You are on page 1of 245

Preacher of Grace

Studies in the History of


Christian Traditions

General Editor

Robert J. Bast
Knoxville, Tennessee

In cooperation with

Paul C.H. Lim (Nashville, Tennessee)


Eric Saak (Liverpool)
Christine Shepardson (Knoxville, Tennessee)
Brian Tierney (Ithaca, New York)
Arjo Vanderjagt (Groningen)
John Van Engen (Notre Dame, Indiana)

Founding Editor

Heiko A. Oberman

VOLUME 177

The titles published in this series are listed at brill.com/shct


Preacher of Grace
A Critical Reappraisal of Augustines Doctrine of Grace
in his Sermones ad Populum on Liturgical Feasts and
During the Donatist Controversy

By

Anthony Dupont

LEIDEN | BOSTON
Cover illustration: Breviary of John the Fearless, Paris, France, 14131419, from the circle of the Humilities
Master. MS Harley 2897, f.157v. Courtesy The British Library Board.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Dupont, Anthony.
Preacher of grace : a critical reappraisal of Augustines doctrine of grace in his Sermones ad populum on
liturgical feasts and during the Donatist controversy / by Anthony Dupont.
pages cm. -- (Studies in the history of Christian traditions, ISSN 1573-5664 ; VOLUME 177)
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-90-04-27863-9 (hardback : alk. paper) 1. Augustine, Saint, Bishop of Hippo. Sermones ad
populum. 2. Grace (Theology)--History of doctrines--Early church, ca. 30-600. 3. Fasts and feasts--Sermons.
4. Church year sermons. 5. Donatists. 6. Church history--Primitive and early church, ca. 30-600. I. Title.

BR65.A85D875 2014
234--dc23
2014020985

This publication has been typeset in the multilingual Brill typeface. With over 5,100 characters covering
Latin, ipa, Greek, and Cyrillic, this typeface is especially suitable for use in the humanities.
For more information, please see www.brill.com/brill-typeface.

issn 1573-5664
isbn 978-90-04-27863-9 (hardback)
isbn 978-90-04-27864-6 (e-book)

Copyright 2014 by Koninklijke Brill nv, Leiden, The Netherlands.


Koninklijke Brill nv incorporates the imprints Brill, Brill Nijhoff, Global Oriental and Hotei Publishing.
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system,
or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise,
without prior written permission from the publisher.
Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by Koninklijke Brill nv provided
that the appropriate fees are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive,
Suite 910, Danvers, ma 01923, usa.
Fees are subject to change.

This book is printed on acid-free paper.


Contents

Acknowledgementsix

Introduction1

1 Christological Feasts7
1 Christmas9
a Secondary Literature for Christmas9
b Primary Literature for Christmas (ss. 140, 184196A, 369, 370,
?371?, ?372?)12
1 Christological Themes12
2 Grace on Christmas17
2 Epiphany22
a Secondary Literature for Epiphany22
b Primary Literature for Epiphany (ss. 199204A; 373375)24
1 Jews versus Gentiles24
2 The Grace of Faith and of Christ25
3 Easter Period29
a Secondary Literature for the Easter Period29
b Primary Literature for the Easter Period35
1 Good Friday (The Passion of the Lord: ss. 218218C)35
2 Easter Vigil (ss. 219223K)37
Vigil37
Grace40
3 Easter Day and the Easter Octave (ss. 224260E, 272, 320, 375ABC,
376, 376A)41
Eucharist44
Baptism47
Biblical Themes49
Two Catches of Fish49
Creation51
Peters Denial52
Noli me tangere53
The Physicality of Christ54
The Grace of Christ55
The Imitation of Christ59
Sin61
Grace63
vi Contents

4 Ascension65
a Secondary Literature for Ascension65
b Primary Literature for Ascension68
1 Overviews of the Ascension Sermones68
Sermo 26168
Sermo 26269
Sermo 263 [Sermo Guelferbytanus 21]69
Sermo 263A [Sermo ab A. Mai editus 98]70
Sermo 26471
Sermo 26573
Sermo 265A [Sermo a F. Liverani editus 8]75
Sermo 265B [Sermo in bibliotheca Casinensus editus 2, 7677]76
Sermo 265C [Sermo Moriniani ex collectione
Guelferbytana 20]77
Sermo 265D [Sermo a G. Morin editus 17]77
Sermo 265E [Sermo a C. Lambot editus 16]79
Sermo 265F [Sermo a C. Lambot editus 25]80
Sermo 37780
2 Content Analysis of the Sermones on Ascension80
Ascension Themes80
Polemical Elements83
Human Sin and Divine Grace84
5 Conclusion86

2 Pentecost90
1 Thematic Overview93
a Sermones without Explicit Reference to Pentecost: ss. 29, 29A, 29B
& 272, 272A93
b Sermones with Explicit Reference to Pentecost: ss. 266, 267, 268, 269,
270, 271, 272B97
2 Content Analysis109
a Grace in Augustines Pentecost Sermones109
1 Grace in General Vague References109
2 Digitus Dei110
3 Grace in Specific Aspects of Anti-Pelagian Doctrine of
Grace120
b Hoonderts Evaluation122
1 Authenticity of Sermo 378 Reconsidered122
2 Clearly Distinguished Anti-Donatist and Anti-Pelagian
Sermones?125
C ontents vii

3 Conclusion127
4 Addendum I: Localization and Chronology of the Pentecost
Sermones127
5 Addendum II: Overview of Pentecostes in Augustines Writings132

3 Martyrs137
1 Augustines Thinking and Preaching on Martyrs137
2 Anti-Donatist Sermones ad Populum143
3 Anti-Pelagian Sermones ad Populum148
a An Overview148
b Sermo 299152
c Sermo 335B155
4 General Conclusion159

4 Sermones Relating to the Donatist Controversy160


1 Sin164
a Sinners also Have a Place within the One Church164
b The Sin of Breaking Ecclesial Unity168
c The Sin of Pride171
2 Anti-Donatist Treatment of Baptism and the Administers
of Baptism173
3 Grace178
a Not Explicitly Anti-Donatist179
1 Forgiving, Healing, Restoring Grace179
2 Grace as Medicine against Pride180
3 The Grace of the Christian Faith Gratia Fidei184
4 Assisting Grace Gratia Christi189
b Explicitly Anti-Donatist189
1 Christ versus Adam189
2 Law versus Grace191
3 Forgiving Grace192
4 Unmerited Grace against Pride193
5 Assisting Grace194
4 Conclusion196

General Conclusions199

Bibliography205
Index of Scriptural Quotes223
Index to the Works of Augustine228
Index to Modern Authors233
ix

Acknowledgements

The present monograph is the fruit of my postdoctoral research. Hence,


I would first of all like to thank the institutions which made this research pos-
sible: the Research Foundation Flanders for granting me my postdoctoral man-
dates, ku Leuven and its Faculty of Theology and Religious Studies for creating
an excellent study environment, and the Maurits Sabbe Library and the
Augustinian Historical Institute as real Patristic research laboratories. I owe
gratitude to many scholars in Leuven, Belgium and abroad, for their interest in
my work, for their useful suggestions and elucidating insights. In particular
I would like to express my deep appreciation for three ku Leuven professors,
who were and still are great teachers in Christian Antiquity, dynamic sound-
boards, and cherished friends: Mathijs Lamberigts, Johan Leemans, and Gert
Partoens.
The general editor of Studies in the History of Christian Traditions, prof.
Dr. Robert J. Bast, its dedicated and efficient managing editor Ivo Romein, and
the two anonymous reviewers deserve words of praise for their excellent work
and stimulating contributions. I am likewise grateful to Carrie Schumacher
and Manjusha Chandrasekaran for their diligent help in rendering this
manuscript.
My final and most precious words of thanks are devoted to my wife, Sigrid:
thank you for being you and for all that you mean to me.
Introduction

When the elderly and Greek-speaking bishop Valerius of Hippo was in need of
an eloquent preacher, he appointed the former professor of rhetoric Augustine
(354430) as priest. Valerius gave Augustine as priest the (at that time) excep-
tional authorization to preach, a heretofore unheard of assignment for a non-
bishop. When Augustine succeeded Valerius as bishop of Hippo, he considered
this ministerium sermonis one of his most important episcopal duties. His
solicitude to deliver good sermons is testified to by his roughly 800 preserved
sermons, which represent probably a mere ten percent of the sermons he actu-
ally gave. Moreover, he composed model sermons, intended for use by other
preachers, and a handbook on how to preach (modus praedicandi, described in
book 4 of De doctrina christiana). Possidius of Calama, a close friend, colleague
bishop, and biographer of Augustine, wrote that Augustine drew large audi-
ences as a priest, a phenomenon that continued unabated when he preached
as bishop in his own sedes of Hippo and elsewhere.1 Possidius also noted that
Augustines immediate milieu profited more from his homilies than from his
writings.2 Prompted by the recent discovery of previously unknown sermones
ad populum (e.g., sermones Dolbeau and the Erfurt sermones), scholars have
shown a resurgent interest in the corpus of Augustines sermons during the last
few decades. Research on Augustines preaching has revealed that his sermons,
perhaps historically elided in favour of his theological writings, are on the
contrary unique loci theologici. In this light, Augustines doctrinal writings
should be read and studied concurrently with his sermons, as the latter often
nuance and balance the former.
Augustine is often considered the founding father of the doctrine of all-
inclusive grace, of the idea that people cannot achieve any moral progress
without constant divine initiative and assistance in all facets of human life.
The interpretation that Augustine completely neglects human free will relies
in particular on his polemical treatises against the Pelagians. His Pelagian
opponents feared that Augustines emphasis on divine grace would annul
human freedom and discourage moral responsibility. Studies on Augustines
doctrine of grace have so far focused mainly on his anti-Pelagian works, but
largely neglected Augustines massive corpus of ca. 580 sermones ad populum.
I endeavour to determine whether Augustines systematised treatment of
gracein his anti-Pelagian writings is also to be found in his sermones. In his

