American Philological Association

The Fall and Rise of Roman Tragedy

Author(s): Sander M. Goldberg
Source: Transactions of the American Philological Association (1974-), Vol. 126 (1996), pp. 265-
286
Published by: The Johns Hopkins University Press
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 of theAmerican
Transactions Association
Philological 126 (1996) 265-286

The Fall and Rise of RomanTragedy*

SanderM. Goldberg
University
ofCalifornia,Los Angeles

The historyof Romantragedyrestson a paradox.Not a singleplayperformed

publiclyat Rome survivesintact,whilethosethathave survived-thetenplays
of theSenecancorpus-lack all tracesof production history.Thus,thoughwe
knowthatVarius' lost Thyesteswas performed to publicacclaim in theearly
20s B.C.E. and wenton to winliteraryrenown,thewhen,why,where,andhow
of Seneca's extantThyestesarebeyondrecall.Yet thefactremainsthattragedy
at Rome survivedthe loss of professionalplaywrights and the stultifying
extravagances of the Republicanstageto reemergeunderthe Principateas a
favoriteand evena potentgenreforRomanaristocrats witha literary
turn.How
thiscame about,how tragedydevelopedbetweenthedeathof Accius at some
pointin the 90s B.C.E. and the deathof Domitiannearlytwo centurieslater,
meritsattentionbothforthestory'sinherent interest
and,in a largersense,for
whatit revealsof the forcesat workon literature
in thatseminalperiodfrom
Republicto empire.

I.
In the late summerof 55 B.C.E., Cicero swelteredthroughthe inaugural
ceremoniesforPompey'snewtheater complexin theCampusMartius.The vast
structureitselfwas in manywaysa marvel:Rome's firststonetheater,
designed
to hold perhaps40,000 spectators,incorporated a templeof Venus Victrix
above the cavea, flankedby fourancillarysanctuariesto reveredabstractions
like Honos and Virtus,whilebehindthe stagebuildingstretched an elaborate
porticoand formalgardenconnecting thetheaterwitha new senate-house some
200 metersto theeast.Yet neither
theawningsnortheinnovative water-courses
of thenew buildingcouldrelievetheheatof thatRomanAugustor thetedium

*Thisessayowes muchto RichardBeacham,RobertKaster,andElaineFantham, andto

TAPA'sreferees,
AlexanderMacGregor andRichardTarrant,whoseexcellent
adviceI should
probablyhavetakenmoreoften.A less technical
versionof itsargument
appearsunderthe
title"Melpomene'sDeclamation"
in RomanEloquence,ed. W. J.Dominik(London1997).
Uncreditedtranslations
aremyown.

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266 SanderM. Goldberg

of thatinauguraldisplay.'Cicerodescribedtheprogramwithwrydistastein a
famousletterto his friendM. Marius,himselfcomfortably
installedin a villaon
theBay ofNaples (Fam. 7.1).
The entertainmentsstagedin thenew theateron thatoccasion included
mimes,plays,and farces.Performances were in Greekas well as Latin and
employedbothlocal and importedtalent.Some distinguished veteransof the
stagewere invitedout of retirement forthe occasion,and some,says Cicero,
unwiselyacceptedthe invitation: old Aesopus,the famoustragicactorof the
to theembarrassment
lateRepublic,actuallylosthis voice in mid-sentence, of
all. Related shows in the Circus includedraces and wild animal displays
performed over a five-dayperiod;memoryof an elephanthunttherelingered
downto Pliny'sday.The mostnotoriousspectacleon theprogram, however,or
at leastthespectaclethatmostexasperatedCicero,was thelavishstagingoftwo
classic Romantragedies,Accius' Clytemnestraand theEquus Troianus of (we
think)Naevius.2

quid enimdelectationis habentsescentimuliin 'Clytaemestra'

aut in
'Equo Troiano'creterrarum triamiliaaut armatura
variapeditatuset
equitatusin aliqua pugna?quae popularem admirationem
habueruent,
delectationem tibinullamattulissent.

Whatpleasuredo sixhundred mulesina Clytemnestraprovideorthree

thousandmixing-bowls in a TrojanHorseor a variegateddisplayof
cavalryand infantry
equipment in some battleor other?It gave the
publica thrill;
itwouldnothavebroughtyouanypleasure.(Fam.7.1.2)

overblown:who could countsuchopulence?The

The numbersare deliberately
grounds for Cicero's complaint, however, are quite explicit. Tragic
performanceshad takenon the trappingsof quite different
(and less literary)

TForthetheaterstructure, see Hanson43-55, Richardson, and esp. Gleason.Plin.Nat.

36.24.115put its capacityat 40,000,a figuretoo oftendoubtedby incredulous modems.
ComparetheElizabethanRose, whichwe knowfromsecondary evidenceheld ca. 2,000
thoughitsdiameter
spectators, of49' 6" (3 rods)wouldproducemodemestimates ofonlyca.
400. Fortherunning waterof Pompey'stheater, awningswere
see V. Max. 2.6. Theatrical
apparentlyfirstintroducedat theludiApollinares of 60 B.C.E. (Plin.Nat. 19.23,cf. Lucr.
4.75-83,a much-argued passage).
2A revivalof LiviusAndronicus' Equus Troianusis less likely:Cic. Brut.71 foundhis
playsnotwortha secondreading. The letterto Mariusis theprimary testimony,butcf.Plin.
Nat.8.7.20andD.C. 39.38.Luditraditionally extended overseveraldays,withdifferent sites
forthedifferentkindsofentertainmentonoffer: Cic. Leg.2.15.38;Liv.42.10.5.

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 The Fall andRise ofRomanTragedy 267

