrowly, and the brother of Lady
Chesterfield, the Earl of Arran. For some, Arran was the
equal of Corbetta on the guitar; however, he was generally
known "to be one of the silliest creatures in England, with
his guitar, and his other whims and follies."
The account of the affair begins with a general
description of courtly entertainments, at which Corbetta
appeared as guitarist and composert
The court. . .was an entire scene of gallantry and

amusements, with all the politeness and magnificence
which the inclinations of a prince naturally addicted
to tenderness and pleasure, could suggesti the beauties
were desirous of charming, and the men endeavoured to
please: all studied to set themselves off to the best
192
advantage, some distinguished themselves by dancing;
others by show and magnificence; seme by their wit, many
by their amours, but few by their constancy. There was
a certain Italian at court, famous for the guitar: he
had a genius for music, and he was the only man who
could make anything of the guitar: his style of play was
so full of grace and tenderness, that he would have given
harmony to the most discordant instruments. The truth
is, nothing was so difficult as to play like this for
eigner. The king's relish for his compositions had
brought the instrument so much into vogue, that every
person played upon it, well or ill; and you were as
sure to see a guitar on a lady's toilet as rouge or
patches. The Duke of York played upon it tolerably well,
and the Earl of Arran like Francisco himself.4-8
The Duke of York must have also been a fair guitarist
if he could play Corbetta's music. He used this talent to
contrive a private meeting with Lady Chesterfield. The Duke
asked her brother, the Earl of Arran, to play Corbetta's
famous saraband.
Francisco had composed a saraband, which either charmed

or infatuated every person; for the whole guitarery at
court were trying at it ; and God knows what an universal
strumming there was. The Duke of York, pretending not
to be perfect in it, desired Lord Arran to play it to
him. Lady Chesterfield had the best guitar in England.
The Earl of Arran, who was desirous of playing his best,
conducted his Royal Highness to his sister's apartments:
she was lodged at court, at her father's, the Duke of
Ormond's; and this wonderful guitar was lodged there
too. Whether this visit had been preconcerted or not,
I do not pretend to say; but it is certain that they
found both the lady and the guitar at home: they likewise
found there Lord Chesterfield, so much surprised at this
unexpected visit, that it was a considerable time before
he thought of rising from his seat to receive them with
due respect.
Jealousy, like a malignant vapour, now seized upon his

brain: a thousand suspicions, blacker than ink, took
possession of his imagination, and were continually
increasing; for, whilst the brother played upon the
guitar to the duke, the sister ogled and accompanied
him with her eyes, as if the coast had been clear, and
no enemy to observe them. This saraband was at least
repeated twenty times: the duke declared it was played
193
the composition; but her husband, who clearly perceived
that he was the person played upon, thought it a most
detestable piece.^9
Moved now by bitter vehemence, Lord Chesterfield attempted
to end the whole affair by destroying the lady's guitar.
Lady Chesterfield responded quietly to this abuse in a letter
to her cousin , Anthony Hamilton, questioning:
Since he has made you his confidant, why did not he

boast of breaking in pieces my poor harmless guitar?
This exploit, perhaps, might have convinced you more
than all the rest. . . .5 0
On a subsequent occasion the Duke of York was found
fondling Lady Chesterfield in public. Hamilton was desirous
of informing Lord Chesterfield of this new development, and
spared no details in sharing the information:
The scene of their tender familiarities was no less

public than the room where the Queen plays at cards,
which, while her majesty was at play, was, God knows,
pretty well crowded. Lady Denham was the first who
discovered what they thought would pass unperceived
in the crowd; and you may very well judge how secret
she would keep such a circumstance.51
In the transport of his passion, Hamilton advised Lord
Chesterfield that if he were in the same situation, he
would "carry her into the country with the greatest possible
<2
expedition."
Lord Chesterfield agreed to follow Hamilton's advice,
5n spite of the fact that it was in the middle of winter.

At any rate, passions quieted with the cold. The Duke of
York easily forgot her in her absence. But in the meantime,
Lord Chesterfields hasty judgement of the whole affair,
19^
the breaking of the guitar, and his subsequent confinement
of the lady was regarded with contempt. The severity of
Lord Chesterfields punishment provoked the Chevalier de
Grammont to write for posterity a poetic defense of Lady
Chesterfield. "Grammont, who was not thoroughly acquainted
with all the particulars, inveighed more bitterly than all
the citizens of London put together against this tyranny;
and it is on this occasion that he produced new words to
that fatal saraband which had unfortunately so great a share

53
in the adventurei"
Tell me, jealous-pated swain,

What avail thy idle arts,
To divide united hearts?
Love, like the wind, I trow,
Will, where it listeth, blow;
So, prithee, peace, for all thy cares are vain.
When you are by,

Nor wishful look, be sure, nor eloquent sigh,
Shall dare those inward fires discover,
Which b u m in either loveri
Yet Argus' self, if Argus were thy spy,
Should ne'er, with all his mob of eyes,
Surprise.
Some joys forbidden,

Transports hidden,
Which love, through dark and secret ways,
Mysterious love to kindred souls conveys.
We next hear of Corbetta in the diary of Samuel Pepys
in I6 6 7 . Since Pepys was an ardent lutenist, he thought
nothing of the guitar. On one occasion he had heard a
Frenchman play at Westminster "upon the guitar, most extreme

well, though at best methinks it is but a bawble." Ke
also made fun of Lord Sandwich "playing on the gittarr,
195
which he now recommends above ail musique in the world. . . .
Corbetta played for Pepys in the company of an old gambling
associate on 5 August icoy. Pepys approved of Corbetta*s

playing, but not the instrument:
After done with the Duke of York, and coming out of his
dressing-room, I there spied Signor Francisco tuning
his gittar, and Monsieur de Puy with him, who did make
him play to me, which he did most admirably so well
as I was mightily troubled that all that pains should
have been taken upon so bad an instrument.56
196
NOTES TO CHAPTER 7
1 Scott, The Travels of the King, p. 476.
2 The Diary of Samuel Penvs. Latham and Matthews, eds.

(Los Angeles: Univ. of California Press, 1974), Vol. I, p.
172.
3 J.A. Worp, ed., De Briefwisseling van C. Kuvgens. Vi.ide

deel, 1649-1663 (The Hague: M. Nijhoff, 1916), p. '335 f. I
am grateful to John Roberts for this reference. Corbettas
title (Sig.Lii. ) contains an unexplainable suffix in small
letters, which I have deleted.
4 J, MacPherson, History of Great Britain. Vol. I (London,

1775), P. 11.
5 Ibid.. p. 2. It must be acknowledged, however, that
the friends of the Protectorate who opposed the Monarchy
were now m the minority.
6 H. Elsna, Catherine of Braganza: Charles II*s Queen

(London 1 Hale, 1 9 6 7 ), pp. 10-11.
7 M.C. Aulnoy, Memoirs of the Court of England in the

Reign of Charles II (London. 1708). on. 1-2. Copy tis-t.an.
8 CSP, Dorn. Jan. 1661, entry no. 79.
9 Ibid., lb Nov. 1661.
10 C.L. Ewen, on. cit..p. 95*
11 J. Ashton, A History of English Lotteries (London:

Leadenhall, 1893) p. 33. Cf, Ewen. on. (Tit. , pp. 95-96.
12 Ewen, on. cit.. p. 9 6 .
13 Ibid.. pp. 96-97.
14 S. Clark, Considerations unon Lottery Schemes in General

(London, 1775), p. 12. Copy at US-3h,
15 CSP. Pom. 28 Aug. I6 6 3 , no. 101.
16 Ashton, on. cit.. p. 35.
17 Ibid.. p. 9 6 .
18 CSP. Dorn. Jan. 166b, no. 5.
19 Ibid., Jan. 1664, no. 45. See also 1663 (n.d.), nos. 15-16.
197
20 Ibid., 27 Jan, 1664, no. 53. See also Proclamations ,
p. 400, No. 3323 and p. 413. No, 3423.
21 Calendar of Treasury Books, W.A. Shaw, ed.. Vol. I

(1660-1667) (London * Mackie, 1904), 16 March 1 6 6 5 .
22 Ibid.. Vol. II, 14 Dec. 1665. Cf. ibid.. Vol. I-

i4 Dec. 16 6 5 .
23 The Lottery: A Comedy. . .at the New Theatre in the Hay
Market (London: Green. 1728).the Epilogue. Copyat US-LAu.
24 CSP, Pom. 5 Nov. 1668. See also Proclamations. p. 466,

No. 3854.
25 T. Lucas, Lives of the Gamesters (London, 1714). Re

printed by J. Isaacs in Games ana Gamesters of the Restora
tion (London: Routledge, 1930)* p. 2 3 0 .
26 John Ashton originally suggested the association of
Corbetta with this source in his book, op, cit., pp. 36-39.
which records an excerpt of several pages from The Arraignment
Trial, and Condemnation of Squire Lottery, alias Royal Oak
Lottery (London. 1699).
27 Ibid. The entire excerpt which Ashton took from the

original source is included in the present volume as Appen-
dix~I.
28 Ibid.
29 An account of the Endeavors that Have Been Used to Sup

press Gaming Houses. . .(London, 1722), p. 5 . Copy at US-LAu.
30 The Lottery: A Comedy as It Is Acted at the New Theatre

in the"Hay-market (London: Green. 1728). Copy at US-LAu.
31 The Orgy (from The Rake's Progress) by William Hogarth

(1697-1764) was supposed to have inspired the collaboration
of I. Stravinsky and W.H. Auden, The Rakes Progress in
1951. For a reproduction of The Orgy see H.W. Janson,
History of Art: A Survey of the Major Visual Arts (Englewood .
CJliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1962), plate 678.
32 (London, 1732) copy at US-LAu.

33 Playford, Musick*s Delight on the Cithern (1666), Pre
face, as cited by D.G. Weiss, Samuel Pepys, Curioso (Pitts
burgh: Univ. of Pittsburgh Press, 1957). p. 81.
34 T. Mace, Musik's Monument (London, 16?6). See facsimile
198
ed. "by J. Jacquct and A. Souris in two vois. (Parist
CNRS. 1958).
35 Bukofzer, op. cit., p. 164 ff.
36 As cited by M. Tilmouth, "Some Improvements in Music

Noted by William Turner in 1697," GSJ X (1957), 58.
37 C. Sachs, History of Musical Instruments (New York*

Norton, 1940), pp. 302 -3 0 3 .
38 J.D. Roberts, "Francisco Corbetta," Guitar II (No, 2,

1973), P. 35.
39 C.H. Hartmann, The King Mv Brother (London: Heinemann,
1954), pp. 158-159. Of. C.H. Hartmann, Charles II and Madame
(Londonx Heinemann, 1934), p. 157.
40 John Evelyn, Diary and Correspondence edited by W. Bray,

Vol. I (London: Bell and Daldy, 1 8 7 0 ), pp. 344. 526. 563; 574
Evelyn also mentions a certain harpsichordist called Signor
Francisco in Vol. II (2 Dec. I6 6 5 , and 27 Jan. 1682). But
since Corbetta died in Paris in 1681, another party is in
volved here. See also H.C. De Lafontaine, The King's Musick:
A Transcript of Records Relating to Music and Musicians.
1460-1700 (London; Novello. 1909; reprinted at New Yorks
Da Capo, 1973) pp. 220 and 388-389. In this source one
Segnicr Francisco is mentioned as a member of the Chapel
Royal, dated 30 Nov. I6 6 9 , and 20 Oct. 1688.
41 Letter of C. Huygens to Sr. Charas, London, i4 May 16?1,

See also on the same date, another letter to Mme. de I'Enclos
Musiaue et musiciens auXVIIe siecle. loc. cit. There is some
circumstantial evidence that Mrs. Killigrey might have known
Corbetta through Thomas Killigrew. who became a patentee of
the Pricking Book Lottery in 1664 under the auspices of the
Royal Fishing Company. See Ashton, op. cit.. p. 41.
42 British Museum Add. MS 18958 as cited by W. Nagel,

"Annalen der Englischen Hofmusik," Beilage zu den Monats-
heften fttr Musikgeschichte XVI (Leipzig, 1894), p. 62.
Since the second daughter of James (Anne) would have been
twelve years of age in 1 6 7 7 , the lessons may have been for
Anne Hyde, wife of the Duke.
43 Grunfeld, op. cit.. Plates 65-105, passim.
44 The original source of the story of Corbetta*s saraband

is A. Hamilton, Memoires du Chevalier de Grammont (Paris,
1713), translated into English by Sir Walter Scott (Londoni
Nimmo, 1885) II, pp. 25-45. The frequency that it is cited
gives an idea of its notoriety* Cf. J. Pulver, Dictionary of
199
Old English Music (London: K. Paul, 1923), p. 38 f. J.A.
Westrup, XXVII (i9î), 80. A.P. Sharpe, Story of the
Spanish C-uitar (London: C. Essex, 195*0, p. 38 f . P.J. Bone,
The^Guitar and Mandolin (London: Schott, 1910 enlarged, 195*0,
p. 81 f. R. Keith, GR and RMFC. Grunfela, o~d? cit,. p. 115 ff.
Bellow, Illustrated History of the Guitar, p. 109 f. Turnbull,
op. cit. . p. ^8 f. F. N'oad, The Baroque Guitar: An Illustrated
Anthology (New York: Ariel, 197*0, p. 4. Chilesotti, C-azz.,
Cronache. Lavignac Ency.. p. 682. Roberts, op. cit., 35.
D, Prat, Diccionario. iBuenos Aires: Romero y Fernandez [193^3),
p. 9 1 . Muhoz, Historia de la guitarra. p. 106.
45 MacPherson, op. cit., p. 10 1 .
46 A. Hamilton, op. cit.. p. 2 5 .
47 Ibid., P. 29.
48 Ibid., P. 26.
49 Ibid., P. 26 f.
50 Ibid., P. 33.
51 Ibid., P. 35.
52 Ibid.. P 36 f.
53 Ibid.. pp. 39*05
54 The Diary of Samuel Pepys, transcribed from the short

hand
/*s +
MS by H.B. Y/heatley (London: G. Bell, 1892- ), 27 July
J L O O l.
55 Ibid.. 17 Nov. 1665.
56 Ibid., 5 Aug. I6 6 7 .
200
CHAPTER 8
A BOOK FOR CHARLES II, I6 7 I,
AND ITS INFLUENCE IN ENGLAND AND SPAIN
Corbetta had probably been composing for some years
the music thathe was anxiousto print and dedicate to
Charles II of England. The titles of many suites in the
book reflect events of the Restoration which had occurred
during the past decade. Corbetta returned to France in order
to oversee the printing, and received permission and pro-

a. _i_ ^ a . oo . rt * t _____ n * c* - - i - ___
i / c u u x u i i u i o n e xv-Lii^ c l o o o u n c i o e p oeiflUtJif
1670. Presumably Louis XIV himself warranted the publication.
It then took more than a year to print the book, once Corbetta
had obtained his copyright. It was finally completed by H.
Bonnetiil at Paris on the last day of October, l671.A In an
article retracing the activities of foreign musicians in
Stuart England, Jack Westrup asserted that Corbetta was
"the Italian musician who was popular above all others at

2
Whitehall." This conclusion was based on Corbettas reputa
tion, and upon the contents of his book dedicated to the
sovereign
In this book Corbetta reverts to an old practice, that
of dedicating a number of pieces or suites to the nobility.

He had not done this since 1 6 3 9 . It is a curious fact that
the pieces which have dedications to the lords and ladies of
the court are the ones which have most attracted modern
scholars. I will try to summarize the dedications in the
201
(fiulcirrc fiio y a lit
^ Ordiec S iu f/iu y
O tU a Orandc O'jreuuim: |
Pl.ftT TlTuE OP iK& iBook FO ft IT
book while documenting the modern transcriptions as well.
There are many suites in the book. The usual practice is
to dedicate the allemande to a nobleman. However, according
to the Table of Contents, the entire suite of dances pertains
to that person, such as the Allemande du Roy et sa suitte.
The book begins with a Prelude in B minor followed

3 4
by the Allemande du Roy. Both Wolf and Pujol transcribed
this allemande. but it has never occured to anyone to publish
the version for voices and guitar on p. 83 ff. Pujol also
included the Sarabande and the Passacaille from the first
suite in the same series. The King saw his favorite gigue
printed on p. 58, and Deric Kennard published a transcription

^
u j. j. . a.o ya-i.
l.
k,
. ^ 1
ux cl
1
xeucnu an.
^ 1
xc
3 m i .
m e re

xt>
_ . 1 1
ca.no U i i e r
Allemande with a suite of dances dedicated to son Altesse
(p. 59 ff.). Kennard has transcribed the entire suite.^
After the King, the second in command was the Duke
of York. He is also next in Corbetta's book (p. 6); however,
only his favorite allemande appears. It has interested

7 8 9
Chilesotti, Pujol, and Azpiazu. A publication of the
version for three voices and basso continuo with guitar
(p. 8 9 ) has yet to appear.
The next dedication is for the Duke of Monmouth, who
was the natural son of Charles II and Lucy Walters from the
days of the Kings exile. The real identity of Monmouth
was not known at large. However, when he tried to overthrow
the succession of the crown to James, he exposed himself to
203
the whole of England in 1673.
In the month of May they endeavored to raise Monmouth

to the regency of Scotland; but the vigilance of the
Duke of York defeated their designs. 'The pride of
Charles overcame his affection. He loved Monmouth,
but he hated to be deemed the husband of Mrs. Walters
. . . .He [Monmouth] was personally brave. He loved the
pomp; and the dangers of war: but with these splendid
qualities, he was vain to a degree of folly, versatile
in his measures, weak in his understanding. He was
ambitious without dignity, busy without consequence,
attempting ever to be artful but always a tool. Thus,
taking the applause of the multitude for a certain mark
of merit, he was the dupe of his own vanity, and owed
all his misfortunes to that weakness. 10
When Corbetta inscribed the Duke's name on his favorite
gavotte (p. 12); Monmouth was at the peak of his popularity.

11 12
This piece has been transcribed by Chilesotti, Savio,
13
and Pujol. Corbetta set a version for two voices and
basso continue with guitar (p. 96 ff).
Other names appear in Corbetta's book, but less
prominently, as in the following sarabands: la Stuard. p. 71,
la Richemont, p. 19, and la Cominge. p. 21, Several allemandes
receive similar dedications, yet only one has been transcribed:

la Kark. p. 35, la Martinenghe, p. 4-1, and la Canossa.
p. 54.
Other descriptive titles appear such as "the favorite
allemande of the author" (Corbetta), which has been tran-
15
scribed by Haans Leerink. The saraband, la Victoire.
p. 30 f, is part of a suite in A minor which Kennard has

16
transcribed. There is also a transcription of the
17
allemande alone by Frederick Noad.
Several laments appear in Corbetta's book of 1671.
204
They are usually written on the death of some nobleman. The
model, of course, was the tombeau created by Denis Gaultier.
For example, on p. ?, there is the Allemande sur la mort du
Due de Glocester. As already pointed out. this Duke was
Henry, the King's younger brother, who died in 1660 shortly
after the Restoration. Another lament appears on the unlucky
page of 13? the Allemande faite sur I'emorisonnement du Due
de Bouquin?am.
Though few could owe more to fortune than Buckingham,

none ever made a worse use of her favors. . . .The
King, with whom he had been brought up, had a kind of
natural affection for him, till he abused it by frequent
repetitions of acts of insolence and folly. . . .The
influence which he acquired, immediately after his
disgrace in 166?, was*soon lost.18
The most tragic loss for England was almost equally
felt in France the death of Henriette-Anne, the sister of
Charles II. She had grown up in France during the exile of
her family. She chose to remain there when offered a
betrothal to the effeminate brother of Louis XIV, Prince
Philip, the Duke of Orleans. She was a key figure at court
for Corbetta, her teacher. She was also the key liaison
between the French and English courts, and was on intimate
terms with both Kings. Her death may have been precipitated
by her negotiations for both sides in the Secret Treaty of
Dover.
The Duchess of Orleans did not long survive the signing

of a treaty finished by her address. She died at St.
Cloud, on the thirtieth of June, after an illness of a
few hours. . . .The suddeness of her death created a
suspicion of poison; but it was found. . .that there
was no foundation for the report. . . .She left scarce
205
a dry eye in a Court who are always thought to feel
1prr -hVio-tr exrress.lQ
The suite written on her death has attracted more
attention from musicians (ancient and modern) than any other

music by Corbetta. The first piece has the appearance of
an allemande, but it is entitled le Tombeau sur la mort de

20
Madame d 'Orleans. There is no prelude. The saraband,
21
p. 11, has been transcribed by Richard Keith. There is a
vocal transcription of this saraband by Corbetta himself
(beginning on p. 9 3 ) for two voices and basso continuo.
The basso continuo consists of a line in the bass clef and
a French Tablature for the Guitar. The vocal rendition has

22
been transcribed by at least three scholars. This is the
only known musical example of a saraband with text by
Corbetta. The Chevalier de Grammont also had provided a
text for one of Corbetta's sarabanc.s (during the ill-fated
affair of Lady Chesterfield), but there seems to be no way
of connecting it with any of the musical examples in the
book of 16 ? 1 .
We can complete our survey of transcriptions by
noting modern editions of the following works: Sixi"be in S

23 24 2^
(p. 67 ff.), Minuet (p. 3^), Folie (p. 76 ff.),
26
Sarabandes (pp. 4-8, 5 6 , 6 9), and the Allemande la Royalle
27
(p. 70). It is obvious that there are many transcriptions
from the book of 1 6 7 1 ; in fact, there are more than from
all the other books combined. The quality and method of
transcription varies greatly. The modern editions are directed
206
to either of two audiencesj performers or musicologists. The
editions of Pujol, which are published by Max Eschig, have
probably been used more frequently on the concert stage than
the other performing editions. The interpretation of Corbetta's
music ranges from rather free to strict in these transcriptions.
Pujol's interpretation published in 1929 (the Gavotte of the
Duke of Monmouth, for example) freely employs the 6th string,
and rasgueado is seldom indicated. By contrast, however, his
more recent editions of 1957 avoid the use of the sixth string
and carefully indicate rasgueado by arrows. The other well-
known performing editions, which range between these two
extremes, are those of Quadt, Kennard, and Azpiazu. Unfor

tunately many recent editions have only been re-transcriptions
of music already published by scholars. As a result, there
may be as many as five transcriptions of the same piece.'
Perhaps the scholarly editions are most useful to
musicologists. They are not necessarily intended for
performance, but they are valued for the insight they give
on the role of the guitar in the history of music. The
transcriptions of Johannes Wolf, for instance, use both
clefs (rather than the usual treble clef, played an octave
below) to facilitate a keyboard realization of the music.
Musicologists may be justly proud of the accuracy of their

transcriptions; those of Richard Hudson are memorable in
this respect. For this reason, scholarly editions have
recently become of more interest to performers. Some
207
scholarly editions really invite performance. Those of Oscar
Chilesotti were the first to bridge the gap between per
formers and scholars. Due to the current interest in the
re-creation of the original performing medium, the best
transcriptions now tend to break down the former barrier
between performing and scholarly editicns. Romanticized,
unauthentic interpretations of Corbettas music are gradually
becoming unacceptable for the concert stage. Because of
attention to the details of appropriate performance practice,

the recitals of this music by M ichel Lorimer have met with
unprecedenLea success.
A New Tuning for 16 7 1
A significant breakthrough in recent research was the
discovery of Corbetta's new tuning for I6 7 I. It was described

in many original sources, but this fact was missed by early
scholars. Only the transcriptions by Keith and Hudson take
the new tuning into account.
This tuning was described as late as 17^0 in the
Musical Dictionary of James C-rassineau. The entry under the

term "Guitarra," reads as followss
a musical instrument of the string kind, with five

double rows of strings of which those that are bass
are in the middle; unless it be for one burden, an
octave lower than the fourth.28
This description actually contains two tunings as clarified

below 1
208
EX. 38 Guitar Tunings Described by J. Grassineau, 17^0
!) W * y y-. 1
' h " n o oO act
The first, which is regarded as typical, can only be the
re-entrant tuning that Briceno originally used (Ex. 38a).
In this tuning, the bass strings are in the middle. The
second tuning, regarded as exceptional, is that used by
Corbetta (Ex. 38b). The latter contains "one burden, an
octave lower than the fourth," on the note D. Corbetta
himself specifies this tuning in the French and Italian
Prefaces of the book of 1671
Je vous avertis de mettre line Octave a la 4me corde. . .

parce que les deux unissones ne composent point
d'harmonie. (I advise you to put an octave on the
fourth string. . .because the two unisons do not
create harmony.)
Averti di mettere una piciol ottava alia seconda corda

che d D-sol-re perche li dui unissoni non fanno armonia.
(Take care to put a thin octave on the second string
which is D because the two unisons do not make harmony.)29
Since the references above are in prose, one final example
in musical notation would add to our understanding. The open
strings of Corbetta's tuning are given equivalent pitches

30
by Nicolas Derosier in Les princioes de la guitarre;
Ex. 39 Accord de la Guitarre. Derosier
r
r.
i ^
f r
J * I i 0
0 I --- J
1 1
\ -- "
209
The transcription of pieces using this tuning is
problematical, mainly because of the lack of precedents.
The problems are discussed in the introduction to Volume II
of the present study. For now it is essential for the
reader to understand that the transcription will sound best
on an instrument in the replica of a baroque guitar, which
is tuned exactly as Corbetta's in 16?1. Therefore, in order
that the guitarist can see the usual distribution of notes
within each chord, the music has been transcribed with a low-
octave A. In other words, what is written as in Ex. 40a,

actually sounds as follows*
Ex. ^0 Corbetta's New Timing, 1671
a;
T
(transcription)
(actual sound)
The advantages of transcribing with this method are
many. There is usually no question from the performer on
the use of the 5th course. The beginning chord of the
Allemande. p. 1, is a case in point. As apparent in Ex. 4-ld,
it will be noticed that the actual sound includes four of
the nine sounding strings on the same pitch, b'j
Ex. k l The Chord of B-Minor- -G-orbet-ta, 16?It p-* 1-

a) writteni b) transcr.t c) alternatives* d) actual sound*
a r
i>
N -o r i

J
210
When transcribing, one must remember that to record the
intent of the composer takes precedence over all other
objectives. To write out the actual sound of every pitch
would be as ridiculous a solution as writing two letters on
each course of the tablaturel

Ex. 42 A Letter for Each String
^ _________________
'b *----------------
.------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Cr-
e-
-e----------------- t
Rather than for Each Course
Fortunately no musicologist has taken that route. Scholars
do, however, often settle for the second alternative (in
Ex. 4lc) above. This is sufficient for the musical analyst,
but not for the performer. He still does not know whether
to play the fifth coursee This problem could be overcome
by writing(5 ) under the chord, which would mean to use that
course in question. This was essentially the method chosen

by Robert Strizicn in an excellent transcription of the
31
works of Robert de Visee. In contrast, however, the
texture of Corbetta's music is so thick, and rasgueado has
remained such a prominent feature, that this solution has
remained impractical. It would mean writing a s u n d e r
every chord strummed on all five courses. (Ex. 4lc, above.)
My transcription has the essential information
needed by the performer of the baroque guitar, yet it is as
readily playable on a modern guitar as any. At the same
time, musicologists also have easy access. They must
211
remember, first, that the guitar sounds an octave lower than
written. Second, in any transcription of music for nine
strings (or five courses) there will be octaves and/or
unisons sounding which are not indicated. Therefore, anyone
using tablature or a transcription must familiarize himself
with the tuning of the guitar. Third, no note will actually
sound below the pitch of the fourth-course bourdon:
Ex. 43 The Lowest Sounding Pitch. Corbetta, 1671, 1674
7S '
/ ^
0
Corbetta used the new tuning for his books published at Paris
in I6 7 I and 16?4. I have indicated the special method of
transcription required for this French tuning" by adding a
small _s below the treble clef:
Use of the Guitar in Basso Continuo
Just as in 1643 and 1648, Corbetta gives instructions
in 1671 for playing from a figured bass. The presentation
of this section is virtually the same in all three books.
The topics are discussed same order and the musical
examples are similar. In spite of the new tuning for 1671,
the instructions for playing from a figured bass-line have

changed very little since 1643.
This section of the bock begins with the musical scale
harmonized in C major and Bb major. Then come harmonized
chromatic scales that cadence on G and F respectively.
212
There are exercises which contain chords with a minor third,
then a major third above the bass; the same procedure is
later applied to minor and major sixths above the bass. The
resolutions of suspensions on 4-3 major, 4-3 minor, 7-6-
major, and 7-6 minor, conclude the brief treatise in each
book. In 1643 and 1648 several of the exercises are
identical. However, other exercises appear newly composed.
In the book of 1671, many of the resolutions of dissonance

have remained as constant as the alfabeto. But certain new
resolutions in the higher postitions of the fingerboard set
it off somewhat from the other books.
The question of whether the bass-line is doubled in
the guitar tablatur-e has already been raised by Max Schulz