1 Possidius, Vita Augustini 5, 25; 7, 3; 9, 1.


2 Possidius, Vita Augustini 31, 9.

koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2014|doi 10.1163/9789004278646_002


2 Introduction

anti-Pelagian polemics he emphasizes the absolute necessity of Gods grace in


order to live justly. In his sermones, Augustine seeks to explain theological
questions and Scripture texts as simply as possible, taking into account the
capacities of his mixed audience. He also warns his listeners against wrong
opinions such as those of the Pelagians. If the aim of his preaching is to address
the experiential problems of his audience and exhort that audience to live
justly, then the question arises as to whether Augustine would explain in his
sermones, as he does in his anti-Pelagian writings, that living justly is ultimately
not the result of human effort, but rather the result of Gods grace. Prima facie
it does not seem tactical for Augustine to urge his audience to do their best
while telling them at the same time that any progress they may make is entirely
the work of God.
This monograph presents a study of the presence and treatment of the rela-
tionship between divine gratia and human libertas in Augustines sermones ad
populum that surpasses these terms use in a specifically anti-Pelagian context.
My previous doctoral project (Theology, Leuven 2009) Gratia in the Sermones
of Augustine: An alternative approach to the study of Augustines doctrine of
grace began with a detailed analysis of the approximately 580 of Augustines
preserved sermones ad populum, providing per sermo a systematic catalogue of
passages dealing with the themes of freedom (libertas), free will (uoluntas, libe-
rum arbitrium), love (caritas), human nature (natura), grace (gratia), and sin
(peccatum), and their interrelationships. In order to gain clear access to the
theme of grace within this enormous quantity of primary literature, my initial
source study was followed by a refinement of my methodology and a limita-
tion of my research domain. I opted to focus my doctoral research on the ser-
mones that can be dated with certainty during the Pelagian controversy as the
point of departure for a chronological and thematic study of the presence of
the concept of gratia in the corpus of the sermones. The relationship between
human free will and divine grace was precisely the central topic of debate in
the Pelagian controversy. This study of Augustines anti-Pelagian sermones
ultimately supplemented and refined our understanding of his doctrine of
grace as presented in his anti-Pelagian doctrinal writings. This became clear
within four subsections: baptismus paruulorum, fides, peccatum originale, and
oratio. My doctoral research revealed that the sermones should be treated as a
unique locus gratiae within Augustines oeuvre.3 While Augustines doctrinal
writings for which he was given the epithet doctor gratiae are characterized

3 A. Dupont, Gratia in Augustines Sermones ad Populum During the Pelagian Controversy. Do


Different Contexts Furnish Different Insights? Leiden Boston, 2013 (Brills Series in Church
History, 89).
Introduction 3

by an emphasis on the all-encompassing, all-preceding nature of divine grace,


the sermons indicate that Augustine did not intend to neglect human partici-
pation. In my previous research of Augustines sermones situated in the
Pelagian controversy, I discovered proof that he did not deny the priority of
grace, but as a preacher preferred to stress the human role in moral actions.
Augustine repeatedly emphasizes to his listeners the necessity of making every
effort to live ethically. This unique treatment of grace and human free will in
the sermones can be explained by the general purpose of the sermon genre,
which is exhortation to live an ethical life, and by the rhetorical-pastoral
approach that such a purpose requires. On the basis of my previous study of
Augustines anti-Pelagian sermones, I was thus able to substantiate that
Augustines doctrine of grace maintains a balance between human heteron-
omy (dependence on Gods grace) and autonomy (the initiative and impact of
human free will), while the previous predominant understanding of his think-
ing was focused on heteronomy. Augustine thus was more balanced than hith-
erto supposed. Can we also find traces of Augustines doctrine of grace in
sermones not related to the Pelagian controversy, and how do these balance
libertas and gratia?
Building on the research material collected during my doctoral project, the
present study addresses the following research question: which elements of
Augustines doctrine of grace are to be found in his sermones as a whole, exter-
nal to the specifically anti-Pelagian context? Two lines of approach are envis-
aged here.
An initial line of research in the present volume focuses on Festal-Liturgical
sermones: on Christological feasts (Chapter 1), on Pentecost (Chapter 2), and
on the feasts of martyrs (Chapter 3). Our first line of approach studies
Augustines sermons on the Christological liturgical feasts of Christmas
(ss. 140, 184196A, 369, 370), Epiphany (ss. 199204A, 373375), Good Friday
(The Passion of the Lord: ss. 218218C), Easter (Easter Season: ss. 219260E)
and Ascension (ss. 261265F), Pentecost (ss. 29, 29A, 29B, 266272, 272A, 272B,
378), and on the feasts of martyrs (from the group sermones de sanctis: ss. 273
340). These sermones belong to the (non-polemical) pastoral preaching genre
and are spread throughout the forty years of Augustines preaching activity.
The content of these sermones is both Christological and ethical. Despite a few
substantive studies on these sermones especially regarding the history of
the liturgy of these feasts and their Christological content the relationship
between divine grace and human free will remains decidedly unstudied. We
first will read these sermones to discern whether Augustine preaches on grace,
and, second, to determine whether or not this preaching differs with his pre-
sentation of the doctrine of grace in his anti-Pelagian sermons and treatises, or
4 Introduction

whether there are possible direct anti-Pelagian influences on some specific


sermones.4 Is grace thus present in the sermones that are unrelated to the anti-
Pelagian polemics? Or, if there are festal sermones that can clearly be placed
within Augustines reactions against the Donatists (cf. infra) or Pelagians, do
these controversies influence the content and treatment of gratia in the Festal-
Liturgical sermones, and if so how?
A second line of research focuses on the ca. forty anti-Donatist sermones
themselves (ss. 3, 4, 10, 33, 37, 4547, 71, 88, 90, 129, 137, 138, 147A, 159B, 161B, 164,
182, 183, 197, 198, 202, 223, 252, 266, 269, 271, 275, 292, 293A, 295, 313E, 327, 340A,
357359, 359B, 360, 360A, 360C, 400) (Chapter 4). While these share the same
polemical preaching genre as the anti-Pelagian sermones, they nevertheless
precede the anti-Pelagian sermons chronologically and differ from them in
terms of content.5 Research into the anti-Donatist sermones will enable us to
determine the extent to which Augustine had already developed a doctrine of
grace in his (polemical) sermones prior to the emergence of the Pelagian con-
troversy. In the Donatist controversy, it was not grace, but rather ecclesiology,
sacramentology, and the theology of martyrdom that were central. For this rea-
son, the presence of grace in the sermones related to the Donatist controversy
has not as yet been extensively researched. The primary question is thus: is the
theme of grace already present, and is its treatment different from Augustines
anti-Pelagian (homiletic) expositions? In this context, this research will bring
to light whether there is continuity or discontinuity in Augustines thinking on
grace prior to and during the Pelagian controversy. A recent debate has arisen
concerning chronological-doctrinal (dis)continuity within Augustines think-
ing on grace. The central question in this debate is: did Augustines early,
anthropological-philosophical, optimistic trust in human capacities develop
into a dogmatic-theological, pessimistic claim that human beings are com-
pletely dependent on Gods grace? The sermons, however, are often conspicu-
ously absent in this debate. Augustines treatment of grace is therefore rarely
read against the background of his entire oeuvre, including, and in particular,
his preaching. He was philosophically and theologically active over an uninter-
rupted period of forty years, but throughout that time he also preached regu-
larly. Comparing anti-Donatist and anti-Pelagian sermones concerning grace
will enable us to answer the question of (dis)continuity in Augustines reflec-
tions on grace.