kindsofpublicspectacle,inparticular
thetriumph withitselaborateprocession,
deliberately
breath-taking andrelatedsideshows.
ostentation,
Pompeyhimselfmaywell have encouragedtheassociation.Memoriesof
his threefold triumphof 61 over the pirates,Mithridates, and Tigraneswere
literallybuiltintohis new theaterby theallegoricalfiguresof fourteen nations
set on permanent displayalong its perimeter(Plin.Nat. 36.41; cf. Plu. Pomp.
45.2). Even therowsof planetreesthatconnectedthetheaterbuildingwiththe
new Curia beyondit mighthave suggesteda militaryformation: the Romans
inclinedtowardsuch associationsbetweenplantingsand parades(cf. Verg.G.
2.274-83). As so oftenat Rome, politics and art were easily combined,
especiallywhenpoliticscouldassumethegarbofcommunity achievement.
The technicalcapabilitiesof theRomanstagewereby thistimeentirely
equal to the task of managingsuch lavishdisplays.Casts had alreadygrown
quitelarge.Lucullus,forexample,was once askedto furnish100 cloaks fora
tragedy,clear evidence of an impressiveshow as well as his famously
impressivepurse(Hor. Ep. 1.6.40-41). Nor was artisticintegrity an essential
ingredientforsuccess.The Hellenistictendency to sacrificeaestheticcoherence
to histrionic
displaythrough thecutting,
expansion,and reworking of classical
originalsno doubt encouragedthe Romans' own penchantfor improvised
politicaldemonstration. Cicero,forexample,relishedthe memoryof how, at
theFloraliaof 57, thatsame Aesopus,thenpresumably stillin fullvoice,had
turneda line of Accius' Brutusto Cicero's personaladvantage:Tullius,qui
libertatemcivibus stabiliverat(Sest. 123). The crowd loved it (miliens
revocatumest),thoughthegreatmomentsurelycame at some costto Accius'
intendedeffect.We maywell concludethattheRomaninterest in tragedylay,
as Beare remarks,"not so much in the essentialdramaticqualities of the
performance as in externals-impressivestaging,violentutterance and action,
lines whichmightbe takenas topical,the arrivalof distinguished spectators,
and of courseanymishapwhichmightbefalleithertheactorsor anymembers
of the audience."3The disruptiveeffectsof such occurrencesare all well
attestedfor the late Republic.The tragicgenre,havinglost its intellectual
bearings,was easilysubornedbyhucksters andpoliticos.
The verysize ofPompey'snewtheater was a symptom,and perhapseven
a cause,oftheproblem.Notthatitssize was uniqueor unprecedented:
eventhe

3Beare71. Forthepoliticization
oftheatrical
productions
inthelaterRepublic,see Nicolet
363-73andBeacham154-63.

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268 SanderM. Goldberg

ostensiblytemporary theatersof thisperiodcould be formidable M.

structures.
Scaurus,as aedile in 58 B.C.E., had erecteda three-storyscaena, thefirststory
ofmarble,thesecondofglass (an extraordinary luxuryin itstime),andthethird
of gildedwood. The lowesttierdisplayed360 columnsthirty-eight feethigh
whicheventuallyfoundtheirway intoAugustus'Theaterof Marcellus,and the
cavea was said to hold80,000spectators (Plin.Nat. 36.113-15). In 53, C. Curio
builta doubletheaterof wood thatnotonlyallowedsimultaneous productions
in themorning, butcouldpivot(at someriskto thespectators) in theafternoon
to forma singleamphitheater forgladiatorialshows.And"temporary" thoughit
was, thestructure was stillbeingused,at leastas a theater, in Juneof 51 (Plin.
Nat. 36.116-20,cf.Cic. Fam. 8.2.1).
Such largeand elaboratedesignswere a farcryfromthe moremodest
facilitiesavailable in the earlydays of theRomantheater, thougheven these
werenotnecessarilythejerry-built structures
we sometimesthink.4 Nor is their
size entirelyunknown.Consider,for example,conditionsat the early ludi
Megalenses,whichsaw theproduction ofPlautus'Pseudolusin 191 and fourof
Terence'ssix comediesa generation later.The playingspace availableforthose
productionsis subjectto measurebecause the games were held, as Cicero
wouldremark, "beforethetemple,in theverysightof theGreatMother"(ante
temp/urin ipso MatrisMagnae conspectu,Har. 24). He means by thisthe
precinctimmediately adjoininghergreattempleon thePalatinehill.5Thiswas a
difficultsite forgames,buttheRepublicanarchitects made thebest of it. The
templeof the Magna Materwas builton a veryhighplatform and fittedwith
twotiersof stepsthatwidentowardthebase. Beyondthesestepswas a narrow,
level area, and beyondthatthe terracedslope of the Palatine.The temporary

4Tac. Ann. 14.20,namantea subitariisgradibuset scaena in tempusstructaludosedi

solitos,impliesas much,but the moralizingcontext-conservative reactionto Nero's
of quinquennial
institution gamesin 60 C.E.-is notreliableevidencefordetailsof Roman
theaterproduction300 yearsearlier.See ingeneral
Duckworth 79-82andBeacham67-69.
5BythelateRepublican period,theshowsmayhaveextended to thefootof thePalatine,
wherea secondtemporary was erectedintheareacalledtheLupercal.This,at least,is
theater
theeasiestwayto understand Cicero'sperplexingallusionin thisspeech-an allusionboth
coloredandcloudedbyitsanti-Clodian rhetoric-totwotheaters attheMegalenses(Har.25).
See Hanson14 n. 29 and Wiseman1974: 168-69,a moreelegantexplanation thanthatof
Lenaghan124-25.Thereis no need,however, to assumeso elaborate an arrangementin the
earlysecondcentury. Forthetheatrical ofthetempleofCybeleitself,
possibilities see Hanson
13-16andtheimportant archeologicalsupplement(withhelpful plansandelevations showing
thesize andshapeoftheproduction space)byPensabene54-67.Discussionofseatinginthe
earlyRomantheater (e.g.,Moore)shouldperhapsdistinguish morecarefully betweensacred
andsecularvenues.

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 The Fall andRise ofRomanTragedy 269

stage and scene buildingforthe annualludi would have occupiedthis level

space,whichmeansthatthetemplestepsthemselves musthave accomodated the
audience,sincetherewas notroomforanother grandstand in theprecinct.
Yet the
templestepsat theirwidestmeasured notmuchmorethanforty metersacross,and
thewedge-shaped areabeforethetempleoffered littleroomforthestagebuilding
andwingsneededto marshalanddisplaylargeprocessions. The Palatineslope is
too near and too steep.Plautus' theaterwas thus,at least by laterstandards,
comparatively intimateandnecessarilyrestrainedin itsstageeffects.
Othertempleswere also used forstagingshows of variouskinds.The
ludi Florales,made regularin 173, wereheld beforeFlora's temple.The ludi
Apollinaresweretheatrical fromtheirinceptionin 212 (Ennius' Thyesteswas
producedforthemin 169), and a templevenueis likely.In 179,thecensorM.
AemiliusLepidusnegotiated contractsforseatsanda stagebeforeApollo'stemple
(theatrum etproscenium adApollinis...locavit,Liv. 40.51.3). Pompey'stheater,
withitstempleof Venus setabove thecavea,perhapsdeliberately recalledthis
traditional he
practice: is said to have referred to thestructure as "a Templeof
Venusbeneathwhichwe have addedseatsfortheshows,"and so, as seen from
a distance,it was.6Yet Pompey'sstage,thoughtypicalenoughof itsown day,
was at leasttwicethe size of anything erectedbeforethe shrineof Cybele.It
measuredsome ninety-five metersacross, and this vast difference in scale
suggestsa difference in function.Somethingwas expectedto fill so much
space,and thatsomething meantnotjust mulesand mixing-bowls butthetime
and expensenecessaryto orchestrate theirdisplay.A performance in a theater
this large was necessarilydifferentin quality and quantityfrom the
comparatively intimatesurroundingsoftheold templesites.
Nor werethe HellenisticproductionsfromwhichRomanpoets formed
theirnotionsoftragedy
particularly
richin intellectual
content.7
The Rhesus,for