32
in a short article. He concluded that the guitar does
not play the bass-line; it only fills in the harmonies above

33
it. Schulz did not know about Corbetta's French tuning,
however, which affects the timing of the bass courses. In
some of Corbetta's exercises on figured bass, the guitar
often doubles the bass-line. Fortunately, in 1671 Corbetta

includes the guitar in the basso continuo for the accompa
niment of several vocal compositions (pp. 83 - 9 8 ). After a
comparison of the use of the guitar here and in the
basso-continuo exercises, I conclude that the guitar may
double the bass-line, and it often does so in short passages.
Yet the nature of the instrument makes it ideally suitable
for the filling in of harmonies and for giving a strong
213
rhythmic pulse. Rasgueado strumming predominates when the
guitar is relegated to the role of accompaniment in all of
Corbetta's books. This is indeed confirmed in the several
pieces of 16?1 which have a continuo part written for the
guitar.
New Concepts of Alfabeto and Mode
The alfabeto plays a different role in the book of
1671 than it did in Corbetta's earlier works, for it is no
longer a part of the tablature. In his Preface, he includes
a token alphabet, with its equivalents in French and Italian
tablature. In the music itself, chords are still frequently
strummed, but they are now written out in French lute tabla
ture as Carbonchi had done in 1640.
Mode and key are also indicated in a new manner. In
1643 and 1648, the keys of Corbetta's suites corresponded
to the Italian system of eight tuoni (minor keys on D, G,
A and E; major keys on C, F, D and G). Although all of
these keys are still represented in 16?1, others are also
present, according to the scale shown below (Ex. 44). There
is at least one suite on each letter of the following scale 1
Ex. 44 Naming Pitches by Hexachords
Bb
(or)
A BH C D E F G
F hexachord* mi fa sol la ut re
C hexachord1 la ut re mi fa sol
G hexachord1 re mi fa sol la ut
214
The title of each suite usually includes an indication
of both key and mode. A key is identified by giving a pitch,
followed by its funtional position in each of the three
ancient hexachords- For example, the three syllables listed
below A in Ex, 44 (mi, la, re) show the position of this
pitch in the hexachords on F, C and G respectively. Corbetta
always refers to the hexachords in this order, in which each
is a fifth above the previous one. His prelude on p. 28
thus bears the title* Prelude en a mi la re. In this case
he does not specify the mode, since the key of A occurs only
in the minor mode in this collection. When two suites of
opposing mode appear on the same pitch, however, he always
distinguishes between major and minor. The major mode is
indicated by the expression b carre (hard or square b), minor
by b mol or tierce mineur (referring to the soft b). For
instance, there are two suites on g re solut. b mol (p. 54 ff.
and 63 ff.) and still two more suites on gre sol ut.b carre
(p 59 ff. and 35 ff.) The second degree of the scale is

either B or'Bb because in the F hexachord, only Bb may be
used and in the G hexachord, only B may be used. Hence,
Corbetta uses the key of B minor (called b fa b mi. tierce
mineur) and Bb major (called b fa b m i ).
The Suite and Its Dances
The primary characteristic of the suite in Corbetta's
music is a common tonality. Another unifying concept is
likewise an old one in his music: one dance leads to the
215
next by the similar content of harmony, rhythm, melody, and
occasionally form. The first suite is a good example. The
prelude typically sets the hey by a few technical flourishes
of arpeggios. The predominating style brise is deceptive
for it barely conceals a two-part contrapuntal basis for this
opening movement. Several passages anticipate the harmonies
of the next movement.
The allemande is the first dance. It usually governs
the musical activities of the other movements. An indication
of its importance is that it receives, as we have seen, the
name or dedication that essentially applies to the whole
suite. In this case (p. 1) it is the Allemande du Roy,
no lessi It is longer than ever before, two equal halves
of twenty-four measures each. The first begins in B minor,
and cadences on the mediant, D. The second gradually makes
its way to B minor again, in the final twelve measures. The
movement is elongated by the continuous spinning out of
similar motives. It is dominated by the rhythmic figure of
the incipit ( ) which appears in almost every measure.
This rhythm is closely tied to the harmony; several rasgueado
chords on this rhythmic motive are intermittently interrupted
by short scale-passages which lead to a new sequence of the
same idea. Root relations of ascending fourths predominate
in these sequences. A single, poignant mood is maintained
by the ever-presence of ornaments. Most measures contain
one or two embellishments within chords or on scale passages.
216
A petite reprise concludes the movement on an echo of the last
four measures.
The second dance is faster, a Courahte in 3/^ Its
happier spirit is somewhat spoiled by the shadow of the
previous allemande. It is shaped in two equal halves. The
harmonic plan, which differs from the allemande. moves from
B minor to its dominant. The second half, however, begins
on the mediant, as we would expect, and concludes on the
tonic in measure 3 6 . The occasional rhythm ( J. j') of the
first dance is more predominant than before, and long
passages of punteaao counterpoint contrast to the strumming
in the previous dance (mm. 23-28).
Two sarabands follow the courante. The first is a
re-interpretation of the allemande. Its opening motive is
clearly derived from the model, as is its binary form,
harmonic design (Bmi i >111 III *i), motives and petite reprise.
It also contrasts with the previous courante in that it is
mostly rasgueado. simpler in concept, and lasts only 22

measures. The second saraband is a much freer piece than
the first. It begins with two phrases of four measures,
each cadencing on 3. The next phrase lasts a disarming ten
measures, leading to the mid-point of the dance. Although
this saraband is longer than the first, it lacks the charm
of the shorter dance. Somewhat less related to the whole,
and rather ordinary by comparison to the rest of the suite,
it seems more typical of the period, rather than of Corbetta's
217
best work.
The suite of the King is completed by the appearance
of a colorful passacaille in B minor. It begins con trapun
tally in quarter-notes. Each new phrase develops its own
motive characteristically for four measures. A sequence in
each contrapuntal line may appear as a developmental device,
as in the following examples
Ex. 45 Passacaille Corbetta, I6 7 I* P 5

/t v
P i f
u-n
-< .- T
i ~ *
4 ' < ' ! i ' I f [
Gradually, after the middle of the passacaille. the height
of diversity is reached in a steady battery of sixteenth-
notes. Again gradually, but in reverse, the tension subsides,

and the suite concludes logically with this movement.
Corbetta's movements in 1671 are longer, and the
suites also contain more dances than before. Corbetta was
already basing the suite on the alemanda. corrente. and
saraband a in 1643, In 1648 he added to this nucleus the
prelude. In 1671, several suites, such as the one in F
and another in D minor (p. 25 ff.), consist only of these
four movements. The more usual practice, however, is to
add another movement to the prelude and three dances. The
passacaille appears as the last movement of the suites on
PP 5. 31 * 3
it 45, 66, and in several instances it appears
as an internal rather than as a terminal movement.
218
The gigue appears more frequently than before.
Corbetta had only published one extant example before the
printing of this book. The gigue appears twice in several
suites, and at least five conclude with it. The gigue is
the least predictable dance in Corbettas book. It is
usually in 3 A "but may be in 4- with rhythms such as
or j. f p P . Ordinarily it spans about twenty measures,
but on p. 65 there is one with seventy-six. Some gigues
contain additional information in the title, such as the
Gigue preste (p. 44), or another, a la maniere Angloise
(p. 39).
In the suite in F beginning on p. 33, Corbetta
replaces some of the standard dances with new ones; it
containes a Rondeau. Menuet. Gigue and Sarabande, This is
exceptional, however, for most of the suites consist of a
prelude, allemande. courante. and sarabande. and another
dance (a gigue or -passacaiiie). The musical content is
similar in all the movements, beginning with the allemande.
Corbetta himself clarifies his concept of the suite in the
Italian Preface (1671, p. 3 f*) *

Troverai. . .poi Preludi, Almande, Corenti, Sarabande,
Gighe, alia maniera inglese et francese et altre arie,
con passachagli, ciaccone, et folie con partite diversse
et tutte con abbelimenti intrecciate, doue se le osser-
verai ne perfetionerai la tua chitara.
(You will find. . .then Preludi. Alemande. Corenti.

Sarabandi. C-ighe. after the English and French manner,
and other arie with passachagli. ciaccone. and folie.
with diverse variations and all with intricate embel
lishments, when observed will perfect your guitar.
219
Chaconne. Ilenuet. and Folie
The chaconne and folie are now longer* more elaborate
compositions than ever before in Corbetta1s work. The
Caprice de chacone, pp. 72-73* is of particualr interest
for its strummed style. It marks the return of the reoicco,
an ornament absent from Corbetta's books for thirty-two years.
This device was described in his first book (Preface, 1 6 3 9 ),
as a strummed ornament to be used in the ciaccone. He explains
the fingering as follows j
Oue ho posto per far'il repicco, alcune botte longhe,

s'intendera per quelle il deto grosso, e per 1 altre
qual deto piu aggrada, ma sark meglio il piu lungo,
dande le botte vgualitanto in git, quanto in st.
(Where I have indicated to play the repicco. some long

stroke-signs will be understood for those with the
thumb, and for the others, whichever finger you please;
but the longest finger c.in1 will be best, giving both
the down- and upstroke.)
In contrast, this ornament became more complex during the
years of its suppression. Corbetta describes the new way
of playing it in his Italian Preface of 1671

Vedrai l'esempio d'un repicco posto in una ciaccona,
doue la nota piti longa significa il polzo, cominciando
prima i diti poi con il polzo facendo li stesso all in
su e osserua che le quatro note legate significano
douersi far prima con il secondo dito e poi con il primo
appresso, e cosi all in sh sotto a un tempo pi& presto,
e poi seguita con i diti et il.polzo.
(You will see an example of a repicco placed in a

ciaccona. where the longer note signifies the thumb
[having already begun with the fingersJ then do the
same, upwards with the thumb after. Observe that the
four slurred notes signify where to first make the note
with m and later with i close to it, and thus should
sound quickly all at once, and then continue with the
fingers and thumb.)
220
He then applies these instructions in the following example
from his French table of ornamentsi
Ex, ^6 Repicco or batterie. Corbetta, 1671
'~h___ i4 s p> -- 3------- 1

0 9 4 9
'p i \ *
------- l* # - = / i*
i ^ i e------- 4 -
r =
1=1
* n . J* . . F.
* * -f *-
-* (F
^ = k W i i
/y*<x
Ip p
rrnX
V. f
f t. r y ff*
4 U - JL
Fingering 1 thumb
f*' m-middl-e- i n -- l U A U U ^
f=four -fingers lqindex
This example is an excerpt from the Caprice de chacone
itself (p. 72). Judging from its colorful effect, it is a
wonder why the reoicco fell into disuse during Corbetta's
middle period. It is indeed possible that the use of such
an ornament fell outside the bounds of notation, and was
added ad libitum by the performer during chordal passages.
Another rarity of notation in this piece is the clear
indication of rasgueado on two courses (mm. ^0-W-, and
e l s e w h e r e u p until now, three had been the minimum number
of courses strummed.
The Caprice de chacone is in reality the first piece
of a suite in C major. The next dance is a rather conven

tional gigue; a simple menuet follows. The appearance of
the minuet in this book constitutes Corbetta's first attempt
221
to place this dance in his suites. He had no doubt heard
the dance in the ballets for Louis XIV, in at least one of
which he had performed. The minuets of 1671, pp. 33 (two),
39, and 7^-, are marked by their simplicity. They may be
major or minor, with triple meter and phrases of either four
or six measures. The composer must have been limited by
strict choreography for the dance? the example on p. 7 ^ does
not vary the six-measure pattern. Another chaconne appears
on p. 75 to conclude this group of dances in D major. Like
the previous one, it is in \ and presents a set of continuous
variations after the Italian manner. Unlike a few of the 1671
passacailles, the chaconnes are never written in ^ meter.
The variations on the folia have always been counted
among Corbetta's most fascinating pieces, and the two sets
of I6 7 I are no exception. Dances may come and go in Corbetta's
works, but every book contains variations on this dance.
The G-minor Folie, pp. 7o-?7, is among Corbetta's best works
for the virtuoso soloist. Many technical intricacies result
from the contrast of the strummed and plucked styles, the
precious ornamentation and the occasional exploration of the
higher register. There is still a greater significance for
this folia. It is really a precursor of the "later folia"
which appears in France and then in England. The first
dated example is an Air de hautbois Les folies d'Es-pagne by

35
Lully in 1672, published a year after Corbetta's. In Ex.
^7, the opening of Corbetta's folie is compared to Lully's
222
36
melody, which has been transposed to G minor.
Ex. ^7 Folies Corbetta, 1671, p. ?6
tv *' N. I b a r\ r\
*1 i X- m

T Z X f !*-
s1 f f f " [ * f i-
T
r r
Lullv, 1672
%
~()r4r~.~~ f r~ T 1 * f -f-
1 4==i==t
'Vjr
y&'t jro: JIT
The later folia displays the following characteristics
1) A tendency for second-beat accents

2) A tendency for note repetition within a single
measure
3) The first harmonic accent on the opening
i chord (in the earlier folia it falls on V)
b) The fixed structural and harmonic scheme of Lully's
folie.
The close alignment of the two examples above leads us to
several conclusions about Corbetta's role in the history

of this dance. Only one of the characteristics listed
above keeps Corbetta's example from being the first folia
of this type 1 his begins on the second beat, rather than
the first. A lesser problem is found in measure 5 where
III is to be sounded (Corbetta uses i instead). In spite of
these differences, Corbetta's version remains close to the
other. There is no doubt that his travels and courtly
affairs both in England and on the continent helped to dis
seminate the new characteristics of this dance. It is also
223
likely that Corbetta's preference for the characteristics
above helped in the invention of this newer, more idealized
* ^ U 1 A W AA U
P Af*
l/y A C U A U i i c
f*A*j^p
X V X 1 *
Corbetta's other folia (pp. 79-82) is somewhat less
comparable to that of Lully. However, it commands an interest
all its own, due to its large-scale plan. It is Corbetta's
longest piece. The gradual change in rhythms reveals his
principal formal aesthetic x he begins slowly with familiar
dotted rhythms (J* P ) and rasgueado style, then develops
the melody with rasgueado punctuation, and gradually increases
tension by diminution of the rhythm with the inclusion of
two-part polyphony; following measure 98, flourishing
sixteenth-notes sustain the climax. Finally a battery of
rasgueado eighth-notes brings a sense of return and conclu
sion. A saraband follows in the same key and finishes the
instrumental music of the book.
Cadences and Ornaments in 1671
The interval of a minor seventh is now frequently
added to major dominant triad. This seventh chord is
available to the composer in root position or any inversion,
particularly at cadences.
A few pungent sonorities also color the harmonic
fabric. The appearance of Corbetta's old "dissonant I chord"

a minor triad with a 9 th added is not surprising. He also
lists a consonant version of the same in the alfabeto.
However, the old L chord does emerge as passing dissonance
ZZk
in a -passacaille (p. 49, m 2) and in a continuo accompanimen
(p* 95i 26). The minor triad with an added minor seventh
is rare, although it occurs on the roots of D (p. 47, m- 19)
or A (p. 26, m. 23). Perhaps his most dissonant chord is
the diminished triad with the added diminished seventh
(p. 26, m. 5 or p. 82, m. 118).
Another hind of tension and resolution at cadences
is created by the rhythm. Throughout all his music, though
somewhat subtler here than in his earlier books, Corbetta
uses the device of hemiola to conclude phrases in triple
meter. It is easily detected, for he leaves out the barline
(the dotted line has been added by the present writer):
Ex. 48 Sarabande. Corbetta, 161, p. 21
After hearing a saraband composed mainly of quarter- and
eighth-notes in 3/4, a concluding passage such as the
one above has the effect of slowing the meter to:
Dissonance, especially at cadences, is achieved first
through non-harmonic intervals which resolve to chord-tones.
The most common of these is the 4-3 appoggiatura as in Ex. 48;
see also the 6-5 appoggiatura earlier in the same example.
Anticipations are also frequent non-harmonic tones at cadence
points, as shown by the circled note in Ex. 49:
225
Ex. 49 Courante Corbetta. 16?1; p s24
/*
- t ex i i~T
i fi> 1# ^ v* y . *-
> \ a f
Af"_ r
u s) :
E ; f f ' i * X L -r
' !- B
X
f:
This example also contains a different kind of melodic
resolution typical of Corbetta. After a number of ornamented
scale degrees or non-harmonic tones, the melody seeks reso
lution through arpeggiatcd chord-tones, as in the penultimate
measure of Ex. 4-9. This is most effective in pieces such
as the preludes, whichanploy style brise.
The Courante in Ex. 4 9 includes the one frequent
non-harmonic tone which I have been unable to justify. The
note in question is the low F (sounding also an octave above)
contained in the chord just before the circled F. The chord
is merely V (except for this strident anticipation of I).

Another example of this shows a C on the fifth course in a
chord of Gi
Ex. 50 Gigue Corbetta, I6 7 I, p. 52
A ^ * f _L
/, r-l ---------- . 0 /---L
- D-iA (i>\ f <= fi . ' i 0 0 {
*-
1 ^ 1 ----------
<* -f [ 1 -** l/
s 1 V * /
The C circled above is at the same pitch (because of the
octave transposition of the fifth course) as the tone of the
226
appoggiatura preceding the trill. To modern ears this seems
to spoil the downward resolution of the non-harmonic tone.

Usually, one justification may be applied in cases such as
this. Since these "unwanted anticipations" are in rasgueado
chords, and are preceded and followed by sonorities which
require the left index to "bar" or fret all of the courses
at the third fret, it may have been notated only for conven
ience. In other words, the fifth course, (6) above, may have
been omitted by the player in the strum.
The ornamentation, which is perhaps the most typical
melodic trait, is the crowning grace of the entire book.
It is here more diverse and complex than in any of Corbetta's
previous works. His embellishments are essentially five in
number, and they are so important that he explains them
twice, once in the Italian Preface, and again in the French.
These ornaments are transcribed and compared to earlier
ornaments in Volume II of the present work. For now, they
may be summarized as follows*

Ex. 51 A List of Corbetta's Ornaments, 1671
French name Italian name sign transcription equivalent

1 / tremblement. tremolo trill,
2 ) cheute. abelimento appoggiatura
3 ) roullement. 5 traseip slur (or)

ligado
* 0 martellement. rebatimsnto mordent
S ' (inverted)
5 ) flattement. accento (or) vibrato
tremolo sforzato ^ Vit-.
227
Corbetta used the trill as early as I6 3 9 . In his first took
he also sparingly employed another ornament, the mordent, in
the few pieces of mixed tablature* In the books that fol
lowed, the mordent ceased to be notated; however Corbetta
may have continued to use it simply ad libitum. Similarly
the renicco may also have been improvised during his middle
period. In 1643 he introduced the slur and vibrato, which
also appear prominently in I6 7 I. Thus, in the book for
Charles II, Corbetta used an accumulation of all of his
previous embellishments. The ornaments occur sometimes with
such frequency that they become formidably difficult to play;
indeed, they are often combined.
Other Musicians in England
The English musicians who admired the continental
style were most likely to have been influenced by Corbetta,
The most notable of these was Matthew Locke (c. 1630-1677)*
His Melothesia (1673)* which followed Corbetta's book by
only two years, contained a number of suites by various Eng
lish composers. In the same work, the "Certain Rules for
Playing upon a Continued-bass" are the first published
lessons for realizing a basso continuo by an Englishman.
It has already been observed that because of the
King's taste, and other social circumstances of the Restora
tion, the English who could afford it were more likely to
hire foreign musicians than their own compatriots. This
prevailing fancy drew many continental musicians to England
228
oO
during the reign of Charles II. The name of Michael Farinel
is associated with the first publications in England using

4 -v ^ n i S 4.a %
< s
u i i c x a i^ci. a U J L j^ca. e
In 1682 The King's Health: set to Farrinel's

Ground in six strains was published in London with
words by Thomas D'Urfey, followed by instrumental
variations in 1683 for recorder and in 1685 for
violin.39
In England* Farinel could easily have heard Corbettas folias,
which had in 1671 already set a precedent for the later
style of this dance.
Another important connection for Corbetta could have
been made with Johann Jacob Froberger (1616-1667).
The great German organist arrived in London in 1662 at

the time of Charles II's marriage to Catherine of
Braganza, having been robbed twice on the way.
Penniless and ignorant of the language, he is said to
have been given work as an organ-blower in the king's
service. On one occasion a fit of depression made him
neglect his duties and he was punished the indignity
leading him to write a Plainte faite k Lonares pour
passer la Melancholic. Eventually a foreign lady who
had once been his pupil heard him play, and his identity
was revealed ,4-0
It is probable, however, that Corbetta had known Froberger
during the early 1650's in Paris or in the Low Countries,
where both composers are mentioned in sources such as the
letters of Constantijn Huygens. Froberger's claim to fame
in modern musical histories is his standardization of the

41
baroque suite. However, it must be remembered that the
order of dances preferred by Corbetta in 1671 (allemande-

courante-sarabande-gigue) was set only in the posthumous
(1693) publication of Froberger's works. In his own time,
229
Froberger placed the gigue, if it was present at all, in
42
the middle, as did Locke and others.
There were other foreign guitarists in Restoration
England, but their efforts and notoriety seem minuscule by
comparison to the great Corbetta. Perhaps the best known
of these was the virtuoso violinist, Nicola Matteis. His

43
reputation rests on his Avrs for the Violin and Other Ayres
and Pieces for the Violin. Sass Viol, and Harpsichord somewhat
more Difficult and Artificial than the Former (1685- ) . ^
He was also known to have composed some dances for Costanza

45
e fortezza, an opera by J.J, Fux, and some vocal music.
In addition, it appears that he played guitar. His publication
of a method for playing basso continuo on this instrument
was successful enough to be reprinted in English in 1682 or
later as The False Consonances of Musick; it remains the most
extensive treatise in English on the baroque guitar in the

46
continuo body. Although Matteis shows little originality
as a composer of music for the guitar, his treatise preserves
and enlarges the continuo practice of Corbetta, who had in
cluded similar instructions in all of his books since 1643.
The man who felt Corbetta's influence most strongly in the

British Isles was Henry Francpois de Gallot. He appears to
be French, and for this reason, his music is treated exten

sively in the next chapter.
As we have already observed in Chapter 7 above, the
history of the guitar in England is dotted by the many
230
candid and scornful remarks in the diary of Samuel Pepys,
Pepys, nevertheless, was a self-declared "lover of musique,"
and no doubt he was also a competent amateur lutenist.

Hearing Corbetta in 166?, and probably on many other occa
sions, eventually evoked a change in the man. Late in life
he lost all traces of his prejudice against the guitar. True
to his times, he finally hired an Italian musician Cesare
Morelli, a theorbist, singer and guitarist. "Born at Flanders
and bred at Rome, he was, at the time he was recommended to

47
Pepys, in the service of a nobleman at Lisbon." Apparently
Morelli's music was of much solace to Pepys in his old age.
Over half the music manuscripts in the Pepys library include

hQ
the guitar. In a letter of 1679 Pc-pys wrote to Morelli
that "I would have consulted with you about the use of the
table which you have given me for the guitar; for the little
knowledge in musique which I have, never was of more use tc

49
me than it is now= . s ."
Pietro Reggio was also a contemporary of Corbetta in
England. While unsuccessful at Paris in 1657 he found a
favorable niche during the Restoration around Oxford and
London.
His singing to the guitar was admired, and he had many

pupils. . . .The volume of songs which he published in
1680 was criticized by Piayford on the ground that the
music did not suit the English words.50
Another important guitarist to visit the court of
the Restoration was the Roman, Lelio Colista. He met

Corbetta there sometime between 1664 and 1667, if they had
231
c<
not already been acquainted previously on the continent.
<2
Works by both men appear also in the Le Cocq anthology.
Colista is equally known as a lutenisc, keyboard player,
and teacher of the eminent Spaniard Gaspar Sanz,
The Influence of Corbetta in Spain
The first dated publication of 17th-century guitar

music in Spain was the book of Gaspar Sanz, dedicated to
53
Don Juan of Austria. The Instrvccion de mvsica sobre la
gvitarra esoanola. . .(Saragossa, 167 ^- ) was a new light
in the firmament of guitar music. It contains the xirst
really extensive treatise on performance practices and
composition for the guitar in Europe. For this reason it
has already received considerable attention from modern
scholars. The music from the book is today probably the
best known of the period.
In his Prologue, Sanz seems provoked to write in
prose to enable guitarists to become self-taught. His
complaint is that the major authors to have written for the
instrument, (including "Corbeta, the best of all") do not

give enough rules except to play their own pieces. The first
section is divided into two parts 1 1) the preparation of the
instrument and the mastering of the chords, 2) performance
practices. Preparation is begun by selecting strings, particu

larly the basses, because the Spanish use either one or two
bass strings on each of the fourth and fifth courses. Sanz
prefers the re-entrant tuning of the Roman masters, however,
232
with no basses on either the fourth or fifth courses. For
Sanz, the re-entrant tuning is more suited to the device of
campanelas, the use of ornaments, and other gallantries of

the left hand.
Subsequently he covers tuning, placement of frets,
Italian alfabeto and the indication of rasgueado chords.
Ke then explains his first labyrinth, which is essentially
a table of equivalents of the basic alfabeto and its shifted
chords, as already devised by Doizi de Velasco (ca. 16^0)
and by Carbonchi (16^3)* The second labyrinth is a table
consisting of major and minor chords and their various domi
nants .
The performance practices deal with the use of each
hand in the plucked style. The right-hand fingers are to
be used alternately for picking (i-m-i-m). In four-voice
harmony the ring finger (a) is to be used on the fourth
voice when necessary. The right thumb plays a aownstroke.
The left thumb remains unfixed to guide the hand as a rudder.
The rest of this section deals with ornaments and proportions.
The trill appears to begin with the main note, and may be
added ad libitum even when its sign is not written. Other
ornaments are also explained, including the mordent, vibrato,
slur, appoggiatura, arpeado. esmorsata. and apoyamento.
The music in Sanz's book commences with pieces in the

rasgueado stylei Gallardas. Villano. jicaras. Dance de las
Hachas, Passacalles. Folias. Pavana, Rugero, Espanoleta. and
233
Las Paradetas. The next page of rasgueado music contains
more continental influence* Granduque de Florencia, Baile
de Mantua, Zarabanda francesca. and La Tarantela. Prom
folio 20, punteado notation begins, yet the titles are among
those mentioned above. The pieces become gradually longer,
more difficult, and more interesting as art music. The
Canarios are a fine example of this last category. A prelude
and fantasia follow with a lengthy sesauialtera variation in
12/8 "on the chord of 0" (in G minor).
Continuing in the same key, there are three movements

in Corbetta's style. The Alemanda la Serenfssima begins with
the anacrusis developed in Corbetta's middle period
( i n ! j. t ) and also common to Denis Gaultier. This

1 1
Alemanda may be compared to Corbetta's from 1671 in Ex. 53
below:
Ex. 52 Accord Preferred by Sanz

*
2
ii Ex. 53 a) Alemanda la serenissima. Sanz, 1674, fol. 25r
t : f 1(i HfFU
. & /
0
I.
\-
0
U f
b) Allemande Corbetta, 1671, p. 63
h f a ni-f~TJ A
i0
r
^ r r n V
23^
Other stylistic similarities include the predominance of the
rhythm IT) , the melody (starting on g') in the first
measure, similar ornamentation, and alternating rasgueado
and punteado passages. Both examples are binary forms which
modulate and cadence on V in the middle. Thus, Sanz could
write in Corbettas style with great facility.
On folio 26r., another suite begins, in the continental
style with an unmeasured prelude in S minor. Following is
the Alemanda la Preciosa, which may be compared to Corbettas
of the same key of 1643 *
Ex. 54 a) Alemanda la preciosa. Sanz 1674, fol. 27r
4 = 1 =
X
-5T= -r 1 *
4 I ) Almanda Corbetta, 1643, p. 40
1 ^ .. m
j <r-
i
-*r
r F T
The last part of Book I concerns twelve rules for
playing from a figured bass.^ Since 1643, Corbetta had
been giving short rules and musical examples at the end of
his books. This section by Sanz is an expansion and
explanation of those principles. He always demonstrates
clear thinking on the theoretical aspects of guitar music.
235
He names notes according to the hexachords described above
in Ex. 44. He also gives us an idea of the origin of the
eight tuoni. the system used in Corbetta's middle period.
Sanz suggests. "Supposing, now. that the guitar is tuned
with the organ, you will play the eight keys by letters
and on the following chords (fol. 28v.)"
Ex. 55 The Tonos of Sanz, 16?4
Primer tono, por la E [=Dm]