4 In the case of the Pentecost sermones, we will explicitly ask whether they are tainted by anti-
Pelagian elements. Previously, Martin Hoondert evaluated that the Pentecost sermons, espe-
cially ss. 270, 272B, could content-wise be related to the Pelagian controversy.
5 The Donatist controversy (393412) precedes the Pelagian controversy (412430).
Introduction 5

Until the present, the theme of grace in the anti-Donatist and Festal-
Liturgical sermones has not been the subject of thorough research. Such
research would however facilitate the comparison, first, of the different gratia
profiles present in Augustines sermones, and second, with the presence of
his doctrine of grace in his systematic treatises devoted to this issue. This
comparison will thus provide a global picture of the presence and treatment
of gratia in the sermones and clarify the interaction between the context,
audience, and preaching genre on the one hand, and the theme of grace as
a whole on the other. This overview will also contribute to the debate on
(dis)continuity in Augustines thought on gratia and on the methods used to
date the sermones on the basis of their treatment of the topic of gratia. We will
offer an overview of all instances in which grace or related themes are men-
tioned in Augustines anti-Donatist and Festal-Liturgical sermones. At first
sight this may seem to be a petitio principii: it is only but evident that a Christian
preacher not to speak about the doctor gratiae will consider this theme.
However, in order to avoid any form of Hineininterpretierung, anachronisti-
cally reading Augustines anti-Pelagian theory of grace/free will in his preach-
ing activities preceding this controversy, it is essential to chart his complete
usage of grace/free will in the anti-Donatist and Festal-Liturgical sermones.
Only then we will be able to answer the following questions: What did grace
ultimately mean for Augustine? What was its range of meanings? Are there a
hierarchy of graces (in the plural)? How do these relate? How did this range
change in light of the conflicts he was engaged in? How did Augustines
pre-anti-Pelagian reflections on gratia/liberum arbitrium develop into his anti-
Pelagian theories?
The twofold line of approach presumes a twofold methodology: a thematic/
content-based and a chronological/contextual-comparative source study. With
the support of the Corpus Augustinianum Gissense (cag) and the Library of
Latin Texts (llt), a profile of gratia will be established for the Festal-Liturgical
sermones followed by the anti-Donatist sermones. This will be done on the
basis of an analysis of the catalogued passages in both collections of sermons
in which Augustine preaches on grace-related topics. The content-based study
will also devote attention to the scriptural passages employed by Augustine in
his treatment of certain themes. The importance of Augustines use of the
Bible is not only rooted in the fact that sermons are ultimately liturgical com-
mentaries on the Scriptures, but more importantly in the fact that scriptural
quotations are of crucial significance for Augustines reflections on grace. This
is particularly the case, as the results of my doctoral dissertation demonstrate,
in the anti-Pelagian sermones. Patristic philosophy and theology were bibli-
cally inspired and oriented. The gratia content of the sermones will then be
6 Introduction

located within the historical and chronological context, whereby the specific
genre of each given sermon will be explicitly taken into account.
From the methodological perspective, two comparative studies have been
established concerning the interaction between content and context/chronol-
ogy. First, we endeavour to determine whether differences in chronology, con-
troversial topic and audience lead to essential differences/similarities with
respect to the theme of grace in the polemical genre. The Festal-Liturgical ser-
mones offer a second and twofold research possibility in this regard (1) exter-
nally: does the pastoral (non-polemical) genre as a whole differ on the question
of grace when compared with the polemical sermons? How do the (clearly
attributable) Festal-Liturgical sermons relate in particular to the polemical
sermons of the same period with respect to grace? And (2) internally: can we
observe a development with respect to the topic gratia in the Festal-Liturgical
sermones (general/thematic and specific content-related for clearly datable
sermones)?
In sum, the current study has two main objectives. Penultimately, can we
confirm our claim that Augustines doctrine of grace as is expressed in his
sermones ad populum is not unbalanced? In which way is grace present in
sermones external to the Pelagian controversy; is there continuity in treatment
of gratia/libertas between anti-Pelagian and non-anti-Pelagian sermones; do
the latter substantiate that Augustine did not overemphasize gratia in a way
that completely neglects libertas? And ultimately, studying Augustines ser-
mones, do we find traces of continuity or of a rupture in Augustines reflections
on the relation between divine grace and human free will?
Chapter 1

Christological Feasts

Augustines sermones on the Christological liturgical feasts of Christmas


(ss. 140, 184196A, 369, 370, ?371?, ?372?), Epiphany (ss. 199204A, 373374,
?375?), Good Friday (The Passion of the Lord: ss. 218218C), Easter Vigil (ss.
219223K), Easter, and the octave of Easter (ss. 224260E, 272, 320, 375A-B-C,
376, 376A) and Ascension (ss. 261265F+377) have an explicitly Christological
content and are often moralising in style, presenting appeals to imitate Christ.
While the sermons in question have been studied extensively for the informa-
tion they provide concerning the liturgical situation at the beginning of the
fifth century and concerning Augustines understanding of the liturgy and the
liturgical feasts,1 and while general studies of the Christology in Augustines
sermones have also been carried out,2 little if any attention has been paid to

1 For example J.-P. Bouhot, La lecture liturgique des Eptres Catholiques daprs les ser-
monsdAugustin, in La lecture liturgique des Eptres Catholiques dans lEglise ancienne, ed. by
Ch.-B. Amphoux, J.-P. Bouhot, Lausanne, 1996 (Histoire du texte biblique, 1), pp. 269281.
M. Klckener, Die Bedeutung der neu entdeckten Augustinus-Predigten (Sermones Dolbeau)
fr die liturgiegeschichtliche Forschung, in Augustin Prdicateur (395411) (Actes du Colloque
International de Chantilly, 57 septembre 1996), ed. by G. Madec, Paris, 1996, pp. 129170.
G. Lapointe, La clbration des martyrs en Afrique daprs les sermons de Saint Augustin,
Montral, 1972 (Cahiers de Communaut Chrtienne, 8). W. Roetzer, Des heiligen Augustinus
Schriften als liturgie-geschichtliche Quelle, Mnchen, 1930. V. Saxer (ed., trad., notes), Saint
Augustin. Lanne liturgique. Sermons choisis, traduction et annotation, Paris, 1980 (Les Pres
dans la Foi). F. Schnitzler, Zur Theologie der Verkndigung in den Predigten des hl. Augustinus.
Ein Beitrag zur Theologie des Wortes, Freiburg/Basel/Wien, 1968. G.C. Willis, St. Augustines
Lectionary, London, 1962 (Alcuin Club Collection, 44). See also below, in the account of the
secondary literature of the sermones on the individual liturgical feasts.
Cf. M. Klckener, Celebrare, celebratio, in Augustinus-Lexikon, Vol. 15/6, ed. by C. Mayer,
K.H. Chelius, Basel, 1992, cols. 828834: overview of the feasts that Augustine celebrated (cols.
830832), the significance that he attached to the celebration of a liturgical feast (the celebra-
tion of the sacraments is not only repetition (reuocatio), but also an actualisation (renouatio)
of the Christ happening and the martyrs passion col. 833), the ethical impact that a liturgi-
cal feast has according to Augustine (Das Fest wirkt innovativ, denn aus ihm erwchst die
ethische Verpflichtung, der in der Feier lebendigen pietas, caritas und ueritas Dauer zu
verleihen (s. 374,3; 378) und den neuen Weg der Heiligkeit fortzusetzen (ib. 202,4; s. Guelf. 2,2).
Bei den Heiligen- und Mrtyrerfesten tritt das Motiv der imitatio hinzu. col. 833).
2 P.C.J. Eijkenboom, Het Christus-Medicus-Motief in de preken van Sint Augustinus, Assen,
1960. W. Geerlings, Christus exemplum. Studien zur Christologie und Christusverkndigung

koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2014|doi 10.1163/9789004278646_003


8 Chapter 1

the presence of the theme of grace in these Christological-liturgical sermons.


Two distinct research questions can be posed at this juncture. First, does
Augustine touch on the topic of grace within these specifically pastoral ser-
mones, which generally steer clear of controversy, and if so, to what extent is
his treatment thereof akin to or different from his allusions to grace in the
polemical sermones? Does the content and manner of presentation of the
grace theme differ in relation to the preaching genre?3 An additional question
in this regard relates to the interaction between the preacher and his (specific)
public in the analysis of the preacher-audience relationship.4 Our second
research question in this chapter is thus: do the Donatist and Pelagian contro-
versies have an observable influence on the content and treatment of gratia in
the non-controversial Christological-liturgical sermones, and if so, how is this
demonstrated?
In this chapter, we will first present, liturgical feast by liturgical feast, a sta-
tus quaestionis of the research regarding the sermones for each liturgical feast.
Subsequently, we will look at the sermones themselves, with the specific inten-
tion of detecting the traces of grace in these sermones. At the beginning of

Augustins, Tbingen, 1978 (Tbinger Theologische Studien, 13). D.J. Jones, Christus Sacerdos
in the Preaching of St. Augustine: Christ and Christian Identity, Frankfurt am Main, 2004
(Patrologia, Beitrge zum Studium der Kirchenvter, 14). A. Viciano, Titoli soterici di Cristo
nei Sermones di santAgostino, in Atti del Congresso internazionale su san Agostino nel
XVI centenario della conversione, Roma sett. 1986, Vol. 2, Roma, 1987 (Studia Ephemeridis
Augustinianum, 25), pp. 323336.
For Augustines Christology in globo, see e.g.: H.R. Drobner, Person-Exegese und Christologie
bei Augustin. Zur Herkunft der Formel una persona, Leiden, 1986 (Philosophia Patrum, 8).
E. Franz, Totus Christus. Studien ber Christus und die Kirche bei Augustin, Bonn, 1956 (Inaug.
Diss. Rheinische Friedrich Wilhems-Universitt Bonn, Evangelisch-Theologische Fakultt).
T.J. van Bavel, Recherches sur la christologie de Saint Augustin. Lhumain et le divin dans le
Christ daprs Saint Augustin, Fribourg, 1954 (Paradosis, tudes de littrature et de thologie
ancienne, 10).
3 For the various preaching genres in Augustines work, see, for example, L. Mechlinsky,
Der modus proferendi in Augustins sermones ad populum, Paderborn/Mnchen/Wien/
Zrich, 2004 (Studien zur Geschichte und Kultur des Altertums, Neue Folge, Reihe 1, Band
23). J. Oroz Reta, La retrica en los Sermones de S. Agustn, Madrid, 1963 (Coleccin
Augustinus, 7).
4 See for John Chrysostom: R. MacMullen, The Preachers Audience (ad 350400), Journal of
Theological Studies N. S., 40 (1989), pp. 503511; for Ambrose: Ph. Rousseau, The preachers
audience: a More Optimistic View, in Ancient History in a Modern University, Vol. 2, ed. by
T.W. Hillard, R.A. Kearsley, C.E.V. Nixon, and A.M. Nobbs, Sydney, 1998, pp. 391400; for
Augustine: . Rebillard, Interaction between the Preacher and his Audience: The Case-study
of Augustines Preaching on Death, Studia Patristica, 31 (1997), pp. 8696.
Christological Feasts 9

each section of primary literature, the suggested dating for every discussed
sermo is given schematically in the footnotes.

