Containing Time: Rites of Passage and Moral Space or Bachelard among the Kaguru, 1957-1966

Author(s): T. O. Beidelman
Source: Anthropos, Bd. 86, H. 4./6. (1991), pp. 443-461
Published by: Anthropos Institute
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Anthropos86.1991: 443-161

Time
Containing
RitesofPassageandMoralSpace orBachelardamongtheKaguru,
1957-1966
T. O. Beidelman

Abstract.- Variousritesof passage and associated activities etiquetteof everydayactivities.Such claims might
among the Kaguru of East Africaare consideredthroughthe be made regardingall societies since space is a
interlinking mode of space. This encouragesseeing such rites
as a whole, as one cycle of the person utilizedto reproduce "privilegedphenomenon"(see Bachelard on fire,
society.It also linkstheseto broadersectorsof Kaguruthought 1964: 7), pervasivelyinstrumental in explaining
and experience,at one extremethelegendsof social originsand myriadthings.I hope thatsuch an accountof Ka-
ritesof ancestralpropitiation,and at the otherthe activitiesof
guru cosmologycenteringaround space suggests
everydaylife. [East Africa,Kaguru, rites of passage, space, how inextricably
symbolism, gender]
space, time,gender,and ethnicity
are interconnectedfor many people. Elsewhere
T. O. Beidelman, D. Phil. (Oxon), Prof.,Dept. of Anthropol- I touched upon some of the argumentsthat I
ogy,New York University, New YorkCity;- Publicationsin- raise here, but not in so integratedor sustained
clude: Moral Imaginationin KaguruModes of Thought(Bloo- a fashion (1986: chap.4 and 5).2 There I argue
mington 1986); Colonial Evangelism (Bloomington 1982); that myriadeverydayactivitiesand experiences
W. RobertsonSmith(Chicago 1974); ed., The Translationof
Culture(London 1971); The Kaguru (New York 1971), and
informand constructour systemsof beliefs and
numerousarticlesin Anthropos, Africa,Man, CulturalAnthro- values. That argumentowes much to both Witt-
pology,AmericanEthnologist,Historyof Religions,and other gensteinand Mauss. Not surprisingly, my inter-
journals. pretation resembles arguments earlier advanced by
Bourdieu who is also rooted in these same two
predecessors.Unfortunately, Bourdieu's excellent
and perceptiveethnographic accountsand analysis
"Therealdistance between twogenerations is cre- of everydayspace and time among the Kabyle
atedbytheelements they have in common, which of northAfrica are diminishedby a lack of a
the
require cyclicalrepetition of the same expe-
riences,as in thebiologically inherited behavior
ofanimalspecies"(ItaloCalvino:Mr.Palomar)
1 This essay describesKaguru as I lived with themduring
"Manforthefield,andwomanforthehearth . . ." periods between 1957-1966. Two decades of subsequent
(A. L. Tennyson: The Princess) enforcedvillagizationhave drasticallyalteredthese condi-
tions,especiallyregardingsocial space. Variousversionsof
"Geography is thewifeofhistory, as spaceis the this paper were deliveredat the Universityof Iowa, Uni-
wifeof time"(Guy Davenport: The Geography versityof Minnesota,Universityof Illinois,Columbia Uni-
oftheImagination) versity,and Wheaton College, Massachusetts.Colleagues
providedusefulcriticisms.
at all these institutions
In thisessay I use an East Africanpeople's ideas 2 Michael Jackson's work (1989) also at times develops
themesand issues close to thoseof myconcernhere.I differ
about space as an integrating theme to consider fromhim, however,in two ways. I do not see the kinds
rites de passage.1 This then is a "topoanalysis" of profounddivisions between non-Westernand Western
(Bachelard 1969: 8) of a "topocosm"(Frye 1963: thoughtthat he does. Nor do I see Africansocieties as
64) directedtowardideas about space, theperson, being as benign as he does, but ratheras concernedwith
and time. It deals with what Kurt Lewin termed domination,subversion,and betrayalsas we ourselvesare.
A collection of essays edited by ShirleyArdener(1981)
"psychologicallife space" (1936: 18) or "psy- containsmanyprovocativeillustrations but is considerably
chological regions" (93-117). I have chosen the inhibitedin its insightsby being restrictedto one gender.
themeof space because theAfricanpeople at issue, For relevantpassages in Mauss see 1979,, c and in Witt-
the Kaguru of east-centralTanzania, themselves gensteinsee 1963: 36, 1969: 28, 30, n.d.: 11. The present
essay may appear disgressivein its use of ethnographic
appearkeenlysensitiveto spatialmattersin terms referencesto social groupings,ritual,everydaybehaviour,
of how theyview theirworld,in termsof how they and beliefs, but withoutthese one would have a sterile
enact ritesand ceremonies,and in termsof their exercise such as thatof Douglas (1972).

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444 T. O. Beidelman

coherent accountofKabylesocialorganization and a sense of thetimeless(129-131). "Henceeach

a massofturgid, obfuscating theory thatseemsto groupcutsup space in orderto compose,either
reducethecentralfeatures of Kabylesocietyto a definitively or in accordancewitha set method,
of
dichotomy gender(e.g., 1977: 89-95). a fixed framework withinwhichto encloseand
Myessay here traces the ways that traditional retrieve its resemblances" (156f.). "... it is the
Kaguru ethnic identity is embedded in space. In spatialimage alone that,bymeansof itsstability,
part this concerns how traditionally Kaguru saw gives us an illusion of nothavingchangedthrough
theirsurroundings as a physicalrealityinformingtimeand of retrieving the past in the present.
andsupporting a seemingly enduring ethnic group, But that's how memoryis defined.Space alone
eventhoughhistorical evidencesuggeststhatthe is stableenoughto endurewithout growing old or
ideasthatKaguruheldoftheiridentity during co- losingany of its parts"(157).
lonialandpost-colonial timeswerethemselves in WhenI livedamongtheKaguru,theyrare-
partrecentconstructs. Thesein turnresulted from ly discussedchangesin theirenvironment, even
of
expectations European and African outsiders though I often asked about these. It seemed then
who sought(and stillseek) to dominateKaguru thatforKaguruthebroadmodesofhowspacewas
and to whom Kagururespondwithintensifiedused appearedrelatively constantover decades.
ethnicsentiments.3 To be sure,individual dwellingswereabandoned
In part,too,thisessayconcerns howtradition-and newonesbuilt;old fieldsbecameovergrown
allyKagurusaw changesintrinsic to life- birth, or were let fallowand new ones cleared;but
initiation (maturation), marriage, parenthood, and overrecentdecadesconfigurations of settlements
death- as themselves imbedded in fieldsofmoral and bush remainedgenerallythe same in their
spacethatconfirm andechoa seemingly changing appearancesexceptthata few Kagurulamented
butmorebroadly enduring moral(social)universe. thatin the past villagesmay have been larger
In his famousessayon collectivememory Halb- and moreprosperous. No one seemedinterested
wachsarguesthat"resemblances are paramount" when I asked about theprofound changesinsocial
in
(1980: 85) creating the illusion that change is space that must have resulted when masses of
encapsulated within a broader frame of constan- Kaguru moved down from the mountains at the
In
cy. part this is done on
by impressing people onset of colonial times when raiding ceased (Bei-
thatthesamelifecycleexperiences arerepeatedly delman1962).ForKaguruthegreatandsignificant
knownbyall society'smembers. It is also forKa- changesin social space werenottheseof recent,
guru achieved because experiences andmemories "historical" timebutduringmoredistant, legend-
fromearlierfragments of a lifecylcearerepeated arytimewhenmatri-clans firstarrived andclaimed
atlaterphases,thereby endowing eachphaseinthe theirrespective lands.The colonialadministrative
cycle with a sense of both the past and what is to system threatened someof thisthinking whenit
come.Thewaysthatspaceis endowedwithmoral establishedcourtsand officesfavouring certain
valencesand the ways thatappropriate actions matri-clans, but to mostKagurusuch concerns
andpersonsareassociatedwithcorresponding ar- seemedof less import thanthebroaderthemesof
eas facilitate thissymbolic orchestration, enabling ancientclandomains.To Kaguruitwas important
Kaguruto "immobilizetime"(Halbwachs1980: to emphasizetheenduring continuity oftheirsur-
126).Thekeyfactor ofspaceis thatitperpetuatesroundings.
I am notsuggesting thatKagurudeniedmore
recent socialchangeswiththeirnewsocio-political
3 WhenI writeof Kaguruethnicidentity, of theirsenseof and economicuses of
commoncus-
space. Yet untilrecentin-
beingone peoplewitha commonlanguage, the
tomsandhistory, I amwriting aboutwhatKaguruprofessed
tervention bytheAfrican nationalgovernment
whenI residedamongthemduringthecolonialandearly Kaguruhave underplayed such In
changes. this,
post-colonialperiod(1957-1968).Muchhistorical material Kaguruduring mystayappearedonlydimlyaware
collectedby thoseEuropeanswho firstencountered the of theenvironmental changesthatweregradually
Kagurusuggests thatat thattimeKagurudid notthinkof them and which nowwithgreater
themselves insucha cohesive, boundedsense.It ap- overtaking polit-
neatly ical them. For thevalences
that
pears many sides of Kaguruethnicity in the 1950s and pressure engulf Kaguru
1960s,including theirlegendsof clan and ethnicorigins, ofdifferent spaces,growing outofdifferent every-
werein someportions elaborationsresponding to Europe- day and ceremonial uses of theseareas,convey,
an colonialists'expectations thattheydeal withunified, ritesde passage, the essence
"tribal"groups,preferably witha standardized especiallythrough
language, of
pervasively regularbeliefsand customs,and a political Kaguru ethnic identity.Space containsactions
hierarchy,even thoughtheearlierinhabitants of whatis even as these actions entailmovement and hence
nowKaguruland lackedall thosedesiderata. change. This of
capacity space to form a stage