Segundo, por la 0 [=Gmj
Tercero, por la + C=Emj
Quarto, por la D, y acaba en F [=Am, but ends on
Quinto, por la 3_l=Cj
Sexto, por la G
Slptimo, por la D i=Amj
Octavo, y vltimo, por el A [=Gj
Sanzs reference to playing with an organist reveals
the thorough-going training he received in Italy. The first
musician to ever mention a system similar to the above was

55
the organist Adriano Banchieri.
In the beginning of the Secondo Registro of L'Organo

suonarino (Venice, 1 6 0 5 ), he discusses briefly the
development of the new twelve modes. Then he breaks
off, saying that this is not place for speculation but,
rather, the place for giving the real practice followed
by organists in accompanying the church chant. He
proceeds to give a new set of eight tuoni. Each of
these corresponds to a psalm tone, having for its final
the final note of the seculorum amen of that psalm tone
and bearing the same number as the psalm tone with which
it agrees. . . .
All but one of the tuoni correspond to modes from the

old system (The fourth mode has the structure of
Hypoaeolian on A, but makes its final cadence on E)i
1. D Dorian
2. G Hypodorian (Bb signature)
3. A Aeolian
5. C Ionian
6. F Kypoionian (3b signature)
236
7. D Aeolian (3b signature)
8. G Hypomixolydian 57
Sanz concludes his first book with examples of
figured-bass playing, a fugue, and a few dances. His second
and third books contain only music, most of which is from
the Spanish dance-style. Book III (1697) consists exclusively
of passacalles in three and four voices. Thus we see Sanz
as a master theorist, a performer trained in several national
styles, and a composer abreast of all the latest trends, yet
firmly rooted in the Spanish popular tradition.
It is hard to consider any other Spanish publications

without comparing them to those of Sanz. The next published
CQ
work was by Lucas Ruiz de Ribayaz in 16??.y The purpose
of the book, according to the Prologue, is to help the
student learn the instrument without a teacher. He admits
that some of his precepts are known even by the children of
Madrid. But since he makes no assumptions whatsoever, his
treatise is now an invaluable repository of performance

practices.
He comments further that the book of Gaspar Sanz,

published just a few years prior to his own, is useful only
to those who already know music. Thus, it appears that Sanz
failed to achieve the main goal he set in the Prologue of
his book. Nevertheless, with the insight of Ruiz de Ribayaz,
most of Sanz's work may now be understood to the core. For
example, Ruiz de Ribayaz's definition of rasgado performance
is enlighteningi "dragging the fingertips across the strings
237
with the strike of the hand, be it downwards or upwards
(pp. 3-^)" And on p. 10, "the manner of catching the strings
in order to play rasgado, is passing the four fingers of
the right hand over the strings all at once."
The very wordiness of the treatise is its greatest

asset; the music is hardly original at all. The Castilian
(essentially BricerSos) chord symbols are used. The
predominantly Spanish dances already present in the works
of Santa Cruz and Sanz are favored again here. Actually,
it was just recently discovered that nearly half of the
punteado pieces were composed by Sanz in the first place 1
This fact and other performance problems have been treated

59
at length in a recent article. Ruiz de Ribayaz is important
for the history of the instrument as a likely vehicle for
transferring a quantity of guitar music to the New V/orld
during a trip to Peru.^
A work of less importance than that of Ruiz de Ribayaz
is by Pablo Minguet y Irol now in E-Mn, Nusica 893. In
reality, it contains a number of small printed tracts combined
under the title: Regias v advertencias generales que ensenan
el modo de taner todos los instrumentos me.lores. The guitar
tract bears the date of 177^. Once the rules begin, the
overtones of Gaspar Sanz are immediately apparent. After
describing the nut and the frets in Rule 1, he quotes

directly from Sanz (167^-, fol. 8r) for Rule 2:
238
SANZi "En el encordar ay variedad, porque en Roma. . ."
MINGUET: "En el encordar hay variedad, porque en Italia
(In tuning there is variety, because in Italy.
His third rule then corresponds to Rule 2 of Sanz. His
fourth rule "Que cosa es punto, cuantos son, y como se llaman
is taken directly from Chapter II of Amat's book. Rules 5-7
are also taken from Amat.
Another section, entitled Reglas y advertencias para
aprender nor musica, y cifra el puntear la guitarra, again
contains overtones of the treatise of Sanz. Minguet's first
rule on punteado, "sin aranar las cuerdas. . ,sino con mucha
policia," (plucking, without scratching the strings. . .but
with much are) is from Sanz (16?^, fol. Hr). The second
rule concerning the right hand corresponds to the second of
Sanz on the same folio, abovet Rules 3 and 4 also correspond
to Sanz in the place cited. Rule 5 seems to be taken from
Sanz's basso-continuo section. Apart from Minguet's details
of performance on tipie, organo, and cithara, all of his
material seems borrowed.
A contemporary of Minguet is guilty of the same

practice, Andres de Sotos paraphrased the treatise of Amat
and borrowed the theoretical writings of Sanz in Arte para
aprender con facilid, v sin maestro. . .la guitarra de cinco
<$rdenes (Madrid, 1764).
A real light of the period is the music of Francisco
Guerau. In his Poema harmonico compuesto por varias cifras
al temple de la guitarra (Madrid, i69^-) he combined typical
239
Spanish elements with a judicious, almost classical aesthetic.
The resulting music is a unique and satisfying addition to

the repertory of the passacalles, jacaras. mariona, pavana,
gallarda. folias, villano. and canario. C-uerau, true to
tradition, provides many valuable performance aids in prose
as well. Especially regarding the position of the hands,
the treatise reads like a modern tutor for the instrument.
Perhaps due to his thorough eloquence, an explanation of
rasgueado is made conspicuous by its absence. Of the
really good Spanish music of the period, this is the most
removed from the direct influence of Corbetta.
On the other hand, the works of Santiago de Murcia
contain considerable French and Italian influence. His
first book, mainly a treatise for playing basso continuo.
was entitled Resumen de acompanar la parte con la guitarra. .
(171*0. In it, Murcia billed himself as teacher to "Maria

Luisa Gabrieia de Saboya," the Queen of Philip V of Spain;
he also speaks of Guerau who, in turn, may have taught him.
In the instructions for figured bass, the bass-line of the
guitar agrees more often with the continuo line than in
Corbetta's examples. Being of the next generation, Murcia
also seems to have a more enlightened concept of tonality
than Corbetta; his forty pages of examples are arranged by
key signature. There is a wide variety of dances in the
book, but the minuet is the favorite. Several suites appear,
the one on D minor contains (in order): prelude, Alemanda.
2k0
Corrente. Giga, and Zarabanda.
Santiago de Murcia also composed and collected music

/ j
r\ i
for a large manuscript now at the British Museum,''* Emu
lating the Italian tablature books, the first forty pages
present passacalles on the various keys. Typically Spanish,
however, are the variations which follow each one according
to mensural proportions. On p. 47 the suites begin with
Obra por la C (Suite on the chord of D major). On folios
8 6 , 8 7 and 9 5 there is an intabulation of the solo sonata
in E minor of Corelli. The following movements appear:
Tocata, Allegro, and Sigue una Giga de Coreli Dificil. . . .
There is another scribal attribution on fol. 122: Allemanea
Tombeau alia Muerte de Madame de OrleansT taken directly
from Corbetta's book of 1671. A number of Corbetta's pieces
actually appear in the manuscript without acknowledgement.
At times only minute differences are discernible from Corbettas
version* yet at other times Murcia seems only to base a piece
on Corbettas original. The following table lists the
correspondences discovered:
Murcia. 1?32 Corbetta

f. 53 Corrente in D, similar to 1 6 7 1 p. 6 8 .
77-79 Allemana. based on I6 7 I, p. 63 f.
100-101 Zarabanda. (4mm. omitted in each half), 1648, p. 50 f.
122 Allemanea. . .de Orleans, 1671, p. 10 f.
123 Zarabanda muy grave. To?l, p. 8 f.
124 C-iga (some mm. deleted), 1671, p. 51 f.
127-128 Zarabanda desnacio, based on 16?1, p. 4
127 Correnta, 16 7 1, p. 3
125-126 AlXem.ande. 1671, p. 1 f.
125 Preludio (note position changes), 1671, p. 1.
In spite of the influence of Corbettas French
241
tablature and tuning, Inurcia notates the suites with mixed
tablature alfabeto with Italian lute tablature. He also
uses the Italian system of tuoni to designate keys. For
example Corbetta's suite from 1671, p. 1, is entitled in
Murcia's book Obra por 7 tono ounto alto (Suite on the
seventh tuono raised a step higher). Due to some of the
changes in Corbetta's music here, and the difference in
notation, it would be logical to assume that Murcia first
committed Corbettas music to memory and wrote it down later
The sarabandas and allemandes by Corbetta seem to be Murcia'

favorites.
There is a New-World manuscript roughly similar to
the one above by Santiago de Murcia. It is now in Mexico
City: Biblioteca Nacional, MS 1560 (olim 1686), The opening
forty-two folios contain guitar tablature. There is an
excerpt from a solo sonata of "Coreli," as in Murcia's
manuscript. There is also some brief instruction for
thorough-bass playing. Of most interest to the present

62
study is a scribal attribution to Corbetta: Rondaut de
Corvet (see transcription at end of Volume II). Pieces in

the style of Corbetta are the Alemanda in Dm (cf. 1671,
p. 25 f.), Giga alegre in Em (cf. 1671, p. 15, especially
the melody of the last 8 mm.), and Minuete in D (cf. 1671,
p. 3^). Two pieces that follow Corbetta's music more
closely are La faborita Sarabanda in Cm (1671, p. 65 f .) and
the Minuet (1 6 7 1 , p. 74). Thus, with this manuscript,
242
Corbetta's impact on Spanish guitarists is observed as far
west as the New V/orld. The main influence of his book of
1671 however, spreads eastward from France and the Low
Countries, which is the topic of the next chapter.
24-3
NOTES TO CHAPTER 8
~ -p- -
~ille dedie'e au Roy de la Grand
Copy at GB-Lbm: see also
facs. reprint (Genevai Minkoff, 1975).
2 J.A. Westrup, "Foreign Musicians in Stuart Englande"

Mg XXVII (19*H), 80.
3 Wolf, on. clt.. p. 209,
*i- E. Pujol, Bibliothkpue de musique ancienne et moderne

pour guitare, ed. no. 1018 (Paris: Eschig, 1957;.
5 D. Kennard, "A Note on F. Corbetta and His Tablature,"

GR No. 26 (1962), 11.
6 D. Kennard, ed., Suite in G Major (London* Ricordi, 1 9 6 3 ).
7 0. Chilesotti, RMI. 795 Cronache. 3; Bibl. 5 . p. 8.
8 E. Pujol, ed., no. 1020 (Paris* Eschig, 196*0.
9 J. de Azpiazu, ed. (Nice* Delrieu, 196*0.

10 MacPherson, op. cit.. p. 179. Cf. D.J. Porrit, Duke of
Monmouth (Bristol* Stockwell, n sd*)s
11 0. Chilesotti, Lavignac Ency., p. 682 f.j Gazz. ; Bibl. 8 ,

P. 7.
12 I. Savio, ed., Antologia de obras para guitarra (Buenos
Aires: Ricordi, 1956). p. 5.
13 E. Pujol, ed. no. 1011 (Paris* Eschig, 1929).

Ik D. Kennard transcribed the Prelude and Allemande of
p. 5*P in GR No. 26 (1962), 12.
15 K. Leerink, ed. (Amsterdam* Brockmans and Van Poppel,

n.d.)
16 D. Kennard. ed., Suite in A (London*Ricordi, 1 9 6 3 ).
17 Noad, op. cit.. p. 95 ff.

18 MacPherson, op. cit., p. 133.
19 Ibid., p. 128. Cf. Hartmann, TheKing MyBrother.

PP. 33i~339
20 It has been transcribed by E.Pujol* ed. no. 1021(Paris*
V 2 4 r\ r*rj \
21 Keith, RMFC, 90 f.
22 Keith, RMFC. 92 f.M. Schulz, "Berichte und kleine

Beitr&ge. . ." Die Musikforschung IV (1951), 371-3?2. R.
Hudson, in a forthcoming anthology on the saraband.
23 D. Kennard, ed.. Suite in D (London* Schott, 1956),

and A. Quadt, ed., Gitarrenmusik des 16.-18. Jahrhunderts.
Vol. I (Leipzig* deutscher Verlag ftlr Musik, 1970), p. 26 ff.
2k Quadt, on. cit.. p. 28, and B. Henze, Das Gitarrespiel*

Ein Unterrichtswerk vom Anfang bis zur Meisterschaft. Vol.
IX (Leipzig* Hofmeist'er, 1973), P* 12.
25 Quadt, on. cit.. p. 22 ff., and R. Hudson in a forthcoming

anthology on the folia.
26 Corbetta, l671,pp.^8 and 56 in Hudson, forthcoming

anthology on the saraband; and p. 69 in Henze, on. cit..
p . 1 2 .
27 Henze, on. cit.. Vol. X.

28 J. Grassineau, A Musical Dictionary. Being a Collection
of Terms and Characters as well as Ancient as Modern. . .
(London* J. Wilcox, 17^0). See facsimile reprint in Monu
ments of Music and Music Literature. Series 2, Vol. XL
(New York: Broude, 19 ^6 ), p. 9 0 .
29 Translated by S. Murphy, "The Tuning of the Five-course

Guitar," GSJ XXIII(1970), 55* This article is the most con
cise, yet authoritative source on tunings of the baroque
guitar. The final point, here, is the clarification of
Corbetta's new tunins. Cf. H. Charnass, "Sur 1'accord de
la guitare," RMFC VII (1 9 6 7 )* 25-37. See also E. Pujol,
"Les ressources instrumentales et leur role dans la musique
pour vihuela et pour guitare au XVIe sidcle et au XVIIe,"
in La musique instrumentale de la Renaissance. J. Jacquot,
ed. (Paris* CNRS.~ 1956). p. 213. 1
30 N. Derosier, Les Principes de la guitarre. . .(Amster

dam* A, Pointel, n.d.), p. iv. Copy at I-Bc. See also his
Nouveaux principes pour la guittare. . .(Paris* C. Ballard,
1699), p. 3. Copy at F-Pn.
31 R. de Visee, Oeuvres com-pl^tes -pour guitare. R.W.
Strizich, ed. (Paris* Heugel, 1969).
2^5
32 M. Schulz, "Berichte und kleine Beitr≥ Francesco
Corbetta und das Generaibass-spieien,M Die Musikforschung
IV (1951), 371 f.
33 I b i d 371.
34 There still remains the possibility that Corbetta
intended to strum the unmarked courses as open strings,
however,
35 Hudson, Folia Melodies. 110.
36 Ibid.. 112.
37 Ibid.. 113 f.
38 Farinel or Farinelli, a celebratedviolinist, is not
to be confused with the castrato who took the pseudonym,
Farinelli, and came to London in the next generation.
39 Hudson, Folia Melodies.111. See also J.A. Westrup,

"Foreign Musicians in Stuart England," Mg XXVII (19*4-1), 77.
40 Westrup, "Foreign Musicians in Stuart England," MQ

XXVII (1941;, 88.
41 A. Harman and W. Mellers. Man and His Music (New York;

Oxford University Press, 1962), pp. 536-538.
42 Bukofzer, op. cit.. p. 109.
43 Facs. ed (Ridgewood; Gregg, 1 9 6 6 ).
bb Facs. of 1685-1687 ed. (Westmead: Gregg, 1970).
45 N. Matteis, A Collection of New Songs, facs. ed.

(Farnborough, Eng.t Gregg, 1 9 6 7 ).
b6 Copy at US-NYp. See also S. Gamsey, "The Use of

Hand-plttcked Instruments in the Continuo Body: Nicola Matteis,
ML XLVII (1 9 6 6 ), i35-l40; and M. Tilmouth, "Nicola Matteis,"
Mg XLVI (I960), 22-40.
47 F. Bridge, Samuel Pepys; Lover of Musique (London;

Smith and Elder, 1 9 0 3 ), p. 107.
48 D.G. Weiss, Samuel Pepys. Curioso. p. 118.
49 Bridge, op.^cit.. p. 109. and C. Morelli, "A table to

the ghitarr shewing the relation of each frett. . .1680"
(GB-Csp).
246
50 Westrup, "Foreign Musicians in Stuart England," MG>
XXVII (lQ4l") 83-84, and .t. Evelyn; Memoirs 23 September
1680. " '
51 H s Wessely-Kropik* Lelio Goldstar Sin rdmischsr Meister

vor Corelli, flsterreichischer Akad. der Wissenschaften. Vol.
237, No. 4 (Vienna, 1961), p. 65 f. See also F. Raguenet,
A Comparison between the French and Italian Musick and Qpsra*s .
trans. from the French (London: W. Lewis, 1709). Facs.
reprint by C. Cudworth, ed, (Westmead, Engl.: Gregg, 1 9 6 8 ),
marginal gloss, p. 3 2 .
52 Le Cocq, B-Bc, MS 5^15

53 Briceno was also a Spaniard, but his book was published
at Paris (see supra. Chapter 3).
54 R. Strizich, "Ornamentation in Spanish Baroque Guitar

Music," JLSA V (1972), 18-39.
55 There is an English translation available: J.A. Manns,

"Gaspar Sanz Instruccidn de Miisica sobre la Guitarra. . .
1674: Translation, Transcription, Commentary," M.A. thesis,
Case Western Reserve Univ., 1974.
56 A. Banchieri, L'Organo suonarino. secondo registro
(Venice, I605 -), facs. ed. in 3ibiiotheca musica bononiensis.
Sec. 2, No. 31 (Bologna: Forni, cl969j)t p. 41.
57 I. Horsley, "Symposium on 17th-century MusicTheory:

Italy," Journal of Music Theory XVI (1972), 53-54.
58 L. Ruiz de Ribayaz, Luz v norte musical para caminar

por las cifras de la guitarra espafiola (Madrid: M. iAIvarez.
1677;.
59 R. Strizich, "A Spanish Guitar Tutor: Ruiz de Ribayaz's
Luz v Norte Musical (1677)," JLSA VII (197*0, 51-81.
60 Ibid., 52-53.
61 Santiago de Murcia, "Passacalles y obras de guitarra
por todos los tonos naturales y accidentales para. . .
J. Xlbarez de Saavedra," 1732 (GB-Lbm, MS Add. 31640).
62 The scribal attributions were printed by R.M. Stevenson,

Music in Aztec and Inca Territory (Berkeley and Los Angeles:
University of California Press, 1 9 6 8 ), p. 2 3 6 .
247
CHAPTER 9
A BOOK FOR LOUIS XIV, 1674, AND THE
FINAL DIFFUSION OF THE BAROQUE GUITAR STYLE
IN FRENCH TABLATURE
The demise of baroque music for the guitar was already
apparent in Italy by 1700. Correspondingly in England, after
the immediate success of Corbetta, and to a lesser degree,
Matteis, hardly any new guitar music appeared; in Spain,
baroque guitar music declined after Guerau and Murcia,
In France, the legacy of the five-course guitar lasts
somewhat longer. There are two sub-styles that emerge in
contrast to the high-baroque intricacy of Corbetta's 16?1
book* a neo-rasgueado style, and the style galant. The former
represents a regression to the chord strumming that dominated
Italian guitar books up to 1639. Corbetta's book of 1674
is the first of a number of works representing this trend.
The second style, particularly with the generation of Robert
de Visee (fl. 1682- ), reflects characteristics which later
become branded as style galant throughout the arts. The
purpose of this chapter is to contrast these two styles in
the wake of Corbetta's last extant book.
Books and manuscripts will also be surveyed as they
begin to appear outside of France. These sources are
dependent not only on the new French sub-styles, but also
French tablature as well. Most notable in this respect is

the guitar music of the Low Countries. Corbetta's influence
248
is to be traced there, and ultimately to Bohemia, to
conclude the repertory of the baroque guitar.
Corbettas Last Surviving Book
Details of Corbettas life between his last two books
are wanting. The printing of his Guitarre rovalle. dedicated
to Charles II, was completed 3 October 1671. Two years
later, on 2i December 16?3, Louis XIV gave him permission
to print another book of the same title. Nevertheless, this
time it was to be dedicated to the "Sun King" himself. Thus
Corbetta's last oook was printed at Paris, again by Bonneiiil,
and was finally completed 12 January 167 ^.1
Although the circumstances which produced these last
books are similar, and even their titles are alike, the
music contained in each is of marked contrast. At first
glance, La gvitarre rovalle dedile au rov. 167 ^, would appear
to be a book by another composer. The contents are disap
pointing since Corbetta made no attempt to equal his previous
monument of I6 7 I. Rasgueado texture predominates at the
expense of all other stylistic qualities. We have no reason
to suppose that in a few short years Corbetta had grown
incapable of matching his former glory, inasmuch as he was
at the productive age of 59. His reversion to an earlier
style may be justified only by the fact that there was a
demand for it. Since the music was dedicated to his former
pupil, the King of France, it is likely that this stylistic
regression was led by Louis XIV, Around mid-century Louis
2^9
had learned as a mere lad to play the guitar; it is probable
that the rasgueado style was still his favorite.
In the Preface of 16?^, Corbetta clarifies his intent
regarding the diverse character of the musici
II y avoit des pieces pour ceux qui iouoient mediocrement

de cet instrument et pour ceux qui se picquent d en bien
iouer. Auiourdhuy que 1*occasion se presente da dormer
encore quelques nouvelles compositions. I* ay uoulu me
conformer a la maniere qui plast le mieux a sa Majeste',
ueuque parmis les autres elie est la plus chromatique,
la plus delicate, et la moins embarassante.
(There are pieces for those who play this instrument

in a mediocre way, and for those who pluck after the
manner of playing well. Moreover, on this occasion
today, some new compositions are brought to light.
I intended to restrict myself to the manner that would
best please His Majesty, besides other pieces that are
the most chromatic, the most delicate and the least
encumbered.)
The music of this book, then, is easily understood as Corbetta's
accommodation to strong aesthetic trends in France toward a

national style.
This music must not be judged too harshly. The first
third of the book consists of duets, of which only one part
is extant. According to the Preface, the music is for two
guitars tuned in unison. Furthermore, following the Table
of Contents, there is a note indicating the following:
Les pieces en contre partie sont a la fin du livre dans

un cayer qui se detache. (The counterparts of the duets
are at the end of the book in a detachable fascicle.)
From the beginning of the book the titles clarify that up

to p. 21, all the music is "en contre partie."
The nature of the music is indicative of Corbetta's

acute sensitivity to changing taste. The duets begin with
250
several fanfares, or as it were, battle pieces. Disregarding
the barriera in his first book, only one example of this
type of composition, the Tanbour de Suisse (i6?l); had been
previously published. Other duets include some of the Kings
miscellaneous favorites, in addition to a suite in E minor.
The solo music commences with a short chacone in C,
which may be compared to another in the same key on p. 26 ff.
The chacones typify the new ideal of simplicity. The first
contains only a few plucked notes, if any, in each phrase.
The main content of the piece is just chord strumming on
each of the three beats per measure; the pulse is only
occasionally subdivided into eighth-notes. The second chacone
is far more interesting, yet still monotonous in the light
of Corbetta's previous achievement. This one is longer and
ends with two phrases of reoicco strumming.
Even the two follies have been reduced to chordal
strumming. The one in E minor is in a new key for Corbetta's
folias. It has no barlines in four pages of music, and only
a handful of plucked notes. But what is worse, the pulse
remains an unbroken stream of quarter-notes. Moreover, the
once profuse and ingenious ornamentation of Corbetta's
earlier music has now been replaced by a dozen trills. In
this case, it would not be surprising to discover that

Corbetta had paid Louis XIV the compliment of signing his
name to one of the King's compositions.* The contrast between
Corbetta's last two books may be further elucidated by
251
comparing a passage of the G-minor folias of 1671 and 167^:
Ex. 56 Folies
4
<x/-. , 'K
J .. j 1l1
Ui r 1 1rr / y L s \ ! #1 !! 1* J^ ^ I-f *
1LI a 11 / /4? {-/' r \ J 11
! t I j / '~i )
! *1 1 r 1 1 ! f Ft
1 4- -+
" M e 1 M r
0 0
----- y
----- i .f>
ft O f T-' fv/ i ------{
------ ) /) p
h fi f \ -
/ iV- t - ,
i
#----- 0 H
- 1 -
f
1 ---- 1
---------- * ------ : - 2 i
- 4 ' ______ |'._____ c
--------- t - L l - if & \ H l k it 4 ----- 6 !----- ------ r----c 4 ------
--------- - / T , . ---- 1-!----- M - 0 VI
* i [ 1 9 f- 1 T*
^ Y
21
T^T vj^
o
I 5 =
Jti
The best music of the book is found in the sarabands,
passacailles. and minuets. The Spanish tradition lives on
in the sarabands; they, too, are predominantly strummed.
Yet in this book, they reach a high degree of French styliza

tion. The rhythms are usually dotted, the typical four-
measure phrases are often elongated to eight measures, and
252
an anacrusis may now frequently precede the first tonic
chord.
The aesthetic pretense, to which this book conforms,
does not seem to hamper the composer as much in these dances
A real degree of elegance is achieved- if in miniature, in
the saraband beginning on page 5 1 . The invention found in
the passacailles is also notable. Moreover, the resulting
character shows an inspiration akin to that of the sarabands

Although in this case the passacaille has lost its previous
didactic function, it is a prominent type of composition in
the book. The saraband and passacaille. therefore, occupy
Corbettas attention during his entire life. There are more
than sixty examples of each of these forms throughout his
works.
Since the minuet was a relatively new dance in the
suite, Corbetta had not written any before I6 7 I. In 167 ^
they are the most chromatic, and perhaps the most charming
dances of the book. The ornamentation, which is the same
as 5.n I6 7 I, is more fascinating here than in the folias or
chaconnes. The melody is often accompanied by poignant,
almost Lullian dissonance, as in the minuet below which

concludes the book:
Ex. 57 Menuet Corbetta, 1674-, p. 59

L h
i Trt
T f
253
Corbetta's Last Years
Corbetta returned to England only a few months after
the publication of his last extant booic at Paris.He

performed in Caiisto, an English masque in July 1674. He
is cited among four guitarists hired for the occasion, the
others being Mr. Custom, Mr. Deloney, and Mr. Dellcney (sici).
Judging by the expenditures of the event, it must have been
a gala affair.
Two years later Corbetta petitioned for permission
to leave his post for a trip to Prance and elsewherei
Pass for Francesco Corbetti, one of the Italian

musicians of the Kings Bedchamber, who is going to
France and other foreign parts.3
The pass is dated 13 December 1 6 7 6 , at Whitehall.According
to his obituary, the additional remuneration Corbetta
received for his services included a wife, the title
"Gentleman of the Queen," a considerable pension, and his
own portrait. There is now, in fact, an elegant portrait
in the Print Room of the British Museum which must date
from this period. It is shown on the following page.
The following year there was a guitar method printed
in England. Although no copy is known today^ it appeared
in The TermCatalogues for 26 November 1677 *
Easie Lessons on the Guittar for young Practitioners;

single, and some of two Parts. By Seignior Francisco.
Printed for Jo. Carr in Middle Temple lane. Price
3s 3d. 6
It is quite feasible that Corbetta is the author of the
method, because in the same year he was in the employ of
2$h
C^ywicesco ôrê& z^TW sijJÎIlasin} bk
q u a l Otfeo n e b juontzt o q n u n il norm,.
' fj, - J-
. . 4 ,--;r .7s,c
^
P L ftT E "SU FR A iM C E S fO <L0Re&T7A
the Duke of York:
Establishment of wages. . .of the Duke of York,

