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Marsha Moore 1

The Impact of Race on Workplace Discrimination

Introduction

Employment discrimination on the basis of race, color, sex, or ethnic origin is

prohibited by law (Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964). Over the past forty years,

progress has been made toward ending discriminatory employment practices (Barnard &

Rapp, 2005). However, employment discrimination still exists according to the 2012 United

States Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) data summary report, there were

over 33,000 charges of alleged race-based discrimination, accounting for 33.7% of all charges

filed (EEOC 2012). With the current laws in place that forbid racial discrimination in the

workplace, this leads to further investigation of its continued existence. The present study

seeks to analyze the impact race may have on feelings of discrimination in the workplace.

Minority employees within an organization that encounter racial discrimination related

to the reasons above, are more than likely to view their careers as unpromising and

unrewarding, compared to those from the controlling or dominant group (Greenhaus,

Parasuraman & Wormley 1990). In this particular instance, Greenhaus et al., (1990), referred to

White administrators as the dominant group. Perceived discrimination on the basis of race, in

the workplace has a number of negative outcomes and presumed important indicators that link

feelings of racial discrimination to poor employee performance, employee attitudes,

organizational commitment, and job satisfaction (Volpone & Avery 2013). This lends empirical

importance to the current research and is thus important to examine how perceived racial

discrimination in the workplace may exist and how employees are impacted.
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While the current research focuses on perceived discrimination in the workplace based

on race, it is important to discuss conditions under which individuals come to identify

workplace experiences as racial discriminatory practices. Of equal importance, it is the

employers responsibility in regards to racial discrimination to ensure that the best practices

are in place to diminish the possibility of it occurring (EEOC 2012). In general, it has been

theorized that Blacks encounter workplace discrimination at a greater rate than do Whites

(Deitch, et. al 2003). Despite the aforementioned regarding employer responsibility, prior

research revealed employees experiencing workplace racial discrimination generally claim

differential treatment at 56%, compared to White employees (Light, Roscigno & Kalev,

2011). Differential treatment claims range from denied or lack of opportunity for promotion,

wrongful (biased) termination for rule violations, to being asked to take on job responsibilities

that other employees are not asked to perform (Light et. al, 2011). Earlier research has

focused on the effects of racial discrimination in the workplace as it relates to training;

promotions, wage increases, layoffs, terminations and diminished opportunities for career

development as well as the absence of psychosocial platform from administrators (Light, et.

al, 2011).

Literature Review

Past literature and research has examined the relationship between race and

discrimination in the workplace based on modern racist attitudes, and differential treatment

(Light et al., 2011; Greenhaus et al., 1990; Deitch et al., 2003; Breif, Buttram, Reizenstein,

Pugh, Callahan, McCline & Vaslow 1997; Volpone & Avery, 2013; Roscigno, Williams &

Byron 2012). While the relationship between race and workplace discrimination is an

important subject for many reasons, the present study seeks to examine the ways in which the
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literature suggests discriminatory practices in the work environment contribute to perceptions

of race discrimination among employees.

Modern Racist Attitudes

Despite the laws that prohibit discrimination against an individual because of his or her

race, racism still exists. Racial attitudes have taken on a subtler form due to political and legal

changes that discourage overt discrimination in the workplace (Deitch et al., 2003). Scholars

argue that the current laws and EEOC guidelines deter Whites from overt discriminatory acts

in the workplace but replaced by subtle everyday forms of discrimination that can be

overlooked (Deitch et al., 2003). The EEOC also asserts that harassment in the form of racial

slurs, offensive remarks or racially-offensive symbols is illegal in the work environment

(EEOC 2012). However, Light et al., (2011) reported a case in which a Black male filed

racial discrimination charges against his employer of sixteen years, claiming that a six page

letter with 114 racial jokes and various monkey pictures including one of him circulated the

company for more than one year. The impact of everyday racism is believed to be equally

if not more hazardous to those victimized than overt racism (Deitch et al., 2003).

The new racist does not overtly take part in prejudice behaviors such as making racial

comments, but rather more subtle forms such as, avoiding blacks, failing to provide

assistance, and having little to no communication at all (Deitch, et. al 2003). Studies have

shown a consistent form of racial discrimination in the workplace on the basis of nonverbal

behaviors and helping (Deitch et al., 2003). Also, people holding these new racial attitudes are

believed to refrain from discriminatory actions unless such racial attitudes can be justified

(Brief et al. 1997). For example, the new racist will not blatantly reject a Black candidate

for a position in sales because of a personal preference not to work with blacks, but rather will
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justify the decision to do so because the customer population is predominantly White and

therefore customers would be more responsive to a White sales person (Brief et al. 1997).

Such justifications may allow the new racists to act on their negative perceptions of Blacks

(Brief et al. 1997).

Because overt racism is outlawed, individuals may be less willing to divulge their true

feelings on race in workplace studies. Research on racial discrimination in the workplace has

shown mixed results, either concluding that Blacks are often treated unfairly compared to

Whites, or that Blacks are treated equally if not better than Whites (Brief et al., 1997). A

closer review of the findings indicated evidence of social desirability: if during the study

Whites suspect their racial attitudes are under scrutiny, they will treat Blacks fairly, but if the

purpose of the study was hidden, Whites openly displayed their negative feelings towards

Blacks (Breif et al., 1997). Therefore, Brief, et al., (1997) asserts that negative racial attitudes

are restrained in the event of being identified as a racist.