6Pompeyap. Tert.Spect. 10.5: non theatrum sed Veneristemplum nuncupavit,cui

subiecimus,inquit,gradusspectaculorum. Gleason21 reconstructs
a perspective
thatwould
havecreatedprecisely thisillusionof seatsleadingup to thetemplewhenviewedfromthe
Curia.Forthepoliticalcontroversy (andcultural statement) thebuildingofthis
surrounding
theater,
see Gruen205-10.
7Giventherecurrent efforts
to deducefifth-centurymodelsforRomantragedy, itremains
worthpointingout thatRomans necessarilybroughtHellenisticsensibilitiesto theirreadingof
all tragedy,
whatever its originalaesthetic.
This was an age thatcouldproduceEuripides'
Hippolytuswithout a chorus(PSorb.2252) and give a tragoedusa choruswithout a play
(PLeid. 510). See Gentili19-21, Tarrant1978, and fora nice exampleof whatsuch
sensibilities
entailed,
Frank16-27.

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270 SanderM. Goldberg

example,whichsurvivesin theEuripideancorpusbutis almostcertainly a work

oftheearlyfourth century, containsbrilliant
sceniceffectsand slyinversionsof
itsHomericmaterial:theplay is performed, and theplaywright remindsus that
it is being performed, as the eventsof Iliad 10 take place in the wings.Its
exciting,episodic plot, however,moves by fitsand startsto no particular
resolution.The dramatist seemsstrikinglyunableto makehis superficiallyrich
actionmeananything to anyone.ThoughRhesuswouldhave givenitsaudience
quite a good timein thetheater, no verydeep thoughts would have followed
it. I
themout of So too, suspect,withRomantragedyeven in its goldenage.
Cicero, forexample,liked to color his philosophicaltreatiseswithlong and
enthusiastic quotationsfromtragedy,butthe effectwas invariablyto animate
ratherthanto advancethe discussionat hand.Thus he showsus whatdivine
possessionis by quotingCassandra'smad scenefromEnnius'Alexanderin his
de Divinatione(1.66); at TusculanDisputations3.45,theformidable anguishof
theEnnianAndromache becomesa stickto beatthetritecomforts affordedby
the doctrinesof Epicurus.Such scenes were clearlymemorable.Cicero often
commentsaside on theirpowerand beauty-butnoton theircontent.He does
notdescribetragicactionto advancean argument by evokingwhatcharacters
do or thinkon the stageas distinctfromwhattheyfeel.The theaterhe knew
was a theater moreof styleand emotionthanofintellect.
Yet theRomansneverlosttheirfascination withtragedy.Cicerodisliked
extravagant revivalspreciselybecause he likedthe old plays themselves, and
therewere eventuallynew plays to like as well. Accius, who died about 90
B.C.E., was the last professionaltragedianat Rome,the lastpoet to makehis
literaryreputationon thestrength ofhisdramaticscripts.Yet he was notthelast
to writetragediesof note.Varius,one of thebetterpoetsof theAugustanage,
wrotea tragedyof more than passing success, and so did Ovid. In fact,
Melpomene'sfootprints (if notalwaysheractualsongs)remaindiscerniblefor
at leastanothercentury in therecordof Romanliterary activity.The genredid
come to changeprofoundly, however,in thatperiod,and thosechangeswere
notall forthebad.
II.
The firstthingto understandabout Roman tragedyafterAccius is thatit
underwent thesameprocessof gentrification commonto all Romanpoetry.The
earliestrecordof thetransition JuliusCaesar Strabo,an
lies withthearistocrat
aedile in 90 and an oratorof noteuntilhis deathin theMarianproscriptionsof
87. Strabonot onlywrotetragedies,he attendedmeetingsof theprofessional

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 The Fall andRise ofRomanTragedy 271

CollegiumPoetarum,whereAccius famouslyrefusedto deferto his superior

social position(V. Max. 3.7.11). Despitethisdeliberately insultingverdicton
histalent,Strabo'splayscirculatedlongenoughforCiceroto read,and excerpts
fromthemeventuallyenteredthegrammatical a generation
tradition or so later
through theworkof Augustus'learnedfreedman VerriusFlaccus. This Strabo
providesbutour firstexampleof a Republicanaristocrat dabblingin tragedy.
Othersincludean eques namedC. Titius,Cicero's brotherQuintus,passing
awaya winterin Gaul bywriting fourtragediesin sixteendays,his commander
Caesar,whosejuveniliaincludedan Oedipus,Octavian,whowrotean Ajax,and
perhapsthetwosonsofHorace's Piso.8All theplaysin questionweredoubtless
amateurefforts of littleindividualsignificance. Theywere notproduced,and
mostneverevencirculated. Augustusexpressly forbade of his uncle's
publication
poetryand,as he toldVarius,he preferred his ownAjax to falluponhis sponge
(Suet. Jul. 56.7; Aug. 85; Macr. Sat. 2.4.2). Yet moresignificant attempts to
writetragedywerealso beingmade by moresignificant figureson theliterary
scene, fortragedy,like epic, still claimeda loftyplace in the hierarchyof
genres.Tragediesby AsiniusPollio are mentioned by Horace and Vergiland
survivedforTacitus to read.9Varius' Thyestesand Ovid's Medea won still
greateracclaim and became canonical texts: QuintiliancomparedThyestes
favorably to themasterpieces of Greeceand admiredMedea in spiteof himself
(10.1.98). Thus tragedysurvivedat Rome,thoughit was no longerwritten by
professional tragedians.Norcoulditclaiman extensiveaudience.
Whatkepttragedyalive in thearistocraticimagination
was notthekind
of lavish public spectaclethathad so irritated
Cicero,thoughspectacletoo
survived.Horace's letterto Augustus,forexample,soundsmuchlikeCicero's
reportto Mariusa generation earlier:

verumequitis abaurevoluptas
quoqueiammigravit
omnisadincertos
oculosetgaudia
vana.
quattuor
autplures
aulaeapremuntur
inhoras,
dumfugiunt equitumturmaepeditumque catervae;
moxtrahiturmanibusregumfortuna retortis,
essedafestinant,
pilenta,
petorrita,
naves,
captivumportatur
ebur,captivaCorinthus.