Christmas, 1677* Lady Anne's Guytarr Master, Mr.
4. i.
c a a r/M
xOS/W
V \a t T.
V V X U C V ^
*1
X V V
AA >n U |
f
Even though there is a possibility that the Duke of York
hired Corbetta to teach his wife, Anne, it appears that
his daughter of the same name was a guitarist. There is
a manuscript now m the Gemeentemussum which belonged to
"Princess An." The MS will be discussed later with other
music from the Low Countries.
Corbetta never lost his life-long penchant for travel;
moreover, even in his last years, he continued to perform.
A somewhat jaundiced glimpse of him during this period is
found in the memoirs that Adam Ebert published under the

8
pseudonym of Apronius. The following anecdote is based on
Ebert's acquaintance with Corbetta at Turin:

\
Recently the world-famous guitarist Corbetta, who taught

all the Potentates of -Europe, came here from England.
But because he had the misfortune to break a fingernail
(and with old folk these aie accustomed to grow again
very slowly) it was impossible for him to present
himself at the festival with his consort, however much
he may have wanted to. . . .Corbetta complained bitterly,
that he had come from England with great difficulty,
and inasmuch as he had let people come from Italy on
account of the consort on his guarantee, he had to pay
them afterwards out of his own pocket.9
Besides the personal interest of the occasion, this is the
only known account of Corbetta*s dependence on his fingernails
for performance. Ebert also goes on to speak of two other
topics that are undocumented elsewhere Corbetta*s own memoirs,

and also a daughter:
256
Dert had heard that Corbetta had written memoirs of
the Courts in which he had been. He therefore scraped
acquaintance with Corbettas daughter, who had accom
panied him? and once as Corbetta lay bedridden he
managed to borrow the Memoirs for a time in consideration
of a cash payment, presumably to Corbetta*s daughter.
As a result, his own book drew no small advantage^10
Corbetta finally died at the age of sixty-six in Paris.
His obituary is found in the Mercure galant for April, 1681:**
During the same period we have lost a man, who by the

marvels of his guitar has filled the whole of Europe
with his reputation. This is Mr Francis Corbet. His
singular merit obliges me to dilate a little upon his
history. He was b o m in Pavia? and throughout Italy,
when one wishes to praise a guitar piece by citing its
author, one simply says, del Pavese. From his youth
he was so fond of this instrument, that his parents,
who destined him for something different, used caresses
and menaces in vain to detatch him from the study of
it. He continued studying with such great success,
that he astonished first all the musicians of Italy.
Next he went to Spain, where he was heard at the Court
playing such things as before him had been believed
impossible on the guitar. From there he passed to the
Emperor and all the Courts of Germany, where he was
made welcome by the greatest Princes. Having returned
to Italy to defend the glory that certain envious people
wished to tarnish, by claiming his work as their own,
he attended the Duke of Mantua, who was pleased indeed
to have such a man to present to his Majesty. Our great
Monarch honoured him with his esteem and liberality,
and employed him in the most pompous spectacles. But
his nature not allowing him to stay in one place for
long, he went to England, where his Britannic Majesty,
who took the trouble to concern himself with his marriage,
gave him the title of Gentleman of the Queen, a key of
his chamber, his portrait studded with diamonds, and a
considerable pension. Regret at leaving France having
come to him too late, he made two or three journies to
Paris, where he was at pains to print several books of
his works, as he had done already in Flanders, Italy,
and elsewhere. He finally returned to France, to
signalise by his death the regret he felt at not having
spent all his life there.12
Corbetta's students were those most touched by his
passing. One of them, Reray Medard, was inspired to rhyme
257
4 A
the following:A^
EPITAPHE
DE FRANCISQUE CORBET
Cy gist l'Amphion de nos .lours,

Francisque, cet homme si rare,
Qui fit parler h sa guitarre
Le vray langage des amours.
II gagna par son harmonie

Les coeurs des Princes & des Roys,
Et plusieurs ont crCi qu'un gSnia
Prenoit le soin de conduire ses doigts.
Passant, si tu n'as pas entendu ces merveilles,

Apprens qu'il ne devoit jamais finir son sort,
Et qu'il auroit charm^ la P.]ort;
Mais, helas 1 par maiheur, eiie n'a point d oreilles,
(Here lies the Amphion of our day

Francisque that man so rare
Who made the guitar speak
The true language of Love.
(He won, with his harmonies,

The hearts of prince and king
And some believe a genius
Directed his moving fingers.
(If, passing by, you hear not his miracles

Know that he never would have died,
That he would have charmed Death himself
But, alas, unhappily, Death has no ears.)l^
The greatest eulogy of Corbetta was written by another
of his students in the language of music. Robert de Visee,
in his first book (Paris. 1682), composed a lament with the
following title: Allemande, tombeau de Fir. Francisque (p. J8
f.)0 Since there are many intriguing aspects of this piece,

it has been transcribed in part on the following page. In
the first place, this tombeau belongs to a complete suite
in C minor and thus becomes the subject of the courante-
258
Ex, 58 Allernande, Tombeau de Mre Francisque. Tlfl V1
W
?004
* ^WVV |
OQ
<V - fW I'* -'w
tx fa* o
n fr- -7- . *t > I
*-/w- t i
&
& /VV' n J
/*
i
r r n
EE
P i
r f T p f
/
259
two sarabandes, and gavotte which follow it. De Visee,
following in the footsteps of the contemporary lutenist
Perrine, provides us with a keyboard transcription of some
of his pieces. Among these is the Tombeau de Mr ...Francisque

16
Corbet. The tombeau also appears in several manuscript
17
sources. Moreover, Oscar Chilesotti was first among many
to notice the novel similarity of this lament to Beethoven's
Marcia funebre of the Eroica Symphony.
Better than Corbetta's own last book, this lament by
De Visee represents a logical continuation of the achievements
of his mentor in 1671. Inasmuch as De Vis6e hangs on to
many of Corbetta's conventions, it is a tribute to the older
master, yet it is to the credit of De Vis6e as well. To
illustrate this, the incipits of several allemandes by Corbetta
are compared to De Visê's tombeau in Ex. 59 on the following
page. Two of Corbetta's allemandes are originally in C minor
(Ex. 59 c and f). The others have been transposed to that
key in order to facilitate the comparison.
Some conclusions about De Vis6e*s adaptation to the
style of his teacher may help us to generalize about
Corbetta's allemandes. The following points of comparison
seem obvious:
1. Both composers use the same tuning, i.e., Corbetta's

French tuning.
2. The form of the allemande is the basis for a
tombeau.
3. De .Visle imitates the favorite anacrusis of I67 I

( h i ).
260
I*--* \
and Corbetta
of De Vis6e
Allemandes
Ex.. 59
261
4 S The use of ornaments and slurs is similar.
5. The range of the melody begins low and surges plain

tively upward,
6. Rasgueado is frequent and appealing. De Visde

achieves more variety than Corbetta by specifying
the occasional use of the thumb (p).
7. De Visee seems aware of Corbetta*s typical harmonic

progressions, such as the reappearance of I in m. 2
(cf. exx. a, c , d, and f) or the iv6-V cadence
(cf. ex. a. mm. 2-3. and ex. f. mm, 3-^) =
We may conclude that in De Visde, Corbetta had found a truly

gifted and devoted pupil. Virtually any of Corbettas
conventions were at his disposal. De Visee (born ca. 1660)
had already mastered an almost inimitable technique, and
was even composing and publishing in this medium at the
tender age of twenty-two. The direction of De Visee*s
music from this point is to be discussed later,
Gallot and Imitators of the Rasgueado Style
After the publication of Corbetta's book at Paris,
167^ t there were a number of contemporary attempts to revive
the rasgueado or strummed style that had dominated Italian
guitar books up to I6 3 9 . The advocates of the neo-rasgueado
style were probably followers of Corbetta or his personal

students.
*8
Heading this group was Remy Medard. His book
followed Corbetta's last book at Paris by only two years.
He published his Pieces de guitarre. dedicated to Mme. la
Marquise de Monferer, in 1 6 7 6 .*^ His aesthetics of guitar
playing are rooted in Corbetta*s style, yet based primarily
262
on rasgueado technique, and governed by a new simplicity.
He states in the Preface that playing the guitar is well
suited to the character of a gentleman because the greatest
princes of Europe prefer it above all other instruments.
Corbetta is mentioned in the Preface*
Je pretens avoir entierement suiui la maniere du

fameux Francisque Corbet. .avec cette difference
que J av trouue pour mes pieces une facility quil
ne se'st pas dcnn la peine de chercher.
(I concede to have followed completely the manner of

the famous Francisque Corbet. . .with this difference,
that I found in my pieces an easiness which he never
took the trouble to look for.)
After a page of instructions, dealing mostly with ornaments
that correspond to those of Corbetta in 1671, the music
begins.
As to be expected, the pieces are organized by key.
The first set is in C major, up to p. 11. A prelude with
measured and unmeasured sections is followed by chacone

variations for several pages. Then there is a saraband for
two guitars, part of which has been transcribed below*
Ex, 60 Sarabande (a 2) Medard, 16?6, p. 5

(S' ^ ^ ** J
%
y y-
=5
B
JZr J=- JX

T = 4
f
I
263
The pleasant, simple style is typical of the ordinary guitar
music of the period* it makes up for its lack of excitement
with charm. It would be good music for instructing begin
ners, however, for dissonances are few and the rhythms are
totally regular. After a few more sarabands and minuets,

we skip to D minor.
In the new key, p. 12, there is a measured prelude,
then a passacaille which follows Corbetta*s style of 1674
(see p. 3 3 ) and 1648 (p. 1 7 ). However, in the Courante
below, a closer association may be detected*
Ex. 61 a) Courante Medard, 1 6 7 6 , p. 23

h . m > n
_m _jn_ is-r
& % 17:--
T
f
P a
v v i u c v v<S. |
1 <C/l,0 | w*
x v r y
ft.C
t"
*
i- rh n 1 S3
g I
-t- \ y
The melody follows Corbetta's quite closely, although the
harmony varies occasionally. Such is also the case in the
allemande on p. 27 (cf. Corbetta, 1671, p. 54 f .) and the
courante on p. 33 (cf. Corbetta, I6 7 I, p. 3 6 ), but in the
264
latter pieces "there is much simplification of Corbetts*s
idea. A half dozen minuets and sarabands contain texts,
as in Corbetta*s book of 16?1S However, no voice parts
ever appear. The texts are written in poetic form at the
end of each piece. Thus, Medard may have followed Corbetta,
but never too closely.
A number of manuscripts witness the resurgence of
rasgueado playing. Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale, Vm7. 675,

which dates from this period, was already mentioned with
relation to Corbetta *s book of 164-8, Another manuscript
from the same library. Res. 14-02, may be dated by the handful
of pieces by De Visee which it contains. I have discovered
another group by Corbetta, although he is not mentioned by
name. Some are nearly exact duplications, others (marked
cf.. below) are only similar to Corbetta's originals.
Page from F-Pn. Res. 14-02 Page from Corbetta's Works

15. Sarabande 164-8, P. 37
19. Co d UC411\U jlO p. 29
27. Sarabande 164-8, P. 74-
28. Sarabande cf. 1639, P. 69
34-. Folie (2a. parte) cf. 164-8, P. 75 ff.
66. Folie cf. 1639, P 17
128 f. Passacaille cf. 164-3, P 16 f.
14-8. Passacaille cf. 167%, P. 24 f.
Much of the music here is governed by a slow harmonic
rhythm; that is, a chord may be held a measure or two while

strummed by the right hand. The forms are elongated by
this process. The lack of barlines, however, makes the
music difficult to transcribe. The keys of C major and D
minor predominate. The significance of this source is that
265
rasguedo dominates the music, and, as in Medard's book,
nothing past an intermediate technique is required to play

*T*

i. tf f
The most important manuscript for the study of
Corbetta*s music is the collection of Henry Frangois de
Gallot, who may be related to the Gallot dynasty of lu-

20
tenists. A unique feature of French lutenists (and gui
tarists as well) is that they so often come in families,

21
such as Jacques, Ennemond, Denis, and Pierre Gaultier.
There were at least three lutenists by the name of Gallot,

22
yet the name of Henry Franqois is not among them. The
bignificance of thie> manuscript wouiu jus ciiy including
his name in future articles on the Gallot family.
H.F. de Gallot styles himself in the manuscript as
"Gallot d'Angleterre," or "Gallot d'Irlande;" thus it appears

23
that the collection was assembled in the British Isles.
Fortunately, much of the music is dated. Inasmuch as the
pieces range from 1664 to 1684, Gallot must have spent a

24
good part of his life on this manuscript. Besides the
guitar tablatures, the MS also contains a few songs, a chorus,
and a dialogue, all with strummed guitar accompaniment.
There is also music for la mandore (fol. 131r) and la guitarre
theorbee (fol. lOlv), comparable to Granata's chitarra
tiorbata. The manuscript is indeed large. Two or three
pieces fit on each side of a folio. Altogether there are
159 folios, recto and verso, equivalent to more than three
266
hundred large pages of music, yielding over 500 pieces.
There are few scribal attributions, other than those
to which Gallot signs his own name. Corbetta receives eight
attributions under either the Spanish or French spelling of
his first name (see below). Also mentioned are the names
of Chabotti (fol. 8v), Mr. T (36r), Arkangelo (81 a, v), Mr.
Talbot (8o y ), Clement (93r), M. Kanoko (10?v), and Batiste
(l45v-, 4 pieces). Many anonymous pieces are by Corbettai
in fact, there are at least 85 compositions by him in this
manuscript! There may be many more because of an idiosyncracv
of the scribe. Frequently the letter f. appears by the
title of a piece this designation may mean Francesco Corbetta.
For example, folios 29r to 29v contain five titles, as follows*
Courante f,. Sarabande f .. Sarabande f.. Allemande f .. Courante
f. Of the five compositions, the last two may be identified
in Corbetta's book of 1648, Thus, many more discoveries of
Corbetta#s music may come from this source.
Gallot demonstrates a knowledge of all of Corbettas
printed books, and a certain intimacy with three of them,
Gallot's favorites are those from 1643, 1648, and 1674.
Occasional excerpts from Corbetta's.book of 16?1 (fols, 57r
and 6Or) show that Gallot knew the book, but either could
not play the music, or simply did not care for it, Gallot
finally ends his manuscript (around the years of 1683 and
1684) on some twenty compositions from Corbetta's last extant

book in the rasgueado style. Although the list of Corbetta's
26 ?
music in this MS is necessarily long, all cf the discoveries
are listed on the following pages (fable IV). The music is
listed in the order of appearance in the manuscript.
In spite of the frequency with which Corbetta's works
ere cited, none of the pieces signed by Gallot himself are
by Corbetta. A case in point is La Richemont sarabande de
Gallot. 1672 (fol, 52v). The saraband has a text, and is
probably dedicated to the same noble family as Corbetta's
Sarabande la Richemont (I6 7 I# p. 19), However, the piece
by Gallot is completely different, even in key and mode.
Throughout the manuscript, Gallot's music is of high quality
higher than that of many published baroque books for guitar.
Several personal traits distinguish his pieces from
those of his mentor. The unmeasured prelude is quite frequent
Many of these are but a progression of chords in the tabla-
ture, intended for arpeggiation. Other preludes are spelled
out, with a given rhythm, yet without barlines (see 7lr).
The entire manuscript is in French tablature, even for the
many pieces from Corbetta's middle period. A number of them
have been notated in mixed tablature i.es, Italian alfabeto
combined with French lute tablature (fols, 71**, 72v, 73**).
Gallot also shows his competence by including many pieces
in scordatura. In addition, he uses several keys which appear
infrequently in Corbetta's music; for instance, in the key
of 3 major there are more than a dozen pieces (fol. 102r and
following). Starting on fol. 89v, there is a fine suite
268
Table IV
A Concordance of Corbettas Music
in the MS of H.P. Gallot (Oxford, Bodleian
Library, Music Sch., C 94).
Corbettas Music by
r\ ^ ^ _ _
i* _
___
__
Gallot MS Titles
3r "Allem. 1648, P. 54f
3v Cour. 1648, P. 56f
3v Allem. 1643, P. 40
4v Cour. 1643, P. 41
4v Sarab. 1643. D. 43
8 v Chac. 1648, P. 28
lOv Allem. 1648, Cf . p. 74
lOv Allem. Francisco
llv Passac. 1643, P. 20
12 v P.rel, 1648. P* 32
13r Allem. 1648, Cf . p. 34f
17v Allem. 1643. D *57
17v Sarab. 1648, P. 37
17v Passac. eoodTJI 1648, P. 18f
2Or Cour. 1643, P. 58
21 v Suite de chaconne
de Francisco 1671, P. 72 (simplified)
2 2 r Allem. 1643, P. 44
22 v Passac. 1648, P. 26
25 v Prel. 1648, P. 38f
26 v Cour, 1648. P 66
29v Allem. F. 1648, P. 4of
29v Cour. F. 1648, P. 42 f
30r Sarab. 1648, P* 44
31v Passac. 1648, T> .
IT w I6 f
36 v Allem. Francisaue
37r La Stuart Sarabande de
Francisco 1671, P. 71
39r Sarab. 1648, P. 50f
39v Sarab. 1643, P. 53
4lr Allem. 1648, P. 48f
W v Passac. Francisque 1648. t>. l4f
4lv Cour. 1643, Cf . P. 51
4^r Passac. 1671, cf ,. 49f
46 r Passac. 1643, p. I4f
47v Passac. 1643, p. 30f
48r Sarab. 1643, p. 46
66v Passac. 1648, p. 8 f
*>6 v La morte du Glocester
allem. de Francisco 1671, p. 8
S7r Sarab. 1671, p. 8 f
<8r Double allem. Francisco 1671, cf. P 1
'Rv Allem. de Francisaue 1671, p* If
6 Or Sarab. 1671, p* 30f
64r Allem. 1643, p. 4 7
269
64v Sanah. 1643. n. 4Q
7 lr Allem. 1643, P. 44
78v Passac. 1643, Cf . p. I6f
82t' Allem. Francisco
84r Folies l#l] 1639, P. 18 f#2J
/
<( n <
79fr (m. 97ff)
84v ibid. L#8] J L O / X , P.
ft ibid * L#12] 1AAR. r > .
j* *
A f t f
--- \(m.
* L /O -* P *- P /t
86r AT lorn. 1648 P* 40f
98r Prel. 1648, P. 52 f
98r Passac. 1643, ? 28f
98v Allem. f. du due de
Bouauineham 16?1, P* 13f
ii?r chac. por A f. 1643, P. c01
ll7v Passac. por 0 1643, P. I6f
Il8v Passac. por L 1643, P. 12f
119r Passac. na E 1643, P 20f
12 Or Passac. por 1. 1643, P. 38f
12 Ov Passac. por *4- 1643, P. 28f
121v Ciaconna nor G_ 1643, P. 18f
122r Passac.nor P 1643, n. '8 '
123 v Passac. nor D 1643, p. 24f
124v Ciac. nor M, 1680 1643, P. lOf
127r Allem. 1643, P. 54f
132v Passac. por X 1643, P. 32f
139v Reôla per sonar
sonra la narte 1671, P. 99
l40v Trompette xo^, P. X
14 Ov Le tamour de
francis. 1674, P. 2
l4lr Tambour de suisse 1674, P. 3
l41r Fanfare 1674, P* 4
141v Autre fanfare 1674-. n. 5
I4lv Air de tromnette 1674, P- 47
l41v Sarab. du Roy 1674, P. 6f
I42r La daunhine Sarab. 1674, cf . p. 8
I42r Passac. 1674, P. 7
142v Giffff cherie du Roy 1674, P. 9
l42v Prel. 1674, P. 10
l42v Allem. 1674, P. llff
l43r Menuet 1674, P* 17
I43v Sarab. 1674. P 14
l44r Folias 1674, 0 . 34ff
l44v Allem. 1674, P. 44f
I44v Sarab. 1674, P* 18
l45r Passac. 1674, P. 19ff
l45v Sarab. 1674, P. 23f
l45v Passac. 1674, P. 24f
2?0
of dances by Gallot d'Irlande. It begins with a Tombeau.
allemande de Gallot. which is limited by a rather static
harmony, but it is rhythmically alive. A gigue and an
excellent chaconne follow. In the next dances, we see the
classic order of the suite* Allemande. Courante. Sarabande.
Gigue.
We may conclude that mere than any other, Henry
Francois de Gallot was the connoisseur of Corbetta*s music.
He was a competent composer in his own right, and if he
played all the music of his collection, he was a fine
performer. Besides providing a handful of new compositions
by Corbetta, his manuscript is the prime alternate source
of many published pieces as well. In the future, still more
pieces by Corbetta may be identified from this source.
Finally, if Gallot's taste is typical of his times, the
rasgueado style had a resurgence of popularity in both France
and Great Britain during the decade in which Corbetta died.
Style Galant
Corbetta's monumental book of 1671 presented a
problem for most guitarists. Such completely baroque music
was, because of its complexity and density, unplayable
except by the most fluent technicians of the instrument.
It created a situation similar to that of Bach*s sons. Nobody
questioned J.S. Bach's mastery of the keyboard, but his style
must have been regarded as antiquated, intense, and even
busy by the generation of his sons. This is not to say that
271
both Kari Fhiiipp Emanuel or Johann Christian Bach composed
in the same style (much to the contrary), but they did seek
means of expression different from the style of their father.
In the same vay, after Corbetta's passing, his spirit loomed
paternally over the rest of the guitar school. To a degree,
however, guitarists tended to react to the music of 16?1,
rather than merely to imitate it it remained matchless. We
have already explored one alternative direction to this high
baroque style. Corbetta himself, inspired by Louis XIV, led
in repopularizing rasgueado. This trend only lasted several
decades in France. In the next generation, guitarists found
another, more enlightened mode of expression. The newer
style was to grace the Parisian salons of the 18th century.
The gallant style achieved an important status in
France by the beginning of the reign of the new Dauphin,
Louis XV, in 1715, The first great pictorial artist of the
style was Watteau (1684-1721), in whose works the guitar
appeared regularly. Musically, the new style was ideally
suited to the guitar. The music, rather than being serious
or virtuosic, eventually became an ornament for the rococo
salon or garden. Above all, style galant depended on a
refined melody which dominated the bass and other parts to
such a degree that they were relegated to a role of unobtrusive
accompaniment. An elegant new simplicity replaced baroque
counterpoint and the contrived spinning out of motivic
elements in an otherwise transparent texture. At a time when
272
miniatures became fashionable. short dances with regular
phrases and recurring sections became popular.
French guitar music at the end of the 17th century
provided an atmosphere in which the characteristics cf style
galant could be cultivated. Guitar music was the ideal
medium for the bedchamber or parlor of the new palace at
Versailles, or the townhomes of the upper class. La Bruyere
was a guitarist of note, employed at the mansion of the Conde

25
family. Several guitarists were employed simultaneously
for the chambers of the court, as well. The following
guitarists appear to have served both Louis XIV and the

26
regency of his son (dates are for the period of service)i
Bernard Jourdan de la Salle, 1681-1695

Louis Jourdan de la Salle, 1695-1722
Robert de Visee, io9o-i732
Francois de Vis6e, 1713-1733
It is notable that for more than fifty years the guitarists
came from but two families. Other important contemporaries
were Nicolas Derosier and Henri Grenerin, both publishing

27
method-books at Paris, and Corbetta's students, De Vabray
and Medard.
Robert de Visee
The greatest French guitarist of the 17th century was

Robert de Visee (ca. 1660-ca. i?20), who, like Medard, also
followed Corbetta. De Visee's music was at once a viable

continuation of past achievements and a logical step in a
new direction. He took much from the style of Corbetta
273
began his first book with a suite in A minor in the style
28
of the older master. The suite opens with a prelude, which
is allied aesthetically to all of Corbetta's since 164-3* in
essence, a fast section followed by a slow one. De Visee
begins on a rapid passage in style brisg. Then the tempo
decreases and the meter is changed to 3/b at midpoint.
Contrapuntal devices overpower the virtuosic chordal outlines,
as tension grows by the separation of two voices: a bass
marked by descending steps, and a melody full of piquant
chromatic alterations. The only strumming is on the final
chord of A minor.
Probably for reasons of proving his competence in
the prevailing style (ises, that of his teacher), he also
matches Corbetta's style in the Allemande. Courante. Sarabande.
and Gigue. In Ex. 62, excerpts of De Vise's first suite
are compared to similar sections of Corbetta's Suite in A
minor, 1671, The allemandes begin almost alike, but then
become different after the incipit. In the dances that
follow, the similarities are more subtle. However, the
overall density of sound, melodic outline, chord positions,
cadences, and ornaments all show how De Visee could emulate

the older master without copying him.
In the manuscript sources for De Visee*s music, there
is another suite which is stylistically dependent on Corbetta.
In the manuscript from F-Pn, Rs. F 844 (pp, 4 6), the
27 k
Ex. 62 Suites in A Minor
Corbetta, 1671, pp. 28 ft. De Vls6e, 1682, pp. 8 ff.
our fcfctf 1
X 1 r> T
-4-*
=F
t C- ttn i4j u
1 - M ll
4t
Sarab. (final mm.)

&L rf Wr-
-f , 'rj!
rt r . r. 4 ^
-*i ^4=
p # lr
F V I I t
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a
23:
p
Gigue ffr J ? i
q q - | \ r\ i
...... .....T""*Y \ ' * -- ---------pi f-
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m k M I ? J
r i
r
275
Allemande, Courante8 and Sarabande seem to have been modelled
on Corbetta's dances of l67l p. 35 ff. There is also a mild

29
similarity between the Allemande La Royalle of both composers.
Even in the theorbo music of De Vis6e, the Tombeau de M .

30
Mouton resembles Corbetta's allemande of 1643, p. 40. The
closest the two composers ever come is in De Visê's saraband
in D minor (1682, p. 21 f.), wherin Corbetta's melody is
duplicated over different harmony (1648, p. 70),
F-Pn, Res, F 844 is also the most problematical
manuscript for the study of Corbetta. Several pieces appear
by Francisque, such as the allemande following the Allemande
Mazarin. It is similar to 1671* p. 63 f. Tliere are also

many airs and dances by a certain Francois, whose style
differs from that of Corbetta, But Corbetta is never men
tioned by his last name, nor is any of his published music
quoted verbatim. Therefore, until we have further evidence,
none cf this music can be definitely placed among his complete
works. Most of the music of the MS is charmingly galant.
Mythological or coquettishly amorous titles dominate the
songs, Lully's overtures occur abundantly in transcription,
and many other composers appear in the manuscript by scribal
attribution* Couperin, Campion, Philidor, Marais, Mouret,

De Lalande, Colin, Rider, Le Clerc, Campra, Torli, Corelia,
Senalier, Rameau, and others. From the preceding list, it
would be safe to conclude that the manuscript was not com
pleted until the first quarter of the 18th century. In
276
addition, it is significant that De Visee has such an
important role in the MS, with over forty pieces to his
credit.
When De Vis6e published his second book in 1686. he

31
had come into his own. The book begins with the very
popular suite in D minor. Corbetta's favorite formal design
for the prelude (fast-slow) is now in reverse. A single
line begins moderately and ends on a half cadence. Then
imitative entrances gradually thicken the texture and build
tension. Finally, a few rapid scales lead to the concluding
cadence. Some of the pieces in the book contain less chordal
strumming than before. The allemandes and minuets are moder
ately strummed and the gigues very little. On the other
hand, the pieces of Spanish origin, such as the sarabandes
and chacones. are frequently strummed throughout.
Many aspects of the book carry it beyond Corbetta's
techniques of playing and composing. Some of the pieces are
written out in conventional mensural notation in addition
to the usual tablature. Fingering for the right hand is
both more developed and more meticulously notated for punteado

and rasgueado. even though the old reoicco strumming is no
longer present. The left-hand ornaments, however, are those
established by Oorbetta in I6 7 I. De Vis6e usually achieves
a more pleasant, continuous stream of melody; it is somehow
less spiced and punctuated than Corbetta's. De Visee also
extends Corbetta's range a few frets higher, matching that
277
of the Italian virtuoso, Granata. French as his music is,
the rondeau form may occur in any of the dances in the suite
except the traditional allemande or courante. Frequently,
the dances which employ this principle of repetition contain
all the grace and charm of the rococo in the next generation.
De Visee*s manuscripts also contain the transcription of
worries from other media, such as several excerpts from the
overtures of Lully. There are also unmeasured preludes,
which Ccrbetta had shunned.
De Visee is not merely an early galant composer. In

fact, much of the music in his second book remains thoroughly
baroque. He was the first and only guitarist-composer in
France to fully assimilate Corbetta's innovations and tech
nique. He transformed it all to suit his own genius. Then,
governed by excellent taste, and in the aura of French
absolutism, he made his own unique contribution, leaving
music a step closer to the gallantries that eventually
characterized rococo art.
Franqois Campion and Others
Franpois Campion (ca. 1680-17^3} was next in importance
after De Visde. The source of his music is a manuscript now

32
in the Bibiotheque Nationale. The following works by
Campion are listed in the manuscript theret
1. Pieces de guitare. printed, 1705

2. Traitd d' acccmoagnement. 1716
3. Aventures pastorales
k. Addition au traitd d'accompagnement
5. Second recueil d'airs
278
6. Abbe Carbasus. Critique de la ville, 6e. oeuvre
7* Primiers urineipes en tabulaturc. . .de guitare
Dates on the pieces range from 1705 to 1731 during which
time Campion must have flourished. He is also known to
have held the title, "Professeur-Kaitre ue theorbe et de

33
guitare de l'Acad^mie Royale de Musique."
The music is strongly influenced by the technique of
iutenists rather than by Corbetta's school. The unusual
minor keys of F# and C# predominate at once. Strumming is
eschewed, and the rhythms are less complex than those of
Corbetta. The style is more direct and straightforward,
and becomes nearly classical. Another peculiarity is the
coda in several pieces, which ends in a rhythmic flourish.
Comparable to contemporary lute techniques, several new
accords are preferred over standard baroque tuning. At the
end of the manuscript there are several attractive sonatinas
of three to four pages each. They are surprisingly contra
puntal. The last pieces in this source are several fugues
of high quality, which, to Campion's credit, were never
equalled in music for the baroque guitar.
There is another French tablature for guitar which

3k
has already been studied in detail by Adolf Koczirz. The
manuscript contains an unmeasured prelude, seven arias, and
thirty dances. If the seven transcriptions of the article
are representative pieces, the music will be of interest to
beginning guitarists. Although the music is quite simple,
it is not without a certain charm. The two-part texture is
279
predictably regular except for rasgueado chords at the
cadences. The larger part of the manuscript which follows

4m
0.0 A Ui VliC
The sure end of the baroque guitar in Prance is marked
by the publication of several method-books for the instrument.