Differential treatment

As an example of everyday racism, employees who feel they have been discriminated

against in the workplace often claim differential treatment (Light et al., 2011). Differential

treatment claims made by employees range from lack of training and wrongful termination to

being overlooked for promotions and salary increases (Light et al., 2011). When members of

a particular group are overlooked despite the ability to perform job related skills, this is a form

of treatment discrimination (Greenhaus et al., 2011). As a result, such organizational

experiences are believed to negatively impact the careers of those individuals on the receiving

end and their job experiences are less favorable than the job experiences encountered by the

dominant group (Greenhaus et al., 2011). Minority group members, who recognize they are
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sorted in jobs with others that are racially similar, as well as the lack of resources and

opportunity for growth, become aware of unequal treatment and thus feel discriminated

against because of their race (Stainback & Irvin 2011).

Scholars generally agree that an unreasonable amount of minority workers occupy low-

wage jobs with limited opportunity for growth (as cited in Kluegel, 1978; Tomaskovic-Devey,

1993; Wilson, 1997). According to the Census Bureau, in 1993 Blacks earned less than

Whites in all jobs at all levels (Brief et al., 1997). Although in 1993 the U.S. Census Bureau

reported Blacks made up 12% of the population, Blacks made up less than 5% in management

ranks and less than 1% of senior executives (Brief et al., 1997). One reason why this may

occur is that race and ethnicity influence the employer biased attitudes (individual,

organizational and social) toward minorities in the decision-making process (Spivack, 2005).

Opportunities for career growth within an organization are unlikely among minority

groups because Whites in the role of mentor and sponsor are less likely to promote career

development unless those selected are similar to themselves (Greenhaus & Wormley 1990; as

cited in Illgen and Youtz 1986; Kanter 1979). In support of such claims (as cited in Pager,

Western & Bonikowski 2009) Whites with criminal records were more likely to receive call

backs for employment than blacks without criminal records (Roscigno, Williams & Byron

2012). Both past and present researchers (as cited in Baldi & McBrier, 1997; Grodsky &

Pager, 2001; Smith, 2001; Wilson, Tienda, & Wu, 1995; Xu & Leffler, 1992) concede that

differential access to employment and positions of organizational authority is important, and

has significant consequences for workplace earning and rewards (Roscigno, et al. 2012). A

review of the literature suggests that workplace racism is an ongoing concern among minority

groups. It may be acceptable to say that the continuation of racial discrimination is due to new
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modern racist attitudes, and the practice of differential treatment. Based on what the literature

says about racial discrimination in the workplace I hypothesize that Whites are less likely than

other racial minority groups to feel discriminated because of race in the workplace.

Hypothesis

Whites are less likely than those belonging to ethnic minority groups (African-

Americans, and others) to feel discriminated against in the workplace because of race.

Sample

This study relies on data from the General Social Survey (GSS), 2012. The data was

collected in 2012 via a landline telephone survey, face-to-face interview, and computer-

assisted personal interview (CAPI). The sample consisted of English and Spanish speaking

persons 18 years of age or older residing in private (non-institutionalized) settings within the

United States. A total of 1,974 individuals were chosen using cross-sectional and rotating

panel designs. The overall response weight was 70%.

Measures

Dependent Variable: Workplace Discrimination

Workplace discrimination was measured using the question, Do you feel in anyway

discriminated against on your job because of your race or ethnic origin? This variable was

dichotomous with yes and no response categories.

Independent Variable: Race

Race was measured using the question, What is your race? This variable was

categorical using the following responses: white, black, and other.

Control Variables

This study also takes age, education, gender, and region into account.
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Statistical Methods

This study utilizes logistic regression because the dependent variable is dichotomous.

Results

Results showed that whites are less likely than blacks and others to feel discriminated

against in the workplace because of their race or ethnic origin.

Bivariate Analyses

The cross-tabulations listed in Table 1 indicates that whites are less likely to feel

discriminated against because of their race or ethnic origin (96%), while blacks (16.4%) and

others (15.4%) are more likely to feel discriminated against in the workplace because of their

race.

Multivariate Analyses

Consistent with the bivariate findings reported in Table 1, the logistic regression

reported in Table 2 indicates that whites and others are less likely than blacks to feel

discriminated against in the workplace because of their race. (However, there is no significant

relationship between other races and feelings of discrimination in the workplace). Table 2

also indicates that whites living in the New England region of the United States are less likely

to feel discriminated against in the workplace because of their race than those living in the

middle and south Atlantic, east and west north central, east and west south central and the

mountain and pacific regions of the United States. Table 2 also indicates that age, education,

gender and regional location matters as it relates to individual perception of racial

discrimination in the workplace.