8The sources are Cic. Brut. 167 (Titius) and Q. ft. (Q. Cicero); Suet. Jul. 56.7 (Caesar) and
Aug.85 (Augustus);Hor.Ep. 2.3.366-90 (thePisones).Fantham5-6 provideshelpfuldiscussion.
9Hor. Carm. 2.1.9-12; Verg. Ecl. 8.9 withServ. ad loc.; Tac. Dial. 21.7. Pollio, however,
did notearninclusionin Quintilian'scanon of Roman tragediansat Inst. 10.1.97-98.

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272 SanderM. Goldberg

Nowadayseventheknights andall their

havestoppedlistening,
interestis takenup withinaneandephemeral pageants.
Thecurtain is up forfour-hour ifnotlonger,
periods,
as squadrons ofcavalryandhordesofinfantry hurtle
past;
fallenkingsaredragged acrosswiththeirhandspinioned;
chariots,carriages, wagonsandshipsrumble along,
carrying worksofbronzeandivorytakenfromCorinth.
(Ep. 2.1.187-93,tr.Rudd)

WhetherHorace is reallythinkingof tragedy,or confusingit withhistorical

pageantryor even triumphalprocessions,remainsunclear,and thatlack of
clarityis preciselythe point.Althoughtherewere still shows aplentyto be
foundat Rome,plays of staturewerebecomingscarceon thepublicstage.In
fact, Varius' Thyestes,performedeither in conjunctionwith Octavian's
triumphal of 29 B.C.E. or at therestoredludiApollinaresof 28, is
celebrations
theonlydocumentedstagesuccessby a RomanpoetafterAccius.10Its closest
known contemporary, Ovid's Medea, has no productionhistory,and Ovid
himselfclaimed in a different contextthathe had neverstaged a play (Tr.
5.7.27). He may have fearedthekindof humiliation eventuallymetedout to
Pomponius Secundus, consul ordinariusunder Claudius in 44 C.E. and
governorof Upper Germanyin 50/51.Secunduswas a poet of note,better
knownamonghis peersas a tragedianthanforhis victoryovertheChatti:he
was neverthelessbooed in the public theaterwhen one of his works was
performedthere(Tac. Ann. 11.13, cf. 12.27-28).
Withmimes,pantomimes, andotherpublicspectacleson therise,tragedy
began losingits popularaudience.It maywell be true,as scholarslike Slater
and Wiseman(1995) have been insisting, thattheaterwas and remainedcentral
to theprocessof Romanself-fashioning, butby Horace's day theaterswereno
longerthe poets' preserve.A distinction betweenpopularentertainment and
theaterthatwould
literary have been as incomprehensibleto second-century
Romansas to fifth-centuryAtheniansnow becomesan increasingly significant

I0Wedo notknowhowelaborate andhowpublicitsproduction was.Ourmainsourceis an

isolateddidascalicnoteof maddening thatsurvivesin two manuscripts
imprecision of the
eighthand ninthcenturies: Lucius Variuscognomento RufusThyesten tragoediam magna
cura absolutopost Actiacamvictoriam augustoludiseius in scaena ediditpro qua fabula
sestertium emended.
deciensaccepit.Thetextis variously See Jocelyn 1980andmorebroadly
Cova 9-27. The millionsestercesdoes notnecessarilyimplya lavishperformance: thegift
mayhavebeennota quidproquo butthereward forlongservice, likeHorace'sSabine
rather
farm.See Coffey46-47.

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 The Fall andRise ofRomanTragedy 273

factof Roman stage history.Underthe Principate,literarydramabegan to

abandonpublictheatersforthemoreintimate (and morearistocratic)confines
of smallerroofedhalls and privatehomes.Recitationratherthanfullystaged
performance becamethenorm,thekindofperformance longestablishedforthe
presentation of Latin literaryworks.This did not necessarilymake plays
designedforrecitation trivial.By the70s C.E., accordingto Tacitus,something
stillcalled tragedycould servetheprofoundly seriousand evenperilouscause
of CuriatiusMaternus:his Cato createda sensationwhen recitedprivately
beforean audience of friendsand was the talk of the town even beforea
polishedtextbegancirculating."This shiftto theprivatesphere,however,had
important consequencesfortragedyas a genre.
Maternus'nextplaywas to be a Thyestes, whichsuggeststhecollapseof
the old Republicandistinction betweenplays withRoman subjects(the so-
called praetextae)and those on Greekthemes.Praetextae,firstcreatedby
Naevius in the days of Hannibal,probablyhad politicalovertonesfromthe
beginning, but we do not knowwhentragediesin the Greekstylewere first
written to be topical.Thepoliticalovertones
thatstirred
crowdsatthetragicrevivals
ofthelateRepublic(above,n. 3) arenotattestedfortheoriginalproductionsofthose
plays,noris a politicalmessageeasilyimaginedforVarius'Thyestes in the20s.
AbuseofAgamemnon in a playbyMamercus AemiliusScaurusoffended Tiberius,
butit is impossible to knowwhether theplaywas politicalby designor whether
Scaurusmerelyfellvictimto Macro's maliciousimaginings.12 Matemus' plays
remainunique in the record.'3Politics,or politicsalone, does not explain
tragedy'senduring appealamongRomanaristocrats.

IITac. Dial. 2-3. The potency of suchtragedy is rightlystressedbyBartsch98-105.For

recitationin generalsee Mayor173-82,and forrecitation of specificallydramatic verse,
Zwierlein156-66.Williams303-6 observesthestylistic effectof recitationon poetry.The
spreadofroofedtheaters intheempiresuggests small-scale publicperformances as wellas the
privaterecitationsrecorded, forexample,by theyounger Pliny(Ep. 1.15.2,5.3.2,9.36.4),
whoseowntasteapparently rantowardcomedy(whichwas better forhis digestion).On the
development ofsmallpublictheaters, a topicthatmerits further
research,see Izenour.
12Forthepraetextae, see Wiseman1994: 12-20,challenged now on pointsof detailby
Flower.Lefevre1976: 15-20basedhisreconstruction ofVarius'Thyestes on a presumption
of politicalcontent, but neitherpresumption norreconstruction has won acceptance.Cf.
Jocelyn1978,Tarrant1979,andCova 19-23.ForScaurus,see Tac. Ann.6.29,D.C. 58.24,
Suet.Tib.61.
13Neither Maternus norhisplaysis otherwise attested,encouraging Bartsch 260-61n. 68 to
doubttheirhistoricity.The literaryclimateevokedby theDialogus,however, mustat least
havebeencongruent withtheexpectations ofTacitus'audience.