35
The method by Antoine Bailleux is without date. The cata
logue it contains; however* includes Rameaus Traits de
l harmonie [1722^ The guitar is of five courses, tuned
exactly as that of J.C. Amat in 1596. The first piece is
on the Folies d'Es-pagne. Nearly all the music incorporates
the style of the "Alberti bass." Fortunately the guitar is
combined with other instruments or voice, otherwise the book
would contain no more than arpeggio patterns.* All of the
guitar music is notated in both mensural notation and
tablature.
36
A similar method-book was published by A.M. Le Moine.
i * a * , j ^ ^ ^
m is jloit 2> a1V 6 **s oar $an m s oj/uiiisxiu
apparently converted from a baroque guitar of five courses
(see Le Moine, p. 5) There are also instructions for the

lyre (a lyre-guitar) and a six-string guitar (p. 10), the
latter being an early appearance of the instrument that
finally superceded the five-course baroque guitar. The
music of both Bailleux and Le Moine is completely homophonic
and no longer baroque in any sense. Therefore it is perhaps
not surprising -jhat the low-octave tuning of Amat is now
favored over the re-entrant tuning of Corbetta, De Visee
280
and the other French guitarists of the baroque periods Much
of Le Moine's music also consists of arpeggiated variations
on such tunes as the folia. Adieu plaisir d'amour, or A h .'

tfm iG w f l i - i a mOmOM Un o V a a V o n /^ e aw 1 9 a a atww o w 4
songs.
The Guitar in the Low Countries
The first eminent guitarist in the Low Countries
was Giovanni Paolo Foscarini. According to the Preface of
his third cumulative book, Foscarini prided himself on the
fact that he had served the Archduke Albert (a. 1621).
Unfortunately, neither the third nor the fourth book is
dated; but since his fifth book was printed several times
37
after 164-0, it may be surmised that Foscarini was in
Flanders well before that date. His association continued
there, as documented in the correspondence of Constantijn
Huygens- It appears that Huygens first wrote to Foscarini
regarding the latter's theoretical treatise, Dell'armonia

38
del mondo (Paris, 164-7). The following year they took
up a lively correspondence regarding the selection of a

39
proper lute, the favorite instrument of Huygens. Although
Huygens was quick to note a talented guitar player, such
as Mme. Killigrey or "La Smith," he maintained a critical
view of the instrument itself.** On one occasion, when
speaking of the guitarist Salinas of Madrid, he did whathe

4-1
could to disparage "ce miserable instrument." He also
tells how Gaultier played his excellent lute for two hours
281
at Madrid for the King's Cabinet. After they commented that
it was a pity he did not play guitar, he was tempted to break
his lute over their heads! In addition, Huygens was the
one who suggested to Lady Utricia Ogle Swann that she have
her ears feasted at Breda with the excellent guitar of Sig.

I. a
o
Corbetta.
But Corbetta had probably been in the Lev/ Countries
before the occasion at Breda, for he had published his Libro
qvarto at Brussels. The dedication to "Leopoldo Gvglielmo,
Arciduca d'Austria," is dated "Bruxelles, il 1. del anno

44
1648." Corbetta must have also posed for the frontispiece,
which was engraved by Frederick Bouttats.
The Flemish guitar books and manuscripts from the
early 18th century consistently document the influence of
Corbetta in the Low Countries. Let us begin with the so-

45
called "Princess An's lute book." In spite of the title,
this MS in French tablature is definitely for the five-course
guitar. This is obvious, for example, in the minuet in D
minor, p. which follows Corbetta's harmony (1674, p. 31)
with much rasgueado. The several trompettes follow the

46
strummed style as well. Usually, however, strumming is
minimized. Occasionally there is an attempt to follow
Corbetta's more complex style of 1671, as listed below
Princess An's L.B. Corbetta

p. 20, Rondau 16>1, P. 2?
p. 56, Gigue cf. 1671, p. 69
p. 135 Menuet I6 7 I, p. 30
p, 145, (untitled) cf. 1671, p. 32
282
This MS also constitutes a new source (p, 62) for De Vis6es
Gavotte rondeau, corresponding to F-Pn, MS Vm7 6222, fol.
i9v. Some of the pieces, such as the Gigus on p. 142 f.,
are taxing and attractive. But most of the music follows
Corbettas technique only from a distance. The rasgueado
style is employed sparingly, and fine points, such as the
use of the upper register, the reuicco, and left-hand
ornamentation occur infrequently, when compared to Corbettas
music. In general, the music of this manuscript follows
the new style galant, and typically baroque elements are

absent.
A collection of particularly high quality is that cf

/ 47
Antoine Carre. Although neither place nor date is provided,
it appears to have been printed at the end of the 17th cen
tury. Much of the music approximates the style of Corbetta
in 1671; several pieces are exact duplications, while others

show a similarityt
A. CarrI Corbetta
p. 2 ff. Chacone cf. 1671 p. 69
p. 8 Air de Sarabande 1671* p. 61
p. 15 f. Allemande cf. i67lf p. 63 f. and 164-3, p. 4-7
p. 17 Sarab. -plainte 1671, p. 65
p. 18 Sarabande cf. 1674-, p. 54
p. 21Sarabande cf. 1671# p. 30 f. (incipit)
p. 23f. Allemande cf. p. 1671, p. 28 f.
p. 54-Tombeau I6 7 I 1 p. 8 f.
The greatest asset of the book is the large suite consisting
of an Ouverture. Air de ballet. Danse. Sarabande. Menuet.
Gigue. Menuet. Gavotte. Chacon and Air de sarabande. Two
guitars, a bass, and a treble instrument, such as flute,
283
are featured. The incipits of two movements are given on
the following page.
The Le Cocq Anthology
The collection of Francois Le Cocq stands above the
other Flemish manuscripts both for the variety of information

48
it contains, and for the quality of its solo music. Le
Cocq styles himself the "Musicien Jubiiaire de la Chapelle
Royalle st Bruxelles." Part of the title includes the
dedication to far. De Castillion, dated 1729.
The Preface identifies seven composers whose music
appears in the collection: Perez de Zavala, Sanz, Lelio
CColista], Robert de Visee, Derosier, Granata, and Corbetta.
"Francois Corbet" is singled out from the rest. He has now
become a historical figure, having died in the previous half
century. Le Cocq tells of his prestige in the Low Countries,
citing the dedication of a book by Corbetta to the Archduke
Albert. However, since Albert died in 1621, Le Cocq may
be referring to Corbetta's fourth book, published at Brus

sels.
Le famoux Francois Corbet l'avoit reveille dans ce

Paisbas, et apr&s qu'il avoit dedid son livre aux
Archduc Albert et Isabelle, tout ce qui dtoit noble a
Bruxelles se fasoit gloire d'en joiier. . .la guitarre
etoit seule a la mode. . . ,Je joins dans ce recueil
aprdr les airs de Monsr. Le Cocq quelques pieces
d'autres maitres qui ont excelld au siecle dernier.
On ereuve dans celles de Monsr. Francois Corbet
beaucoup de gravite.
(The famous Francesco Corbetta has appeared in the Low

Countries, and after he dedicated his book to the
284
UUTO^ k C J
MQ
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b) Air de ballet
-Ibk * * ----- *----- I 1 5 i ----j _ --- A.

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285
Archduke Albert and Isabelle, all of the nobility of
Brussels did glory in playing from it. . .the guitar
alone was in fashion. . . .1 join in this collection,
after the airs of Mr* Le Cocq, a few pieces that are
excellent from the masters of the previous century.
One recognizes in those of Corbetta much profundity.)k9
The musical portion divided into two parts. The first
half is by Le Cocq; the last part constitutes the anthology
of collected works. Michel Pirez de Zavala is represented
by four pieces. Ke is also identified in the Preface as
teaching at Madrid around 1690. Gaspar Sanz has but one
passacaille ascribed to him. Lelio Colista, the Roman
guitarist and lutenist, is represented by five pieces, and
Granata by only one. Le Cocq speaks highly of Robert de
Visee for having taught the Dauphin, and for having dedicated
to him the book of 1682. Thero are six pieces in this manu
script that may be added to the complete works of De Vis6e

as published by Robert Strizich.
Nicolas Derosier, "Ordinary of music to the Palatine
CRhenishj Elector," has 39 pieces in the anthology. He had
previously published two works in the Low Countries, a

50
collection of twelve Ouvertures at The Hague in 1688, and
a pamphlet of only twelve pages, entitled Les principes de
la guitarre at Amsterdam in 1 6 9 6 ,^* The latter concerns
the essentials of technique, such as the notation of
ornaments (corresponding to De Vis6e's books), Corbetta's
French tuning, and alfabeto. He then illustrates the
principles with a cnaconne in each of the major and minor
keys. The Le Cocq anthology, however, must represent the
286
largest collection of Derosier's works. In fact* it would
not be surprising to discover that he had been Le Cocq's
teacher, It is also feasible that the reverence shared for
Corbetta in this book was transmitted to Le Cocq through
Derosier.
Corbetta is represented in the anthology by no less
than a dozen new pieces, most of which are in the style of
his middle period, They have all been transcribed in the
second volume of the present work. In addition to the new
pieces in the manuscript, the Chacone on p. 106, contains
the renicco section of the Chacone published in 1671* p. 72 f.
Likewise, the Gigue on p. 108 corresponds to 1671, p . 73 f;

Le Cocq is also strongly influenced by Corbetta in his own
allemandes. For instance, p, 48 corresponds to Corbetta,
1648, p. 40; and p. 38 appears to be a variation on Corbetta's
allemande. 1671, p. 63 f. Le Cocq gives several tunings
with definite pitches, but the first one, which he probably
used himself, is the French tuning of Corbetta. Moreover,
Le Cocq gives concise instructions for ornaments, repeat
signs, and rests, thus clarifying some of Corbetta's

notational practices.
Losy and
the Guitar in Eastern Europe
Corbetta went to Vienna to play for King Ferdinand

52
IV in 1648. It was also in the same year that he dedic
his fourth book to the Austrian Archduke Leopold William.
287
The following year, Corbetta gave another concert at the
Viennese court. However, he probably found that the
luter.ists in the east were still too attached to their

instrument to start a craze for the guitar. Ironically,
throughout the baroque era, the total success of the guitar
depended on the decline of the lute. In the Austro-German
Empire the guitar never did replace it. The full flowering
of the lute was still imminent in the suites of Sylvius
Leopold Weiss (1685-1750) J.S. Bach, and others.
Two foreign guitarists were known to have worked in
the Empire during this period. Corbetta's contemporary,
Jacques Alexandre de Saint-Luc (b. 1633> Brussels) was a
lutenist and guitarist who was employed in the chambre du
Roi of Louis XIV. He was enthusiastically received at
Vienna and Berlin. At Innsbruck, the activity of the
theorbist Angelo Michele Bartolomi has been noted at the
court of Archduke Ferdinand during 16551656. It seems
likely that this is the same composer who strongly influenced

Corbetta's middle period.^
Other guitarists in the Empire are less tied to
Corbetta and to the mainstream of continental guitar music,

57
Manuscripts which have been studied recently by Joseph Kiima
58
and Hans Radke show little, if any influence from Corbetta,
Perhaps the best guitarist of the Empire during this period
was the prolific Nathanael Diesel, who was employed at the

59
Danish court from 1736 to 17^. Although he was a better
288
composer than his French contemporaries, Le Moine and
Bailleux, his music is similar to theirs, using the tuning
of Amat, containing much arpeggiation and a predominance of
punteado style.
The spread of the guitar to Bohemia may have been due
to Foscarini. It has been suggested that he dedicated some

60
music to a Czech aristocrat there. However, the success
of the guitar depended on the cosmopolitan activities of
Count Jan Antonin Losy of Losimthal (ca. 1650-1721), who
was a virtuoso guitarist and lutenist. After terminating
his studies at Prague University in 1668, "he then travelled

in Italy and France, where he became acquainted with the new
French Gaultier school, and with the guitar art of F. Corbet.
Many manuscripts of guitar music now in Czechoslovakia
are currently available because of the enthusiastic support
of Prince Lobkowitz. Early in the 19th century, he collected
lute and guitar music for the castle library of Raudnitz on

62
the Elbe (north of Prague). Some of his collection is now
available through the University Library and the National
Museum in Prague. One of these manuscripts contains eight
superlative suites for guitar and a treble instrument such

63
as the fluue.
The National Museum contains several manuscripts
which are important sources for the guitar music of Count

Losy. His music has been transcribed many times for the
m o d e m guitar; however, only the transcription by Pohanka
289
is complete and reliable. In manuscript CS-Pnm, XLb 209,
Losy is the principal composer. Since he was so well known
as a lutenist, one might expect him to shun the rasgueado
style. Such is not the case; for he uses it, as did his
contemporary De Visee, with the utmost taste. At times it
predominates, as in the Noble March (p. 13) yet in the
Rondeau tendrement which follows, rasgueado strumming is
used sparingly and only as a part of the recurring theme.
In the same MS, there is a Tombeau (p. 71 ff.) and Sarabande
"on the death of Madame, Countess De Logi, made by her son,
Mr, the Count Antonio." The key is C minor, that of the
Tombeau de Mr. Francisque Corbet by De Vis6e and several
tombeaus by Corbetta in 1.671. The opening is quite obviously
based on these earlier works, but the ensuing piece is entirely

new. losy's tombeau.like those of Corbetta, is followed
by a single sarabande. rather than by a long suite. The
sarabande consists entirely of plaintive melodic leaps
accompanied by rasgueado chords. Even though these two
examples are shorter than those of his predecessors, Losy's
music is perfectly attuned to the western European style.
Corbetta also appears by name in the same manuscript
from Prague. Some of his music is entirely new and has
been transcribed in Volume II of this dissertation. Other
pieces closely resemble earlier printed works as follows
290
CS-Pnm. Mus. XLb 209 Corbetta's printed source
p. 40 Menuet l6?4, p. 58
51 Allemande amouretise de
Kons. Corbette. faite
a Naple' (none)
53 Sarabande 1648, p. 70
55 Saraband e 1674, p* 31 (melody same)
57 Menuet II cf. 1674, p. 58
59 Gigue cf. 1671, p. 15 f.
Although unsupported by other evidence, it is significant
that Corbetta made the Allemande. and possibly the suite
following it, at Naples.
No survey of this manuscript could be complete
without comparisonto another manuscriptfrom the same
library, XLb 211. Manypieces correspondbetween the two,

such as the following sample 1
CS-Pnm. XLb 211 CS-Pnm. XLb 209

p. 1 Ouverture p. 47
3 Sarabande
4 Gigue 58
5 Gavotte la Superba 63
CS-Pnm, XLb 211 was copied by several scribes, and instruc
tions and titles appear in French and Italian. The only
composer consistently identifed is Corbetta, and several
unascribed pieces also belong to himt

CS-Pnm. XLb 211 Corbetta's printed source
p. 3 Sarabande cf. .1674, p. 31 f. (same melody)
11 Courante Corbita (none)
cf. 1671, p. 59 f.
14 Gigue cheva. de .ieste
d ' Engleterre Corbette \ /
16 Fanfare F. Corbette 1674, p. 4

There may certainly be more music by Corbetta in these two
sources. Unless he is clearly identified by the scribe,
however, only those pieces published by him may be positively
291
identified. But even with the dozen pieces by Corbetta which
have been discovered here, we are assured of his influence
as far east as Bohemia, particularly in association with
the eminent Count Losy,
Final Conclusions
The pre-eminent concept of this dissertation has not
been merely to trace the biography of Corbetta, but rather
to explore his role in history. Thus we were led to both

his precursors and followers, encompassing the whole of the
baroque guitar from Amat (i596} to Le Cocq, Murcia and Losy
(up to the middle of the 18th century). A remarkable conti
nuity of theory, composition and performance practice unifies
the guitar music of this period, which up until now has not
been comprehensively studied.
The baroque guitar school began in earnest when Italians
took up the "Spanish guitar." Francesco Corbetta was born
during the first phase of the school in 1615 near Milan. He
mastered the repertory of Kontesardo and then combined the
innovations of Sanseverino, Colonna, and others to success
fully produce his first book at Bologna in 1639. Corbetta*s
music was so enthusiastically received that many of his
pieces later appeared (as did those from all his books) in
the manuscripts and printed sources of other guitarists. A
few of the pieces in his first book contained mixed tablature,
the use of which opened the mature phase of the guitar school
in Italy after 164-0.
292
Corbetta's second period coincides with the beginning
of the mature Italian style. In l6k0 the most prominent
publications were by Foscarini and Bartolotti, who both
achieved eminence as ltrfcenis*bs- As the guitar began to
replace the lute, the plucked style, the ornamentation, and
other nuances invaded the guitarist's repertory through the
use of lute tablature mixed with alfabeto chords. Corbetta's
reputation rested on his books of 16^3 and 16^8, which
effectively joined the best techniques of the lute and of the
guitar. His impact in Italy is revealed by the duplication
of his works in manuscript sources there and by the incorpo
ration of his style into the books of his compatriots.
Once the mature guitar style was established in Italy,
Corbetta traveled widely to assure its acceptance elsewhere.
^From *'x'i~ vjtjjtfT' ; the history of the guitar follows the

missionary efforts of Corbetta, who campaigned across the
entire continent. He went to Spain and later to France,
where he taught Louis XIV, himself. Then as the royalty of
the other European courts began to emulate the life-style
and taste of the French- guitarists enjoyed patronage that
has never since been equalled, Corbetta became the catalyst
in the success of the guitar at court. His music was a
medium of communication for the southern European spirit, as

he became the absolute guitarist of the age. He was in
demand at the courts of Brussels, Hanover, Vienna, Madrid,
Bologna, Mantua, and Whitehall. Yet the boundaries of
293
Corbetta's influence stretched well beyond the courts where
he enjoyed acceptance. Guitar books in places as diverse
as Mexico City, The Hague, Coimbra, Uppsala and Prague
witness his importance. With the whole of Europe at his
feet, Corbetta rested on his laurels for several years at
the court of the Restoration. Charles II*s relish for his
compositions brought him immediate success. Besides being
the most famous musician at court, Corbetta achieved the
status of a courtier, becoming heavily involved in some of
the major scandals, monopolies and politics of the day. His
only escape came from periodic trips to Paris where he eventu

ally published the books of his third and final period.
Corbetta is frequently mentioned in the non-musical
sources of the Restoration. It is therefore possible to
draw a picture of some of his personal traits, based on
contemporary accounts. He arrived in England at the age of
k5 after successfully publishing at least four books on the
continent. He was already regarded as the oracle of the
guitar because the average expectation of life was then less
than half of what it is today. Combined with longevity, he
also showed strength in his endurance and adaptability. His

success was enhanced by moving to opportune areas. Thus by
foresight, mobility and independence he remained in perfect
control of his environment. Based on his excellent taste

and on his acute awareness of changing fashion, he was
eminently qualified for leadership in all of his undertakings.
29*f
Even as a gamester, he was the most notorious of them all
from 1661 to 166b, as attested in the gambling histories
and the Public Record Office.
While in England. Corbetta discovered that one cf
his lost books had been dedicated to a foreign prince by
another guitarist. This fact, coupled with his heavy
involvement in courtly affairs, finally provoked him to his
greatest artistic achievement. He came to full musical

maturity in the book he dedicated to Charles II in 1671. In
this source, he synthesized into the guitar tradition the
many cosmopolitan elements he had absorbed during his
travels. Simultaneously, old elements such as chordal
variation, the strumming of full chords and ornaments (the
rericco and mordent) which had been suppressed for decades,
came to life again in a style full of diversity and rich
sonority. The forms in the book are mostly those typical
of the guitar repertory which he himself had carried across
the continent. Corbetta is a major figure, if not the
innovator to have permanently stylized the later folia, the

slower French sarabande, the passacaglia and the allemande.
The medium of guitar music was unusually forward-looking in
the baroque period, as witnessed by the development of these

forms in Corbetta's output.
Corbetta's publications all contain individual pieces,
but most of the music in every book is grouped into suites.
In I67 I he utilized a succession of movements that was later
295
to find acceptance everywhere. The first movement is a
prelude. He then recommends playing an allemande. courante.
sarabande and gigue. to which formula other dances may be
added. Several decades later, German composers such as
Krieger and Pachelbel began to see their suites published
according to the same formula, which was also contained in
the posthumous, 1693 edition of Frobergers works. In all
of Corbetta*s books the suites are unified by musical content
and key, Corbetta was the first guitarist tc show affinity
for Banchieri*s explanation of tuoni, or eight keys. Later,

however, in 16?! and 1674, he always used a system of
hcxachords to designate pitches upon which his suites were
based. From his first book to the last, he consistently
identified the major and minor modes, as well. Thus, because
of his clear theoretical understanding, it is not surprising
to find his music strikingly tonal for his time. But in
spite of his innovations, his music always remained steeped
in the tradition of the guitar. More than any other book
or manuscript, his collection of 16?1 remained the apotheosis

of the five-course guitar, and his style was the epitome of
the baroque.
Corbetta's artistic peak coincided with the climax
of the baroque guitar. His historical position was partially

determined by his life-span. He was born during the pro-
morphic, or early phase of baroque guitar music (1596-1639)*
his death signalled the neomorphic phase, or the aftermath
29 6
that continued after 1681. After his death- divergent-
elements eventually eroded and finally dissolved the
historical continuity of baroque guitar music. Although
none appeared in Italy after 1700. the tradition lasted,
to be sure, another generation in countries that remained
open to French influence. But while this generation was
enlivened by new currents, it remained a generation that
looked back,one that the revered the "halcyon days," and
one that relived and remembered in legend and lore the great
Francesco Corbetta. Today he is a perfect example of a typology
for greatness that has been recently asserted by culture-
historians j
The great man, born to the period. . .can do much. His

precursors have provided the initial technical inspiration;
much still remains to be done. If he were born to the
tradition later, he would, with the same native ability,
appear less remarkable, for there is less to do. Earlier
the work would have been harder; he would perhaps be
highly esteemed by a small body of highly educated
critics, but would never attain the same popular following
as if he had worked at the time of maximum growth of the
tradition.66
Thus, Corbetta became a legend in his own time. The
rasgueado elements of his style were admired by some composers,
but the refinement and grace of his music became the point
of departure for the guitarists who presaged the style galant
in France. In every c ountry where the guitar had a tradition,
Corbetta counted among his followers the most eloquent
spokesmen of the agei Murcia and San?- in Spain, Gallot in
Great Britain, De Visee in France, Le Cocq and Carre in the

Low Countries, Losy in Bohemia, and his own compatriot
297
Granata, In the manuscript sources for each of the composers
above, Corbetta's music appears also.
Only about half of uorbexta's total output is extant.
Apart from the five printed books upon which the present
study is based, another half-dozen works are lost. The
known printed books contain 327 compositions, and there is
another score of new pieces by him in manuscripts. Over
150 alternate manuscript and printed sources have been
identified for Corbetta as a part of this dissertation. For

convenience, these secondary sources of his music are listed
in Appendix II, along with nearly seventy modern transcriptions

of the same.
The frequency with which Corbetta's music was
duplicated or imitated is a good barometer of his affect on
the musical climate of the age. Curiously, pieces in the
minor mode are duplicated about twice as often as those in
the major. His alleraandes. courantes and folias were very
popular, yet nearly forty new sources have been located for
his sarabandes alone. Therefore, in the light of this new
evidence, Corbetta emerges an even more important guitarist
than we had expected at the outset. As a composer, his
influence was incomparable in his own day.

The most illusive, yet perhaps the most captivating
aspect of Corbetta's art is that of live performance. It is
also the most difficult aspect to objectively measure. We

must rely on the opinions of his contemporaries, who
298
unanimously attest to the overwhelming effect of his manner
of playing. It was through his performances that he first
achieved recognition? his compositions and students and
gambling came later. He made guitar music acceptable
everywhere. He took the instrument out of the barbershop
and away from '--<e accompanimental strumming of popular songs

and gave it a place in the private affairs and social
gatherings of the elite. Moreover, he was able to accomplish
the grace and vitality of his performances with such a facile
technique that his hearers imagined that they too could
produce similar results. Thus, he drew in the nobility as
well as the other guitarists as his students. His achievement
was generated through strong self conficence; he must have
lived as he played with real gusto. He was not only the
greatest virtuoso, teacher, and composer for the guitar in
the 17 th century, he was also one of the most fascinating
personalities of his age. He will surely be remembered as
one of the most significant guitarists of all time.
. 299
NOTES TO CHAPTER 9
1 The edition used for the present study is La gvitarre

rovaile dedide au rov composee par Francisoue Corbet
(Paris: Bonnetfil, 1674), facs. reprint (Bologna: Forni, n.d.)
This reprint and my film copy from I-Bc are incomplete. The
second guitar part of the duets appears to he no longer extan
2 H.C. De Lafontaine; The Kings Kusick: A Transcript of

Records Relating to Music ana Musicians (1460-1700)
(London: Novello, 1909), reprint (New York* Da Capo, 1973)
pp. ix and 281.
3 CSP. Pom. Vol. XVIII, p. 4-51 (which cites Home Office,

Warrant Book I, p. 331).
4 Kercure galant. April 1681, translated by J. Roberts,

"Francisco Corbetta," Guitar II (1973).
5 It is cited by T. Dart, "A Handlist of English Instru

mental music Printed before 1681," GSJ VIII (1955), 13-16.
6 E. Arber, ed., The Term Catalogues. 1688-1?09; Vol. I

(London: Privately printed, 1903-1906), p. 291.
7 GB-Lbm, Add. MS 18958, as cited by W. Nagel, "Annalen

der englischen Kofmusik," Beilage zu den Monatsheften fur
Musikgeschichte. Bd. 26 (Leipzig, 1894), p. 62, and Keith,
RMFC. 82.
8 Auli Apronii vermehrte Reise-Beschreibung von Franco

Porto. . .gantz Italien. etc. (Villa Franca. 1 7 2 3 ). copy at
US-Wc (consult National Union Catalogue of Pre-1956 Imprints.
Vol. 154, p. 56JT.
9 Translated by J. Roberts, op. cit.. 35.

10 Ibid.
11 Copy at US-NH, pp. 127-131. I was unable to locate

further confirmation of Corbetta's birth or death dates by
writing to the University Library of Pavia, the Parish Priest
of Pavia, or the Archives de France.
12 Translated by J. Roberts, op. cit.
13 Mercure galant. op. cit.. p. 132-133.