Discussion
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The purpose of this study was to investigate the impact of race on perceptions of

workplace discrimination. Similar to past studies, Whites are less likely than Blacks and

other minorities to perceive racial discrimination in the workplace. The over-representation

of Whites in authoritative job roles and minorities in low paying jobs may help explain why

Whites are less likely than ethnic minorities to feel discriminated against in the workplace

(Greenhaus & Wormley, 1990).

Research has shown that Blacks and other minority groups encounter differential

treatment to a greater extent (Spivack, 2005). As discussed earlier, Whites represent the

majority of the workforce and hold higher ranked positions than minorites. The

representations of Whites in higher positions in the workplace may contribute to biased

employer attitudes during the decision making process (Spivack, 2005), possibly because

Whites choose to promote those that are in likeness to themselves from similar backgrounds

and social groups (Greenhaus & Wormley 1990). It is necessary to understand how modern

racism and differential treatment in the workplace impact the opportunity for career

advancement among minorities (Stainback & Irvin 2011).

The continued existence of racial discriminatory practices in the work place (EEOC)

may possibly be explained by what numerous researchers have termed subtle or modern

racism. The theory that overt blatant racism has been replaced by a new more subtle is segue

into the new racist attitude. Whites are believed to refrain from blatant racist acts or

remarks replaced by indirect acts such as avoidance of Blacks, refusal to provide assistance,

and little to no communication at all (Deitch, Chan, Butz, Breif, Bradley & Barsky 2003).

This supports the new racist attitude that their views are because they are latent, are without

prejudice (Deitch, et. al 2003). This may also explain why in the past research has revealed
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mixed results on racial discrimination in the workplace (Brief, Buttram, Reizenstein, Punch,

Callahan, McCline & Vaslow 1997).

Past research has mainly focused on the impact of racial discrimination as it relates to

opportunity for career development, termination, promotion and wage. Further research is

needed to assess outcomes of workplace racial discrimination on the well being of minority

groups as it relates to personal life both physically and emotionally. In addition, the evidence

provided that Whites are less likely to encounter racial discrimination than minority groups

and the more than 33,000 charges of alleged race-based discrimination (EEOC 2012) imply

racism is an ongoing concern. These findings are testimony to this studys hypothesis that

Whites are less likely than those belonging to ethnic minority groups (African-Americans, and

others) to feel discriminated against in the workplace because of race.

References

Brief, Arthur P., Buttram, Robert T., Reizenstein, Robin M., Pugh S. D., Callahan, Jodi

D., McCline, Richard L., and Vaslow, Joel B. 1997. Beyond Good Intentions: The

Next Steps toward Racial Equality in the American Workplace. The Academy of

Management Executive, (1993 2005), Vol. 11, No. 4(Nov., 1997), pp. 59-72.

Deitch, Elizabeth A., Barsky, Adam, Butz, Rebecca M., Chan, Suzanne, Breif, Arthur, P.,

and Bradley, Jill, C. 2003. Subtle Yet Significant: The Existence and Impact of

Everyday Racial Discrimination in the Workplace. Human Relations, 56:1299

Greenhaus, Jeffrey C., Parasuraman, Saroj, Wormley, Wayne, M. 1990. Effects Of Race

on Organizational Experiences, Job Performance Evaluations, and Career Outcomes.

Academy of Management Journal, Vol. 33(1), pp. 64-86.

Light, Ryan, Roscigno, Vincent, J., and Kalev, Alexandra 2001. Racial Discrimination,
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Interpretation, and Legitimation at Work. The Annals of the American Academy

Of Political and Social Science, 634: 39.

Roscigno, Vincent, J., Garcia, Lisette, M., and Bobbit-Zher, Donna 2007. Social Closure

and Processes of Race/Sex Employment Discrimination. The Annals of the American

Academy of Political and Social Science, 609:16

Stainback, Kevin, and Irvin, Matthew 2011. Workplace racial composition, perceived

Discrimination, and organizational attachment. Social Science Research, 41: 657-670.

Spivack, Sidney, S. (2005, June). Race, Ethnicity, and the American Labor Market:

Whats at Work? American Sociological Association. Retrieved October 31, 2013, from

http://www2.asanet.org/centennial/race_ethnicity_labormarket

Volpone, Sabrina, D., and Avery, Derek, R. 2013. Its Self Defense: How Perceived

Discrimination Promotes Employee Withdrawal. Journal of Occupational Health

Psychology, 18(4): 430-438.

U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (2013). Facts About Race/Color

Discrimination. Retrieved October 31, 2013 from

http://www1.eeoc.gov//eeoc/publications/fs-race.cfm?renderforprint=1

Race/Color Discrimination. Retrieved October 31, 2013 from

http://www.1.eeoc.gov//laws/types/race_color.cfm?renderforprint=1

Table 1: Bivariate Analysis: Cross Tabulations

Race Feels Discriminated Because of Race


Yes No
White 4% 96%
Black 16.4% 83.6%
Other 15.4% 84.6%
N=1974
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Table 2: Multivariate Analysis: Logistic Regression

Feels Discriminated Because of Race


Independent Variable: Race
White 1.522**
Other Race .037
Control Variables:
New England 1.408
Age .-.005
Education .051
Female .102
N 1974
*<.05, **<.01

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