86.1991
Anthropos

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 Time
Containing 445

embracing selfand others,actorsand spectators,Ukaguruis morecomplexandheterogeneous than

movement andcontainment, givesitcentralfocus Kagurugenerally maintain.
in thetraditional Kaguruendeavourto replicate
theirsocietyovertime.
Recentspatialalterations, especiallyat the a) Space, Speech,and Gender
levels of householdand settlement life (which
the
provides quotidian underpinningsspatialori- Judging
to speechmorally, Kagurusortit intothree
entation)probably spellthe end of Kaguru culture broad categories determined byethnicity, age,and
as I encountered it.(Thesechangeswereimposed gender:
afterI leftthe fieldand involvedmassiveen- Firstofall,Kaguruarguethatsharing a natal
forced of
villagization previously scattered Kaguru language,Chikaguru, assumes commitment to a
In
homesteads.) achieving such a transformation, fairexchange of information. No such expectations
African socialistpoliticalideologuesare likelyto holdforKagurucommunications withnon-Kagu-
succeedwhereearlieralienreligiousmissionaries ru.Outsiders aresuspected offalsehood orshame-
and colonialadministrators failed.The manipu- lessnessin speechand meritno consideration or
lationof social space has thusbecomea keyto respectregarding how Kagurunecessarily speak
undermining Kagurucultureand identity, just as to them.Some Kaguruevenreferto suchethnic
itforso longservedto maintain it. outsiders as uncircumcized and consequently un-
likelyto knowhowto speakor otherwise conduct
themselves properly.4 (In alludingtocircumcision,
1. KaguruSpace and Humanity Kaguruare sayingthatoutsidershave not been
transformed throughmovements throughspace:
The broadestmoralspace withwhichtheKagu- outofsettlements andintothebush,andlaterback
ru are concerned is Ukaguru(Kaguruland), their againto settlements.)
homeland ineast-central Tanzania,EastAfrica, the Second,it is onlywithmaturation (initiation)
spacewheretheKagurulanguageandcustoms pre- thattrue(jurai)responsibilities adhereto whata
vail andwhichconsequently containsanddefines Kagurusays. Kaguruadults,especiallyinitiated
Kaguruethnicity. Kagurudo notdenythatmem- males,werenowheldresponsible fortheirspeech.
bersof otherethnicgroupsare human, they but In contrast, women were never traditionally con-
couchtheirown accounts of what true humanity ceded full jurai adulthood and were alwaysjurally
involvesin termsof Kagurubeliefsandcustoms. subordinated to some men responsible fortheir
ThoseoutsideUkaguru areconsidered deficientin of is
wrongs.That, course, slowlychanging with
proper culture and at worstare considered savages modern laws.
unfitto be treatedwithfullrespector consider- Bothmale and femalenovicesemergefrom
ation. initiation witha new sense of responsibility, al-
Kaguru definehumanity interms of observing thoughonly with increasing age and experience
social conventions thatdifferentiate themselves aresocialskillsin speechperfected. Younger adult
fromotherethnicgroupsand also fromanimals. menrelyuponelderkinsmento speakforthem
Theseconventions fallintothreebroadcategories: whileonlyrecently haveanyKaguruwomenfelt
properlanguage(Chikaguru), proper alimentation, free to plead cases without support frommen.A
and properrestraints and rulesregarding sexual man who neverattainsskillsin publicspeaking
behaviour. Kagurudefinetheirhomelandas the is "like a child"or "a woman."Kagurusay that
spaceoccupiedby peopleadhering to thesethree maturemen should speak in a measuredway
defined modesofbehaviour on accountofsharing reflecting carefulthought. To speakwiselyis to
commonideas and valuesaboutthesebeingthe
onlyproperwaysto behave.Closerconsideration
oftheseideasandpractices revealsambiguity and 4 For Kaguru,such an adjectivemightmeanthatsuchoutsid-
ers do notpracticecircumcision(thisassumptionapplies to
contradiction. Thesecontradictions ortensions are none of theKaguru's immediateneighbours),thatoutsiders
usefullyconsidered interms ofthespacesinwhich are not cut in the Kaguru manner(applyingto the Maa-
theyoccur.This revealsfurther problemsin Ka- sai and Baraguyu),or thateven thoughphysicallyundis-
guruthinking and behaviour rootedin seemingly tinguishablefromKaguru,circumcizedoutsiderswere cut
withoutproperceremoniesand instructions (see Beidelman
inevitable tensionsbetweenvillageand domestic
1964/?).Thus, some Kaguru would debate whetherKaguru
betweenopen and concealedsocial life,
affairs, circumcizedin a mission hospitalwere trulycircumcized
andultimately betweensocietyandtheindividuals at all. To be openly witnessedby otherKaguru as having
comprising it. At closerscrutiny, moralspace in been initiatedis theonlyway to confirmtruecircumcision.

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446 T. O. Beidelman

speakslowlysincethisindicatesdeliberation and makepointsthatmenmissed.Yet forwomento

consideration whatotherpresentwill think.It do so implieseitherthattheyhaveno confidence
of
was oftensaid thatKaguruwomenwould feel in theirmen or thattheirmen are hen-pecked.
uncomfortable speakingin public beforemany Kaguruwomenandmenbothwouldcomment on
men, but since thisdid not often happen at formal the weakness of any man who allowed his wife
gatherings I cannotknowifthisis true. to dominate himverbally in public.For a woman
In any case, verbalabuse and slanderare to criticizeher husbandbeforean assemblyof
seriousjurai offencesforadultKaguruof either otherKagurusignifies hereintention tobreakwith
gender. Yet since only men speakopenly at meet- him,especially ifshe alludes to any sexual matters
or
ings ceremonies, itis what men speak that faces which should on no account be mentioned between
publicdispute.Still,adultwomenareaccountable husbandsandwivesoutsidehouseholdspace.
forwhattheysay, and olderwomen,especially WhileKagurumayall agreethat"nice"wom-
mothersof adultmen,have considerable moral en do not ordinarily speak at publicgatherings,
forceintheircomments. In anycase,themainneg- bothmenand womenoftenmention verbalskills
ativesanctionsagainstimproper speechby both of women, especially in the ways they influence
Kaguru men and women is not litigation but the thosewithin women's households. Such speech by
everyday give and take of household and village women is best undertaken in private,most often
life.In contrast, children's speechis notseriously withina house.All agreeit is the womanof a
accountable untillongafterinitiation. householdthatis mostcommitted to thewelfare
Third,gendergovernshow and also where of thosewithinit, especiallyif the husbandis
speech is judged. Kaguru distinguish between polygynous and has otherhouseholds, or if the
spaces appropriate formen and womento hold husbandhas widerpoliticalambitions conflicting
forthverbally.Kaguruagreethatmentradition-withhis householdloyalties.Becauseof a wom-
allyshouldconductpublic,ritualinvocations and an's supposedly deeperandnarrower commitment
supplications, pleadandjudgelegalcases,andne- to household solidarity, it is said thatherchildren
gotiateexchangeofbridewealth andpayments for in particularshould trust and rely heradvice
on
damages.Yeteveryone knows that such speeches, and motives. She is said to be moreheartfelt and
as everywhere, are often tedious in their sancti- sincerethan a man.
moniouscompliance withpublicdecorum, intheir To summarize,both men's and women's
smoothattempts to kowtowto important people. speechmaybe valuedorcriticized byothermenor
Formalspeechesoftenaccountedthe exclusive womendepending upon person'ssocialaimsand
a
domainofmenaretherefore also thosemostprone needs.Virtuesand flawsin men's and women's
to criticism as beingfullof hot-air, humbug, and speech appearsimplyas two ways of evaluat-
hypocrisy by both women and men. The very attri- ing similarattributes, withconsiderable overlap
butesaccounting formen'ssupposedly deliberate in how such evaluationsare made. To the de-
publicspeechalso maylead someto criticize that greethatmenspeaksecretly or privately amongst
speech as artificial,as lackingspontaneity and themselves,especially regarding magical activities
candour.In any case, Kagurumen also engage or politicalplotting, theirwordsresembletheal-
in secretspeechwheretheyconveyknowledge legedlyveiledspeechof women.Andto thede-
about divination, curing,and otherlore hidden greethatiratewomenriskspeakingoutin public,
fromothers, especially theyoung.In short, Kaguru theirspeechtakeson an openaggressiveness more
men engagein important formsof bothpublic ordinarily associatedwithmen.If men's speech
and covertspeech,thoughit is theformer thatis is stereotyped as wise becauseit recognizes pub-
prominently mentioned as distinguishing menas lic, politicalrealities,otherscould condemnthis
different fromwomenandchildren. fortheseverysame reasonsand describeit as
Kaguru observedthat women should not hypocritical and scheming. If women'sspeechis
speakfreelyat formal, largeassembliesbutrather morediscrete, more committed to affectual loy-
shoulddependuponmalekinto speakforthem. alties to those nearest in kinshipand residence,
Thisis becausewomenshouldfeelshameor fear criticscouldcondemn thesequalitiesas signalling
at speaking before an in a
assembly publicspace. over-emotionalism and beingsneakyand short-
Somemensaythatwomenoftenspeaktooquickly sighted.The supposedlystriking differences in
becausetheydo notalwaystakecarein whatthey men's and women'sspeechappearin largepart
say or becausetheygetrattled. YetmanyKaguru to be varyingly reflected in how different male
I
(and myself) recallmemorable occasions when and female protagonists judgeparticular situations
Kaguruwomenspokeoutvigorously and well to andhowtheyevaluatetheopenor closedmilieux

Anthropos86.1991

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 Time
Containing 447

wherespeechoccurs.The veryqualitiesdescribed pressinglibidinousand moreproperly concealed

as good sidesto women'sand men'sspeechcan tendencies towardindividual aggrandizement.
be twistedintobeingflaws,butalso vice versa, Whilefoodis storedin a privateand covert
as whena man holdshis tongueto keep peace manner, itshouldbe consumed openly,preferably
or a womanspeaksout to tryto righta serious withothers.Yet ordinarily men would not eat
wrong. publiclywithwomen.To do so would signify
So farI have considered onlyspeaking, but directintimacy, permissiblebetweenwomenand
theact of notspeakingis also a powerful means childrenbut signifying blatantand consequently
ofexpression. Silence,especiallywhenassociated shamelesssexualitybetweenmen and women.
withdeep angerand resentment, is considered Consequently, a man and a womanof thesame
by Kaguru to be more dangerous thanviolent, matri-clan should nevereat fromthesamebowl.
open criticismand cursing. This is because one Commensality involves restraintin thatthepres-
cannotbe surejustwhatthesilentpersonfeelsand ence of othersshouldinsurethatone sharesand
thinks,andtheunknown is oftenmoredangerous observesinhibiting etiquettedemonstrating that
thantheknown.For Kaguru,withholding phatic one is a sociable, considerate person ratherthan
speech,theconventional greetings and small-talk a greedyand uninhibited beast.Restrictingfood
thatoneshouldinvariably exchange when encoun- to
consumption public space expressesKaguru
teringanother Kaguruon a path,at a market, at concernthatneighbours and kin are preparedto
a watering-point,couldindicatedeephostility and shareandmonitor resources.
danger.For Kaguru,an uncommunicative person ForKaguru,inversion of suchalimentary be-
is actinglike a witchor zombieand all persons haviournot only defineswild as contrasted to
in a
interacting commonly shared, publicspace cultural behaviour but signals socially immoral
shouldspeakto one another often. attitudes as well.For example,uncontrolled con-
sumption of improper foodin thebushis equated
withwitchcraft. Therecommensality conjoinshu-
b) Alimentation and Space mansandbeastswhodevourhumanflesh.