.14 Translated by R. Keith, GR, 9 .
15 R. de Vis6e, Liure de gvittarre dedie av rov (Paris:
300
Bonne-îl, 1682), facs. reprint (Geneva* Minkoff, 1973)* PP.
'*0-1x9
-/
rbid., p. 64 f. See also the Frontispiece of R. de

Vises, Oeuvres completes -pour ~aitare, R, Strizich, ed.
(Paris * Heugel, 1 9 6 9 ),
1? F=Pn, Res. F 844, p. 242, and F-Fn, Res. 118?, p. 57.
18 For several bio-bibliographical references to R. Md'dard,

consult M. Benoit, Versailles et les musiciens du Roy. 1661-
1733 (Paris* Picard, 1971)* p. 12; see especially bibli-
ography no. 5 8 , and no. 2 0 1 ,
19 R. Medard, Pieces de guitarre (Paris, I6 7 6 ). Copy at

S-Uu.
20 GB-Ob, MS Music Sch. C. 94, "Pieces de guittarre de

differenda autheura recueillis par Henry Francois de Gallot."
21 M. Brenet, pseud. CM. Bobillierj , Notes sur I'histoire

du luth en France (Turin* Bocca, 1899), p. 68 ff.
22 Ibid., p. 66 f. Cf. W. Boetticher, article "Gallot" in

MGG IV, col. 1328 f., concerning Antoine* Jacques and Jacques
le jeune.
23 GB-Ob, MS Music Sch. C. 94, fols. 24v, 35r-v, 54v, 91r.
2* . fols. viiir (1684), 5 v (1 6 7 0 ), 3 5 r (1664), 52 v

(1672^737, 109v (1667), 115r (1679), l47r-v (1 6 8 3 ).
25 Boschot, op, cit.. p. I3 6 .
26 M. Benoit, Musiaues de cour (1661-1733) (Paris* Picard.

1971), p. 463. ----------------- ------
27 Wolf, op. cit.. pp. 210 and 218.
28 R, de Vis6 e, Liure de gvitarre (Paris* Bcnnedil, 1682),

facs. reprint (Geneva* Minkoff, 1973).
29 F-Pn, Vm7 6222, fol. 17v. Cf. Corbetta, 1671, p. 70.
30 See especially the second half of De Visee's Tombeau.

transcribed in Noad, op. cit.. p. 94. Cf. Corbetta, 1643,
p. 40.
31 R. de Vis6 e, Liure de pidees pour la gvitarre (Paris*

Bonnetfil, 1686), facs. reprint (Geneva* Minkoff, 1973). See
also R. de Vis6 e, Oeuvres completes. R. Strizich, ed. (Paris*
Heugel, 1969).
301
32 F. Campion, F-Pn, Res. Ym7 6221, Introduction.
33 Ibid. See also F. Campion, Vingt pieces de son livre de

tablature de guitare, trans. by L. Bailie (Paris* Salabert,
n.d.,-, p. 5 .
34 A. Koczirz, "Fine Gitarren- und Lautenhandschrift aus

der zweiten Halite des 1/. jahrhunderts," Arc hiv fflr
Musikwissensehaft VIII (1926), 433-440.
35 A. Bailleux, M 6 thode de guittarre par musique et tablature

(Paris, n.p., n.d.),facs. reprint (Geneva* Minkoff, c!97 2 J).
36 A.M. Le Moine- Nouvelle mdthode courte et facile pour

la guitarre (Paris: Imbault, n.d.), facs. reprint (Geneva:
Minkoff, c!972j).
37 P. Danner, "G.P. Foscarini and His Nuova Inventione."

JLSA VII (1974), 10 f.
38 J.A. Worp, ed., De Briefwisseling van Constantiin Huygens

(1608-1687), Vol. IV (The Hague: M. Nijhoff, 1915), p. 413 f.
(26 Aug. 1647). See also ibid.. p. 423 (3 0 Aug. 1647), p. 425
(9 Sept. 1647), p. 438 (29 Nov. 1647).
39 H. Bots, Constanti.in Huygens: Zi.in Plaats in geleerd

Europa (Amsterdam: Amsterdam Univ. Press. 1973). p. 1 4 ? - and
notes, p. 158. Cf. Worp, op. cit. p. 504 (20 Nov. 1648),
and p. 507 f. (1 Jan. 1649)1 Also Worp, ibid., Vol. V, p. 2
(2 9 Mar. 1649), p. 3 (2 Apr. 1649), and p. 6 (2 9 Apr. 1649).
40 W.J.A, Jonckbloet and J.P.N. Land, Correspondence et

oeuvre music-ale de Constantin Huygens (Leyae: E.J, Brill,
1882), consult the index of names and the entry on "guitare"
41 Ibid.. Letter to A.M. Chieze, 7 Mar. 1673*

42 Ibid.. 2 May 1673.
43 J.A. Worp, op. cit.. Vol. V, 7 May 1660.
44 F. Corbetta, Varii scherzi di sonate. . .(Brussels,

1648).
45 NL-DHgm, MS 877.
46 Compare ibid., p. 55, and Corbetta, 1674, p. 47.
47 A, Carre Sieur de Lagrange, "Livre de pieces de guitarre

et de musique dedide a son Altesse Royalle, Madame la Princess
d*Orange," US-Wc, M126/C32.
302
48 Le Cocq, "Recueil des pidces de guitarre. . .1729,"
13 Ds*
M I
WC XT
__ a
I 'J tJ 1 1 U |
____C
C A 1
x ^
49 Ibid., Preface.
50 N. Derosier. Douze ouvertures pour la guitare. op. 5
(The Hague, 1688) as cited in Wolf, op. cit.. p. 218.
51 Copy at I-Bc.
52 J. Zuth, Handbuch der Lauje und Gitarre (Vienna: Goll,

1 9 2 6 ), p. 7 1 .
53 K. Scheit, "Gitarre und Laute in der Osterreichischen

Musik," Osterreichische Musikzeitschrift III (April 1958),
193 f.
54 A. Koczirz, ed., Osterreichische Lautenmusik zwischen
1650 und 1720. DTOe, Vol. 50 (Vienna* Artaria, 1918), p. 88 f.
55 Amos, .q p . cit.. p. 218.
56 Angiol Michele Bartolotti Bolognese, Libro prirao di

chitarra spagnuola (Florence, 1640), I-Bc and Sccondo libro
di chitarra (Rome, n.d.), GB-Lbm. Compare Angelo Michele
Bartolomi Bolognese, Table pour apprendre facilement a tou
cher le theorbe sur la basse-continue (Parisx R. Ballard,
1 6 6 9 ). Copy at F-Pn.
57 J. Klima, AusgewSlte 'Werke aus der Ausseer Gitarre-

tabulature des 18. Jahrhunaerts. Musik alter Meister X"
(Graz 1 Akademische Druck, 1959).
58 H, Radke, Ausgewglte Stticke aus einer Angelica- und

Gitarrentabulature aer 2. KSlfte des 17. Jahrhunderts. Musik
alter Meister XVII (Grazi Akademische Druck. 1967).
59 D.B. Lyons, "Nathanael Diesel, Guitar Tutor to a Royal

Lady," JLSA VIII (1975). 80-94.
60 J. Pohanka, ed., J.A. Losy, Pieces de guitare, MAS
XXXVIII(Prague: St^tni Kudbnx Vydavatelstvi, 1965). p. x.
61 Ibid., p. ix.
62 P. Nettl, "Musicalia der Ftirstlich Lobkowitzschen

Bibliothek in Raudnitz," Musik-Barock in Bflhmen und Kahren
(Brno, 1927).
63 CS-Pu, MS II KK 76a and b.
303
6kJ.A. Losy, Pieces de guitare. J. Pohanka, ed., is taken
^ _ t n **.. __________ z i______ r \ <r t l . t t n n / t n -----
x jlu x ji u iic iu x iu w i.iid , x ji< a iiu t > L ; i'x p r u | i i ro v (( 9 u o -rx u n ^
XLb 2 0 9 , and CS-Bm, D 189.

65 For6the present study, X used a microfilm copy of
CS-Pnm, XLb 209 and CS-Pnm, XLb 211. The two manuscripts
are run together on the same film, and no page numbers are
legible. Hence, the page numbers listed in these tables
are only approximate.
66 The ideas of A.L. Kroeber are summarized here by G.E.

Hutchinson, The Itinerant Ivorv Tower: Scientific and Liter
ary Essays (New-Haven: Yale University Press, 1953) P. 7k,
See also G. Kubler, The Shape of Time* Remarks on the History
of Thin-?s (New Haven* Yale Univ. Press, 1962), pp. 2-3, 41,
55, 88-89.
30 k
BIBLIOGRAPHY
The need for a complete bibliography of the guitar
(both literary and musical sources) has become apparent on
an international scale. For instance, while the literature
on the guitar is covered substantially in bibliographies of
the recent histories by F. Grunfeld and H. Turnbull, these
must also be supplemented with articles such as W. Boetticher,
"Gitarre'* in MGG or T. Heck, "Guitar" in the forthcoming
Groves Dictionary, sixth edition. On the other hand, the
documentation of guitar music has already reached a more
advanced stage. General bibliographies of the guitarists
repertory have appeared by J. Maslen, C. Richard and G. Gilmore
(see below). Yet in spite of this progress, we are still
waiting for a definitive list of all the early sources for the
guitar. For the baroque era, we sill combine the bibliogra
phies of Danner and Gaspari with the studies of Wolf, Kir-
kendale, Hudson and Boetticher, all of which contain necessary
additions to the sources of the baroque guitar. Perhaps
the new RISK volumes currently in progress on guitar and
lute tablatures will define the gamut of the existing Renaissance

and baroque guitar music.
The bibliography of the present work is primarily

limited to the sources cited in the text. It contains three
principal divisions: early musical sources, the studies of
modern musicians, and finally, non-musical sources of general
historical interest. These divisions are then subdivided
305
into the following topics: I. Primary sources of five-course
guitar music (manuscripts and printed books), II. Other early
musical sources, including scores and prose, III. Modern
musical sources (transcriptions, books and articles), IV.

Non-musical histories, calendars, memoirs and biographies,
and V. The history of gambling.
I. Primary sources of five-course guitar music
A, Manuscripts
B-Bc, MS No. 5615* "Recueil des pieces de guitarre composes

par Mr. Franpois Le Cocq. . .presentdes par 1'auteur
4 n O a
C li ( C y 9 * e e
CS-Pnm, MSS XLb 209 and XLb 211.
CS-Pu, MS II KK 76 a and b.
E-Mn, MS Mdsica, 811, "Libro de diferentes cifr-as de gitara

escojidas de los mejores autores, ano de 1 7 0 5 ."
E-Mn, Musica 2209. Antonio de Santa Cruz, "Libro donde se

verdn pazacalles de los ocho tonos. . .para bigtiela
hordinaria."
E-Mn, MS 59i7. Joseph Guerrero, "Arte de la guitarra."
F-Pn, MSS Esp. 39G, Res. Vrn7. 675, Vm7. 6222, Res. F 844,
and R^s. 1402.
GB-Csp. "A Table to the C-hitarr Shewing the Relation of

Each Frett upon Every String. . .by Cesare Morelli, 1680."
GB-Lbm, MS Add. 31640. Santiago de Murcia, "Passacalles y
obras de guitarra por todos los tonos naturales y
accidentales. . .1732."
GB-Ob, Music School, MS C. 94. "Pieces de guittarre de

differenda autheura recuej.llis par Henry Francois
de Gallot."
I-Fc, MS B2556. "Questo libro. .e di Giovanni Antonij."
I-Fn, MSS Landau Finaly 175, Landau Finaly 252, and Magi.
XIX143.
306
I-Fr, MSS 2793. 2804, 284-9. 2951. 2973 (III). 2774 and
3145.
I-MCe, Mus. F, 1528. "Autore incerto. Raccolta di balli
per ia chitarra spagnuola. . .sec. 17 o."
I-Nc, MS 1321. "Danze intavolate.** fol. 75-88.
I-PEc, MS 586. Contains portrait of Antonio Carbonchi

Piorentino.
I-Vnm, MS Ital. IV 1910, coll. 11701.
M-Mh, MS 1560, Olim 1686.
NL-DHgm, MS 8 77. "This curious MS was Princes An's lute

book, and presented to Yfcn. Shield by his friend James
Smith."
P-Cu. "Cliras de viola por varios autores recolhidas pelo

L. do J. Carneyro-Tavares Lamacense."
US-Wc, M126/C32. Antoine Carre Sieur de Lagrange, "Livre

de pilces de guitarre et de musique dediee a son
Altesse Royalle, Madame la Princess d'Orange."
B. Printed books
Amat, Juan Carles. Guitarra espanola y vandola. . , .Valencia:
la viuda de A. Laborda, 1639. Copy available on microcard
from US-R.
Bailleux, CAirfcoinen. Mgthode de guittarre par musique et

tablature. avec differens exercices sur le pincer de
cet instrument. . . .Paris, n.d. Facs. reprint, Geneva:
Minkoff l 1972],
Bartolotti, Angiol Michele, Bolognese. Libro primo di

chitarra spagnola. . . .Dedication signed at Florence,
9 Aug. 1640. Copy at I-Bc.
------ Secondo libro di chitarra. . . .Rome: n.p., n.d.

Copy at GB-Lbm.
Bottazari, Giovanni, Mantovano. Sonate nvove per la chitarra

spagnola. Dedication signed at Venice, 18 Oct. 16 6 3 .
Copy at I-Bc.
Briceno, Luis de. Mgtcdo muy facilissimo para aprender a

taher la guitarra a lo espanol. Paris: P. Ballard, 1626.
Facs. reprint, Geneva: Minkoff, 1972.
307
Calvi, Carlo. Intavolafcvra di chitarra. e chitarriglia
con le t)iu necessarie. e facile suonate. . . .Bologna
G. Monti, 164-6. Copy at I-Bc.
Campion, Francois. At least two books are represented in

F-Pn, Rs. Vm7. 6221t Le Livre est destinl pour la
biblioteaue du Roy. . ".imprimde en 1716. Pieces de
guitare. , .1 7 3 1 .
Carbonchi, Antonio. Senate di chitarra spagnola con

intavolatura franzess. Florence: Maffi and Landi, 164-0,
Copy at I-Fn.
. Le Dodici chitarra spostate. libro secondo.

Florences F. Sabatini, 1643. Copy at I-Rsc.
Colonna, Gio. Ambrosio. Intavolatura di chitarra alia
spagnuola, doue si contengono passacalli, follie & altre
a'rie alia spagnuola. . , .Milan: G.B. Colonna, 1620.
Copy at GB-Lbm.
---- , Intavolatvra di chitarra spagnvola del primo,
secondo. terzo & quarto libro. . . .Milan: D. Gariboldi,
1637* Copy at GB-Lbm.
Corbetta, Francesco. De gli Scherzi armonici trouati. e
facilitati in alcune curiosissime suonate soora la
chitarra spagnvola. Bologna: G. Monti and C. Zenero,
1639* Copy at I-3c.
Varii capricii per la ghitarra spagnvola. Engraver
signed Corbetta's portrait at Milan; Dedication signed
and dated, "Milano il di 30. Ottobre 164-3." Copy at
US-Wc.
. Varii scherzi di sonate per la chitara spagnola. . .
Libro quarto. Dedication: "Bruxelles, il 1. del anno
164-8." Copy at GB-Lbm.
------ - La Guitarre royalle. dediee au Rov de la Grande

Bretagne. . . .Paris: H. Bonnetiil, Sxtraict du Privilege
du Roy, "Acheue d' jmprimer le dernier iour d'Octobre
1671." Copy at GB-Lbm, and facs. reprint, Geneva:
Minkoff, 1975.
. La Gvitarre royalle, dediee av Roy. . . .Paris:
H. Bonnetiil, Extraict du Privilege du Roy, "Acheud
d'jmprimer le 12. de lanuier 1674-. Facs. reprint,
Bologna: Forni, n.d.
Derosier, Nicolas. Les Principes de la guitarre. . . .

Amsterdam: A. Pointel, n.d. Copy at I-Bc.
308
. Nouveaux principes pour la guittare, avec une table
universeiie de tous ies accords qui se trouvent dans la
bass-continug, . . .Paris: C. Ballard, 1699. Copy at
F-Pn.
Doizi de Velasco, Nicolao. Nvevo modo de cifra para taner

la gvitarra con varieaad y perfeccidn. J~~, . [Naples,
ca. 1640 ]. Copy at E-Mn, Mtisica, 4042.
(Foscarini, Giovanni Paolo .j L ?Accademico caliginoso aetto

il Furioso [pseud.~j II Primo. secondo. e terzo libro
della chitarra spagnola. . .con alcune sonate picicate
al modo di leuto con le sue regole per imparare a
sonarle facilissimamente. N.p., n.d. Copy at GB-Lbm.
. I Quatro libri della chitarra spagnuola. . . .
N.p., n.d. Copy at I-Bc.
... Li Cinove libri della chitarra alia spagnola. . . .
-
[N.p., n.d,j Copy at I-Vnm.
Fuenllana, Miguel de. Libro de musica para vihuela

intitulado Orphdnica lvra. [ Seville 7 1554. Copy at
US-Cn.
Granata, Gio. Battista, da Torino. Cauricci armonici soora
la chitarra spagnuola. Bologna', 1646, Facs, reprint,
Mirko Caffagni, ed. N.p., n.d.
----- . Nuova scielta di caoricci armonici e suonate

musicali in vari tuoni. Opera terza, tBologna, 1651.}
Copy at I-Bc.
------ . Soavi concenti di sonate musicali per la chitarra
spagnuola. .Opera quarta. Bologna: Monti, 1659.
Copy at I-Bc.
Ncvi caoricci armonici mvsicali in var.i toni per
la chitarra spagnola. violino e viola concertati et
altre sonate per ia chitarra sola. Opera quinta.
Bologna: G. Monti, 1674. Copy at I-Bc.
. Nvovi sovavi concenti di sonate musicali in vari.i
toni per la chitarra spagnola & altre sonate concertate
d due violini. e basso. Opera sesta. Bologna: G.
Monti, 1680, Copy at I-Bc.
Grenerin, Henry. Livre de gitarre et autres pieces
de musiaue meslees de symphonies avec ur.c instruction
pour .iouer la basse continue. Paris: H. Bonnetiil,
[l680 J. Copy at F-Pc.
309
Guerau, Francisco. Poema harmdnico. comuuesto de varias
cifras nor el temple de la guitarra espanola. Madrid:
M. Ruiz de Murga, 169 ^. Copy at G3-Lbm.
Matteis. Nicola, The False Consonances of Mvsick or
Instructions for the Playing: a True Basse upon the
Guitarre. ", I . L
fca. 16901J C o w at US-NYo.
Medard, Rdmy. Pieces de guitarre. Paris* E. Ganiere, I6 7 6 .

Copy at S-Uu.
Micheli, Antonio di. La nuova chitarra. Palermo, 16 9 8 ,
Copy at US-we,
Millioni, Pietro. Quarta impressione del primo. secondo et

terzo libro d *intavolatura di chitarra spagnola. Rome *
G. Facciotti, 1 6 2 7 . Copy at I-Bc.
--- . Seconda impressione del quarto libro d 1intavolatura

ui chitarra spagnuola, sopra il quale ciascuno da se
medesimo puol* imuarare a sonare tanto di botte piene.
quanto di trilli. & accoraare. Roma: G. Facciotti, 1627.
Copy at I-3c.
Nuova corona d *intavolatura di chitarra spagnola
nouamente ristampata secondo il vero originale di Pietro
Million'll Rome* i Herede del Mane ini, 1 6 6 1 . Copy at
I-Bc.
Minguet y Irol, Pablo. A number of small printed tracts by

him are found in E-Mn, Mtfsica 893* See especially Reglas
v advertencias para aprender nor mtlsica el puntear la
guitarra. tide, v vandola. . . .Madrid: by the author,
1774.
Le Moine, A.M. Nouvelle mdthode courte et facile pour la
guitarre. . Paris* Imbault, n.d. Facs. reprint, Geneva*
Minkoff, [1972 j.
Montesardo, Girolamo. Nvova inventione d'intavoiatvra. -per
sonare li balletti sopra la chitarra spagniuola, senza
numeri. e notel ] ! 7Plorences Marescotti, 1606. Copy
at A-Wgm.
I Lieti giorni di Napoli: Concertini italiani in
aria spaguola & due, e tre voci con le lettere dell*
alfabeto per la chitarra. . .Opera XI. Naples: Gargano
and Nucci, 1612. Copy at GB-Gu.
Murcia, F. Santiago de. Resumen de acomparfer la parte con

la guitarra. . , .N.p.~, 171^. Copy at E-Mn.
310
Pellegrini, Domenico, Bolognese. Armoniosi concerti sopra
la chitarra spagnvola. Bologna* G. Monti, 1650. Copy
at I-Bc.
Pesori, Stefano, Mantovano. Lo Scrigno armonico. Opera seconda

Mantua, [I6*f0]. Copy at GB-Lbm.
-- -. Galeria musicale. Verona: Battista and Merli,

[16kj~, Copy at I-Bc.
, Ricreationi armoniche overo toccate di chitarriglia.
[Verona, printed after 1 6 7 5 /j Copy at I-Bc.
Pico, Foriano, Nvova scelta di sonate per la chitarra spagnola

G.-F, Paci, [ca. 1628]. Copy at F-Pn.
Ricci, Pietro. Scuola d intavolatura. Rome, 1677. Copy

at GB-Lbm.
Roncalli, Lodovico, Capricei armonici sopra la chitarra

spagnola. . .Opera prima, Bergamo: S. Casetti, 1 6 9 2 .
Copy at I-Bc.
Ruiz de Ribayaz, Lucas. Luz. y norte mvsical para caminar

por las cifras de la guitarra espanola. . . .Madrid:
M. Alvarez, 11677]. Copy at GB-Lbm.
Sanseverino, Benedetto. Intavolatura facile. Milan, 1620.

Copy at GB-Lbm.
Sanz, Gaspar. Instrucci6 n de mdsica sobre la guitarra

espafiola. " Reproducci'dn en facsimil de los libros
primero y segunao de la t edicion (16 7 *0 y del^
C jT C G o T3.
libro tercero de la edicion octava (1697), Luis Garcâ-

Abrines, ed. Saragossa: Institucidn Fernando el Catolico"
(CSIC). 1 9 6 6 .
Sotos, Andrds de. Arte para aprender con facilid y sin

maestro, a templar v taner rasgado la guitarra de cinco
drdenes y tambien la de ouatro 0 seis drdenes. \
Madrid* Cruzada, Copy at E-Mn. .
Trombetti, Agostino, Bolognese. Intavolatura di sonate.

nuouamente tradotte sopra la chitarra spagnuola. Libro
primo et secondo. Dedication signed at Bologna, 20
Dec. 1639.
De Visee, Robert. Liure de gvittarre dedie av Roy. Paris*
K. BonneVil, 1682, Facs. reprint, Geneva* Minkoff,
1973.
311
. Liure de pierces pour la gvittarre dedia au Roy.
Paris * Bonnevil, looo. Facs. reprint, Geneva: Minkoff,
1973.
II. Other early musical sources, including
scores and prose
Anoni Conserto vago di balletti. volte, corrente et gagliarde

. .Libro primo. Rome : P. Thomassimus, 16^5. (Tabla-
ture of four and six courses.) Copy at I-Bc,
Banchieri, Adriano, Bolognese, L *Qrgano suonarino. . .Opera

terza decima. Venice, 1605-. Facs. ed., Bibliotheca
musica bononiensis. Sec. 2, No. 31. Bolognai Forni,
C19&9J.
Bartolomi, Angelo Michele, Bolognese. Table d q v t aporendre
facilement a tovcher Is theorbe svr la bassecontinue.
Paris: R. Ballard, 1669. Copy at F-Pn.
Bermudo, Fray Juan. Declaracidn de instrumentos musicales,
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Bourdelot, Pierre, Pierre Bonnet and Jacques Bonnet. Histoire
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Grassineau, James. A Musical Dictionary, Being a Collection
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~ ! .London s J . Wile ox, 17^0, Facs. reprint,
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Grenerin, Henry. Livre de theorbe. contenant plusieurs oidces
sur difj.erens tons. . . .Paris: H. Bonnetiil, n.d. Copy
at B-Bc.
De Laborde, Jean Benjamin. Essai sur la musiaue ancienne et

moderne III. Paris: E. Onfroy, 1780. Copy at US-LAu.
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T?n 1 m
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a
wv fc/jr
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u u
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Matteis, Nicola. Ayrs for the Violin. . * . [Ca. 1679.] Facs.

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Containing Many New and Excellent Tunes. . . .London:
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Raguenet, Franpois. A Comparison between the French and

Italian Musick and Opera's, translated from the French
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A. Transcriptions
Azpiazu, Jose de. F. Corbetta: Allemande et Gigue. Nice:

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--- . Libro de mdsica de vihuela intitulado silva de
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APPENDIX I
Excerpt from the Arraignment, Trial, and Condemnation
of Squire lottery, alias Royal Oak lottery (London, 1699)
as recorded by John Ashton in A History of English Lotteries
(Londom Leadenhall, 1893)* PP 36-39*
Manager. Attorney. Sir, do you knowSquireLottery,the

prisoner at the Bar?
Pasthope. 'Witness. Yes, I have knownhimintimatelyfor

near 40 years; ever since the Restoration of King Charles.
Manager. Pray, will you give the bench and jury an Account
of what you know of him; how he came into England. and
how he has behaved ever since?
Pasthope. In order to make my evidence more plain, I hope

it will not be judg'd much out of form, to premise two
or three things.
Manager. Take your own method to explain yourself; we must

not abridge or direct you in any respect.
Pasthope. In the year 60 and 6l, among a great many poor

Cavaliers, 'twas my hard fate to be driven to Court for
a Subsistence, where I continued in a neglected state,
painfully waiting the moving of the waters for several
months; when, at last, a Rumour was spread that a certain
Stranger was landed in England; that, in all probability,
if we could get him the Sanction of a Patent, would be
a good Friend to us.
Manager. You seem to intimate as if he was a Stranger; pray,

do you know what Countryman he was?
Pasthope. The report of his Country was very different; some

would have him a Walloon, some a Dutchman, some a Venetian,
and others, a Frenchman; indeed, by his Policy, cunning
Design, Forethought, etc., I am very well satisfied he
could be no Englishman.
Manager. What kind of Credentials did he bring with him to

recommend him with so much advantage?
Pasthope. Why, he cunningly took upon him the Character of

a Royal Oak Lottery, and pretended a mighty friendship
to antiquated Loyalists; but, for all that, there were
those at Court that knew he had been banish'd out of
330
several Countries for disorderly Practices, till at last
VvA 4+A
rvA
u w
i + a K /5
u
m>\Av yna a v* a a a
c a o j
^ a *a ^ 1 a a
vî, c u u x v j u o
P%*
^ j
5?^.^
.c u i u
'f.-.rs y: S
i i X d
Refuge.
Manager-- You say- then, he was a Foreigner, that he case in

with the Restoration, usurp'd the Title of a Royal Oak,
was establish'd in Friendship to the Cavaliers, and that
for disorderly Practices he had been banish'd out of
several Countries; till, at last, he was forc'd to fix
upon England as the fittest Asylum. But, pray, Sir,
how came you so intimately acquainted with him at first?
Pasthope* I was about to tell you. In order to manage his

Affairs, it was thought requisite he should be provided
with several Coadjutors, which were to be dignify*d
with the Character of Patentees: amongst which number,
by the help of a friendly Courtier, I was admitted for
one.
Manappr. Oh! then T
*
vm:
"
r a f i n r i
*
w a s
y
s i r ; . !
~
P a + e n + e o .
9
P r a y .
*J W
how long did you continue in your Patentee's Post? and

what were the Reasons that urg'd you to quit it at last?
Pasthope. I kept my Patentee's Station nine years, in which

time I had clear'd IAOOO, and then, upon some Uneasiness
and Dislike, I sold it for L700.
331
APPENDIX II
Concordance of Manuscripts, Printed Sources
and Transcripxions
The purpose of the list which follows is to tabulate
all the secondary sources and m o d e m transcriptions of
Corbetta's works. In a sense, it represents a summary of
the discoveries of the present writer, and hence, it is an
important part of this dissertation. Before the writing up
of this research, virtually no manuscript sources were known
for Corbetta. Listed below are all of Corbetta's pieces
which have been duplicated from his printed works. There
is no attempt to catalogue new pieces found in manuscript.
It is hoped that this list is only the beginning. No doubt
many pieces by him have yet to be located.
The entries are as concise as possible. Much abbre
viation is used as well as library sigla derived from RISM,
Since the Gallot MS (Oxford: Bodleian Library, Music School
C9^) is often cited, it will be abbreviated simply, K Sch
C9^. The last number of each entry is the page number,
unless a manuscript has numbered folios, in which case v
or r will follow the number. The letter f=following page,
ff=following pages. Cf. before an entry means that it is

similar, rather than a mere duplication of Corbetta's model.
Perhaps the most fascinating entries are the printed sources
of other composers who plagiarized the master. In those
days, one often said of a piece: "e del pavese."'
332
Inasmuch as a concordance is primarily a reference
tool, the music is ordered according to dance-type, rather
than chronologically. For example, all the sources for
minuets are given together. The next step of the hierarchy
is key. The key of C major is first, then minor. Following
would be minuets in C# major (if any.') then C# minor.
The next parallel major and minor keys would be D, and so
on, chromatically up to B. The next consideration is date.
Corbetta's earliest minuets are followed by later ones in
the same key. The final step is page number. In summary,
the following criteria are used to form the concordance:
1. Dance type
2. Key, ascending chromatically from C
3. Mode (major first)
4-. Publication date
5 Page number
The dance-types are ordered according to the standard suite,
except that the passacagli are first. Then the allemandes.
courantes. sarabandes. and gigues follow with miscellaneous
others after this group. The various spellings of the

dance-types are disregarded (such as zarabanda, sarabanda
francese. etc., which are all grouped together). Although
this is not an index of the complete works, it is hoped
that the list will provide a handy access to the alternate
sources of Corbettas music.
333
PASSACAGLIA
Corbetta's printed source
and kev
i648, p. I8f (C). M Sch C94, I7v. Cf. I-MOe, Mus. F 1528, 6v.
1643. p. 12f (Cm)= M Sch C4, 118v.
1648, p. 8f (Cm). Cf, I-MOe, Mus, F 1528, 6r. M SchC94, 56v
1643, P. 3Of(D). M Sch C94, 47 v .
1648, p. 26f(D). M Sch C94, 22v. I-MOe, Mus. F 1528, 4v.