1 Christmas

a Secondary Literature for Christmas


Augustines Christmas sermons have already been the object of substantial
attention. They have been studied as an important source of the liturgical his-
tory of this feast.5 In Augustines time, Christmas had been established as a
separate feast for about half a century. The question of the significance of the
feast for Augustine has been particularly dwelt upon, whether it is indeed only
a memoria (in contrast to the sacramentum of Easter) as he himself indicates
in epistula 55 to Januarius (around 400), and in contrast to Leo the Great, who
clearly considers the Christmas feast as a sacramentum/mysterium.6 Philippe
Rouillard suggests that Christmas as a recently established feast does not as
yet have the status of a sacramentum for Augustine (as does Easter), and is
merely a memoria, but at the same time he points out clearly that, for Augustine,
it is a memoria that evokes the many dimensions of salvation history. As
Rouillard says,

Mais lvnement commmor par cet anniversaire est la manifestation


visible dun si grand mystre, et il tient une telle place dans lhistoire des
relations entre Dieu et les hommes que lon ne peut le comprendre et le
fter vraiment sans voquer cette occasion les multiples dimensions de
lconomie du salut.7

Hubertus R. Drobner elaborates further on this point. Epistula 55 does indeed


suggest that Christmas is a memoria (the celebration of an anniversary,
just like all other feasts of the saints) and not a sacramentum like Easter (the

5 B. Botte, Les origines de la Nol et de lEpiphanie. tude historique, Louvain, 1932, esp.
pp. 3940 (Textes et tudes Liturgiques, Vol. 1). H. Leclercq, Nativit de Jsus, in Dictionnaire
darchologie chrtienne et de liturgie, Vol. 12/23, ed. by F. Cabrol, Paris, 1935, cols. 905958.
6 According to J. Gaillard and G. Hudon, Christmas is for Augustine merely a memoria:
J. Gaillard, Nol, memoria ou mystre?, La Maison-Dieu, 59 (1959), pp. 3759. G. Hudon,
Le mystre de Nol dans le temps de lEglise daprs saint Augustin, La Maison-Dieu, 59
(1959), pp. 6084. Cf. M. Klckener, Celebrare, celebratio, in Augustinus-Lexikon, Vol. 15/6,
ed. by C. Mayer, K.H. Chelius, Basel, 1992, cols. 828834, col. 833.
7 Ph. Rouillard, Les sermons de Nol de saint Augustin, La vie spirituelle, 101 (1959),
pp. 479492.
10 Chapter 1

celebration of this event contains a deeper and more profound meaning,


which should be received in a reverent way). Drobner argues however, that not
too much importance should be attached to this distinction: the letter is writ-
ten early in Augustines career, when the Christmas feast was still a relatively
new tradition and the genre of the letter in which Augustine gives attention
to a very specific question: namely, why Christmas is celebrated on the same
day of the calendar every year, but Easter is not prevents an extensive han-
dling of the theme. Drobner finds support for this in Augustines Christmas
sermons, in which the bishop, in the majority of cases (nine of the fifteen),
refers to Christmas as a sacramentum (in a soteriological and sacramental, but
not historical, vocabulary), reflecting his Easter vocabulary (ss. 186, 1; 187, 1; 188,
2; 189, 1; 190, 12; 192, 3; 194, 12; 195, 1). The fact that the Easter celebration cor-
responds to the celebration of an external historical fact, the spring equinox,
allows Augustine to perceive in it a reference to a deeper reality: the salvation
of mankind, the movement from the night of sin and death to the light of res-
urrection and life. Christmas, he holds, does the same. The birth of Christ dur-
ing the winter solstice has the sacramental signification of divine salvation: the
end of the expansion of the darkness of evil and death, and the breakthrough
of Gods light of salvation and life that culminates in the final victory of Easter.
In this way, Christmas refers, as does Easter, to divine light and to a transition.
Christmas is at the same time a transition from the temporal to the eternal,
and from the visible to the invisible (cf. ss. 194, 1; 223D, 3; 287, 34; 290, 23).
There can therefore be no doubt, Drobner argues, that Augustine in the
course of his life developed a sacramental theology of Christmas, exactly paral-
lel to Easter.8
According to Philippe Rouillard, the sermones Augustine preached on
Christmas are short sermons, simple in organisation and content, specifically
crafted to teach a mixed public and large audience.9 In the secondary litera-
ture, the content of the Christmas sermons is summarized in the following
themes: the Incarnation of the Word, light in darkness, the coming of the
bridegroom, the most beautiful of human infants, the humility of Christ, and
joy because of the Christmas feast.10 Substantial emphasis is put on the Word
becoming flesh and on Christ as God-man, who as God, through the Incarnation,
adapts Himself to man. The preacher also stresses the virginity of Mary, who,

8 H.R. Drobner, Christmas in Hippo. Mystical Celebration and Catechesis, Augustinian


Studies, 35 (2004), pp. 5572, p. 61.
9 Ph. Rouillard, Les sermons de Nol de saint Augustin.
10 D.I. van Houtryve, Le mystre de Nol et les Pres, Les Questions liturgiques et paroissi-
ales, 33 (1952), pp. 237247.
Christological Feasts 11

because of her virginity, Augustine considers as the archetype of the Church.


Augustine plays with the symbolism of light and treats the feast of Christmas
in a symbolical and typological way.11 Important Christmas themes are: the
birth of the light (ss. 185, 2; 186, 1; 189, 1; 190, 1; 192, 3; 196, 1 present a symbolic
explanation of the winter solstice on the 25th of December: Christ lumen de
lumine chose to be born on that day to reveal that He is the true light and will
illuminate the whole world); the Word that has become flesh, with the empha-
sis on Christological orthodoxy (ss. 184, 1; 186, 2; 187, 3), and on the greatness of
this mystery (s. 191, 1; cf. ss. 184, 3; 187, 1; 188, 2; 190, 4); the soteriological impact
of the Incarnation (ss. 185, 12; 188, 3); the confirmation of the perpetual virgin-
ity of the mother of God (ss. 184, 4; 191, 2.4; 192, 12); and the joy of the Christmas
feast: imprisoned mankind celebrates the coming of his liberator (ss. 184, 2;
370, 2).12 Drobner cites Christine Morhmanns suggestion that Christmas was
for Augustine above all a theological feast. He points out that Augustines
Christmas sermones frequently refer to articles of the credo and can in this way
be taken as catechetical lessons concerning the credo. Drobner indicates two
possible explanations. In the first place, Mohrmann suggests a strong link
between the origin of the feast of Christmas and the council of Nicea, as both
explicitly celebrate the divinity and the humanity of Christ. This link could
then explain the presence of the credo in Augustines Christmas sermons.
Second, Drobner suggests that the shared sacramental nature of Christmas
and Easter may be at the basis of the preaching on the credo during both feasts:
both express two essential aspects of the one mystery of salvation and are in
that sense complementary expositions of the credo.13

11 G. Hudon, Le mystre de Nol dans le temps de lEglise daprs saint Augustin,


pp. 6883.
12 Ph. Rouillard, Les sermons de Nol de saint Augustin. Cf. Th.C. Lawler (trans., notes, ed.),
St. Augustine, Sermons for Christmas and Epiphany, Maryland/London, 1952 (Ancient
Christian Writers, 15), pp. 319: introduction.
13 H.R. Drobner, Christmas in Hippo. Mystical Celebration and Catechesis.
Drobner quotes Ch. Morhmann: For Augustine Christmas was above all a theological
feast (p. 63): Ch. Mohrmann, Weihnachtspredigten des hl. Augustinus, Wiener human-
istische Bltter, 4 (1961), pp. 117; p. 3. Drobner reconstructs the version of the credo in
Augustines Hippo (used as a baptismal profession of faith while Augustine knew and
cited the text of the Nicene Creed, which was not used as a baptismal profession of faith),
on the basis of ss. 212215 and Sermo de symbolo ad catechumenos. At Christmas he deals
with the articles concerning the pre-existent Son of God and the Incarnation; at Easter, he
treats the articles concerning the death and resurrection of Christ. At Easter and during
Lenten, Augustine explains and refers to the baptismal creed (of Hippo), for the obvi-
ousreason he was instructing catechumens and neophytes, while during his Christmas
12 Chapter 1