Kagurubelievetheirdietdistinguishes themfrom
neighbours,eventhoughthisis oftennotactually c) Sexuality and Space
so. More important, Kagurumaintainthatit is
through diet and relatedetiquettethatthey,as ForKaguru,sexualrestraints also definehumanity
socialbeings,aresetapartfromthewildcreatures in thatproperhumansdo not couple randomly
of the bush. When Kagurucriticizesomeone's as animalsare thoughtto do. Rather,rules of
mannerof eating,theycompareher or him to exogamyshouldbe observedandbridewealth and
an outsideror a beast. Propereating involves brideservicesocialize (domesticate) sexual rela-
threeinterlinked acts: cooking,sharing,and re- tions.Householdscannotperpetuate themselves
straint.
Cooking food implies a household hearth butmust relyupon other households and indeed
and thencea proper home. For Kaguru such an uponother matrilineages and settlementsto estab-
enclosedfireis the almostexclusivedomainof lish new units.Such restraints are made visible
women,as is processing thatfood,especiallycon- sociallyatpublicexchanges thatvalidatemarriage.
versionof maize or milletgrainintoflour.For Such unionsare recognizedonlyafterpublicre-
Kagurua meal expressesan integrated domes- ceiptof wealthwhichratifies thematchbutalso
tic unit:a womanhas preparedit at a hearth externalizes information regarding theaimsandre-
(her domain) which in its turn is shelteredby sourcesofthe two groups involved. Despitepublic
an over-arching roofand supporting beam(asso- exchanges ofbridewealth, thesexualactitself, like
ciatedwitha man).Furthermore, theprocessing cooking,is appropriate only in the marital space
andconsuming of foodmovespatiallyin andout at theveryheartof anyKaguruhouse,a spotas
of Kagurudomesticspace. Food is storedin the secretand as secludedas thefood-storage loft.
deepest recessof a house, accessible onlyto a Kaguru remark that sexualrelationsoften pro-
householder, mostoftenthewife.Consequently,duce a senseof shameand dirtiness thatrequires
thetrueamountof a household'sfoodsupplyis themto be hiddenfromview. Even alludingto
secretand thus,implicitly, unsociablyreserved suchmatters indirectly in front of spouses(while
fromoutsidekinand neighbours. For thatreason othersarepresent) is a seriousbreachofpropriety.
Kagurusometimes speakofthesesamefoodstores Morethantheconsumption of food,sexualrela-
as havensforwitches'familiars, presumably ex- tions
are mattersof profound ambiguity. Needsof

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448 T. O. Beidelman

alimentation and sexualitylinkdisparategroups by theirdependency on the hearthsof others.

to cooperate, and
exchange, share. While domes- Sexualitymayintegrate a simplehomestead but
ticityconjoinsgroupsthrough a married couple, alimentation links many homesteads together in
it generates loyal ties and passions which divide some settlements.
thatcouplefromthenatalgroupsfromwhichthey Villagehousesthemselves constitute physical
come.Forexample,tiesbetweenadultsiblingsor manifestations of jointlocal labourin thatmost
betweenparentsand adultchildrensuffercom- residents providedworkon each dwelling.While
petition with intense relations between spouses. some Kagurumen specializein layingout the
Self-interest,embodied in resources (readily ex- broad frame and planfora house,mostvillagers
ternalized),maymerge with domestic relations but help out by collectingwood, fiber,and thatch,
suchseemingly rational factors,disturbing enough, carrying water, and diggingand mixingearthto
are as nothingwhen comparedto passion and providesidingsforwalls.Consequently, whilea
sentiments sometimes in
generated marriage. No house is the private dwelling of a couple, it also
formal(external)rules cover theseprivateand exemplifies a jointinvestment in communal time
intensepossibilites.In contrast, immoralsexual andlabourthatendowsitwithneighbourly values.
relationsaresaidusuallyto occurin thebushand (The new regimented and plannedstatevillagi-
oftenby day (potentially openand unsequesteredzationsettlements cannotholdcomparable moral
andthusshameless). Themostimmoral actsofall, worth.)
theincestuous fornications ofwitches, arethought
invariably to occurin thebush"as amongwild
animals,"thoughby night. 2. Societyand theBush
Mostpreceding observations pertain to space
occupiedbya married Kagurucouplesharing one A broaderaspectof Kagurunotionsof space in-
dwelling. YetKaguruhomesteads oftennecessarily volvesgraduated contrasts betweenhouses,settle-
involveseveraldwellings. If a man is polygynous, ments, and the bush (wilderness). Justas a Kaguru
eachwifemusthaveherownhearth andbed.Fur- houseembodiesa variety ofmoralspaces,ranging
thermore, oncea couple'soffspring reachpuberty fromtheinnermost interior through thedoorway
and are initiated, they cannot dwell in the same to the semi-public verandah, so too a settlement
space as their parents. Boys must occupy a house as a constellation of houses presents a graduated
(isepo) for single men and girlsa house (ibweti) range of moral spaces. Houses are clustered around
forunmarried women.Thereasonsforspatialseg- a plaza whichcomprises all frontal spaces (lugha)
regation stemfrompreviously mentioned notions lyingbeforevarioushouse-entries.
aboutalimentation and sexuality. No adultof ei- As a result,entryways to housestendto face
thergendermayresidewitha domestic couple. No one another around a central villagespace.5The
unmarried man shouldhave intimate access to a frontal spacesare sweptdailyby housewives and
hearth. Whilea housemayhavesomefirewithin constitute areas wheremembersof a house sit
it,especiallyforwarmth and drynessduringthe duringtheday. These sweptand orderedspaces
cool, rainyseason,onlysexuallymaturewomen represent external orderofthehousehold. Kaguru
shoulduse sucha fireas a hearthforcooking.In utilizesuchareasas stagesby whichtheypresent
thepastnearlyall hearths werecontrolled bymar- themselves fordailyinspection byneighbours. On-
riedwomenor widows;todaymanydivorcedand ly seriouslyailingKaguru(or possiblywitches)
singlewomenkeeptheirownhomesandhearths.
In anycase, mendo notordinarily cook or brew
5 I have writtenmy ethnographyin terms of traditional
beerand theyall dependuponwomenformeals,
Kaguru settlementscomposed of separatehouses. I have
usuallya wifeor mother, occasionallya sister. not described Kaguru stockaded settlementsformedby
For Kagurumen,initiation separatesthemfrom contiguoushousingunitsmakingone building.Such dwell-
ready access to a woman's for
hearth, theymay ings were traditionalin some areas, especially duringthe
pre-colonialera of raidingwhen such settlements afforded
no longerresideat theirmother's.Onlyby mar- betterdefensethandid congeriesof separatebuildings.At
riagecan menregainculinary access. Otherthan the time of my fieldworksuch settlementsof connected
spouses or lovers the only adults whomight sharea dwellingsprevailedin westernKagurulandwhereI did not
hearth wouldbe adultwomenlivingtogether, such work.Yet space appears to be allocated therein a manner
as a motherand daughter or two sisters,though thatis ideologicallycomparableto whatI describehere.
Today theTanzaniangovernment has destroyedtradi-
thiswouldbe uncommon. Consequently, Kaguru tionalKagurusettlements in manyareas in orderto enforce
settlements containconstellations ofhouses,some collectivized settlements.This seems sure to undermine
autonomous withtheirownhearths, otherslinked manyaspects of traditionalKaguruculture.

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 Time
Containing 449

remainindoorsforprolonged periodsrather than of"dance-plaza," wheretheyperform singlyor in

sit outside.Conversely, Kagurusettlements are twosand threes,in competition withone another
encircledby disorder.Immediately behindthe and vyingforwomen'sattention and approval.
clearedspaceofanyhouselies a trashheap,often Men are central, exhibitionistic dancers,butit is
thrown intoa pitdugoriginally in orderto secure womenwho encirclemen and set the beat and
earthwithwhichto plasterthe house. Further inspiration. Of course,evenmensometimes stand
fromthehouse are areas whereKaguruurinate anddrum,andwomensometimes dancevigorous
and defecate.(The bush,kumbago,is a Kaguru solos, but a generalcontrastbetweenthe more
euphemism forlatrine.)Thus,a Kagurusettlementactivesoloistmalesandmorestationary, grouped,
facesinward withitsmetaphorical backsidetoward encircling, observing womenis clear.Yetthemost
thebushand strangers. At thefurthest end is the important feature ofKagurudancingatceremonies
cross-roads (njila mkanda) where pathsradiating is more than sexual in thatit conveysa sense
fromdifferent villagesintersect. Such a spot is a of validation to some communal event.Blacking
spatialvoid; itis not wilderness since itis cleared, is
(1985: 88) right): "Dance and theperfomance
yet it cannot be unequivocally assigned anyto artsare especiallyinteresting because theyarear-
settlement fromwhichthepathsthatconstitute it eas ofhumanlifeinwhichthemostindividualistic
stem.Suchanequivocalspaceis thesitewhereone peopleare willingto suspendthesortof decision
discardspolluting substances to be excludedfrom makingthattheyuse formosttasks,andbecause
bothsocial(settlement) andwild(bush)space. theyseemto express,and are invariably claimed
Whilea hearth, a bed,anda food-storage loft to express,theethosofa society'scollectivelife."
constitute thecoreofa house,theplazais theheart This observation and myearlierremarks pertain
of a settlement. Therea villagepresents itselfto to Kagurufestivedancingwhichcelebratesthe
outsiders, muchas thosewithina housepresent ritesof passagethataffecteveryone. In contrast,
themselves to othervillagersat the lugha-space modernromantic dancingwherebodiestouchto
before eachentryway. Sucha squareis truly public thebeatofa guitar anda tappedbottleora bandon
space,notassociated withanyparticular household a wirelesssetwouldnotbe allowedin settlement
butwiththevillageas a whole.It is in thecentral publicspace. This mightoccurin a bar or at a
plazathatvillagers entertain outsiders atweddings, government market.Whena fewyoungKaguru
initiations, andfunerals. Itis therethatceremonies wantedto danceto musicfroma wireless,they
marking ritesof passage,publiclyacknowledge had to danceoutin thebushat nightwhere"no
persons'newidentities. This is achievedvia for- one" couldsee them.
mal speech,alimentation, and allusivesexuality Speech, alimentation, and sexual relations
(dance), three modes by which Kaguru envision represent more
incredibly privatized modesof so-
society and culture. In the central space of the ciability,but as I noted earlier, Kaguruall
for
villageKagurugreet visitors and discuss important of these are essential means forexpressing tran-
events(thoseinvolving morethanone settlement)scendanceof cultureover both wildernessand
withothers, proclaiming theirviewson statesof humanselfishness (see Bakhtin1984: 256). At
affairsthrough publicspeeches. Such events are ritesof passage threeof theseculturalmodes
all
markedby feastingand drinking, essentialfor areevokedtherebyrepresenting a total,socialized
social changesto be acknowledged. Above all, humanstate.The festivegatherings stagedwithin
suchchangesmustbe "danced,"a groupactivity a settlement presenteating,drinking, and danc-
thatKaguruexplicitly compare to sexual relations. ing among men and women in an open,publicly
Whileactualsexualcongressis ordinarily a thing monitored manner. Thisdiveststheseactivities of
of shame and privacy,dancing,as a formof theirotherwise intensely and
personal dangerously
highlyregulated sexuality,is a desirable, sociable chargedimplications whichtheywouldotherwise
ceremony. One shouldremember thatforKaguru have. For example,informal eating,drinking, or
is
dancing regulated regarding the beats, postures, extensive physical expressivity between adults of
and movements followedwithina publicspace theoppositesexshouldnotoccurinsmallbutopen
and neverinvolvesclear pairingof couples or casualgatherings andwouldtherebe construed as
bodilycontact. Placement ofKagurudancersdoes, signallingactualsexualrelations.(Some Kaguru
however, set menand womenin complementarydo use thisceremonial convention as an opportu-
opposition tooneanother inwaysthatKagurufind nityto flirtor makeassignations.) Such dances,
erotic(compareto Spencer1985: 32 f.). Women too,aretheonlyoccasionswhenmenandwomen
form circles,beating drumsandsinging. Menenter openlyflaunt theirgrooming so as toappealtoone
theenclosedspaceformed bysucha group,a kind another. Themoraloppositeofsuchpublic,valued