Cf. also ibid., 12r-i2v.
1643, p. 20f (Dm). M Sch C94, llv and 119v. Cf. ibid.. 78v.
1648, p. I6f (Dm). M Sch C94, 31v. Cf, I-MOe, Mus. F1528, 5r,
1643, p. lOf (Eb). M Sch C94, 124v.
1643, p. 38f(E). M Sch C94, 120r.
1643, P. 28f(Em). M Sch C94, 98r and 120v.

1643, p. 18f (F). M Sch C94, 121v .
1648, p. I4f (F). M Sch C94, 4lv.
1643, p. 8f (Fm). M Sch C94, 122r.
1643, p. 26f (G).M Sch C94. 117r.
1643, P. 16f (Gm).M Sch C94, 117v. Cf. Pesori, 1648, p. 3.

Cf. F-Pn Res. 1402, p. 128f.
1643, p. 24f (Am). M Sch C94, 123v.
1671, p. 31 (Am). D. Kennard (London: Ricordi,1957).

1674, p. I9ff (Am). M Sch C94, l45r.
1643, p. I4f (Bb). M Sch C94, 46r.
1671, p. 49f (Bb). M Sch C94, 45r.

1674, p. 24f (Bb). M Sch C94, l45v.
1643, p. 32f (Bra). M Sch C94, 132v.
1671 p. 5 (Bm). E. Pujol, ed. no. 1022 (Paris: Eschig, 1957).
334
1674, p. 7 (Bm). M Sch C94, I42r. Cf. F-Pn, Res. 1402.
p. 148.
ALLEMANDE
1643. p. 57 (C). K Sch C94. 1 7 . A. Bellow. Renaissance
v
and Baroque. Vol. V (New York: Colombo, 1 9 6 7 ), p. 97
1648, p. 34f (C). M Sch C94, 13r.
1643, p. 60 (Cm). Bellow, op. cit., p. 12.
1671 p. 7f (Cm). M Sch C94, 5v. Cf. R. ae Visee, 1682,

p. 38f.E. Pujol, ed. no. 1020 (Paris: Eschig, 1957)*
1671, p. 10f (Cm). Murcia, 1732, GB-Lbm, MSAdd. 31640, p.

122. E. Pujol, ed. no. 1021 (Paris: Eschig, 1957).
1643, p. 44 (b ). M Sch CQ4f 22r and fir. Cf. ibid., 43v.

Bellow, op. cit., p. 4.
1671 p. 67f (D). A. Quadt, Gitarrenmusik des 16.-18.

Jahrhunderts. Vol. I (Leipzig: Deutscher Verlag fur
Musik, 1970), p. 26. D. Kennard (London: Schott, 1956),
p. 2.
1674, p. 44f (D). M Sch C94, l44v.
1639, P. 48 (Dm). C. Calvi, 1646, p. 16.

1643, p. 5 4 f (Dm). M Sch C94, 33v and 127r.
1671, p. 25f (Dm). Cf. M-Mn (Mexico), MS I5 6 O (olim 1686).
1671, p. 70 (Dm). A. Carre, US-V/c M126/C32 case, p. 4.

cf. p. -28f. Cf. R. de Visde, F-Pn Vm7 6222, 17v.
B. Henze, Das Gitarrespiel. X (Leipzig: Kofmeister, 1973).
1643, p. 40 (Em~ Sch 094, 3v. Cf. S-Mn, Mdsica 811, p.
42ff by "Corbeta." Bellow, op. cit.. p. 1.
1648, p. 54f (Em). M Sch C94, 3r.
1671, p. 13f (Em). M Sch C94, 98v.

1674, p. Ilf (Em). M Sch C94, 142v .
1648, p. 48f (F). M Sch C94, 40v.
1671, p. 6 (F). Cf. Corbetta's vocal setting, I6 7 I, p . 89.

E. Pujol, ed. no. 1018 (Paris: Eschig, 1957). *J \J T/-X
OC Ul
335
Azpiazu (Nice: Delrieu. 1964). 0. Chilesotti, RMI. 795^
Chilesotti, Cronache. 3. Chilesotti, Bibl. 8 . p. 8 .
1671. p. 59f (G), Cf. A, Carre. US-Wc K126/C32- p* 9f

D. Kennard (London* Ricordi, 1963).
I6 3 9 . p. 50 (Gm). Calvi. 1646. p, 17,
1643, p. ^7 (Gm). M Sch C94, 64r. Bellow, pp. cit.. p. 6 ,
1 6 7 1 , p.20 (Gm). H. Leerink (Amsterdam* Broekmans and

Van Poppel, n.d.)
I0 7 I, p. 54f (Gm). Cf. R. Medard, 1676, p. 27. D. Kennard,

"A Note on F. Corbetta and His Tablature, GR no. 26
( 1962), 12 .
1671, p. 63f (Gm). Cf. Murcia, 1732, GB-Lbm, MS Add. 31640,
77ff. Cf. Le Cocq, B-Bc, MS no. 5619, p. 38. Cf. G.
Sanz, facsim,, 3p<1 ed., 1674, fol. 25r (L. Garcia-Abrines,
ed., Saragossa, 1966, p. 8 8 ). Cf. F-Pn, Res. F 844,
allemande following Allemande "Kazarin." Cf.A. Carre,
US-Wc M126/C32, p. 15f.
1648, p. 40f (Am). M Sch v94, 29v and 8 -

6 r,
16?1, p. 28f (Am). A. Carre, US-Wc K126/C32, p. 23f (sim

plified). Cf. R. de Visee, 1682, p. 8 ff. D. Kennard
(London: Ricordi, 1963). F. Noad, The Baroque Guitar
(New York* Ariel, 1974), p. 96f.
1671, b. If (Bm). Cf. Corbetta's vocal setting-. 1671. p. 8 3 .

Murcia, 1732, GB-Lbm, MS Add.31640, 125f~ M Sch C94,
58v. Cf. ibid.. 58r.E. Pujol, ed. no. 1019 (Paris:
Eschig, 1957X7 J. Wolf, Handbuch der Notationskunde.
Vol. II (Reprinted, Kildesheim* 01ms, 1963), P* 20jf.
COURANTE
1643, p. 58 (C). M Sch C94, 20r. Bellow, op. cit., p. 10.
1643, p. 61 (Cm). Bellow, op. cit., p. 13.
1639, p. 28 (D). Calvi, 1646, p. 12.

1643, p. 45 (D). Kddard, 1 6 7 6 , p. 2 3 . Bellow, op. cit. p4,
1671, p. 68 (D). Murcia, 1732, GB-Lbm, MS Add. 31640, 53.

Quadt, op. cit.. p. 27. Kennard (London* Schott, 1956).
1639, p. ^7 (Dm). Calvi, 1646, p. 15.
336
1639 , P* 49 (Dm). Calvi, 1646, p. 17.
1639 P* 68 (Dm). Calvi, 1646, p. 22.

t, A / >
1643 P* M Sch C94, 4r. Bellow, op. cit.. p. 2.
1648 P* 56f (Em) M Sch C94, 3v.
1639 P* 57f (F). Calvi, 1646, p. 20.
1639 P* 68 (F), Calvi, 1646, p. 22.
1643 P* 51 (F). M Sch C94, 4lv.
1639 P* 26 (G). Calvi, 1646, p. Ilf,
1639 P* 55 (G). Calvi, 1646, p. 18f.
1671 P* 36 (G). Cf. Mebard, 1 6 7 6 , p. 33.
1671 P* 6Of (G). D. Kennard (Londons Ricordi, 1963).
1639 P* 51 (Gm). Calvi, 1646, p. 17f.
1643 P* 48 (Gm). Bellow, op. cit., p. 7.
1648 P. 42f (Am). M Sch C94, 29v.
1648 P* 66 (Am). M Sch C94, 26v.
1671 P* 29f (Am). D. Kennard (London: Ricordi, 1 9 6 3 ).
I671 p. 47f (3b). Cf. Granata, 1659, p. 70f, esp. rhythmic

motive.
1671 P. 3 (Bm). Murcia, 1732, GB-Lbm, MS Add. 31640, p. 127
SARABANDE
1639, p. 63 (C). Cf. Carbonchi, 1640, p. 41. HAS*

1643, p. 59 (C). Bellow, 0 0 . cit.. p. 11.
1648, p. 37 (C). Cf. Carbonchi, 1640, p. 42. I-MOe, Mus.

F 1528, 7v. M Sch C94, 1?v. F-Pn, R6s. 1402, p. 1 5 .
1648, p. 71 (C). I-MOe, Mus. F 1528, 8r. HAS*

1674, p. 29 (C). F-Pn, Rds. 1402, p. 1 9 .
1643, p. .62 (Cm). Bellow, op. cit.. p. 1 4 .
1648, p. 72f (Cm). HAS.
337
1671, p. 8 (Cm)* Murcia, 1732, GB-Lbm- MS Add- 31640- p.
" 'l23.~ kV'ckrrd, US-Wc M126/C32, p.' 54, "Tombeau."
M Sch C94, 57r.
1671, p. 11 (Cm). Keith, RMFC. 90-91.

1 1 1 *2 v% h P .Q L l Ll & t * P o l 1 . n n r* n + . . t ^
f _M > V \*^ / ** ^ I w *. # J V 9 X'
1671, p* 69 (D). Cf. pifrue in "Princes A n s Lute Book,"

NL-DHgm, Film 8?7, p. 5 6 . Quadt, 0 0 . cit., p. 2 7 . D.
Kennard (London: Schott, 1956). B. henze, Das Gitarre-
snielt IX (Leipzig: Kofmeister, 1973), p. 12.
1639, p. 65 (Dm). Cf. Carbonchi, 1643, p. 38. E-Mn, Musica

811, p. 128, HAS. Hudson, Zarabanda. 147.
1639, p. 85 (Dm, "la Marinetta"). Carbonchi, 1643, p. 38,

esp. melody. HAS.
1648, p. 70 (Dm). I-MOe. Mus. F 1528, 8v. Cf. ibid., I6 v-

17r. Cf. Calvi, 1646, p. 33* CS-Pn (Prague) XLb 211,
+ p. 3. CS-Pn, XLb 209, + p. 53. Cf. R. de Visee,
1682, p. 21f. HAS.
1671, p. 27 (Dm). Rondeau theme in "Princes A n s L. B .,"

NL-DHgm, Film 677, p. 2 0 .
I6 7 I, p. 71 (Dm). Cf. Corbetta's Double. 1671, p. 71.

M Sch C94, 37r.
1674, p. 8 (Dm). M Sch C94, I42r.
1674, p. 31f (Dm). Cf. CS-Pn, XLb 211 + p. 55. CS-Pn,

XLb 209, p. 3* Cf. R. de Visee, 1686, p. 9. Cf.
NL-DHgm, Film 877, p.4.
1643, p. 43 (Em). M Sch C94, 4v. Bellow, pp. cit., p. 3*
1671, p. 15 (Em). Cf. M-Mn, MS I5 6 O (olim 1686), Sarabanda

desoacio.
1671, p. 14 (Em). M Sch C94, l43v.

1643, p. 53 (F). M Sch C94, 39v.
1648, p. 50 (F). Murcia, 1732, GB-Lbm, MS Add. 31640, p. lOOf.

M Sch C94, 39r. HAS.
3.6 3 9 , ^ . 6 9f (G). Calvi, 1646, p. 2 3 . Cf. F-Pn, R6s. 1402, 28.
1648, p. 74 (G). I-MOe, MS Mus. F 1528, 2v and lOv. F-Pn,

R6s. 1402, p. 27.
338
16? 1. p. 61 (G), A . Carre, US-Wc Ml26/032, p. 8.
D, Kennard (London: Ricordi, 1 9 6 3 ).
1639, p s 61 (Gm)* HAS.
1643, p. 49 (Gm). M Sch C94, 64v. Bellow, op. cit.. p. 8.
1648, p. 45 (Gm). HAS,
1671, p. 56 (Gm), HAS.
1671, p. 65 (Gm). A. Carre', US-Wc M126/C32, p. 17, Cf,

M-Mn, MS 1560 (oiim I0 8 6 ), La faborita sarabanda
largo.
1671, p. 93ff, (Gm). M. Schulz, "Berichte und kleine

Beitrage," Die Musikforschung IV (1951), 37ft HAS.
R. Keith, RMFC VI (1966). 92f.
1674, p. 54 (Gm). Cf. Carre, US-Wc M126/C32, p. 18f. HAS.

1648, p. 44 (Am). I-MOe, MS Mus. F 1528, lr. F-Pn, Vm
675, P. 88. Cf. Bartolotti, 1640, p. M Sch C94,
30r. HAS.
1671, p. 30f (Am). "Princes An's L. B.," NL-DHgm, Film 877.

Cf. Roncalii, 1692, p. 13* Cf. Carre, US-Wc
M126/C32, p. 21. Kennard (London: Ricordi, 19 6 3 ).
M Sch C94, 6Or.
E
(is): S fs c r W & $ r anata> l680 p - 7 *
1671, ?. 48f (Bb). HAS.
16?4, 3. 23f (Bb). M Sch C94, l45v.
1671, 3. 4 (3m). Cf. Murcia, 1732, GB-Lbm, MS Add. 31640,

p. 127f. S. Pujol, ed. no. 1023 (Paris; Eschig, 1957).
1671, 3. 4 (Bm, 2nd Sarabande). Cf. Murcia, 1732, GB-Lbm,

p. 12?f.
1674, ). 6f (Bm). M Sch C94, l42r.
GIGUE
1671, >. 73f (C). Le Cocq, B-Bc, MS no. 5619* p. 108.
1671, >- 51f (Cm). Murcia, 1732, GB-Lbm, MS Add. 31640,

p. 124. .
339
1671, p. 9 (Dm). M Sch C94, 142v. Azpiazu (Nice: Delrieu,
1961).
4 Cn ( !?_, ^ 4 c Cr \ ( 4
4
x u f x , y .
i c - p
-i-Jl \iTnj n
VyX
iiit tit-.
i'i i ' i n ,
m q
1' i i X ^ O v y V u x x m j\ , P ? ~ > 3
a i f e a
alegre.
1671, p. 62 (G). Kennard (London: Ricordi, I9 6 3 ).
I6 7 I, p. 57f (Gm). D. Kennard, !,A Note on F.Corbetta and

His Tablature," GR, no. 26 (1962), 11.
FOLIA
1639* p. 18 (Dm). Calvi, 1646, p. 10. M Sch C94, 84r.
1643, p. 68f (Dm). Last 3 variations appear in Corbetta,

1648, p. 75DD* M Sch C94, 85r (no. 12)= m. 49ff above.
Bellow, op. cit., p. I4ff. HAF.
1648, p. 75ff (Dm). Cf. F-Pn, Rds. 1402, n. 34 (no. 2).

HA F .
1671, p. 79ff (Dm). M Sch C94, 84v (no. 8)= m. 97ff above.
Quadt, op. cit., p. 24. HAF.
1< *3O
S }
01 (TV?
*- j.
^
xwiu /
UiT?
1 u .>
16 7 4 , p. 37ff (Em). HAF.
I6 7 I, p. 7of (Gm). Quadt,op. cit., p. 22f. HAF.
1674, p. 34ff (Gm). M Sch C94, I44r. KAF.
1639, p. 17 (Am). Calvi, 1646, p. 10.
CHACONNE
1639, p. 14 (C). Calvi, 1646, p.9.
1648, p. 28ff (C). I-MOe, Mus. 1528, 9r, Sonata. M Sch

C94, 8v-9r. Cf. ibid., 9v.
1671, P- 72f (C). M Sch C94, 21v. Le Cocq, B-Bc MS 5619,

p. 1 0 6 .
1639, p. 15 (D). Calvi, 1646, p. 9 .
1671, p. 69 (D). Cf. A. Carre", US-V/c, M126/C32, pp. 2-4.

Quadt, op. c i t . . p. 28. Kennard (London: Schott, 1956)
340
16?1 , p. 74 (C). Cf. Corbetta, 1671, p. 34= Cf. esp. 3X?1.
_n - j , , *r r,r?*-% 7,10 1 f/CA / ^ n T ^ Q^ \ - x m ..
II i v x v u j ) *
*i i ' U i ) i*iv m . \J \ W -I- X ll i J - ^ y I iTJ X I I Lt 1/ .1.11 Lf # U I ,
NL-DKgm, Film 877, jGigue, p. 5 6 . Cf. Losy, MAS, Vol.

38, p. 2 (no. 4).
1671 , p. 34 (D). Cf, M-Mn, MS 1560 (olim 1686), Minuet de

las fugas. Quadt, op, cit., p, 28, Henze, Das Gitarre-
spiel X, p. 12.
1674 , p. 58 (Dm). CS-Pn, XLb 209, + p. 57, and + p. 40.

Cf. R. de Visee, 1682, p. 26.
1674 , p. 17 (Em). M Sch C94, l43r.
GAVOTTE
1671., p. 12 (C). Cf. Corbetta's vocal transcription, 1 6 7 1 ,

p. 96ff. 0. Chilesotti, Gazz. (4 Oct. 1888). Chilesotti,
Bibl. 8 . p. 7. Chilesotti, Lavi/rnac Sncv. . Part I,
Vol.ÎI, p. 6 8 2 f , E. Pujol, ed. no.lOli (Paris: Eschig,
ly29). I. Savio, Antologia. . .para -zuitarra (Buenos
Aires: Ricordi, 1956), p. 5*
FANFARE, TAMBOUR, or TROMPETTE
167^, p. If (C). M Sch C94, lÔv.
1674, p. 2f (C). M Sch C94, l40v.
1674, p. 3 (C). M Sch C94, I4lr.

1674, p. 4 (C). CS-Pn, XLb 211, + p. 16. M Sch C94, I4lr.
1674, p. 5 (C). M Sch C94, I4lv.
1674, p. 47 (D). M Sch C94, l4lv.
PASSAMEZZO
1639, p. 58f (C-). Calvi, 1646, p. 13 f.
1639, p. 4lf (Am). Calvi, 16^6, p.14.
341
GAGLIARDA
1639* p. 44 (Am). . Calvi, 1646, p. 15*
RUGGIERO
1639, p. 28 (D). Calvi, 1646, p. 12.
1639* P* ^6 (G). Calvi, 1646, p. 11.
ARIA DI FIORENZA
1639, p. 56f (Dm). . Calvi, 1646, p. I9f.
1639, P. 52ff (G). Calvi, 1646, p. 18.
PAVANIGLIA
1639, p. 32 (Dm). Calvi, 1646, p. 13.
1639, p. 31 (Am). Calvi, 1646, p. 12f.
O D A n t\t r \ T T ^ m m r\
O J T J W J l'i \ j U * X U
1639, p. 24 (Dm). Calvi, 1646, p. 11.
1639 P' ^ (Gm). Carbonchi, 1643, p. 10.

1639 p. 23 (Am). Carbonchi, 1643, p. 10. Calvi, 1646,
BERGAMASCO
1639, p. 59 (C). Calvi, 1646, p. 21.
MANTOVANA
1639, p. 45f (Dm). Calvi, 1646, p. 2 5 .
L'ANTURLURU
1639* p. 66 (C). Calvi, 1646, p. 24.
342
VA PUR SUPERBA VA
1639* p. 69 (G). Calvi, 1646, p. 24,
LA BETTA
1639 p. ?2 (Am). Calvi, 1646, p. 2 3 .
PRELUDE
1648, p. 32f (C). M Sch C94, 12v .
1671 p. 7 (Cm), E. Pujol, ed, no. 1008 (Paris* Eschig, I9 2 9 ).
1671 p. 67 (D). Kennard (London* Schott, 1956). Quadt,

op. cit., p. 2 6 .
i648, p. 52f (Em). K Sch C94, 98r.
167^, p. 10 (Em). M Sch C94, l42v.
1671, p . 59f (G). Kennard (London* Ricordi, 1963). Cf.

CS-Fn, XLb211 , + p. 1 5 .
1671, p. 5^ (Gm). Kennard, "A Note on F. Corbetta," GR,

no. 26 (1 9 6 2 ), 1 1 .
1648, p. 38f (Am). M Sch C94, 25v.
I6 7 I p. 28 (Am). Kennard (London* Ricordi, 1 9 6 3 ).

I6 7 I, p. 1 (Bm). ClMurcia, 1732, GB-Lbm, MS Add. 31640, p. 125.
3^3
Los Angeles

IT4 a ^* a ^ + K a TJ o ^ a a i i o d i n +Ot *
JU.U VW4jr UA AUlAOakW* A W11W M y
Complete Works
A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction
of the requirements for the degree
Doctor of Philosophy
in Music
by
1976

Copyright by-

1976
Volume II
A TRANSCRIPTION OF CORBETTA'S
COMPLETE WORKS
Table of Contents
PREFACE
Part I: Basic Procedure.......... iii

Tunings................ vi
Ornamentation,......... .................. . . . i x
Part II j Special Problems...................... .xii

The.Notation of Rasgueado Chords . .............. xiii
The Notation of Shifted C h o r d s ..................
Pitch Notation vs. Tablature.................... x v m
Repetitions and Double 3ars.......... . . . . . . * *
Conclusions and Implications................. . . ^
Part III: Critical R e m a r k s ................ _xxii
Notes to the Preface . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ,xxv
TRANSCRIPTIONS
De gli Seherzi armonici trouati, e facilitati in alcune

curiosissime suonate sopra la chitarra spagnvola xvi
Vari capricii per la ghittara spagnvola.......... 86
Varii seherzi di sonate per la chitara spagnola. , 159
La Guitarre royalle dediee au Roy de la Grande

Bretagne . . . . . . . . . ........ . . . . . . . 204
La Gvitarre royalle dedide au Roy. . . . . . . . . 3^7
Unpublished Compositions . . . . ................ 396
i i
PREFACE
Part Is 3asic Procedure
One of the marvels of Francesco Corbettas music is
that it encompasses all the major developments of the
baroque guitar? indeed, many of the developments were his
own innovations. But while this aspect adds to the greatness
and diversity of his style, it only hinders the transcription
of his works. Perhaps because of this diversity, resulting
in a wide range of contrasting methods cf notation, Corbetta's
music has, for the most part, remained hidden to the present
day. Moreover, these complexities have discouraged or deluded
modern transcribers, as evidenced in 'The New Oxford History
of Musici
At the opening of the seventeenth century the technique

of guitar playing underwent a marked change: lute-like
music was replaced by batteries of full chords struck
across the whole of the strings. This led to a develop
ment of tablature for the guitar that transformed its
whole appearance. In the following hundred and fifty
years guitar literature became most prolific and rivalled,
if it did not exceed, in quantity that for the lute
itself. The tablature became both varied and complex
and is the most troublesome of all tablatures to decipher,
so attenuated did the shorthand of the virtuosi become;
it would be far beyond the purpose of this chapter to
give even the most brief description of all the forms. 1
Eventually, perhaps several decades from now, most of
the guitar music of the baroque era will be available in
modern transcriptions. What appearance will this music have?
If each scholar were to follow his own separate way in his
transcriptions, every new edition would differ markedly from
the others. Therefore, in order to achieve a wide and general
iii
acceptance of baroque guitar music, it is highly desirable
for musicologists to agree on one method of transcription.
An international colloquium of interested scholars could
easily codify a single method. Ominous as it may seem, such
an event has already guided the transcription of lute music

2
for the last two decades. For now we must devise a method
for systematically transcribing all of Corbetta's tablatures.
Because of the diversity and contrast in his style, perhaps
the procedure used here may be applied to the transcription
of other guitar music in the baroque era.
Corbetta employs two styles, three systems of notation,
and four tunings; one method of transcription is needed to
encompass all of these. He usually combines the two styles*
1) rasgueado. or the strummed style which is unique to guitar
music, and 2) punteado. or the plucked style which is often
associated with the lute. His favorite systems of tablature
(alfabeto alone, then alfabeto mixed with Italian lute
tablature. and finally, French lute tablature) neatly coincide
with the three major style-periods of his iife. The music
of Corbettas first book contains Montesardo's alfabeto.
which was first published in 1606. One chord is indicated
by the symbol of the cross, the others by letters of the
alphabet from A to Z. Montesardo also used a one-line staff,
with letters placed above or below to indicate upward or
downward strumming. But this alone was insufficient to
satisfy Corbetta's genius. He followed the lead of Sanseverino,
iv
who carefully notated rhythms above the staff-line and who
indicated strumming with perpendicular upward and downward
stroke-signs, as in Ex. 1. EXt Cobetta, 16 3 9 , p. 74
La m!a donna importuna. A1 MoltIlluft.Sig.il Sig.Giofeffo Corbetta*

P I P \ V
s - -^1C|A j C-J-' l i Hi C i i. Cfg> j Q> j t Mi K iT H1i Ci A .Ti |i
ft: r
1 I !! i
!I' I'1 !7 ! 1 t
i i
A
i*
J. .) .j *
C KlA Cjt C :It! 1 r c Ni j j 1 F I 1 R ij'Fi1 1
t i l l :11: 1 1 I4 I iu 1 1 11
Corbetta's second period, during which he published
the books of 164-3 and 1648, is marked by the use of "mixed
tablature." The alfabeto of his first book is shortened,
and he adds three more shifted chords. The alfabeto is
then combined with Italian lute tablature, using five lines
to indicate the courses of the guitar. Single notes are
depicted by numbers (accompanied sometimes by signs for
ornamentation), chords by letters written boldly over the
staff (see Ex. 2). 2 Corbetta, 1648, p. 72

'J J. _ I ----0
F P J.h j
-i ~3
.
&
--9-
J P IP J F J.P I J J F
-A--- * = -0-^
Corbetta's third period coincides with his use of
French lute tablature. In 1671 and 167 ^ he uses this means
of notation exclusively, with strummed chords as well as

single notes indicated by small letters on a five-line staff
(Ex. 3). The use of letters in this way probably ruled out
the application of the alfabeto. Corbetta may also have been
motivated to utilize this system because he had to deal with
musicians who were trained with it in France, England and the

Low Countries.
Ex. 3 Corbetta, 1671, p. 25
J ,fc p
-6b-' > r ; j r \ y e f, ? 3 A , \ r
6b- -6b-
I J J *
Z3 -ty 3Z
-a o' u
-6b- -6b-4r
Tunings
In the course of his life, Corbetta employed at least
four tunings. The standard Spanish and Italian tuning is
shown, with its transcription, in Ex. b.
Ex, b Standard Italian and Spanish timing
) actual pitches _ &) transcription