Augustines use of Scripture in his Christmas sermons,14 and in particular


the information they provide regarding the liturgical Scripture readings of this
feast, has been extensively studied. Victor Saxer indicates Rom. 5:111 as an
epistle reading; Ps. 84:12 as the responsorial; and Luc. 2 as the gospel reading.15
Philippe Rouillard deduces the following scripture readings: Is. 7 (s. 370, 3), Ps.
84 (ss. 189, 2; 184, 1; 185, passim; 191, 2; 192, passim; 193, 2) or Ps. 95 (s. 190, 4; cf. ss.
184, 1; 189, 1; 370, 3) or Ps. 18 (s. 187, 4; cf. ss. 191, 2; 192, 3; 194, 4; 195, 3), Luc. 2:138
(ss. 190, 4; 193, 1; 196, 2).16 Most recently, Michael Margoni-Kgler gives an over-
view of scriptural readings on the feast of Christmas on the basis of explicit
and implicit references: Is. 7 (s. 370, 3), Phil. 2[:68] (s. 196A) [perhaps Rom.
5:15; Rom. 13:1213 (ss. 185, 3; 190, 1)], Ps. 84[:12] (s. 189, 2) [probably Ps. 95 (:1f.)
and Ps. 18 (:6f.) (e.g., ss. 190, 4; 195, 3)], Luc. 2[:114/20; :132/35; :138/40] (ss.
189, 4; 190, 4; 193, 1; 196, 2), Matth. 1:1825 (s. 370, 3), and probably Ioh. 1:118
(s. 186, 2).17

b Primary Literature for Christmas (ss. 140, 184196A, 369, 370,


?371?, ?372?)
In what follows we will give an overview of the content of Augustines preach-
ing on Christmas, and we will show how it is related to the theme of grace.

1 Christological Themes
The approximately 19 sermons18 that Augustine gave on Christmas contain a
number of frequently recurring themes.19 The first of these Christmas themes

sermons he refers to the Nicene (Constantinoplian) Creed, when he is teaching the whole
community and emphasising the theological version of the Creed.
14 G. Hudon, Le mystre de Nol dans le temps de lEglise daprs saint Augustin, pp. 6367.
15 V. Saxer (ed.), Saint Augustin. LAnne liturgique, pp. 2325.
16 Ph. Rouillard, Les sermons de Nol de saint Augustin.
17 M. Margoni-Kgler, Die Perikopen im Gottesdienst bei Augustinus. Ein Beitrag zur
Erforschung der liturgischen Schriftlesung in der frhen Kirche, Wien, 2010 (sterreichische
Akademie der Wissenschaften. Philosophisch-historische Klasse. Sitzungsberichte, 810)
(Verffentlichungen der Kommission zur Herausgabe des Corpus der lateinischen
Kirchenvter, 29), pp. 4970. Margoni-Kgler opens by summarizing the discussion on the
authenticity of ss. 369370, which he accepts, and stating that ss. 140 and 217, sometimes
linked with Christmas, are not preached on that feast day. The collection of sermons
preached on December 25 thus is: ss. 184196 and 369370. Subsequently, Margoni-Kgler
sketches a status quaestionis of the research on the liturgical pericopes that can be
deduced from these sermones (W.C. Bishop, W. Roetzer, G. Willis, Ph. Rouillard, G. Hudon,
V. Saxer, M. Schrama, H.R. Drobner).
18 s. 140: Hill: 428, Rebillard: 427428, Gryson: Christmas 427/428.
s. 184: Hill: Christmas, before 396, Rebillard: after 411412, Gryson: 391/396.
Christological Feasts 13

is that of the two births of Christ. It is with this theme, which occurs in more
than half of the Christmas sermons, (12 of the 19), that he tends to open his

s. 185: Kunzelmann: 412416, Hill: Christmas 414, Rebillard: 25 December 412416,


Hombert: 412416, Gryson: Christmas 412/416.
s. 186: Kunzelmann: 411/412, Hill: Christmas, after 400, Rebillard: 25 December 411
412, Drobner: 411/412, Gryson: Christmas, after 400, van Bavel: after 400.
s. 187: Kunzelmann: before 411/412, Hill: (before 400), Christmas, before 411, Rebillard:
25 December 411412, Gryson: Christmas, before 400.
s. 188: Kunzelmann: Christmas, Hill: Christmas, 410420 or , Rebillard: 25 December,
Gryson: Christmas, 410/420.
s. 189: Kunzelmann: before 410, Hill: Christmas, before 410 or after 410, Rebillard: 25
December, before 410, Gryson: Christmas, before 410.
s. 190: Kunzelmann: 391400, Hill: Christmas, 410415 or 391400, Rebillard: 25
December 391400, Gryson: Christmas, 391/400.
s. 191: Kunzelmann: 411/412, Hill: Christmas ca. 395 or 411 or 412, Rebillard: 25
December 411412, Gryson: Christmas, 411/412.
s. 192: Kunzelmann: after 411/412, Hill: Christmas, after 412, Rebillard: 25 December,
after 411412, Gryson: Christmas, after 411/412.
s. 193: Kunzelmann: 410, Hill: Christmas 410, Rebillard: 25 December 410, Hombert:
415425?, Gryson: Christmas, 415/425?, La Bonnardire: 413/414.
s. 194: Kunzelmann: before 411/412, Hill: Christmas before 411, Rebillard: 25 December,
before 411412, Gryson: Christmas, before 411/412.
s. 195: Kunzelmann: after 411/412, Hill: Christmas, after 412, Rebillard: 25 December,
after 411412, Gryson: Christmas, after 411/412.
s. 196: Kunzelmann: after 396, Hill: Christmas, after 420, Rebillard: 25 December after
396, Gryson: Christmas, after 420.
s. 196A (Etaix 2): Hill: Christmas after 420, Rebillard: 25 December or 1 January, Gryson:
zum 1/1 oder zu Weihnachten, 412/416.
s. 369: Hill: Christmas 412, Rebillard: Christmas 412?, Gryson: Echt, wohl 412
Weihnachten, Lambot/Perler: 412.
s. 370: Hill: Christmas, Rebillard: Christmas, Gryson: Weihnachten, nicht datierbar.
s. 371: Hill: Christmas, Rebillard: Christmas, possibly not authentic, Gryson: wohl nicht
von AU.
s. 372: Hill: Christmas, 400, Rebillard: Christmas, possibly not authentic, Gryson: wohl
nicht von AU.
R. Gryson, B. Fischer, H.J. Frede, Rpertoire gnral des auteurs ecclsiastiques latins de
lAntiquit et du Haut Moyen ge. 5e dition mise jour du Verzeichnis der Sigel fr
Kirchenschriftsteller, Freiburg, 2007 (Vetus Latina, Die Reste der altlateinischen Bibel, 1/1).
P.-M. Hombert, Nouvelles recherches de chronologie augustinienne, Paris, 2000 (Collection
des tudes Augustiniennes, Srie Antiquit, 163). A. Kunzelmann, Die Chronologie der
Sermones des Hl. Augustinus, in Miscellanea Agostiniana, Vol. 2: Studi Agostiniani, Roma,
1931, pp. 417520. . Rebillard, Sermones, in Augustine through the Ages. An Encyclopedia,
ed. by A.D. Fitzgerald, Grand Rapids/Cambridge, 1999, pp. 773792. J.E. Rotelle (ed.),
14 Chapter 1

sermons: Quia Deus Pater Deum Filium genuit sine tempore, et fecit ex uirgine in
tempore.20 The first birth took place without a mother, the second without a
father: Quando genuit Deus filium, de se genuit, non de matre: quando genuit
mater filium, uirgo genuit, non de uiro.21 From the Father, Christ was born with-
out a beginning, from the mother with a beginning. Born of His Father, Christ
made us so that we could exist. Born of His mother, He remade us so that
we will not perish.22 Born of His mother, He was born (without a father) in
time; but born of His Father (without a mother), He was beyond time.23 The
Word that was before all time became flesh at a specific time;24 the Eternal was