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274 SanderM. Goldberg

Nor does theirabidingadmirationforits style.EducatedRomanshad

always minedthe old tragicscriptsforliterary tags and purplepassages. We
know,forexample,of Republicantragedy'scapacityfordepictingviolentand
patheticemotionpreciselybecause these qualitiesattractedits laterreaders.
Thus Cicero's fondnessforquotingtragedyto illustrate momentsof madness
and rageis echoednearlytwocenturieslaterby Quintilian, who documents the
pointthatnobodywantsto appearas bad as he is withonlya passingallusionto
Sallust's Catiline, but explicit quotationof Varius' Thyestes: iam fero
infandissima,iam facere cogor (3.8.45). These allusions to classical
masterpieces,however,are littlemorethanstylistic Something
flourishes. more
is needed to explainwhyRoman aristocrats keptwritingtragedies,and why
plays writtenunderthe Caesars eventuallywon the enduringfame thatso
thoroughly eludedtheirpredecessors.
Besides itssomewhatfloridstyle,Republicantragedywas also knownfor
itsargumentative quality.This feature provedespeciallyattractiveand usefulto
rhetoricalwriters.In Cicero's youth,theanonymousauthoroftheRhetoricaad
Herennium culledillustrationsofgood andbad argument fromtragictexts(e.g.,
2.34-42), and Cicero himselfhad Crassus of de Oratoreillustratedifferent
stylesof deliverywitha longseriesof tragicquotations(3.217-19). Quintilian
notonlypraisedRomantragedyhighlyforits stylistic attractions
(cf. 10.1.97-
98) but extolled the thrust and of
parry Accius' dialogue. Yet Accius, he
reports,also knewthedifference betweenthestageand thecourtroom: "They
say thatAccius, when asked whyhe did not plead cases since his tragedies
showedsuch skillin repartee, gave thisexplanation, thatthethingssaid in his
playswerewhathe wantedto say, while in courthis opponentswouldsaywhat
he did notwantthemto say" (5.15.43). This was an important and
distinction,
notjust foreducators.It was preciselythisdistinction thatC. AlbuciusSilus,
one of the greatAugustandeclaimers,learnedto his cost whenhe unwisely
enteredthe rough-and-tumble of the centumviralcourt. He proposed an
extravagant oath,a well-knownrhetoricalfigure,only to have the opposing
counseltake him at his wordand expresshis client'swillingnessto swearit
(Sen. Con. 7 Prf.6-7, cf.9 Prf.2-5). Thatmiscalculation costAlbuciusboththe
case and his self-respect.No such mishap was possible in the declaimers'
debates.Nor could it happenin tragedy,
artificial whichhad becometheverse
equivalentof declamation.
The ubiquityof recitationas a mediumfor bringingliteratureto its
audiencedoubtlessencouragedthe assimilationof poetryto the demandsof

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 The Fall andRise ofRomanTragedy 275

display.This maywell have been the secretof Ovid's successwith

rhetorical
his Medea, whichapparently strucka happybalance betweeninspiration and
discipline.Quintilianquotes one of its sententiaewithapproval(Inst. 8.5.6:
servarepotui: perdere an possim rogas? ) and clearlyadmiredthe whole.14
Ovid was an accomplisheddeclaimer,and the declamatorystylemay have
seemedless contrivedin his tragedythanit sometimesappearedto readersof
hisepicandelegy.Thatmustremaina guess,butthecompatibility of declamation
and tragedyis certainin the case of Seneca. His plays are notjust generally
in stylebutspecifically
rhetorical declamatory in conception,and it is herethat
theeffectofrhetoricon tragedyis thereforeeasiestto measure.
III.
The rhetorical qualityof Senecantragedyis an old and yetneglectedscholarly
topos.Its modemhistorygoes backto Friedrich Leo, who devoteda sectionof
his Observationescriticaeof 1878 to whathe called "tragoediarhetorica."
Therehe set out to showhow a rhetorical influencedistinguishedtheplaysof
Seneca frombothhis Greekand Romanpredecessors."These are not really
tragedies,"he concluded,"butdeclamations patternedaftertragedyand divided
intoacts"(158). Because he thought therhetorical impulsehad a banefuleffect
on Latinliterature,Leo and his disciplesgenerallyconfinedtheirinvestigation
of its influenceto mattersof styleand thenfaultedSeneca forfulfilling their
expectations.15 The result could make ratherdry reading,and the more
sympathetic line of Senecan criticismthathas since emergedunderstandably
looks in other directions.Attentionto Seneca's philosophicalroots, for
example,has shownnotjust how Stoic vocabularyunderlieshis diction,but
how Stoicism furnisheda powerfulintellectualfoundationfor his tragic
constructions and insuredtheirlastingappeal (e.g., Braden,Lefevre 1985,
Rosenmeyer).Senecan drama,however,is not only philosophical:rhetorical
criticismshouldalso have something to say aboutthesubstanceof his tragedy.
Leo's basic perceptionof thetragoediarhetoricaremainstrue.The new point
to make is simplythatrhetoric'sinfluenceon tragedyextendsfarbeyondthe

14Inst.10.1.98:OvidiMedeavidetur mihiostendere quantumWile

virpraestarepotueritsi
ingeniosuo imperarequam indulgere maluisset.Cf. thecomments of Leo 148-49,Currie
2702-4,andArcellaschi 261-64.The elderSenecafoundtheplaysomewhat bookish,
fullof
Vergilianechoesthatproclaimed ratherthanconcealedthedebt(Suas. 3.7). ForOvidin the
declamationhall,see Sen.Con.2.2.8-12.
150fthestudiesdirectly fostered
byLeo's pioneering work,Canterremains mostvaluable
forits comprehensive examinationof Seneca's debtto rhetorical
practice.Bonner160-67
providesa usefuloverview.