(j. ZZH
- 00-
1=
T r
V i
This tuning is used in the books of 1639 1643 and 1646.
Although somewhat anachronistically, a performer could as
easily play the transcribed pitches in Ex. 4b on a modern
guitar as a replica baroque guitar, since the octave-doublings
of the fourth and fifth courses are not transcribed. Histori
cally accurate results, however, may only be achieved through
the complete re-creation of the original performing medium.
Besides the standard tuning, the book of 1643 uses a
scordatura (abnormal timing) which differs from another used
in 1648. The transcriptions of these show actual pitch, as
in Examples 5 and 6.
Ex. 5 Scordatura, 1643

I t- 7T -&&
&
f Ex.f 6 1Scordatura,
^ 1648
J
O /. . Ar')
fc
a* $
The advantage of notating these scordature at actual pitch
is that the guitarist may or may not re-tune to play either
one.
Corbetta's books of 1671 and 16?4 use the so-called
"French tuning" described in Chapter 8 of the preceding
volume of this dissertation. Corbetta may indeed have
invented this tuning, which became generally used in France,
as well as in countries influenced by the French style, up
vii
to the middle of the 18th century. It is shown below in
Ex. ? i
Ex- 7 Corbetta's French tuning,

, oD , *)
J S
Some scholars have called this tuning "re-entrant"
because both strings of the fifth course are pitched above
the third. Note, however, that my transcription employs the
lower octave of the fifth course in order to show the performer
the usual spacing or distribution of notes within a chord.
In other words, a guitarist selects a familiar finger
p 2 . 3 . c +0 sxGCxi*fcs 2. chord In *fchs chord o^* which
indicates all the actual pitches, the performer is not sure
whether to play a G-major chord with open strings or a G-major
chord in the third position; in Ex. ?b there is no doubt
whatsoever. V/hen transcribing the French tuning in this
manner, there is seldom any question when to use the fifth
course. Consequently, special symbols, such as (3) written
under each chord are no longer necessary. For example,
using my method, the Allemande of 1671, pp. 2 8 - 2 9 , uses the
fifth course continually, yet the transcription necessitates
only one (5 ) to be written (m. 21) during the entire transcrip
tion of the dance. Three rules of thumb apply for scholars
who wish to realize this music at the keyboardt 1) keep in
viii
mind the original tuning; 2) no note will actually sound
below the fourth-course bourden or lower octave of (3)
and 3) in a chord of five cones, the lowest note sounds an
octave higher. The only indication in the transcription for
this special tuning is a small .s at the bottom of the treble

A.
clef ^ . M o d e m guitarists who are unable to procure a
facsimile instrument are encouraged to play the music of
1671 and l6?k by re-tuning their guitar in the manner shown
in Ex. 8.
Ex. 8 Re-tuning a modern guitar

-ijL.
a
Ornamentation
Although Corbetta did not sufficiently explain the
performance of ornaments in his music, we can obtain further
information on the subject from his contemporaries. In the
Preface of each book, Corbetta briefly described the sign
for each ornament in prose. The embellishments he used
tended to accumulate up to 1671. In contrast to his other

books, however, in that year his Preface included an extensive
list of ornament signs, which he described and then wrote out
in tablature. I have used his list as a basis for my own
Table of Ornaments on the following page. Here, in chrono
logical order, the ornamentation of each book is summarized.
Baroque musicians (more than those of other historical
i x
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TTCM: P r r\ N is
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-A^- 1i rx r~
A& X 11, \-~t J ala
ZiLi m : z )} K/j p i .. %. - i" | ^ jj k> ( [ i T l ' t f f i -
ipt -*-4--1- W Tr I
6 jr = * :h K=C
T---- = 5 = r * ?
u
'JtlT. PU/h'i- V^RlT- /1*V;
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W M Ml
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periods) were noted for their ability to improvise. Part
of this concept freely permitted the performer to add
ornaments. As early as 1606 Montesardo indicated in his
Preface (p. 1) that whenever the little finger was free, it

could be used to add a trill or other ornament by playing
in a nearby consonant fret, Sanz also stated that the trill
could be added ad libitum (Instruccion. fol. 11v). About a
decade after Corbetta had finished his book for Charles II,
Nicola Matteis published some pertinent information for
performers on the guitar j
Good advice to play well.
You must not allwayes play alike, but sometimes loud

and sometimes softly, according to your fancy; and if
you meet with any melancholy notes, you must touch them
OmCC
A ^
I; tfUlU
O W J
UCXAVa
J A1 ^ A^
UCJ.^
A1, ,
i
Secondly it is very necessary to make a clever shake

sweet and quick whicn is the chief method for those
that play of these sort of instruments.
Thirdly that you don't play your tune so fast, because

your quick playing is apt to confuse you, so that you
ought too play clearly and easily. To set your tune
off the better, you must make severall sorts of graces
of your own genius, it being very troublesome for the
composer to mark them.
xi
Part H i Special Problems
A successful m o d e m edition of old music must represent
simply and accurately the intent of the composer. It should
be readily playable on reconstructed instruments of the
period, yet equally accessible to m o d e m guitarists or
musicologists. Thus, the barrier between performing editions
and scholarly editions need not necessarily be strengthened.
It is important to maintain simplicity. The transcrip
tion should not make the music appear more difficult than it
really is. Clarity is also an objective; the music must
be easily, legible and not excessively cluttered with fingerings
and instructional signs. Since Corbetta's music is of interest
to many outside the orbit of the society of guitarists, indi
cations such as position marks, open strings and fingerings
occur in my transcription only when absolutely necessary, and
many of these indications are indeed Corbetta's own. The
fingerings added by the present writer are only to elucidate
what is already obvious in the original tablature. In order
to show concisely and simply the composer's intent, ornaments
are indicated by signs, as did virtually all of the baroque
guitarists. The writing out of ornaments, as in some of
the music of J.S. Bach, or as in the transcriptions of Pujol
or Noad, is not recommended.
As a final consideration, even the most pragmatic
transcriber would make use of the discoveries of previous
scholars as a guide or point of departure. Who could
xii
discredit the contributions of Oscar Chilesotti or Johannes
Wolf to the art of transcription? A successful and authentic
transcription must* therefore, link with the scholarly tradition.
The Notation of Rasgueado Chords
The most unique aspect of baroque guitar music is the
rasgueado style. Historically;, guitar music in the 17th
century began with the rasgueado technique alone. Even after
164-0, when guitar music became infiltrated with the plucked
style of the lute, rasgueado persisted until the demise of

the baroque guitar a century later. The rasgueado element
has also .been the most trc^blc-'.-v* component of modern
transcriptions. Most of the recent editors have used
uncommon musical signs to indicate it as follows:
Ex. 9 The indication of rasgueado
R. Keith 0. Chilesotti R. Strizich

(1966) (1900) ______ (1 9 6 9 )______ A. Koczirz D. Kennard
- 2 1- ?u?o- - -v, Kennard (1926 ) -(1963) -
(19^9) - (19Q2 j
2) L) * :) +
I
/ ft 1^
i) L - -1-Vt v- p----
p,--------------- 1-2 M----------H--------- &------------M---------(3--------- u------------------------
1 ..v V - s----------m ---------- ------------h-------- e --------- tj------------------------
Y*----------- ------- $ ,J._ 11 j? _ H 11
R. Hudson E. Puiol S. Murphy

!n - j.
I */ *
*.
<1-970)-------------- (-195?-)---------------- (4-968)--------------------------------
1 * i. ^
4,L4L1 Cl C
b- --------------------------- (-1970)-----------------------------------------------------------
J. Wolf : i 9 i 9
xiii
It is an obvious fact that the notation of rasgueado
e + w m m i n c r V ao j i-
------------ r ow+ +a "K o e + a w ^ a r *s
^.
-i . T r* +V10 h~o f f n w n i *0p
Chilesotti and Pujol preceded strummed chords with a wavy-
line (Ex. 9b)j however, the performer could not have known
whether to strum down or up. The arrows seem a practical
solution, but editors are equally divided on how to write
them. In Corbetta's books of 1639 and 167 ^, some pieces
are strummed exclusively. The notation of these pieces
would require an arrow above every single chordI For this
reason, I independently arrived at the same procedure used
by Richard Hudson, who simply allows the direction of the
stem of the chord to indicate the direction of the strum.
This procedure was pioneered by Johannes Wolf, except that
he had notated actual pitch rather than the more usual octave
transposition (Ex. 9f). Some transcribers such as Noad or
Bellow, merely sidestep the issue by omitting some of or all

of the strumming Corbetta had indicated. However; Corbetta's
music demands the rasgueado element; the best way to notate
it is by following his tablature exactly (Ex. 10), thus
indicating the right-hand strumming with the stem of the chord.

Ex, 10 Allemande du Rov Corbetta, 1671, p. 2
_ by'f>*
V-' jc 1
p J *
-u-k. n7^, crj e,> cM - \./ h 1- dU 1 * S:JL Q -& j. _ *1- 4>-
---r- - - - - - - -- 6 c-
* J------
M
|g|-. n f i p>i = i f p< .j '
J: ---- 1j n
1
-s *
s 3 = ^ .f '
xiv
Corbetta did not write enough about the right-hand
fingering of rasgueado chords. Except for details on the
repicco ornament, he gave only one specific rasgueado fingering
in his book of 1671. In the Preface to that collection, he
recommended the following*

. . ,e batti sempre le consonanti con la mano et il polzo
insiene che ti riuscir^ piil armoniosa la battuta. Vedrai
alia fine del libro le conssonanze piil familiari. . . .
(. . .and strike always the consonances with the hand and

the thumb together so that the strum will turn out more
harmonious. You will see at the end of the book the more
familiar consonances; . . .)
These familiar consonances are understood to mean the principal
cadence points, as depicted at the end of his book. From this
we may conclude that the middle and final cadences of the
dances may be articulated with a rapid unfurling of all the
fingers and thumb, whenever a full chord is to strummed, as
in Ex. 11:
Ex. 11 Allemande Corbetta, 1671, p. 29
xv
Such a highly expressive and flamboyant articulation as
this must; of necessity; be used sparingly. Judging from
the music and instructions of his contemporaries (such as
Robert de Visee), most of Corbetta's strummed passages could
be executed ad libitum with either one finger (i or m) or
occasion-Uy with the thumb. Strict attention must be paid
to the direction of the strum, however. The use of fingernails
is also rr-commended, rather than the flesh of the fingertips.
Corbetta requires many chords to be plucked, as in the
penultimate and antepenultimate chords of Ex. 11. In the
transcription, sonorites of this type are indicated whenever
one stem does not join all of the chord tones. Therefore,
the notation of chords in my transcription may be summarized

as follows t
Ex. 12 The notation of chords in the transcription
f t II j ' lli ii fa
I f 3 II -f ---------
=strum to =strum_ to =pluck the =strum to the floor
the floor the ceiling chord (Arrows are used infrequently
________________ :___________________________ and n n ly wi -frh v fh n lp -rn tp t;, )
The Notation of Shifted Chords
Corbetta's books from 1639 to 1648 contain many

shifted chords. Technically speaking, all of these chords
require the use of the "bar'' (barre or ceja). a modern term
xvi
denoting that the first finger must depress all the strings
in a specified fret. Essentially, using the system introduced
by Colonna, Corbetta places an Arabic numeral above a standard
chord-letter to indicate the position to which the chord is
shifted. In every case, these chords require the first finger
to bar all of the strings at the fret indicated, according to
his description in the Preface of 1639. Corbetta's dependence
on this convention of notation is emphasized in Ex. 13 where
nearly all of the chords are in fact shifted*
Ex. 13 Corrente Corbetta, 1639, p. 66
The indication of shifted chords with an Arabic numeral
is analogous to the modern practice of writing Roman numerals
above the chords of guitar music. Therefore, I have helped
the modern performer find chords above the first or second

position by occasionally adding Roman numerals (as in Ex. 13).
In Corbetta's books of 1671 and 167^, chords also appear in
any position. However, in reality they are no longer "shifted
chords," because he notated them completely in French lute
tablature.
xvii
permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

Notation vs# T2tbl2L
\i2rs
The transcription of Corbetta's works entails the
decoding of the original tabiature and notating its exact
pitches according tc modern practice. The basic difference
between the notation for the baroque guitar and that for the
modern guitar needs clarification. German scholars have
distinguished tabiature as Griffschrift and pitch notation
as Tonschrift. Ultimately, tabiature indicates in a practical
way where the fingers are to be placed. On the other hand,
pitch notation appeals more to the mind, informing the performer
of the essential function of notes in the composition as a
whole. Thus pitch notation also becomes representative of
the actual sound of the music. These two species of guitar
notation may now be contrasted as followsi
Tonschrift vs. Griffschrift

7----- 5-------
pitch notation finger notation
/ \
symbolical practical
/ \
intellectual technical
/ \
indirect direct
/ \
interpretive literal
/ \
appeals to conceptive faculty to executive faculty
While it is not our intention to discuss the relative

merits of one species over the other, the fact remains that
Corbetta used the one and today we use the other. The most
obvious advantage of pitch notation is the ability to indicate
the duration of notes. Corbetta adopted the tenue (v______ >)
xviii
in i6?l in order to indicate certain notes to be sustained.
In the transcription these notes are simply given their full
value. Even as early as 1639* Corbetta explains in his
Preface that whenever possible, notes that are plucked
separately are to be sounded while the left hand sustains
the notes of the previous chord (see Ex. 13).
The contrasts between finger notation and pitch
notation led to a heated scholarly debate between Chilesotti,
Koczirz and Koerte around 1900.^ The debate was rekindled
when Leo Schrade published a very literal transcription of
El maestro by Luys Milan. Schrade made no attempt to record
the inherent polyphony or implied voice-leading of the original
and thus illicited the opposition of Otto Gombosi and others.^
Today scholars generally accept the polyphonic interpretation,
as evidenced in a review of the newest transcription of
El maestroi
Time has taught us that the interpretive z polyphonicj

approach, transcribing not the tabiature. but the music
imprisoned in the tabiature is the preferred method
despite the risks.7
In the present transcription, as demonstrated in Ex. 10,
there is a modified attempt to record Corbetta's polyphony.
Rests are used sparingly (following Corbetta's practice),
and only in crucial positions. And although it is possible

to carry contrapuntal concepts to extremes (on paper), the
performer of this edition is only required to render a

practical version of the polyphony, not an idealization of
it Therefore, everything that is written, including the
xix
duration of notes, is capable of being played.
Repetitions and Double Bars
Corbettas double bars are copied exactxy from the
original and do not necessarily indicate a repetition. They
usually end a phrase or section. However, if a repeat seems

intended (for instance, if he provides a second ending), the
usual repeat signs [1 *j| are used in the transcription, in
1671 and 1674, Corbetta makes used of the dal segno, indi
cated thus^. Kis sign is retained in my transcription and
constitutes a repetition of the last few measures of a dance.
In the preface of 1671, he describes these repeat signs as
segni di repetitioni in echo. This short type of repetition
has also been called the petite re-prise.
Conclusions and Implications
The transcription of Corbetta's complete works has
long been needed, for he was the most significant guitarist
of his age. The importance of his music is now obvious.
Moreover, the transcription of his book of 1639 constitutes
the first substantial collection of rasgueado music to become
available in this century. The total availability of Corbetta's
output has made possible an evaluation of his style and art.
Yet of equal consequence, performances of his music may now
be historically correct and genuinely authentic, without
using the original tabiature. Therefore, it is superfluous
to publish the tabiature along with the present edition.
xx
The various tunings- "the techniques of" rasgueado vs.
punteado and three kinds of tabiature in Corbetta's music
reflect virtually all of the innovations for the baroque
guitar. The selection of a single procedure through which
these diverse elements of his style could be recorded may
now be applied to the music of any other baroque guitarist.
Thus, with the solution of the most difficult problems already
in the past, the reconstruction of the repertory of the
baroque guitar is now well under way.
xxi
"Do^4* TTT ^*^4
AMX tl AX<b I V4 X W
1 Dampwuo
XU&X *vClllfi4. Aw
1639
p. 1, m. 1 1 . G# on (J) of original has been changed to F#.
p. 15i m.2 3 . Original rhythm unclear.
p. 16, m.17.Original rhythm seems incorrect.
p. 17* m. 1. Meter (3/2) is transcribed in 3/4.
p. 22, m. 1. Meter (3/2) is transcribed in 3 A .
p. 26, m. 1. Meter (3/2) is transcribed in 3 A .
p. 30, a. i. Meter (l/l) is transcribed in G (2/2).
p. 36, m. i. Meter (0) is transcribed in 6 / 8 .
p. 3 6 , m. 9. Original rhythm is incorrect.
p. 38, m.21, M chord is shifted to 3rd position in transcription-
p. 5C ff.T in the original indicates a trill. Use a trill
that begins on the upper auxiliary tone throughout
Corbetta's music. !*f indicates a trill in the transcription,
p. 60, m. 31. 2/r is transcribed as 3/R, a C-major triad.
C A A tf
v uif _in m u . . U . -.-3 U .. .1 J
j.iic oaii ocu unuiu oauuxu
U a
wou.4. *3 t*.^w I T T
p. 6 6 , m. 11. Original rhythm is incorrect.
164-3
p. 7 m. 12. Original P is missing a dot.
p. 18, m. 7. Any notes on the first string are omitted as
dictated by the voice leading. In this respect see also
p. 73. m. 7.
p. 26, m. 2 9 .The first chord must be played in the fifth
position, even though the original does not so indicate,
p. 31* m. 38. Allow the bass notes of this passage to sound
as long as possible.
P 37 m. 35. A dot must be added to the original rhythm of
the second chord. The same chord has been moved to
the fourth position in the transcription,
p. 4-1, m, 3. Original rhythm is incorrect,
p. 4-8, m. 11 . H chord has been transcribed as 3/H.
p. 5 0 t m. 17. Original rhythm has been corrected,
p. 57. Contains a new and different ornament, which Corbetta
has not defined -X>. It is probably a trill, judging
from the context,
p. 75, 2. A #-sign is missing in the original continuo
p. 80, m. 1. Although the original is written in 3/1, it

has been transcribed in 3/2. Play the lines as legato
as possible.
p. 81 is missing in the copy at I-Bc, as is the dedication
page.
xxii
R eproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
164-8
pp. 8-31. All the passachaglie are notated in 3/2. They

have been transcribed in 3/4- conforming with Corbetta's
other examples of this form. The same procedure has
been applied to the chiaccona.
p. 9, m. 2 7 . Rhythm is not clearly indicated in tabiature.
p. 1 2 , m. 5 . K is transcribed as 3/K.
p. 16, m. 5. Original rhythm contains an unnecessarydot.
p. 18, m. 16. Ditto.
p. 19, m. 20. Contains an extra note.
p. 26, m. 10. A chore seems to be missing here.
p. 35* 14. G is tianscribed as 3/G.
p. 3 9 * m. 1 2 . h is transcribed as r.
p. 4-0, m. 9. Rhythm of original is incorrect.
p. 47, m. 7 Some eighth-notes are transcribed as fi.
p. 48, m. 8 . SomeR are transcribed as .
P* 53* m. 13. E-minor chord is added at the end of the Prelude,
p. 5 4 .m, 5 * G transcribed as 2 /g.
p. 64, m, 48. Original rhythm lacks a dot of duration,
p. 6 5 ,mm. 16-17. On beat 2, I is added in the transcription,
p. 6 6 ,m,- 26-. Tabiature seems incomplete in the last line,
p. 6 9 , m. 4. Original C# is transcribed as C.
p. 72, m. 1. The trill here is probably B-A#, as demanded
by the fingering.
1671
p. 3, mm. 7 and 2 3 . Original rhythm is incorrect,
p. 10, m. 14. Ditto.
p. 14, m. 42. F# 0n(Qi of the firstchord hasbeen transcribed
as E.
p. 17, m. 1. Original meter of 3/2 is transcribed as 3/4.
p. iy* mm. 8-9. Original rhythm is incorrect,
p. 21, mm. 2-4. Ditto. Trill seems incorrect inm.3.
p. 2 9 , m. 40. Original rhythm is incorrect,
p. 30, m. 32. Last note must be G#.
p. 31, m. 25-. A petite reprise appears to be written out.
p. 34, m. 9. Original rhythm is incomplete,
p. 37* mm. 11 and 16. Original rhythm is incorrect,
p. 39* m. 7. Ditto.
p. 4l m. 5 Eighth-note contains-anunexplainable not.
p. 42, m. 14. Notes at the interval of a third are to be
strummed by a single finger of the right hand. The
direction of the strum, however, is not indicated in
the tabiature.
p. 46, m. 15. The first bass note (E), is transcribed as A.
p. 47, m. 12, Trill seems to be incorrectly shown in the
tabiature.
p. 61, m. 27. The second bass note is believed to be D.
p. 66, m. 12. Original rhythm seems incorrect.
xxiii
p. 71, mm. 1 and 8. Original rhythm is imperfect,
p. 73, m. 36. In the transcription the note D was omitted
in the overabundance of notes (at a page-turn of the
tabiature).
16?^
p. 9. m. 8. Original rhythm is incorrect,
p. 14, mm. 11 and 18. Ditto. ,
p. 18, m. 11. The tabiature lacks a dot of duration after*,
p. 23, m. 22. The note of Bb is added in the transcription,
p. 24, m. 3. Original rhythm is incorrect,
p. 37-. This is Corbettas only printed composition where
barlines are totally absent in the tabiature. At the
asterisk (*), m. 31 has been added in the transcription
in order to continue the sequence of regularphrases,
p. M* Original rhythm is incorrect,
p. 4l, m. ,5. Ihe high 2b has been chaged to D in the tran
scription.
p. ^6, m. 7. Original trill was probably from B to A#,
p. 4-8, m.20. Original barline is misplaced,
p. ^9, m. 7. The trill, though indicated on the note A,
should be played A-G.
p. 51, ffi* 6. The note G of the ascending scale has been
added in the transcription in place of F#.
p. 52, m. 13. Trill has been corrected to read D-C#.
p. 58, m. l4. Original rhythm is incorrect because of a.tie.
Barlines in the transcription fellow modern practice.
XX iv
NOTES TO THE PREFACE
1 The Age of Humanism. 1540-16^0, The New Oxford History

Music IV, Ger&Iu Abraham, eu. \iiGnuorit u X j.ofu university
Press, 1968;, p. 779.
2 The volume which resulted from this collaboration is
Le luth et sa musique. Jean Jacquot, ed. (Paris* CNRS. 1958).
3 N. Matteis, The False Consonances of Kvsic or Instructions

for the Playing a True 3asse unon the C-uitarre(London, n.d.).
p. 79. Copy at US-NYp.
4 W. Apel, The Notation of Polyphonic Music. 900-1600. 5"th
ed.(Cambridge, Mass.: The Mediaeval Academy of America,
1953), PP. 5^-55.
5 0. Koerte, Laute und Lautenmusik bis zur Mitte des 16.
Jahrhundert, 3eihefte der internationalen Musikgesellschaft
III (Leipzig: 3reitkopf und Kartel, 190l).
6 L. Schrade and 0. Gombosi take their corresponding stands

in Zeitschrift fflr Musikwissensehaft XIV (1931-1932), pp. 185 ff.
and 357 ff.
7 Thomas F. Heck, review of Luis de Milan, El maestro,
edited, translated and transcribed by Charles Jacobs in
JAMS XXV (1972), 487.
XXV
DE GLI
SCHERZI ARMONICI
TROUATI, E FACILITATI
IN ALGUNE CURIOSISSIME SUONATE
SOPRA
LA CHITARRA SPAGNVOLA
DA FRANCESCO CORBETTA PAVESE
Bologna i G. Monti and C e Zenero
f colophon, 1639]
Prefacei "primo tratto della mia penna"
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LIBRO QVARTO
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Additional lyrics in Italian by Seig.
~ - w-lai u v a.u i wio
Sarabande Tombeau de Madame
Dal Cielo d Amcr

Vn bel Sole e Sparito
Suo raggic e Suanitoj
La Sorte,
La Morte
Tal Nume
Dal Mondo ne rapi.
Le Stelle
Rubelie
Perdon ogni splendor
Con fiero aspro tenore
E dan piu crudi influssi al mio dolor.
Or voi mesulumi
Versate due fiumi,
Ch* a tanto dolor
E poco un solo cor.
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Additional lyrics for the Gavotte aymee du Due de
Konmouthi
Ie voy bien que ces soupirs
lors quils sortent de mon sein
par surprise ou par dessein
sont axitant d ardens desirs.
D ou vient done ee mal extreme

qui & trouble toute zna vie
Ie madresse a vous Sylvie
Ah* sans doute ie vous ayme.
Filli mia s'inteneri

A1 mio pianto alia mia fe
St un bacio al fin mi die
Ch'ad un subito spari.
Ond' Amor ho gran bisogno

Di saperne il tuo pensiero
Troppo dolce super sogno
Iroppo breve su per vsro
(Paroles sur la mesme Gavote de Mr. L Abbe Beutti)
Ingiustitia mi si fa
Che sia certo il mio martir
E non sappia il mic gioir
Se sia falzo o verita.
Pur rimedio a questo fora

Se ti preme la mia pace
Ch* io n'havessi un altro ancora
Che non fosse si fugace.
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GVITARRE
ROYALLE
DEDIÊ AV ROY
COMPOSES PAR FRANCISQUE CORBET
Paris: H. Bonnetlil 16?^}
3*7
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IN FO R M A TIO N TO USERS

The following explanation of techniques is provided to help you understand

5. PLEASE NOTE: Some pages may have indistinct print. Filmed as

Xerox University Microfilms

PINNELL, Richard Tilden, 1942-

Xerox University Microfilms, Ann Arbor, M ichigan 48106

The Role of Francesco Corbetta (1615-1681) in the

History of Music for the Baroque Guitar,

Including a Transcription of His

A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction

of the requirements for the degree

Richard Tilden Pinnell

and it is acceptable in quality for publication on microfilm.

Richard A. Hudson, Chairman

Los Angeles, 1976

to the glory of the Most High

CHAPTER It SCOPE AND PURPOSE

CHAPTER 3* MUSIC OF THE RASGUEADO STYLE, 1596-1637

CHAPTER 5* CORBETTA'S SECOND BOOK, 1643, AND ITS INFLUENCE

CHAPTER 6* CORBETTA*S BOOK OF 1648 AND THE CULMINATION

CHAPTER 9 1 A BOOK FOR LOUIS XIV, 1674,AND THE FINAL

APPENDIX Is Excerpt from The Arraignment. Trial, and

APPENDIX H i Concordance of Manuscripts, Printed Sources

VOLUME lit A TRANSCRIPTION OF CORBETTA'S COMPLETE WORKS

Due to the specialized nature of the present study,

a number of abbreviations, symbols and sigla are neccesar-y.

Generally these are based on two sources* modern guitar nota

tion and musicological literature. Guitar notation is

explained in detail in Volume II of this dissertation. In

following summary is offered:

$ = octave lower than

^ Roman numerals below the staff indicate the

course = a pair of strings tuned in unison or octaves, ex

Cf. = similar, worthy of comparison

P = uulgar or oollice = thumb

Consult the second volume of the present study for a

The stem direction in the notation of chords indicates:

f =strura to the floor

Chords not joined by a single stemware only to be plucked

A-Wgm VIENNA, Gesellschaft der Musikfreur.de

B-Bc BRUSSELS- Bibliothfcque du Conservatoire Royal de

CS-Pnm PRAGUE, National Museum

CS-Pu PRAGUE, University Library

E-Mn MADRID, Biblioteca Nacional

P-Pc PARIS, Bibliothfeque Nationale, Conservatoire National

F-Pn PARIS, Bibliotheque Nationale

GB-Csp CAMBRIDGE, The private library of Samuel Pepys

GB-Ge GLASGOW, Euing Music Library

GB-Gu GLASGOW, University Library

GB-Lbm LONDON, British Museum

I-Bc BOLOGNA, Civico Museo 3ibliografico-Musicale

I-Fc FLORENCE, Biblioteca del Conservatorio di Musica

I-Fn FLORENCE, Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale

I-MOe MODENA, Biblioteca Estense

I-Nc NAPLES, Biblioteca del Conservatorio di Musica

I-Nn NAPLES, Biblioteca Nazionale "Vittorio Emanuele III"

I-Rsc ROME, Biblioteca del Conservatorio di Musica

M-Mn MEXICO, D.F., Biblioteca Nacional

NL-DHgm THE HAGUE, Gemeentemuseua

P-Cu COIMBRA, Biblioteca Geral da Universidade

S-Uu UPPSALA, Universitetsbiblioteket

US-BE BERKELEY, Calif,, University of California Library

US-Bh BOSTON, Mass,, Harvard University library

US-Cn CHICAGO, Newberry Library