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450 T. O. Beidelman

festivitiesis thesecretnightdancingofwitchesin forgotten or crossed.The bushevokesa morally

thewilderness whichis said to lead to incestand blurredset of forces,and thedead correspond in
otherdefilements. theirobscureandsometimes capricious nature. At
Kaguruare keenlyawarethatpublicfestivi- ancestral invocations thewilderness is treated like
ties are permissive and consequently potentially settlement space. These are the only occasions
dangerousto domesticand village order,even whenpeopleproperly assembleinthebush.(Witch
thoughon the surfacetheyepitomizethe very covensare said to assemblethereby night.)The
opposite,villageand neighbourly solidarity and burialspace is sweptcleanand clear,likesettle-
joy. Kaguruspeak of such valued gatherings as ments,and sometimes even a miniature fenceor
beingparticularly vulnerable to the hidden magic roofed shelter is temporarily erected, and graves
of witches.The contradictory feelings of excite- are marked by stones similar to hearthstones, do-
mentandreleasethatKagurusaytheyexperience mesticanimalsare butchered, beerand flourare
at suchcelebrations undoubtedly derivefromthe aspersed, andritualmealsareconsumed. All these
opportunities theseafford forexpressing what is activitiesare ordinarily conducted in settlement
ordinarily repressed orconstrained. Indeed,justas clearings. At suchgatherings forthedead,public,
it is properetiquette to showrestraint in day to formal orationoccursinthebush,something quite
daypublicspeech,through mealtime etiquette,and improper under other circumstances. (The only
through avoidanceof sexuallysuggestive behav- otherpublicgathering I everattended in thebush
iour,so too it is also proofof one's festivespirit whereorationoccurredwas an illegalvigilante
andgoodnaturethatone is willingto indulge, "to meeting.)The mostsacredof social acts,com-
let one's hairdown,"at suchpubliccelebrations.munionwiththe ancestraldead, thusoccursin
To act in a cool mannerat such publicaffairs wild space which,fora passingtime,is demar-
mightsuggestthatone had something to hide catedand reclaimedby and fororderedsociety.
such as ill will. To be reservedat celebrationsYet the dead's associationwiththe bushhas a
is as inappropriate as to be abandonedwhennot dangerous side similarto witchcraft. Notonlydo
celebrating. Falassi's phrase,"timeout of time" the disgruntled dead cause misfortune but quite
(1987: 4) seemsmostaptforsuchoccasions, but maytrespass
literally into the non-bush. Kaguru
thenso would"spacebeyondspace." believethattheangrydead maytaketheformof
While"plaza"andhousehold spacesalternate wildanimalssuchas bush-pigs and baboonsthat
as sectorsof expressionand repression at cele- destroy crops. The boundaries between thespace
and
bratory everyday occasions,extra-settlement of thedead (wilderness) and the living (settlement)
space may be deployedin an equallycomplex, maythusbe positively brokenat ceremonies of
evenambiguous manner. The bushis spacewhere invocationby the livingbut negatively broken
bothhighlysocial(moral,public)andhighlyindi- whenthe dead returnunevoked,on theirown.
vidual(amoralor immoral, private)actsoccur. Deathitselfis sometimes described as a wild-beast
Kaguru commit adultery,are said to practice of thebush, an elephant or a person-eater.
witchcraft orgies,and securepowerfulsorcery, Both the privatesortiesof magiciansand
medicines, magic, and rain-making substances in witches andtheopenpilgrimages ofancestral pro-
and fromthe bush.At such occasionstheyare pitiators takeKaguruintothebushbecausethey
said to speakmagicalwords,oftenwhilealone, recognizethatthedisorderof thewilderness, its
in contrast to properspeechwhichmustbe ex- complexity, is a kindof wholenessconstituting
changedwitha fellowlistener. Wildanimalsand potencywhich,in turn, conveysbothconstructive
plantsareoftenthesourcesofmagicalpowers,and valueanddanger.Theorderofsettlements andso-
adeptsat usingtheseare oftenwell knownand ciablelivingprecludessuchunbounded force. Yet
respectedor feared;such substancesoftenreach forsocietyto tapindiscriminate powers, domesti-
fullpoweronlywiththehelpof words.Yet lore catedspacefailstosuffice andmustbe temporarily
aboutthe resourcesof the bush and the words exchanged forthebush.Thehidden, individualistic
thatmaketheseworkis secretly of
held and never powers Kagurudiviners, herbalists, curers, ma-
revealedorpassedon inanyopenlyacknowledged gicians, and sorcerers (not to mention the morally
or regulated manner. dissolutewitchesand adulterers) arisefromthese
The Kagurudead areburiedin thebushand, people'scapacityto confound spatialseparations.
consequently, Kagururepeatedly assemblethere Theybringthepowersofthewilderness intosettle-
in orderto evoke the dead to providefertility,ments. Thehiddenpowersofthewilderness tapped
well-being, andprotection. Yetthedead are often by suchKaguruindividuals resemblethehidden
thesourcesof illnessand misfortune if theyare sexualand alimentary resources nestedin thein-

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 Time
Containing 45 1

ner spaces of Kagurudwellings,spaces beyond and sociability.Food mayand shouldbe openly

socialcontrolandconsequently and consumedand shared;it is thetangible"triumph
problematical
powerful.The mostinteriorof spaces(withinthe through work"(see Bakhtin1984:281f.).We see
house) and those spaces furthest
beyonda set- thatKagururegularly changetheirspatialfocus
tlementappearequallylibidinousand privatized. withthetwoseasons,turninginwardsociallywith
Boththewallsofa houseandtheundergrowth of therains(though spendingmoretimeoutsidetheir
thebushconceal,even thougheach holdsmuch villages)andturning outward
sociallywiththedry
thatoutsiders
wouldwantto learnin orderto gain season and harvest(thoughspendingmoretime
power. nowin villages,comparewithMauss 1979).

3. Space, Time,and Agriculture 4. Ritesof Passage

Kagurunotionsofspacecannotbe separated from In contrast to thephysicalchangesoftheseasons,

thoseoftime.Spaceis "compressed time"(Bache- Kagururitesof passage,theritualsof birth,ini-
lard1969:8). Neither spacenortimecan be sepa- tiation,marriage, and death,markand celebrate
ratedlongfromgender, especiallyas this
relates to societaltime as it relatesto personaltime.They
reproduction and thuscontinuity.This was hinted domesticate or enculturate theindividually located,
at in my precedingremarksaboutbothKaguru biologicallyrootedprocessesby whichwe are
ritesandceremonies and abouttheroundof quo- madeuneasilyawareofsociallyunruly time.They
tidianaffairs.I nowconsiderspaceas itrelatesto socializeindividualcareersintocomparable, re-
timeandtheseasons. peatedunits.Suchritesstageactionsat an acceler-
Kagurumarktheonsetofeachnewcalendri- atedpace andwithin a restrictedsocialspace.This
cal yearwithritualsto theancestral dead. These stagedconstraint allowsus somesenseofmaster-
precedeclearingof the land forthe annualag- ingthechallengeofchange.Theleastcomplicated
riculturalcycle.In thepast,theseritesinvolved oftheseritualsareassociatedwithbirth;themost
extinguishing all hearthsand theirsubsequent re- complicated areassociatedwithinitiation ofyoung
kindling withfiremadein thebush(kindling fire peopleintowomanhood andmanhood.We should
is a symbolicsexual act). Ritualacts involving considertheseritesnot only set by set but as
orationsandalimentation andsymboliz- a singlesystem.Whatis important
(sacrifice) forKaguru
ingsexuality (fire-making) wereconducted in the (andconsequently forus as analysts)is thatthese
wilderness butultimately enriched social,domes- ritesrepresent different facetsofa unitary, cyclical
tic space (see Beidelman1986: chap.3). Unlike developmental process.Kagurusee each of these
speechin settlements, whichinvolvessomeform ritualoccasionsas redolentof whatlies ahead
ofexchangebetweenspeakeranda visiblelisten- and whathas alreadypassed.Kagururemarkon
er,speechin thebush,involving eitherancestral thesimilarity ofall theseprocessesandassociated
evocationor magicalincantation, is a seeming rites.Theyinfusethesewiththecommoncultural
monologue withno palpablelistener orresponder. themesof constrained or elaboratedspeech,ali-
Theannualcycleofrainyanddryseasonsim- mentation and sexuality, and,aboveall, withvar-
a
poses systole and diastoleof social density upon ious kindsof play with space.Obviouslythetwo
Kaguru social space.During the rains members of fundamental waysby which we grasptimeinvolve
individualhouseholdsworkintensively in fields bodilyprocessesand movement in space. Rites
outsidetheirvillageswithlittleconcernforex- of passageconfront bodilychangebutembroider
tensivesociability betweenhouseholds. Even the uponit, "cooking"and "garnishing" its rawness
rulesagainstcookingfoodoutsidethehousehold withcultural conventions. The socialmannerisms
andagainstmenandwomenopenlyeatingtogether of cuisine,dress,language,and conventionalized
arerelaxed,atleastinthetimewhensomeKaguru gestureenshroudand yetalso revealsuchbodi-
spendprolonged periodsoutdoors cultivating away ly flux,just as the orderof garbbothconceals
fromsettlements. Workpartiesof men,women, and revealsthebodyby enhancing it. Similarly,
andchildren catcha snacktogether whenever they bymanaging movement within regulated, morally
can whileworking longhoursin thefields. valencedspaces, changeis further orchestrated
DuringthedryseasonafterharvestKaguru and controlled. The ceremonious acts performed
findmoreleisure,andmembers ofdifferent house- at each suchriteevokeand echo thoseat others.
holdsand even different villagesvisit.Food re- Consequently, thoseinvolved,theattendants and
sourcesareattheirheight andsustaingrouprituals officiants evenmorethantheactualsubjectsofthe