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276 SanderM. Goldberg

tropes,figures,and sententiaethat Leo's studentscatalogued.Nor is that

influencenecessarilybaneful. Rather than simply observing,and then
dismissing,rhetoricas the source of mannerismsand verbal pyrotechnics
(thoughit was certainlythat),we mightproductivelyarguethatrhetoric-in
declamation-wasa positiveinfluenceon Romantragedybecause it
particular
assertedtheprimacyof languageover spectacle.The declamatory modelthat
shaped Seneca's idea of tragedytherebybroughtthe genre out of the
doldrumsthathad so exasperatedCiceroand Horace.To arguethis
intellectual
case requiresonlysome sympathy forthedeclamatory enterprise
and itseffect
on both the writingand the receptionof tragedy.Consider,forexample,a
famousSenecanmoment.
As we begin the last act of Thyestes,
Thyesteshas been fed his own
children'sflesh.Now Atreus,eagerto claimtherewardof his infamy, is about
to displayhis handiwork.
He ordershis servantsto unboltthepalace doorsand
revealthesceneoffeasting within.

turbafamularis,fores
templirelaxa,festapatefiat
domus.
libetvidere,capitanatorumintuens,
quosdetcolores,verbaquaeprimus dolor
effundataututspirituexpulsostupens
corpusrigescat.fructus
hicoperismeiest;
miserum viderenolo,seddumfitmiser. (901-7)

The curiousexpressionquos det colores, says RichardTarrant(1985: 219),

means"whatcomplexionhe shows (i.e., how his face turnsred and pale by
turns)."Atreusthusis saying,

Servants,loosenthepalace
doors,letthefestive houselieopen.
I wantto see,as he inspects
hischildrens'
heads,
whatcomplexion he shows,whatwordshisfirst
sorrow poursoutorhow,gaspingandshocked,
hisbodystiffens. Thisis therewardofmywork:
I wanttosee himnotwretched, butbecomingwretched.

Tarrant'sgloss is certainly butitis notcomplete.The wordcolorescan

correct,
refernotonlyto facialcomplexion.
Those schooledin rhetoric,whichof coursemeansbothSeneca and his
would
audience, also hear in color its technicalsense,i.e., thekindof plea a

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 The Fall andRise ofRomanTragedy 277

speakermakes,the line of argument,the"complexion"he putson thecase at

hand.Thoughnevermorethana loose assemblageof attitudes, postures,and
rationales,the colores were nevertheless to declamation,where
fundamental
successoftendependedon theaptand inventive twistsgivento familiar
topics
(Bonner 55-56; Fairweather166-78). Atreus, as he awaits Thyestes'
appearance,thus wonderswhat color he will assume and how originalits
applicationwillbe. We maythusalso hearhiswordslikethis:

tosee,as heinspects
I want hischildrens'
heads,
whatfaceheputsonthis:whatwordshisfirst
sorrow
pours outorhow,gaspingandshocked,
hisbodystiffens.

Ratherthanthinking in sequenceof Thyestes'expression,

words,and bearing,
Atreuswould be employinga muchtighterconstruction: the wordsand the
bearingcreatethecolor.16
Whichever waywe chooseto heartheexpression, thereis no doubtthata
Romanaudiencewould have sharedAtreus'curiosity, forThyestes'condition
was a famoustopos.By thefirstcenturyC.E., notonlyhad his banquetbecome
emblematic oftragedy,buthis impassionedresponseto itshorror had becomea
clich'.7 Seneca's father,
rhetorical forexample,representsangeras a distinctly
Thyesteancolor:

colorem
exaltera
parte,
quaedurior
est,Latroaiebathuncsequendum,
utgravissimarum
iniuriarum
inexorabilia
etardentia
induceremus
odia
Thyesteo
more...
Latrosaidthatontheotherside,whichis moredifficult,
we should
followthecolorof representing
unremitting
andpassionate hatred,
from
arising thegravest
injuries,
Thyestes-wise.
(Sen.Con.1.1.21,tr.
Winterbottom)

16For colorinthemetaphoric senseofa (good)complexion putonbehavior,cf.Quint.Inst.

3.8.44: dandusillis deformibus color.At 915-16 Atreususes the termmoreliterally in
referringtohisvictims'bloodatthebanquet:veteris huncBacchicolorabsconde.
17SoPorphyrio glossesthe Thyesteas precesof Hor.Epod 5.86 as diras exsecrationes
qualibusin tragoediisThyestes Atreumexsecratur. At Ars 2.3.91, the cena Thyestaeis
equatedwithtragedy itself(cf. 186); Cic. Tusc.4.77, quotingAccius,makesThyestes the
personification
ofira.

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278 SanderM. Goldberg

SmallwonderthatAtreusshouldwonder-or at leastSeneca's audienceshould

hearhimwondering-whatcoloresthisnewThyesteswillemploy.
Such conscious and even metatheatrical allusion to the contentand
techniqueof declamationhas two important ramificationsforthe appreciation
ofRomantragedy.The firstinvolvestheaudience. Modem readers,encouraged
in partbytheparodiesand sneerswe findin Petronius andJuvenal, tendto regard
declamationas a dryand staleexercise,or at bestas a sourceof effeteand even
immoralsophistries.Think,saysJuvenal(6.279-85), oftheunfaithful wife.

sediacetinservicomplexibus autequitis.'dic,
dicaliquemsodeshic,Quintiliane,colorem.'
haeremus.dicipsa.'olimconvenerat,'inquit
'utfacerestuquodvelles,necnonegopossem
indulgeremihi.clameslicetetmarecaelo
confundas,homosum.'nihilestaudaciusillis
iramatqueanimosa crimine
deprensis: sumunt.

Sheis lyinginthearmsofa slaveor(worse!)a banker.

givemesomecolor."
"Please,Quintilian,
We'restuck.Speakforyourself. "Weagreedlongago,"
shesays,"thatyoucoulddo as youlike,andI couldplease
myself.Rantonuntilyoubringheavendowntoearth.
I amhuman." Nothing thanwomen
is brasher
caughtintheact.Crimefeedstheirangerandtheirenergy.

This example is not wholly fictitious.The elder Seneca reportswhat was

a real case in whicha womanwas foundwitha handsomeslave in
apparently
herbedroom.Her husbanddivorcedherand prosecutedthe slave foradultery.
The wifedefendedtheslave.18"Therewas needforsomecolor," says Seneca in
discussing the ensuing arguments,"since she had been seen in the bedroom
with a slave and her husband" (Con. 2.1.34-36). He preserves several of the
colores employed on the occasion, not all of themas brazen as Juvenal's, along
with the spirited exchanges that followed. The victorious pleader (for the
husband, apparently)was Vallius Syriacus,whose wit earned greatapplause.
The case is interestingnot only forthe opportunityit affordsto compare
the handling of a topos in both literaryand rhetorical contexts. Seneca's
admiringanalysis of declaimersat work is a good antidoteto Juvenal's

in sucha case, presumably

18Forthe slave-defendant underthe lex Iulia de adulteriis
50 n. 132.I oweboththelegalexplanation
see Mette-Dittmann
coercendis, andthereference
toThomasMcGinn.