E. Hill (trans., notes), Sermons I-XI, New York, 19901997, (The Works of Saint Augustine,
A translation for the 21st Century, I-XI).
The above dating is completed with the list that Drobner provides (pp. 4445).
Drobner applies his dating criticism to the 15 Christmas homilies (ss. 184196; 369370).
Drobner finds that the thematic parallels and similar Bible citations cannot be used as a
basis for the dating of the sermones since Augustine could continually re-read his own
writings, and as he practised the ars memoriae for this reason, dating that is made on
this basis should be considered inconclusive: ss. 185; 192195. Hills analysis that
Augustine, as he became older, preached more simply (through growing pastoral expe-
rience and through increasing shortage of time) may possibly be true in general, but this
cannot be applied to the individual sermons since a more simple explanation may be
the result of several reasons (e.g. adaption to the specific public). Dating based on this
argument is therefore also not legitimate: ss. 184; 187191. Nor is dating based on theologi-
cal development valid, since a specific sermon may be an earlier appearance of a theo-
logical idea than its appearence in his dated writings. Sermo 186 is an example of this in
relation to his Christology. In Augustines writings the expression una persona in utraque
natura does not occur before 411/412, but its presence in s. 186 can of course be of an ear-
lier usage. Further, Drobner argues that the dating of s. 369 in 412 and the situating of
the sermon in Carthage is not absolutely certain. The only Christmas sermon that refers
to a historical fact and which therefore has a terminus post quem is s. 196, 4: he
addresses his own congregation in Hippo as bishop, so the sermon must have been given
after his consecration as bishop in 396/397. H.R. Drobner, The Chronology of Augustines
Sermones ad populum III. On Christmas Day, Augustinian Studies, 35 (2004), pp. 4353.
19 More generally, Augustine often begins the Christmas sermons with an explanation of
the meaning of the liturgical feast of Christmas, more specifically, why Christ chose
exactly this day to be born: it is namely the beginning of the lengthening of days,
that there is once again more light symbolizing the birth of the Light (e.g., ss. 189, 1; 190,
1; 196, 1).
20 s. 140, 2. pl 38, col. 773.
21 s. 140, 2. pl 38, col. 773.
22 s. 140, 2.
23 s. 184, 3.
24 s. 187, 1.
Christological Feasts 15

born on one particular day in time.25 Christ was born of his Father as God, born
of His Fathers immortality, without a mother, timeless, as the beginning of life,
for the ordering of all time. He was born of His mother as man, born of His
mothers virginity, without a father, seedless, as the end of death, to consecrate
this day of Christmas.26 Christ, as born of the Father, without a mother, creates
every day, is invisible, and is co-eternal with the Father. As born of His mother,
without father, He consecrates the specific day of Christmas, was visible, and
was born at a specific time.27 Christ is born of the Father for all time (divine,
without a mother, eternal and before the creation of temporal things, as God,
equal to the Father, Creator of time) and only once from His mother (human,
without a father, temporal, in order to make what is temporal eternal, as man
subject to the Father, in the form of a servant).28
Simultaneously with the theme of the two births of Christ, Augustine often
preaches (at the beginning of his sermo) that Christ as God, who already
existed before His mother created His own mother. Christ made Mary, while
He was Himself made through her. He existed already, before He was made. He
could be made, while remaining what He already was. He created a mother for
Himself, while He was still with the Father.29 Augustine also frequently empha-
sizes that Christ not only created His mother, but also that He maintained her
virginity, her integrity, so that she remained a virgin even after His birth. Christ
gave her the gift of fertility while maintaining the gift of her integrity.30 He
continued to be God when He began to become man, just as Mary continued
to be a virgin when she gave birth to Him.31 The description of Marys virginity
has, in Augustines sermons, not only a descriptive, but also a normative char-
acter.32 Her virginity holds, according to the preacher, a commission for the
whole Church community.33 In one respect, it includes a call to a consecrated,
virginal life (which is, according to Augustine, ultimately better than fertility in

25 s. 188, 2.
26 s. 194, 1.
27 s. 195, 1.
28 s. 371, 1. For variants on this theme, see also ss. 186, 3; 189, 4; 190, 12; 196, 1; 369, 1.3. See
further also s. 372, 1.
29 s. 186, 1. For this theme, see also ss. 187, 1; 188, 2; 189, 2; 191, 1; 195, 1; 196A, 1.
30 s. 184, 1. ss. 189, 2; 190, 3.
31 s. 186, 1. Concipiens uirgo, pariens uirgo, uirgo grauida, uirgo feta, uirgo perpetua. pl 38,
col. 999.
For other mentions of Marys perpetual virginity, see ss. 191, 2; 192, 1; 193, 1; 194, 1; 195, 1;
196, 1; 370, 3.
32 See further s. 184, 2: the grace to abstain.
33 The Church is, in imitation of Mary, both virgin and mother; see ss. 191, 3; 192, 2; 195, 2.
16 Chapter 1

marriage).34 The choice of virginity does not, however, imply infertility for
Augustine. The decision for the integrity of the flesh, chosen in love, contrib-
utes to the fertility of the spirit.35 In another respect, it inspires those who are
married to celibacy. Augustine here adds the request that, if there is sexuality
within the marriage, the married couple should be virginal in faith.36
Another moral instruction that occurs in the Christmas sermons is the call
to mature with Christ37 We have received Christ as a child: let us grow up
together with Him; Christ will grow up as a model for our reward (exemplum
praemii) of our resurrection.38 Augustine encourages us to let faith grow just
as Christ developed from a child into a man, and never to let it become frail
through old age, just as Christ never became old.39 A similar encouragement
one that is present throughout the complete genre of Augustines preaching
is to rise up to Christ.40
Christmas gave Augustine the opportunity to dwell on Christology.41 In
particular obviously inspired by the nature of this feast he reflected on the
meaning of the Incarnation. The Incarnation of Christ, in which God who

s. 192, 2: The Church is also mother and virgin. She is mother in the womb of the caritas,
and mother as unity between two peoples (Jews and heathen); she is virgin in the integ-
rity of faith and pietas.
34 s. 188, 4. See s. 196, 2: there are, according to Augustine, three ways of life within the
Church: married (chastity in marriage), with Elizabeth and Zacharias as examplary; wid-
owhood, as with Anna; and Marys virginity. Christians must choose one of these three
ways of life. He emphasizes that the three female figures who denote the three female
ways of life bore witness to Christ. Christ was born as a (virgin) boy, He consecrated
chastity by giving His mother fertility without depriving her of her virginity, and Simeon,
as a chaste husband, recognized Christ.
35 ss. 191, 4; 192, 2.
36 s. 192, 2.
37 s. 194, 1.
38 s. 196, 3. Propter nos passurus, propter nos moriturus, ad exemplum praemii nostri resur-
recturus, ante oculos discipulorum in caelum ascensurus, ad iudicium de caelo uenturus. pl
38, col. 1020.
39 s. 370, 4.
40 s. 369, 1. This is to go beyond the created world (of the physical, temporal, mutable) to
above all other things see the One through whom all things are made. This rising up
takes place in the heart. It is Gods likeness in man the likeness that He created and re-
created that rises up to Him.
s. 371, 4. The behaviour of mankind should be such that, while it pleased God to come
down for them, they should be able to rise up to Him.
41 Ss. 186, 13 and 187, 14 are for example distinctly Christological, principally addressing
the two natures of Christ.
Christological Feasts 17

chooses to become man, is for Augustine a strong expression of Christs funda-


mental humility.42 In his greatness (sublimitas), God created the world; in his
lowliness (humilitas), in particular through his Incarnation, He conquered the
world.43 Once again, this is not limited to a mere description, but Augustine
urges his listeners to imitate Christs humility. If God, Creator of heaven and
earth, became man and humbled Himself even unto death, how much more
should man (a slave, made of dust and ashes) practise humility and avoid pride?44

2 Grace on Christmas
The subject of gratia is not prominently present in the Christmas sermons, but
it is however not completely absent. Augustine contrasts, for example, the
humility of Christs incarnation with the pride of the first man. This relates to
the discussion of the disobedience of the first man (pride in wanting, as man,
to be God) versus the obedience and the humility of Christ.45 At other times he
also preaches on the distininctions between Adam and Christ. The Son is
begotten immutable. He cannot change what He is, He cannot stop being
equal to the Father, cannot stop being God. This is in contrast to Adam, who
has been so created that he can change himself; that is, he can change from
being righteous to become unrighteous.46 The Incarnation is the answer to
Adams fall.47

42 ss. 184, 1; 185, 1; 189, 4.


43 s. 196A, 1.
44 s. 371, 3. Humility develops caritas, a love that creates equality, because people under its
influence do not feel themselves to be superior to each other. For the same reason, man
should have no sense of inferiority, because it is precisely for man that God was prepared
to humble Himself.
45 s. 188, 3. Vide, o homo, quid pro te factus est Deus: doctrinam tantae humilitatis agnosce,
etiam in nondum loquente doctore. Tu quondam in paradiso tam facundus fuisti, ut omni
animae uiuae nomina imponeres: propter te autem creator tuus infans iacebat, et nomine
suo nec matrem uocabat. Tu in latissimo fructuosorum nemorum praedio te perdidisti, obe-
dientiam negligendo: ille obediens in angustissimum diuersorium mortalis uenit, ut mor-
tuum quaereret moriendo. Tu cum esses homo, Deus esse uoluisti, ut perires: ille cum esset
Deus, homo esse uoluit, ut quod perierat inueniret. Tantum te pressit humana superbia, ut te
non posset nisi humilitas subleuare diuina. pl 38, col. 1004.
46 s. 140, 2. At the same time, in s. 189, 2, he points out that Mary is a descendant of Adam.
Mary came from Adam; Adam came from the earth. This concurs with Ps. 85:11/12: ueritas
de terra orta est, et iustitia de caelo prospexit. ma 1, p. 210. Augustine develops the allegory
further. There is no righteousness without faith. The truth came out of the earth, indicat-
ing Christs Incarnation.
47 s. 370. The first man in whose fall mankind fell, whose fall meant the subjection of man-
kind to death was not born, but made, without father and without mother, through the
18 Chapter 1