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452 T. O. Beidelman

ritualattention, arerepeatedly madeawareofhow conducting one's funeral, thatritemirroring birth.

theseseriesofritesofpassage,spanning an entire Finally,it is a father'ssisterwhoseownchildren
lifetime, reflecta single,integrated whole. will constitute some of one's keenestrivalsin
inheritance.
In thissimpleriteof kakulaa Kaguruenters
a) Kaguru Rites at Birth the social worldseparatedfromthe dead. The
infantmoves fromthe inmost,secretsectorof
Givingbirthis verydangerousto women,the a dwellingto the lugha-spacefacingthevillage
Kaguru,likeMedea,comparing thisto thebattles square.Thereit is greetedby kinalmostsureto
of men.Womensometimes die in childbirth and have journeyedfromothervillageswhichstand
always shed blood, a polluting substance. Children affinallyto thewomanin whosearmstheinfant
enterthisworldfrom thelandofthedead(kusimu). is now proferred. Death and sexualityare prob-
Birth(cheleko)is secludedbecauseit placesboth lematicalattributes of the deepestrecessesof a
themotherand childin a profoundly vulnerable dwelling, generative yetdangerous andpowerful.
position since they are in contact with death,be- The infant's social emergence from out of this
cause theyare hotwiththecontactof shedblood privatecore of the house into its outerverge
and brokenbody surfaces,and because in their involvesa spatialacknowledgement thatithasem-
physically weakenedstatestheyare open to the barkedon a passageawayfromtheseconcealed,
malevolent forcesof witchesandsorcerers. innerforcestowardmorestablesocial relations
A Kagurumother andchildremain deepwith- beyondits mother. Ideally,thisceremony makes
ina houseforthefirst fourdaysafter birth.Usually thefirst of whatwillbe manysocial occasions in
onlyfemalekingo withina housewherea wom- whichmaternal and paternalkin, household and
an is delivering. Certainly no men are allowed. collateral kin,willinteract. (We shalllatersee this
Duringand immediately afterbirththeinfantis socialemergence from the mother echoedatboys'
considered poisedprecariously between the land initiation.)
of ancestral dead (kusimu), fromwhenceit came, Infants continue to undergofuther, compara-
andthatoftheliving. bleritesas theycontinue togrowandconsequently
On thechild'sfourth dayoflifetheumbilical becomeevermoreseparated fromthespaceofthe
code (chikufa)shouldbe sufficiently dry either to ancestraldead. I here cite onlyonemoreofthese,
drop off or to be cut. It is then secretly buried I
kugeta(shaving). briefly mentionthisbecause
by the midwife. Now the ceremony of kakula (it shaving hair figures prominently in initiation,in
has grown)maybe held and the infantbrought mourning, and in sexualimagery in general.First
out through theentry-way of thehousein order andsecondbornchildren arelikelytoreceivetheir
to meetthesocialworld.The childis placedupon first significant names (public identities) at sucha
a winnowing-tray (iselo); thisis laterwavedover ceremony. (Subsequentchildren maynotalways
it (kuhunga).The tray,whichis used by women receivesuchtreatment.) Thefirst born'shairis cut
to separatetheediblegrain(social)fromthechaff by maternal kin,the secondborn'sby paternal.
(wild)inordinary household choresherefacilitates These two setsof kin thereby acknowledge that
a separation of the infantfromthe otherworld, theyare now linkedformanyyears,at leastso
epitomized by a bateleureagle (ipungu)whichis longas theseoffspring, andsubsequent ones,sur-
believedtobe wardedoffbythisaction.Theeagle vive,eveniftheparents'marriage itselfdissolves.
is a Kaguruconvention forthedeadwhoyearnto This riteis also thought of as a kindof spatial
havethenewborn infant backamongst themselves emergence. In all suchceremonies thecommunity
and who sometimes taketheformsof raptorsin (a settlement) can scrutinize the strength andrange
orderto seize it (see Beidelman1964#,1974: of emerging an person's socialnetwork.
187). At thiscoming-out riteneighbours and kin
assembleaboutthedoorway togreetthechild.It is
especiallygood to have the father's sisterpresent, b) Initiationof Adolescents
thefather's kinbeingcomplementary toone'sown
matrilineage. It is father's kin who provideone's Kagurugirlsundergo all ormostoftheirinitiation
mostpublicname(Beidelman1975)as contrastedintowomanhooddeep withina house,removed
to termsreferring to one's own matri-clan which fromthe view of all men,but still withinthe
aretoopersonalorprivateto be freely mentioned. heartof someman'ssettlement. A girlis brought
It is also father's kinwhowill,presumably many into prolonged association with that kindofspace
years ahead, a
occupy prominent ritual place in with which she will be later constantly associated

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 Time
Containing 453

as mistress of a hearthinsidea home.Some as- parableto boys' circimcision, labiadectomy. Nei-

sociatedritesmaybe performed to publicview therthegirl's"natural"bleedingnorhersocially
outside,butthesedo notinvolvethenoviceherself inflicted woundis thought to changeherradically
who remainsconcealedwithin.On some days, inthemanner thatcircumcision is believedtoalter
womengather indoorswiththeinitiate to singand boys.WhileKagurumenand womensay this,it
even dance,the onlytimein Kagurulife when is girlswhoselivesmostrapidlychangeafterini-
anyonedancesindoors. It has alwaysstruck me as tiationon accountofearlymarriage whereasboys
themostpowerful occasionsat Kaguruwomen's rarelymarry untillongafter. Yetonecan see what
initiation,theirconcealed,house-enclosed festi- Kaguruaresayingaboutboys'initiation inthefact
vitiescelebrating feminity while excluding men. that
Kagurufrequently describe boy initiates as un-
At timeswomenspeak of theseceremoniesas dergoing a kindofdeathwhereasKagururejected
bringing destructive creatures ofthebush,suchas such a negativetermforthechangesundergone
bush-pigs, into the village. by girls.Initiatedboys die to societyby being
a
During girl's confinement she is thought ungulfed(or ingested)by the wilderness before
to undergo a gradualprocessof changeproduced beingrebornor disgorged as jurallyadultmales,
by intensive carefromthewomenattending her. no longercloselyassociatedphysically withtheir
They feed ornurture the child-likenovice (mwali), mothers. Kaguru also sometimes speak of actual
making hermorefittobecomea wifeandmother. deathitselfas an ingestion by a beast(dikoko)of
A wellinitiated girlshouldemergefat,pale,soft, thewilderness andof a corpseas a wildelephant
and well schooledin bothsexualand household (nhembo). No suchspatialuprooting is undergone
matters. At the end of this period,the girl is byKagurugirlsuntilafterinitiation is passed.
broughtout fromthe initiation house and into At initiation Kagurumales becomekeenly
the villagesquareto be recognizedas a newly awarethattheiradultidentities derivefromoutside
constituted womanreadyto be wed and to bear a householdand are bestowedby othermales.
children. The initiationcamp lies deep in the bush.It is
In contrast, at a boy's initiation into ado- theonlyplace whereKagurumalesevereat and
lescencehe is takenintothebushfarfromany sleep fora prolongedperiodoutsidebothhouse
settlement. He is circumcized and thenremains and village.Men do notsecuretheirformulation
therein the bush until he has recovered.He is ofadultidentities fromthehousesoftheirbirth but
said to have died (to his childhood,viz., to his from beyond even theirsettlements. Their transfor-
tiesto hismother) withtheshedding ofhisblood mationoccursin a wildspaceopento thescrutiny
and foreskin, and he is now consideredreborn of anyadultmaleswhocareto lookbutremoved
as an adult.Insteadof beingprotected, nurtured,fromthereadysightof all womenand children.
andconcealed,a boy is exposedto theelements, Yet afterall thisis recognized, thefactremains
hazed by oldermales,and disciplined.As part thatthedeepestlevel of men'sidentities derives
of thisritualdeath,theboy is threatened by the through mothers and sisters,the matriline. This,
destructive beastsofthebushwhich,hisinitiatorshowever,is so farbeyondnegotiation thatit is
warn,maydevourhim.He shouldemergestrong, rarelyeverevenspoken.
tough,and hardenedfromhis ordealas well as
properly informed aboutsexualityand behaving
manly. No such dramatic and abrupttransforma-c) Space and Weddings(Marriage)
tionis thought tooccurfora girl.Kagurudescribe
whatever changestakingplacein a girlas gradual Kagurumarriages, whileimportant, hardlycom-
and less strikingly reflected in subsequentcom- pareto eitherinitiations or funerals in theirsig-
portment. Unlike the boy, the girl has remained nificance forconstructing personhood. One may
in a familiar socialenvironment, doingthesame marry severaltimes,lateorearly,withease ordif-
householdchores(albeitforthistimein confine- ficulty. In contrast,
birth,initiation,anddeatheach
ment);she remainsa juraiminorwithcontinued occursonlyonceandinevitably. Marriage requires
andunbroken accessto a domestic hearth, though thesponsorship ofkinor,ifattempted againsttheir
no longerthatof hermother - unlesshermother auspices,it requiresconsiderable individualper-
is widowedordivorcedandlivingapartfromany sistanceandresources. Marriageremainsa riteof
man. passagesubjectto remarkable socialmanipulation
In contrast to a boy,a girlbleeds"naturally" andstrategies; birth,adolescence, anddeathbrook
attheonsetofadolescence (menstruation) andthen littlesuchparticularized tinkering.
againifandwhensheundergoes anoperation com- To marry(kutolaor, moretraditionally, ku-