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 The Fall andRise ofRomanTragedy 279

cynicism,forthespectators'keenand enthusiasticresponseto theperformance

oftheadvocatesbeliesthepoet's chargeoftedium.Rhetoricaleducationforged
a commonbondbetweendeclaimersand audiences.Laughter, shouts,applause,
sharp retorts,and sudden interruptions were everydayoccurrencesin the
declamationhall. Declamationbeforeadultaudiences-school exerciseswere
somethingelse again-was a boisterousexercise,withcheersto greetevery
effectivegestureand cleverturnof phraseand hecklersreadyto deridethe
unwaryand the inept,a spectatorsportforhighlyengagedspectators.'9 To
watcha Cestiusor Latroperform was notjust like watchinga mastertakethe
stage,butlikewatchinghimperform thepiece youyourselfplayedlastweekor
had struggledto playin youryouth.
In recalling that bond, Atreus' allusion to his brother'scolores
encouragesa similartie betweenthe play and its audience.Reading Seneca
rhetoricallyrequiresus not just to recognizecertainmannerismsand their
sourcesbutto sethistextagainsta backgroundofsharedexperiencesthatunites
speakerswho are reachingas faras theycan withspectatorsfullypreparedto
applaudtheirsuccessesand mocktheirfailures.20 The atmospherewouldthus
have been livelyand highlycharged.Rhetoricbecomesa sourceof energy,not
tedium.Let us then rejoin Atreusand his audience as theydiscoverwhat
coloresThyestesdoes in factemploy.
It is notthecolorof "unremitting and passionatehatred."WhenThyestes
appears,he at firstpersistsin thinking
he has shareda banquetofreconciliation,
and he is therefore perplexedand confusedby his own sense of foreboding
(965-69). This weakness extendsthroughout the revelationof catastrophe.
Thoughneverat a loss forwords-he willhavethreeemotionalspeechesinthe
scene to come (1006-21, 1035-51, 1068-96)-his words consistently lack
power. Appeals to heaven are unanswered,and his brotheris of course
unmoved.Atreushimselfspeakscomparatively little(his one longishspeechat
1052-68 is an aside),buthiswordsareviciousintheirtaunting, riddlingstyle.

19Forthecheers,cf.Sen. Con. 2.13.19,9 Prf.2, Quint.2.2.9-12,8.5.13-14;forcriticism

andheckling,Sen.Con.2.4.12-13,3 Prf.16.
20Whether thisaudiencewas notionalorrealandwhether theplayswerewritten withfull
stageperformance in mindhardlymatter, though(as faras I can see) nothing
muchis added
to theeffectof a Senecanplayby a visualcomponent or lostby its absence.For careful
roastingofthisSenecanchestnut, see Fantham 34-49 andBraden230-31 n. 14; theissueis
examined froma different
perspectivebySutton57-62.

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280 SanderM. Goldberg

THYESTES

reddeiamnatosmihi! 997

ATREUS

ettibiillosnulluseripiet
reddam, dies.

Expediamplexus, pater; 1004

venere.natosecquidagnoscistuos?

THYESTES

agnoscofratrem...

frater
hicfratremrogo: 1027
sepelireliceat.reddequodcernasstatim
uri;nihiltegenitorhabiturusrogo,
sedperditurus.

ATREUS

quidquide natistuis
superest nonsuperest
habes,quodcumque habes.

THYESTES

utrumne saevispabulumalitibusiacent,
anpascuntferas?
an beluisscinduntur,

ATREUS

epulatusipsees impianatosdape.

THYESTES

Givemebackmysons!

ATREUS

So I shall:no daywillevertakethemfrom
you.

Prepare Father.
yourembrace,
yoursons?
Theyhavecome.Do yourecognize

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 The Fall andRise ofRomanTragedy 281

THYESTES

I recognize
mybrother...

... I ask mybrotherthisas a brother:

Allowtheirburial.Returnwhatyouwillstraightaway
see
burned;I askyouas a father
notforsomething
tohave
buttolose.

ATREUS

You havewhatremains
of
yoursons,andwhatdoesnotremain
youhave.

THYESTES

Do theylie exposedas foodforsavagebirds,

oraretheytornapartbybeasts,ornourish wildthings?

ATREUS

You haveyourself
madean impiousbanquetofyoursons.

Atreus' desire to see Thyestesnot just wretchedbut becomingwretched

(miserum viderenolo,sed dumfitmiser,907) necessitatesthisslow,deliberate,
and inexorableprogresstowardthe truth.Thyestesis almostchildlikein his
dependenceandpitifulin theignorance whichAtreusso cruellymocks.His one
potentiallygreatretort,agnoscofratrem, is foundedon error:he does notyet
knowhis brother. He will notknowhimfullyuntilAtreusspellsouttheextent
ofhis crimeboldlyandunequivocally at 1034.Andwhathappensthen?Stillno
ardentiaodia, but only morevain appeals and a strikingly weak sententia,
en
genitor natospremo/premorque natis(1050-51). Thereareevenmoreturns
of the screwto come untilAtreus,satisfiedat last,proclaimshis satisfaction:
perdideramscelus,nisisic doleres(1097-98).
All thisanguishand all thishorrorare broughtaboutentirelyby Atreus'
abilityto manipulatespeech.Whatcould have been a culminating action,the
displayof thechildren'sheads and handsat 1004, is deliberatelyundercutby
Thyestes'ignoranceof all thattheserelics imply.The bare factof kindred
murderis nottheissue of maximumimportance: thisis onlyhalftheexpected
revelation.We are still waitingforThyestes'discoverythathe has himself
committed the finaloutrageagainstnature.Yet Seneca deliberatelypostpones
thatdecisivemoment.The effecton Thyestesof his children'sdeathremains

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282 SanderM. Goldberg

incompleteat 1004 and is forthisreasondecidedlyunclassical.Consider,by

wayofcontrast,twootherpossiblearrangements ofthediscovery.
As Aristotle pointedout,themosteffective recognitions combineobjects
and actions to reveal simultaneously both a fact and its fuillsignificance:
anagnorisis,to use the technicalterms,then bringsabout peripeteia (Po.
55a20). The ghoulishdisplayof Thyestescouldcertainly have workedthisway.
Thatis how Herodotusorchestrated a similarrevelationin tellingthe storyof
Astyages' revengeon Harpagus for saving the infantCyrus. Harpagus is
entertainedat dinnerandthenorderedto liftthelid oftheremaining dish,which
conceals the head, hands,and feetof his only son: "As he kept controlof
himselfand didnotlose his headat thedreadfulsight,Astyagesaskedhimifhe
knewwhatanimalit was whose fleshhe had eaten. 'I know,my lord,' was
Harpagus'reply....Hesaid no otherword,but took up whatremainedof the
fleshand wenthome" (1.119). Ovid in theMetamorphoses replacedthe quiet
poignancyof Harpagus'anguishwithsomething moreenergetic. WhenTereus,
havingcompletedhis equallyhorridmeal,asks forhis son Itys,Procnereplies
witha riddleandPhilomelawithan action(6.655-59):

'Intushabes,quemposcis'ait.circumspicit
ille
atqueubisitquaerit...
ItyosquecaputPhilomela
prosiluit cruentum
misitinorapatris...