A number of times, Augustine links the above-mentioned Christmas themes


very distinctly with grace. He does this, for example, with the concept of the
two births of the Lord. This concept is in itself already an expression of grace:
it describes God as Creator, Sustainer, and Saviour of mankind. In one instance,
Augustine unites this explicitly with gratia. The first birth proceeds from the
Father for all time, without reference to sex, without a uterus; the second birth,
from His mother, occurs only once, without sexual intercourse, without male
endorsement. With the first birth, proceeding from the Father, nature was pre-
served; with the second birth, from His mother, the seeds of grace were sown.48
The preacher expresses explicitly that the Incarnation is a form of grace.
Through the birth of Christ, man received righteousness and grace. The fact of
the Incarnation is in itself grace. The Incarnation has nothing to do with merit,
cause, or righteousness: it is nothing other than grace.49

work of Gods hand. This was the first making of man: Adam. The second making of man
was Eve, the woman created from the side of man. The third making of man is the way in
which people are born of a man and a woman. The fourth making of man is this one of
God and man, through which Christ was born of a woman without a human father. Man
now only knows the third way. The other three ways are not known to man through the
physical eye, but through faith in ones heart. The fourth making has brought freedom to
the other three. The first two had a great fall, and while they have brought forth the third
through their own fall, in the fourth they find salvation.
48 s. 372, 1.
49 s. 185, 3. Iustificati igitur ex fide, pacem habeamus ad Deum per Dominum nostrum Iesum
Christum; per quem et accessum habemus in gratiam istam, in qua stamus, et gloriamur in
spe gloriae Dei [Rom. 5:1sq.]. His, fratres, quae mecum recognoscitis, paucis apostolicis uer-
bis, pauca uerba Psalmi huius admiscere delectat, et consonantiam reperire. Iustificati ex
fide, pacem habeamus ad Deum [Rom. 5:1]: quia iustitia et pax osculatae sunt inuicem. Per
Dominum nostrum Iesum Christum [Rom. 5:1]: quia ueritas de terra orta est [Ps. 84:12]. Per
quem et accessum habemus in gratiam istam, in qua stamus, et gloriamur in spe gloriae Dei
[Rom. 5:2]. Non ait, gloriae nostrae; sed, gloriae Dei [Rom. 5:2]: quia iustitia non de nobis
processit, sed de caelo prospexit [Ps. 84:12]. Ergo qui gloriatur [I Cor. 1:31], non in se, sed in
Domino glorietur [I Cor. 1:31]. Hinc enim et nato ex uirgine Domino, cuius diem natalem
hodie celebramus, praeconium uocis angelicae factum est: gloria in excelsis Deo, et in terra
pax hominibus bonae uoluntatis [Luc. 2:14]. In terra enim pax unde, nisi quia ueritas de
terra orta est [Ps. 84:12], id est, Christus de carne natus est? Et ipse est pax nostra qui fecit
utraque unum [Eph. 2:14]: ut essemus homines bonae uoluntatis, suauiter connexi uinculis
unitatis. In hac igitur gratia gaudeamus, ut sit gloria nostra testimonium conscientiae nos-
trae: ubi non in nobis, sed in Domino gloriemur. Hinc enim dictum est, gloria mea, et exaltans
caput meum [Ps. 3:4]. Nam quae maior gratia Dei nobis potuit illucescere, quam ut habens
unigenitum filium, faceret eum hominis filium, atque ita uicissim hominis filium, faceret Dei
filium? Quaere meritum, quaere causam, quaere iustitiam; et uide utrum inuenias nisi gra-
tiam. pl 38, cols. 998999.
Christological Feasts 19

Augustine explains the exact nature of the working of grace in the


Incarnation and does this with reference to Rom. 8:3. In order to save man from
sin, Christ took the similitudo carnis peccati on Himself, so that the flesh of sin
could be cleansed. Augustine explains that it is not the flesh that should be
given the blame (culpa), but that this guilt needs to die, so that our nature may
be able to live. Christ is born without culpa so that guilty mankind may be re-
born. Christ the saviour, the healer, the redeemer is the one who makes righ-
teous, who sets men free.50 The Incarnation is the liberation of man. Without
the Incarnation Christ being born in time man would have died for all eter-
nity. If He had not taken the likeness of the flesh upon Himself, then mankind
would never have been liberated from the flesh of sin. Man would not have
come back to life, would have perished without salvation, if God had not
adapted Himself to the death of man.51 Christ has bent down to the likeness
of the flesh of sin in order to lift man up. This is why Christ chose the shortest
day of the year to be born: from that day forward, the days would become
longer.52
The reason for the coming of Christ at Christmas is, according to the ser-
mones, the sinfulness of man. Mankind was unworthy, mortal, borne down by
sin, and burdened by punishment. From the moment of birth, the life of every
man begins with misery. This is why the Creator Himself comes to the creation.
Christ is eternal, equal to the Father, without beginning. In spite of this, He had
as man a birth in time. He was born without Himself needing to be born
again so that man would be able to be born again. Those who are condemned
in their first birth (all men, with the exception of Christ) are in need of rebirth.53

50 s. 184, 2. Nata est similitudo carnis peccati, qua mundaretur caro peccati. Non itaque caro
culpetur, sed ut natura uiuat, culpa moriatur: quia sine culpa natus est, in quo is qui in culpa
fuerat, renascatur. spm 1, p. 75.
A woman sold man to death (Eve); a woman brought Christ (Mary). In the same para-
graph, Augustine speaks to Christians who have opted for celibacy: You have received
gratia from Christ to restrain from marriage. You come from a fleshly marriage: Christ
came without a fleshly marriage in a spiritual marriage.
51 s. 185, 1.
52 s. 192, 3.
53 s. 189, 3. Quantam dignationem. Qualis praecessit indignatio. Indignatio quae praecessit?
Mortales eramus, peccatis premebamur, poenas nostras portabamus. Omnis homo, quando
nascitur, inchoat a miseria. Noli quaerere prophetantem; interroga nascentem, et uide flen-
tem. Cum ergo ista esset in terra magna Dei indignatio, qualis subito facta est dignatio?
Veritas de terra orta est. Creauit omnia, creatus est inter omnia: fecit diem, uenit in diem:
erat ante tempora, signauit tempora. Dominus Christus in aeternum sine initio apud
Patrem: et tamen hodie quaere quid est. Natalis est. Cuius? Domini. Habet natalem? Habet.
20 Chapter 1

Man needs to persist in asking for Gods grace to help him in the struggle
against the concupiscentiae malae. It is grace that saves man from the body of
this death (Rom. 7:24). Without Gods help, no one has the will or capacity to
do this. The precedent is always His misericordia. Perfection (through caritas),
which we cannot achieve ourselves (cf. Rom. 5:5), is poured out in our hearts.
For this reason, man needs to ask for help, confess his sins, and not put his trust
in his own capacities.54 Christ came in the flesh to cleanse the shortcomings
(uitia) of the flesh.55 In the Incarnation, God shared with man the weakness
of the flesh and submission to death, but not the iniquitas of the heart, in order

In principio uerbum, Deus apud Deum, habet natalem? Habet. Nisi haberet ille humanam
generationem, nos non perueniremus ad diuinam regenerationem: natus est, ut renascer-
emur. Nemo dubitet renasci, Christus natus est: generatus est, non regenerandus. Cui enim
necessaria erat regeneratio, nisi cuius est damnata generatio? ma 1, pp. 210211.
54 s. 193, 2. Quod si dicis, o homo, ecce uelle adiacet mihi, perficere autem bonum non inuenio
[Rom. 7:18]; et condelectaris legi Dei secundum interiorem hominem [Rom. 7:22], uides
autem aliam legem in membris tuis repugnantem legi mentis [Rom. 7:23] tuae, et captiuum
te ducentem in lege peccati quae est in membris [Rom. 7:23] tuis: persiste in bona uoluntate,
et exclama quod sequitur, miser ego homo, quis me liberabit de corpore mortis huius? Gratia
Dei, per Iesum Christum Dominum nostrum [Rom. 7:24sq.]. Ipse est enim pax in terra hom-
inibus bonae uoluntatis, post bellum in quo caro concupiscit aduersus spiritum, et spiritus
aduersus carnem; ut non quae uultis illa faciatis [Gal. 5:17]: quoniam ipse est pax nostra, qui
fecit utraque unum [Eph. 2:14]. Persistat igitur bona uoluntas aduersus concupiscentias
malas, et persistens imploret auxilium gratiae Dei, per Iesum Christum Dominum nostrum.
Repugnatur illi a lege membrorum carnalium, et ecce iam etiam captiuatur: imploret auxil-
ium, non fidat uiribus suis; et saltem fessa, non dedignetur esse confessa. Aderit enim qui
dixit eis quos iam uidebat credentes in eum: si permanseritis in uerbo meo, uere discipuli mei
eritis; et cognoscetis ueritatem, et ueritas liberabit uos [Ioh. 8:31sq.]. Aderit et liberabit ueri-
tas de corpore mortis huius. Ideo quippe ueritas, cuius natalitia celebramus, de terra orta est
[Ps. 84:12], ut sit pax in terra hominibus bonae uoluntatis. Nam quis idoneus est uelle et
posse, nisi inspirando adiuuet ut possimus, qui uocando praestitit ut uelimus? Quia ubique
misericordia eius praeuenit nos, ut uocaremur qui nolebamus, et ut impetremus posse quod
uolumus. Dicamus ergo ei: iuraui, et statui custodire iudicia iustitiae tuae [Ps. 118:106]. Statui
quidem, et quia imperasti, promisi oboedientiam: sed quoniam uideo aliam legem in mem-
bris meis repugnantem legi mentis meae, et captiuum me ducentem in lege peccati, quae est
in membris meis [Rom. 7:23]; humiliatus sum usquequaque, Domine, uiuifica me secundum
uerbum tuum [Ps. 118:107]. Ecce uelle adiacet mihi [Rom. 7:18]: ergo uoluntaria oris mei
approba, Domine [Ps. 118:108]; ut fiat pax in terra hominibus bonae uoluntatis. Dicamus ista,
et si qua alia suggerit pietas, sanctis instructa lectionibus: ut nati ex uirgine Domini celebri-
tatem non inaniter frequentemus, inchoati bona uoluntate, perficiendi plenissima caritate;
quae et diffunditur in cordibus nostris, non per nos ipsos, sed per Spiritum Sanctum qui
datus est nobis. pl 38, cols. 10141015.
55 s. 195, 3.
Christological Feasts 21