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454 T. O. Beidelman

kwel)markstrueand successfuladulthoodfor the stresson the public,open enactment of all

a man.This is becauseproperfatherhood exists transactionalceremonies. Marriagearrangements
onlywithinmarriage.It is truethatparenthood shouldbe conducted in openvillagespace.They
is profoundly important forbothKaguruwomen shouldbe readilyvisibletoeveryone involved and
andmen,butwhilebothsexesusuallymarry, men preferably tooutsiders as wellwhomaythenserve
may be acknowledged as parentsonly through as future witnesses in case thesematters arelater
someformof publiclywitnessed payments (such contended. Marital negotiations involve formal as-
as bridewealth) evenif theymighthave fathered semblyofboththebride'sandgroom'skinat the
a child. In contrast, womensecureparenthoodvillageof the bride'sparents.Therethebride's
automatically by enduringsuccessfulchildbirth.andgroom'srelatives occupyseparate, oppositive
Parenthood is consequently moredifficult formen spaces,and each is in turnfurther separated into
socially in that a man must command crucial so- matrilinealand paternal kin. Slow deliberations
cial resources, property, labour,and/or thekinto of nuptialexchanges,protracted speeches(even
provide such support in order to father children, when theactual payments are more orlessalready
whereasa womanmay becomea mothereven settled),all contribute to a senseof gravity and
if she ignoresor even defiessocial conventions.open ceremony. Such discussionsconsumetime
Furthermore, a Kaguruwoman'skin will accept regardlessof whether or not theywerequickly
herfatherless childrenreadilysincetheserepre- settledprivatelybecause these shouldpublicly
senta valuablesocialasset,doublyso becauseno demonstrate the concernand importance of the
husbandclaimsa sharein them.Yet in another, groupsinvolved.Once arrangements are settled,
biologicalsenseparenthood is moredifficult for theirconclusion is oftenmarked bypublicanoint-
womenthanformen. A woman'smarriagein ing of kin,a ceremony also associatedwithboth
no way guaranteesthatshe will bear children namingand theend of initiation. At a marriage
and no formof adoptingchildrenis recognized. a wifemay now be addressed as an extension of
Womenmay becomemothersonly through for
the hernewspouse, example, wife of Chilongola.
mysterious combined workings oftheirownbodies Similarly, birthceremonies implicitly involvenew
and through theimponderable beneficence of the names,notonlyfortheinfant butforparents who
ancestral dead.In contrast, a married manis almost maynowassumeteknonyms.
certainto becomea father, especiallyin thepast Actualconsumation of a marriage is staged
beforeChristianity banneddivorceandpolygyny. spatiallyin waysthatrecallbothbirthanddeath,
A mancouldreadilydivorcea barrenwomanor emergence to a newsocialstatus, endto an old.It
couldtakefurther wivesifhe couldsecurewealth also suggests births ofchildren thatshouldfollow
forthem.Even a sterileor impotent man could fromthisunion.New couplesare secludedwith-
fathera childsociallythrough covertactionsof in a house,usuallyat thebride'svillage.These
kinsmen or neighbours, eitherwithhis own con- aredaysofconfinement (majuwamifungate). The
nivanceor unknown to himthrough deceitof his couple remainindoors,presumably engagedin
frustrated wife.A man'spayment of bridewealthsexual intercourse. Thereis no workinghearth
gurarantees paternityof all his wife's offspringif in theirdwelling because theyare fed(likechil-
he wishesto claimthem.Thisdifference between dren)byelderwomenfromotherhouseholds and
theprospects ofmenandwomenis neatlyreflected consumefoodtogether indoors,notseparateand
inthekindsofsocialabuselevelledateach.A man outsidelikepropermarried people.Thecoupleare
maybe rebuked bybeingtoldthathe is unmarriedtermednovices(wali) just as if theywerenewly
orthathe actsas though he is notcircumcized, and shavenandanointed initiates.Secluded,dependent
whilethisis an insult,it denigrates himin ways personsoriented bothinwardly withintheclosed
thatcouldbe amended.In contrast, a womanmay houseandexternally through theirdependence for
be rebukedforhavingno children. This is a far sustenance uponothers, they remain confined for
graverinsultsinceitis unamenable to readysolu- thetraditional four to seven days. In the past some
tion.It impliesa flawin thewoman'sperson,not couplesdid not use cookinghearths(and were
physicalinsufficiency buta moralflawdeterringtherefore notfullyautonomous spatially)untilafter
thedead fromyieldinglife.Thus obstruction harvestor untildelivery
to first of a firstchild.The
a woman'sfullwomanhoodis of a privateand couple's social autonomy was not spatiallyand
hiddennatureunamenable to publicadjustment. alimentarily confirmed untilthe unionappeared
This problematical importance of marriage productive, eitherthrough offspring or at leastthe
payments (or brideservice and associated arrange- harvest ofcropsdemonstrating cooperative labour.
ments),collectively termed lusona, accounts for Public confirmation of a couple's full married

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ContainingTime 455

statusis madeby theriteof entering (kwingisa). undertaken byjoking-partners whostandspatially

The new husbandentersthe householdof his apartin an ambiguous,pivotalsocial category.
father-in-law and eats withhis newmale affines. Joking-partners epitomizespatialperipheries, tra-
Correspondingly, the new wife resumeseating ditionally comingfromareasbeyonda settlement.
withherotherfemalekin,usuallyhernewaffines. They relateto settlement-owners as settlements
Aboutthistime,as well, the emergingcouple standto adjacentareasin clan-defined space(Bei-
are givenexamplesof variousKaguruutensils delman1966). These wataniburythecorpseout
associatedwithadultmenand women,weapons in thebushyetnearenoughto a settlement forthe
formenandfood-processing utensilsforwomen. gravetobe readilyreachedforfuture propitiation.
Theyare shownhowto use theseas thoughthey Therein thebushthejoking-partners perform the
werechildren learning skillsfor the firsttime.The firstsuch ancestral sacrifices, after clearingthe
not
coupleemergetechnologically, just spatially burialarea and making a small cairn of rocks.Such
and commensally, fromprivatedomesticspace riteswillbe repeated overtheyearsas Kagurupe-
intoopen,cooperative householdspace.Marriage riodically leavetheirsettlements to seekhelpfrom
is sealedbya negativespatialreorientation. From thedeadwho,though nowinthewild,continue to
nowon,thehusband shouldsedulously avoidopen influence thesettledliving.Contactand propitia-
association withhiswife'smother andothersenior tionofthesedead arefacilitated through clearing,
womenof hermatrilineage. This recognizesthe sweeping, andmarking oftheirburialsites,evok-
sexuality thathe andhiswifeenjoy.Openassocia- ingtheirnames,andthrough thesacrifice offood,
tionwithsuchaffines wouldsuggest thathedidnot all temporarily a
imposing precarious social order
his
respect marriage but rather wrongly assumed onto undomesticated, wild space. Death, burial,
sexualrights overall womenofhiswife'slineage, andassociatedsacrifice constitute another formof
thereby makingsuchwomensexualcompetitors.initiation. Kagurusaythatdeathis a birthintothe
Marriagethusinvolvessocial transition, enacted land of thedead forit producesa new ancestral
firstthrough inwardretreat intospatialseclusion spirit(musimu).
withinprivateor intimatehouseholdareas fol- Back at the settlement of thebereaved,the
lowedby gradualre-emergence intoa now more hearth fireatthedeceased'shouseis extinguished.
guardedopenspaceofthelocal settlement. Duringmourning no foodmaybe prepared within
thehouse.Thedeceased'sfemalekinmustremain
deepwithin thehouse,continuously crying so that
d) SpaceandDeath those outsidewho cannotsee themknow that
thosewithinaregrieving. Outsidemalekinofthe
Thereare twoverydifferent spatiallystagedse- deceasedassembleto greetvisiting mourners and
quencesenactedto observedeath,thoseinvolving thererelatetheeventsassociatedwiththedeath.In
burialandthoseinvolving mourning andfunerals. a sense,duringmourning, menand womencom-
Burialinvolvestransference of a dangerousand portthemselves somewhat inversely fromordinary
pollutingcorpse from out of the open, orderly lifein that women remain indoors butare heard
space of the settlement into the bush and under by those outside;conversely, men remain outside
theground. Funeralsandmourning involvemove- buttheirspeechand comportment now resemble
mentsandtransformations of thelivingsurvivors thatof womenin thattheyarequietandsubdued.
withina settlement as thesemovefrominverted Mourning mensitarounda fire, thealternate tothe
use ofopenandsecludedspacebacktotheirmore extinguished hearth within. Thisis oneofthevery
ordinary employment. If observedproperly, these fewtimesthatfireis appropriate withina Kaguru
twosequencesshouldalso effect a transference of settlement plaza and outside the confinesof the
a deceased'sspiritintothelandofthedead. hearth.
At deatha corpseis givenoverimmediately Mourning continuesforfourto sevendays,
tojoking-partners (watani) who wash, shave, and about the same lengthof timeobservedforritual
enshroud thebodywithin thehouseandthentrans- precautions associatedwithmarriageand birth.
portitoutfrom thesettlement totheburialsiteinto Thosein mourning shouldshavetheirbodiesand
thebush.The dead are dangerous untiltheyhave refrain frommostmundaneactivities. At theces-
beensentto thelandoftheancestors, so muchso sationofmourning, they are said to be reborn and
thattheirownkinmaynotsafelycomeintocontact thenresumetheirordinary social activities.The
withthem.The dead are especiallydangerous to degreeto whichtheserestrictions are observed
childrenwho are proneto be drawnback into dependsuponhow closelyone is relatedto the
thelandoftheirancestors. Consequently, burialis deceased.Close kinare oftenpresented withba-