"You haveinsidewhomyouseek,"shesays.He looks

aroundand asks wherehe is...
UpjumpedPhilomela andhurled
Itys'bloodyhead
intohisfather's
face...

Tereusat once leaps fromthetable,clutchinghis middle.His recognition

and
aresimultaneous
reversalof fortune andcomplete.
Seneca doubtlesshad this second example in mind: Atreus' riddle
(quidquide natistuissuperesthabes...) is buta heightenedversionofProcne's.
The pace of discoveryin Seneca is nevertheless He separatesthe
verydifferent.
pitifulremnants of thecrimefromthebanquettheysupplied,and his Thyestes,
unlikeTereus,is too slow-witted and ineffectiveto see unaidedtheconnection
betweenthem.Like thephantomopponentof a declamation, he remainsonlya
foil. Atreusalone controlsthe pace of recognition.He is very much the
impresario,andhe is helpedimmeasurably bythefactthathis victim,againlike
the imaginaryadversariesof declamatorydebate,says only what suits his

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 The Fall andRise ofRomanTragedy 283

purpose.Thoughtheexerciseof realpowerwas whatenabledAtreusto punish

his brother by killinghis children,
it was rhetorical
powerthatgrantedhis true
wish,whichwas to watchThyestesbecomewretchedin consequenceof that
act. This formidable contrivanceinsuresthatthehorrorwill lie notin thedeed
but in its revelation.The resultingintellectualtensionspringsdirectlyfrom
Seneca's effortto understand theforceshe observedat workin theworldin the
termsthathis educationhadprovided.
The success of this new formulahad a profoundeffecton tragedy
because rhetorichad given Seneca notjust a technicalskill-the choice of
colores and dexterityin manipulating the languagethatcreatesthem-but
confidencein thepowerof thatmanipulation. Actionbecamesecondarywhen
the dramatist could describeeffectively whatmightthen,perhapsmercifully,
remainunseen.2'This new relianceon languagereversedthetendencytoward
actionand spectaclewe saw developingin Cicero's day. The balancebetween
seen andunseenactioncharacteristic of Greekdramahad tiltedsignificantlyby
the end of the Republic as technicalcapabilitiesgrew and popular tastes
changed.The inevitableresultwas notjust theimmensemuletrainof Accius'
Clytemnestra buttheeventualfloodingoftheorchestra to accomodateseafights
and the bizarre,oftengruesometableauxof the laterPrincipate(Suet. Nero
12.2, cf. Coleman67-73). In theprocess,literary dramaceased to be popular
entertainment. This loss of a popularaudiencecould have spelledthe end of
tragedyas it certainlyspelled the end of comedy,but it did not.22Tragedy
insteadtook on a new life in a new environment by reclaimingits literary
heritageandbecomingonce againa vehicleforseriousliterary endeavor.

Thisinvestigation beganwithCicero's dismayat a publicshow.A fittingendis

Claudius' delightat a privateone. Whilewalkingone day on thePalatine,says
Pliny,theemperorwas stoppedin his tracksby a clamorin thevicinity.When
he learnedthatthe sourceof thecommotionwas a recitation by Nonianus,he

2IThuseven the infamousfinaleof Phaedra(1247ff.),whereTheseusreassembles the

brokenbodyofhisson,is lessremarkableforghoulishdisplay-wedo notnecessarilysee or
needto see whatTheseussees-thanforthewretched father's
(verbal)processofrecognition
andlament.
22Comedy did not becomerhetorical,
and so it did notcome to excitethearistocratic
imaginationas tragedy
did.Fortherhetoricians'
useofcomedy, see Goldberg.

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284 SanderM. Goldberg

headedstraight fortheroomandtooka seat.23The storyremindsus boththata

recitationcould be thoughta pleasureand thatit was not a sedate occasion.
Applause in the Roman world,the kind of clamor that caught Claudius'
attentionacrossthePalatine,meantnothand-clapping or eventable-rapping but
loud shoutsofpulchre!,bene!,and recte!24 Nor was Claudius' enthusiasm for
recitationsunusual. Though Martial may complain of their tedium, large,
enthusiastic,and responsiveaudienceseagerlyheardand passed judgmenton
the latestworksof poetryand history.25 Whentragedyabandonedthe public
stagefortheprivatehall, it therefore gainedat least as muchas it lost. Once
language founda way to eclipse spectacle,dramatists were freeto portray
emotionaland intellectual to themassivetheaters
problemsill-suited ofPompey
and Marcellus.And thoseproblemswerenottrivial.CuriatiusMatemuscould
be thought friends
to electrify witha readingofhis Cato,and evenaftertragedy
had lostthatpoliticalcharge,itspsychologicalpowersurvivedthroughSeneca
to capturetheimagination of theRenaissanceand reintroduce thetragicgenre
to the modemworld.As GordonBradenobserves,"The Renaissancegoes to
Seneca ratherthanto the Greeksnot because Greek is harderto learn,but
because of seriousinterest in thestorywhichSenecanrhetoric is suitedto tell"
(68). Thatis no smallachievement, andLatinscholarship woulddo well to take
noteof it. Declamatoryrhetoric may(thoughI thinkwrongly)be thescholar's
despair,but itwas certainlythesalvationoftragedy.

23Plin.Ep. 1.13.3. The settingwas presumably the Domus Tiberiana.M. Servilius

Nonianus,Persius'patron, was a distinguished Cf. his deathnoticein
oratorand historian.
Tac.Ann.14.19.
24SoHor.Ars 428. Otherfavorite shoutsof approvalincludedbelle,Ei'yE, and ocpCbS,
whichis whyPlin.Ep. 2.14.5callshiredclaquersCOcpOKXEl. TestimoniainMayor177-79.
25With barbsas Mart.2.88,8.20,and 11.52,contrast
suchcharacteristic Plin.Ep. 5.3.8-11
onthevalueofrecitation,althoughhetooknew(andwroteof)itsoccasionaltedium.

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 The Fall andRise ofRomanTragedy 285

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