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456 T. O. Beidelman

sic Kaguruutensilsand shownhow to use them, and social space,theinternalization of immediate

is
muchas done forKagurunewly weds.At this femalemourners inside the confines ofthehouse,
time,too,keypersonal possessions of the deceased and the restrictions placed on the male kinseated
are broughtout fromthe privacyof the house outsideall combineto shoreup an eroding spatial
and transmitted to someheir.Significantly, these coherence.The severethreatof death,of loss,
objectsare closelyassociatedwithgender,such is herecounteracted by evokinga fullrangeof
as a man'sweapons,a woman'scookingutensils Kagurusocialspaceandsocialgroupings intoone
andhercosmetic oil-gourd. A wife'smain cooking highlycomplexinterplay of activities.
potis shattered signifying theend of a particular This gamutof possibilities is further under-
hearth.6The culmination of thesemourning cere- scoredin thecontrolof funeraldeliberations by
monies,sometimes held long afterthebereaved thedeceased'spaternal kin.Suchpersonsareboth
haveactually emerged from theirmourning restric- complementary andyetantagonistic tothecentrip-
tions,involvesa feastwherethedeceased'sestate etaltendencies ofthehousehold andmatrilineage,
is publiclysettled(madango,cutting intopieces) andbothconfirm andyetalso invert theordinary.
andvariousclaimants aregiventheirdue.Kaguru Ideallyat thesefinalceremonies theclosestkin
themselves say thatthe main subjectsinvolved remainreservedand the least talkativewhereas
at such occasionsare marriageand birthsince thepaternal kin,the"outsiders," carrytheburden
the bulk of such wealthstemsfromrightsand of formalexpressionof those social issues on
payments connectedwithbridewealth associated everyone's mind,there-allocation ofresources and
withthe deceased,the deceased's spouse,and blameregarding thedead.Kaguruthemselves are
thedeceased'sdescendants. Indeed,Kagurulink keenlyawarethattheseinfluences ofpaternal kin
funerals, marriages, and birthsin thissame way, are also crucialat ritesof birth, theothertransi-
sayingofthemthattheyareall occasionsforeating tionbetweenthelivingand the dead. Matrilineal,
(kudia),referring to devouring wealthbutalso to paternal,and affinalties interplay, each taking
sexualitywhichis associatedwithappetitesand center-stage fora time,at thesevariousritesand
sustenance. ceremonies. Eachinturnenactsthevarying dimen-
My discussion of death and mourning here sions of a Kaguru' s individualized career. In this,
appliesonly to adults.Traditionally, Kaguru could ironically, Kaguru funerals and mourning reveal
notopenlymourntheunititiated whowerenever all theattributes whichFalassi reports necessary
considered fullsocialbeings.Theuninitiated could to definea festival: "reversal, intensification,tres-
only be mourned covertly and were not buried passing, and abstinence" 3),
(1987: though nothing
withtheancestral dead.Theyweredeposited near hereis festive.
settlements and, accordingto some Kaguru,oc- So farI haveconsidered therelations between
casionally even in the grounds of the settlement Kaguru notions of space and Kaguru sociallifein
itself,especiallyif theywereinfants. Such dead terms ofbotheveryday andceremonial orientation,
beingscould be neitherancestorsnor unsettled in termsof bothquotidianlifeand dramatic rites
ghosts,suchas adultdead or slainwitchesmight ofpassage.I nextwanttoextendthemotifs I have
become.Executedwitcheswerealso leftin the justmentioned intoa fewevenbroader anddeeper
bush,but unlikeotherdead theywereunburied patterns. I now considerhow Kagurunotionsof
andunmarked. space relateto Kaguruhistoricaland legendary
At death,concernsovermarriage and propi- time(the cult of the ancestors)and, finally, to
tiationunderscore thecircular perpetuity ofKagu- thebroadest aspectsofKaguruthinking and social
ru social life.The mourners' movements in and organization, to Kagurusocial structure. To do
out of domestic(private)and settlement (public) so I movefromthe broadest levels of analytical
spacelikewisereflect a constant interplay between abstraction entertained by Kaguruto a perspec-
domesticand broaderkin and neighbourly rela- tive beyond,to one thatis held by thecultural
tions.We findthe externalization of burial rites outsider suchas theanthropologist orcomparative
dominated byjoking-partners (neighbours and af- historian trying to translate an alien societyinto
fines) situated at the margins of social loyalties some structural form which facilitates ourneeds
to comprehend thatwhichwe wantto knowbut
6 Sometimesa Kaguruspouse will commitsuch acts as whichwe ourselves do not"live."
disposalof a husband'sweaponsor shattering a wife's
cookingpotinorderto indicate publiclythata relationship
is finished.
Sincethisimpliesa deadlycurse,compensatory
payments and purificatory
ceremonies are oftenrequired
beforea couplecan resumecohabitation.

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 Time
Containing 457

5. Space and LegendaryTime nal foundress of thematri-clan becomeshis wife.

The womanwhois firstdescribedas dwellingin
As Bachelardremarks, space is a formof com- a cave (a feminine recess in the bush) now is
pressedtime(1969: 8). Novel manipulation of establishedin a house composedof male (cen-
space facilitates imagininga distant,legendary trepole)and female(hearth)attributes. A female
past. It does so in two powerful ways,through in- cultivator and a male hunter are now pairedand
corporating familiar bodily sets and processes into a
settled,establishing society in miniature. The
alienframesof space,and through incorporationlegendportrays the creation of societythrough
ofthelandscapeintobroader, cosmiclevels.These theestablishment of orderedactivities in ordered
two extremeterms,the humanand the cosmic, space. In doingso it also portrays thatsociety's
arecombined in Kagurulegendsof theoriginsof fundamental attributes in termsof gender,prop-
theirsociety(see Beidelman1970,1986:chap.5). erty(landand house)and associatedactivities of
According to such legends, the ancestors of the fire,
kindling cooking,clearing land, and hunting,
firstKagurucamefromoutof thewest,trekkingmotifsrepeatedin variousformsand degreesin
withmentotheright (south)andwomentotheleft Kagururites.
(north). They marched fromoutofthewilderness Theseoriginlegendsthemselves are also re-
andintowhatis nowhomewheretheysettled, clan peatedlyrecitedat Kaguruceremonies, especially
byclan.ForKaguru,movement fromeastto west, at adolescentgirls' and boys' initiations. Then,
as thesun,epitomizes normalprocess.The move- thebirthof Kagurusocietyand cultureparallels
mentportrayed in thislegendrepresents reversal thebirthof an adultpersonachievedby ritesof
of this,leadingto theextraordinary, thebirthof passage.Kagurusocietyemergesfroman ethnic
societyand cultureas Kaguruunderstand them. andcultural wilderness toestablish ordered, settled
Through this trek the Kaguru as a people came space; Kaguru adolescents emerge from childhood
intopublicbeing;theycametolight;theytookon and irresponsibility (and infantility)through initi-
historical visibility. It is a processcomparable to ation,a cutting in thebush,to enterestablished,
humanbirth itselfwhichis an emergence fromthe ordered, productive households.
unfathomable sphereof thedead (west).It is also
similar toinitiation (miao,emergence). In contrast,
ordinary or dailytransformations are markedby 6. AncestralRitesand Space
movement from easttowest,as withtherisingand
settingsun. (Certainnegativemagicalprocesses Kaguruthemselvesrepeatedly conductsacrifice
should,however, proceed from west to east.) to
(nhambiko) propitiate the ancestral dead (see
The Kaguruoriginlegendgoes on to relate Beidelman 1986: chap.7). Contact with thedead
how the firstsettler for each clan was an adult insures life, for the dead are the ultimate sources
woman who claimed clan land through the acts of in
fertility humans,livestock, and land. The
of kindling fire(hearth), and
clearing cultivating dead are also a source of in
misfortune,largepart
land,and settling uponit in a cave. In doingso becausetheyfeelannoyeddue to beingneglected
shebegantheprocessofimposing orderuponwild by the livingor due to the living'smisdeeds.
space. Yet she did not establish a full socialorder, Kaguruambivalencetowardthe dead is consis-
forthewomanlackeda propermateand did not tentwiththedead's profound power.ForKaguru,
havea house.The veryfactthatshe inhabited a power(as contrasted withauthority) is invariably
cave rather thana houseimpliesthatshe needed ambiguous, the
bearing capacity to harm as well
mento construct fullsocialspace. as to help(see Beidelman1980, 1986: chap.11).
Eventuallythis primalKaguruwomanen- The dead's space, the bush,conformsto such
countered an immature youthwho was hunting views.The bushis a realmofdangerous disorder,
in thewilderness, a pursuitassociatedwithmen but it also is a sourceof enormous, potentially
and suggesting male sexualpotencyand aggres- usefulforce.Rainmakers, diviners,and doctors,
sion.(Kaguruassociatehunting withthecultural as well as sorcerers and witches, good as well as
subjection of wild space and sometimes with polit- evil,all draw power form the wilderness. Kaguru
ical leadership.) The befriended (mothered) young repeatedly enterthebushin orderto sustaintheir
man was eventually circumcized and,no longer livesbackin theirsettlements. Duringsuchforays
a child,marriedthe woman,thusestablishing a theytemporarily tamea smallportion ofthatwild
proper domestic household. To do so he first had space. Sometimes they appropriate bitsofthebush,
to vanishfromthearea and return onlyafterhis certainleaves or roots,rain-making stones,wild
sexualtransformation. Thenthebefriending mater- animalparts,in orderto makemedicines.More

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458 T. O. Beidelman

often,at ancestralrites,theyconvertbushintoa onlydomination butpossiblywitchcraft. Witches

domesticated space through or
clearing sweeping share goods with beasts at the expense fellow
of
(kushagila) it of undergrowth, a
remarkinggrave humans whom theyexploit. Sorcerers and magi-
withstonesevocativeof the stonesof a hearth, cians also dominateotherhumans.In this,like
and sacrificing domesticanimals,beer,flour,and witches,theyare hunters of theirfellowhumans
tobacco.Some of thisis consumedby thedead andnotof animals.
as it is scattered (kunyaga)on theclearedearth All humaninvasionsintothewilderness im-
and stones,butmuchis consumedas a feastby ply access to powerforgood or ill. Conversely,
thelivingassembledincommunion withthedead. forwild animalsto invadesocial space suchas
At othertimes,thecharacter of thewilderness is cultivated fieldsis a signof moraldisorder, of-
thought to enter a settlement causing misfortune ten signifying the incursions of angered ancestral
andsterility, usuallydueto theireofthedeadbut spiritswho take the formsof animalpests or
sometimes simply becausethebalancebetween the predators. For thecreatures of thewilderness to
spheres of bush and settlement mysteriously falls enter a settlement itself,for wild animals to enter
outofjoint.Thesettlement responds bytemporari-a plaza or house,is a signof utterdisasterand
lyentering ever further into the wilderness inorder severemoraldisorder(Beidelman1963, 1964b).
to reestablish orderbetweenthetwo spheres.A Yet certainwild animalssuchas porcupines and
settlement's members do so bymeansofsacrifice. pangolinsare also thought to possessremarkable
While the membersof a Kaguruclan (and its mysticalproperties thatmayprovidehunting or
constituent matrilineages) bear responsibility for fertility magicforsomedoctors, andtheseare slain
ancestralrituals,at themostimportant of these, andbrought hometo villages.
joking-partners and not matri-kin are in charge. Joking-partners (watani)bearsomecompari-
Employment of suchperipheral relatives forritual sontowildanimals theirambiguous
in andpivotal
corresponds sociallyto the spatialincorporationperipheral positions in both societyand space.
of thewilderness forenacting ritestowardsuper- They too epitomize both the dangerand power
naturalends.A mutarti stands on the side of the of conflated spheres(see Beidelman 1980). Such
ancestral Iwe and
dead (yekwima musimu) speaks ambiguously categorized people assume dangerous
withthem.For Kaguru,then,thereis core and ritualtasksfora clan,suchas burials,executions,
peripheral space and corresponding core and pe- purifications fromincest,and ancestralpropitia-
ripheral social
(supplementary) groups. These are tion, all tasks thatmustbe performed in thebush
repeatedly confounded when confronting the dead and which are too dangerous for direct exposure
whowerethemselves a confounding of attributes.to immediate kin.In suchrituals, joking-partners
Afterall, thedead are beingsmanipulated by the takedisruptive aspectsof lifeand transfer these
in
living ways that the living would find difficult out of settlements and into the bush. Conversely,
to do to livingbeingsthemselves. Yet the dead joking-partners may introduce obsceneand dis-
possesspowers to affect the living which are more ruptivepublic behaviour into settlements. They
than
far-reaching any influence exerted by the liv- may visit their partners and threaten to expropriate
ing.Furthermore, thedeadappeartobe a reservoir theirproperty. Theymayfreely makeaccusations
ofmoraljudgement andpunishment fartranscend-thatfew if any local residentswould dare to
ingthepowersandjusticeoflivingelders,andyet voice. In such acts theybringdisorderinto a
thedead also appearat timesperplexingly quirky settlement. For all thesereasonsjoking-partners
and inexplicable in theirwrath.Finally,thedead are sometimes sarcastically comparedto witches,
are a sourceof lifeyetalso of deathas well. bushpeople.Such topsy-turvy behaviouris con-
These ambiguousand ambivalentnotions sistentwithjoking-partners' positionsas border
aboutboththewilderness and thedead are well people.Theybelongto clans whoselandstradi-
exemplified inKagurunotionsaboutwildanimals. tionallyborder lands of clans whose peoplethey
Here it is usefulto digressbrieflyon Kaguru abuse but also rituallyservein dangerousand
notionsaboutanimallifebutaboutsomehuman pollutingceremonies.It is said thatsuch bor-
officiants at ritualsas well. der people are oftenone's affines.In termsof
For a man to be a great hunter is to evince groupmembership and attributes, joking-partners
power to dominate and
unruly dangerousbeings compromise or transcend space thatis ordinari-
and consequently to be admiredand envied.A ly respected and guardedagainstincursion. They
hunter has invadedthebushand triumphed over are less thannatalkin but morethanstrangers,
thatspace. Yet fora Kaguruto be in veryclose less thanmembers of a settlement butmorethan
relationswithwild animalswouldconstitute not unconnected aliens.Actualaffines (evenspouses)

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 Time
Containing 459

or cross-cousins may in emergencies substituteformsofsocializedspaceandtheoutlying wilder-

forjoking-partners in carrying out rituals.This ness.Space thenis integral to how Kagurubuild
underscores theseambivalent socialfeatures since up conceptions ofthesocialselforpersonbutalso
thesekinarealso considered highlyproblematicalofmoreindividualistic, divisiveaspectsoftheself
in theirloyalties.Joking-partners move spatially (see Mauss 1979c).It providesthedifferent stages
acrosssuchboundaries becausetheythemselves on whichthesescenariosof selfhoodareenacted.
belongto groupsthatstraddlesocial loyaltiesas Centripetal and centrifugal tendencies separating
well as social space. Since mostKagururitual, and linkinghouses,settlements, and neighbours
andindeedritualeverywhere, involvesmovements have some associationwithgenderforKaguru,
acrossmoralboundaries, Kagurujoking-partners butBourdieu'sdichotomization of centripetal/fe-
areritualpractitioners par excellence. male and is too
centrifugal/male simplistic forthe
Kaguru material and perhaps even for the Kabyle
as well(1977: 92).
7. Conclusion Kagurunotions ofspaceareindissoluble from
theirnotionsof time.Thisis inherent to thevery
In thepreceding pages I providedan accountof problemof how humanscan represent changein
how Kagururitualsand dailyactivitiesmay be thefirst the
place. Consequently, powerful moral
considered in termsof thespaces in whichthey valenceswhichKaguruattachto bothspace and
areenacted.Thismayappearobvioussince,after thebodyare also crucialto how Kagururepre-
all, humanbeingsnecessarily occupyspace and sentsocial changesin thebodyand person.For
mustnegotiateit in orderto live. In thissense Kaguru,and indeedforall people,suchideas of
space fitsBachelard'scategoryof a "privileged bodilychangesareessentially appetitive. Ourmost
phenomenon" (1964: 7) in thatits universalitypowerful realizations ofbodilychangerelatetothe
allowsits associationwithnearlyanything. Per- riseandebb of hungerand sexualcapacities;and
vadingall situations, space providesa powerful ourkeenestrealizations ofotherbeings'existence
meansforintegrating thinking and conductover lie inourdependence onothers forbothnurturance
myriad situations. (I hererefer bothtohowKaguru and sexualfulfilment and in oursexualreproduc-
themselves integrate theirthoughts andactionsbut tionof thoseotherswho will replaceor displace
alsohowoutsider analysts suchas myself maybest us. Even sustenance (alimentation) is redolent of
bringtogether theirobservations.) Space's integral sexualityas it is associatedwithconjugality and
relationto timemeansthatit figures prominentlyparenthood. For Kaguru,timeand hence space
in anyportrayal ofprocessor change, as we have assume deeplysexualassociations whichrelateto
alreadyseen. In such protrayals, encompassinggrowth and domination but also to dependence and
space is often able to lend a sense of seeming death. These are
qualities prominent in rites of
constancy to movement and individual change, as passage,particularly initiation where fullsexuality
manifest in ritesofpassage. bestowsfullsocial personhood and hencerecog-
Yet space is endowedwithintensepersonal nizedentry intothefullhumancyclegenerated by
immediacy because of its association with the sex itself.
body.Kaguruspatialimagery bearsthisout.The In thepreceding pagesI indicated howspace
moralattributes to
assigned space repeatedly de- and time appear central to gender and rites ofpas-
rivefrombodilyorientation, thesenses,andphys- sage,andI refer to suchritesinthebroadest terms
iologicalprocesses(see Mauss 1919a). The most to include not only the of
creating personhood
powerful and striking examplethatwe have of buteventheemergence of an entiresociety.This
thisembodiment of space is thehouse,a bodily allowsseveralconclusions:
haven.It "constitutes a bodyof imagesthatgive First,space,time,andsexuality areinextrica-
mankind proofs or illusions of stability"(Bache- bly linked forKaguru. While most outsiders readi-
lard 1969: 17). For Kaguru,the spatialimagery ly appreciate thefirst twoas beingconnected, as
ofthehouse,ofdomesticity, as expressed through arethelattertwo,theprofound sexualdimensions
regulated sexuality and alimentation, providesthe of space forKagurushouldremindus thatall
coreofKagurunotions aboutbeingsocialpersons, threeare interlinked wheresocialactivities are so
of beingproperly human.For Kaguruthehouse immediately definedanddetermined byparticular
"initscountless alveolispacecontains compressed socialpersonhoods.
time"(1969: 8). Kagurunotionsof space extend Second,concerns aboutproperspeech,proper
out fromthiscentral,nestingmodelto include alimentation, andpropersexuality permeate every
settlements;thispresents a contrast between varied Kagurusocial situation. How theseattributes of

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460 T. O. Beidelman

cultureand sociability are variously utilized,em- 25). Timeandpersonremain profoundly imbedded

phasized, down-played, and twisted constitutes one in territory. To take off from William James, there
ofthemainconcerns ofthisstudy.Thisis because is notspacebutspaces,andtheymustbe studied
initiation,andindeedall socialeducation, restson in detail.7
defining humanity, and for Kaguru perhapsfor
as
all societiesit is in how one mastersthesevital
processes.The trickin learningthishingeson ReferencesCited
thefactthattheruleschangewithdifferent social
spaces. Ardener,Shirley(ed.)
1981 WomenandSpace.New York:St. Martin's Press.
this
Third,by organizing essay around one
theme,space,rather thanarounda singleritualor Bachelard,Gaston
setofrituals, I havesuggested howa fewthemes 1964 ThePsychoanalysis of Fire.Boston:BeaconPress.[La
psychoanalyse du feu;1938]
or symbolscropup repeatedly in manydifferent1969 The Poeticsof Space. Boston:Beacon Press. [La
Kaguru rituals and ceremonies. I have suggested potiquede l'espace;1958]
thattheevocativepoweroftheseKagurusymbolic Beidelman,T. O.
themesdependson theirconstant reappearance in 1962 A Historyof Ukaguru,Kilosa District:1857-1916.
different guises,contexts, andemphases.Anysin- Tanganyika NotesandRecords58/59:11-39.
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gleKagururitualevokesothers, sometimes merely 1963 Kaguru
the
People'sConcepts
andSupernormal.
as a kindof ironicecho or hintof some other Unusual, Unnatural, Anthropolog-
ical Quarterly46: 43-59.
occasion.Kaguruthemselves see this"dj vu" 1964a Three KaguruTales of theLivingand theDead: The
effectas one of themostcompellingaspectsof Ideologyof KaguruAncestral Journal
Propitiation. of
theirritualand etiquette. For themeach occasion theRoyalAnthropological 94: 109-137.
Institute
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Chiefdom(Ukaguru).Anthropological Quarterly 37:
andtime. 33-52.
Finally,while we can discerna series of 1966 I]tantSomeKaguruNotionsof Death,Sexuality, and
powerful and repeatedmotifsin Kaguruthought Affinity.Southwestern Journalof Anthropology 22:
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