to free man through his unchangeable truth. The devil influenced creation
through corrupting the heart of a woman. Christ came to free man, born of the
uncorrupted flesh of a woman.56 For the salvation of mankind, He gave the law,
He sent the prophets. Having tried those remedies to cure the diseases of man,
God was prepared to offer Himself for the salvation of mankind. Christ chose
to be born in a human way, so that man could be born in Him, and in order to
ratify the sacraments of rebirth for future believers. He did this so that man
who is imprisoned through the first birth and held responsible for its conse-
quences through following in the footsteps of the Saviour, may obtain the
protection of the second birth, being born again in God and through God, so
that the chains of death may be broken when man receives the promise of
salvation, the Holy Spirit. God appeared visibly to man to teach him personally
what He had previously laid down in the law.57
Human life, from birth to death, is a treacherous rapid into which Christ
swims like a lifeguard. Humanity, planting itself firmly in the middle of the
river, fatally grounds its affections in the riptide of worldly enticements. Christ,
however, moves through this stream only in passing; He did not abide in its
currents. Unafraid of the death He voluntarily took on Himself, He rescued
mankind from the overwhelming torrent. Augustine extends the metaphor:
Christ was willing to share our life/our death, Christ was willing to drink from
the torrent of our life/death; however, being without sin, he did this only in
passing. He came down so that man could rise up. He died so that men would
be resurrected.58 The Word of God could become flesh even without a mother,
in the same way that God made the first man without father and mother.

56 s. 369, 3.
57 s. 371, 2.
God reduced the power, the power of divinity, by putting on the humanity, and made
darkness as a cover around Himself when He hid Himself in the tent of the flesh.
Cf. s. 196A, 2. Elisha (II Reg. 4:29) sent his servant with his staff to revive the dead child,
but the child did not awaken. This represents, according to Augustine, the law of Moses,
given to the Jews, but they were not able to live accordingly. Elisha himself lay on the dead
child and it revived. This symbolizes the humility of Christ who accomodated Himself
to man.
Cf. s. 372, 2. For that marriage celebration (Christ with the Church), the Jews were the
first to be invited. When they refused, the heathen were invited. The lack of understand-
ing of the Jews (versus the faith of the heathen) is a typical theme for the feast of Epiphany.
Cf. A. Dupont, The Relation between Pagani, Gentes and Infideles in Augustines
Sermones ad Populum: A Case Study of Augustines Doctrine of Grace, Augustiniana,
58/12 (2008), pp. 95126.
58 s. 372, 3.
22 Chapter 1

And yet the Incarnation took place through a mother, because God wanted to
honour and save both of the sexes that He had created. Through woman, the
first man fell (through the serpent, by way of woman): through the weaker,
the serpent got a grip on the stronger. Both sexes are encouraged through the
Incarnation: the male sex is honoured in the flesh of Christ, the female in
the mother of Christ. The guile of the serpent is defeated through the grace
made manifest in the Incarnation of the Son of God.59
In conclusion, human ethical responsibility has a distinct place in
Augustines Christmas sermones, namely in the call to imitate the examples of
Mary and Christ. At the same time, the Christmas sermones contain undeni-
able grace themes: the opposition of Adams pride versus Christs humility;
Christs incarnation is not merited but solely grace; in order to free sinful
humanity, the sinless Christ took upon himself the likeness of sinful flesh
(Rom. 8:3) to help humanity to fight against sin. Precisely these themes are
central to his anti-Pelagian writings. Their treatment in the Christmas ser-
mones, however, does not have any specific polemical intention.

2 Epiphany

a Secondary Literature for Epiphany


Augustines sermons on Epiphany a liturgical feast originating from the East,
while Christmas has her roots in the West have been less academically stud-
ied than those of Christmas. Augustines Epiphany sermones serve as source
material for the liturgical-historical reconstructions of the beginnings (of the
dogmatic-spiritual content) of this liturgical feast.60 Patristic Epiphany themes

59 s. 190, 2. Honor masculini sexus est in carne Christi: honor feminini est in matre Christi. Vicit
serpentis astutiam gratia Iesu Christi. pl 38, col. 1008.
Cf. s. 184, 2: in Christs birth, both sexes were honoured.
60 Cf. M. Klckener, Epiphania, in Augustinus-Lexikon, Vol. 25/6, ed. by C. Mayer,
K.H. Chelius, Basel, 2001, cols. 861865. Th.C. Lawler (trans., notes, ed.), St. Augustine,
Sermons for Christmas and Epiphany, Maryland/London, 1952 (Ancient Christian Writers,
15), pp. 319. H. Leclercq, Epiphanie, in Dictionnaire darchologie chrtienne et de
liturgie, Vol. 5/9, ed. by F. Cabrol, Paris, 1922, cols. 198202. J. Lemari, Epiphanie, in
Dictionnaire de spiritualit, ascetique et mystique, Vol. 27, ed. by M. Viller, Paris, 1959, cols.
863879, cols. 868877. P. Paciorek, LAdoration des Mages (Matth. 2, 112) dans la tradi-
tion patristique et au Moyen ge jusquau XIIe sicle, Augustiniana, 50 (2000), pp. 85140.
F.S. Barcellona, I donatisti, lEpifania e i magi secondo Ps. Agostino, sermone Caillau
Saint-Yves II 38, Studi e materiali di storia delle religioni, 50 (1984), pp. 518. For the
development of the concept (and feast of) epiphania within the horizon of Christian
Christological Feasts 23

present in Augustines sermons are: the angels announcement to the Jewish


shepherds, the stars appearance to the (heathen) Wise Men, the importance
of the threefold gifts of the Wise Men as expression of the works that Christ
will fulfil; the Jews pointing out to the Wise Men (the heathen) the way to sal-
vation, but without taking that route themselves; the Wise Men as the first
fruits of the Church/of the gentes; Christ as the cornerstone where two peoples
come together (united in faith); the Wise Men returning home by a different
way, expressing that the Creator of the true patria has ceased to be the ultimate
aim of human effort, which is now attracted by the creation instead of the
Creator.61 The particular themes, such as the star that showed the Wise Men
the way, the one cornerstone, the threefold gifts of the Wise Men, and the
return of the Wise Men to their own country, recur often in patristic literature
after Augustine.62 Martin Klckner emphasizes the distinction that Augustine
makes between Christmas (the revelation to the shepherds the representa-
tives of the Jewish people) and Epiphany (the revelation to the Magi as primi-
tiae gentium), and between the Jews and the heathen: the Jews see Christ
(uidere), while the Magi worship Him (adorare; ss. 199, 3; 200, 3; 201, 1; 202, 1;
203, 1), thus the heathen have a greater humility (s. 203, 2). Ecclesiologically, on
this feast day, Augustine emphasizes the growth of the Church from both pari-
etes, with Christ as lapis angularis.63
Victor Saxer gives Eph. 2:1420 as the epistle reading for this feast, Ps. 18:2 as
the responsorial, and Matth. 2:111 as the gospel reading.64 Martin Klckener
largely confirms this, citing Is. 60:16, Eph. 2:1122, Ps. 18, and Matth. 2:12.65
Michael Margoni-Kgler considers ten sermones preached on the recently
established feast of Epiphany: ss. 199204, 204A, 373, 374augm., 375 (especially
in dialogue with Klckeners study on this topic), and concludes: Is. 60:16?
(s. Dolb. 23, 15.20), Eph. 2:1122 (paene passim implicite), Ps. 18 [:2] (paene
passim implicite), and Matth. 2 [:118/23; :112] (s. 373, 2f.).66

meaning, see: Ch. Mohrmann, Epiphania, in tudes sur le latin des chrtiens, Vol. 1, ed. by
Ch. Mohrmann, Roma, 1958, pp. 245275.
61 J. Lemari, Epiphanie, cols. 868872.
62 P. Paciorek, LAdoration des Mages (Mt 2, 112) dans la tradition patristique et au Moyen
ge jusquau XIIe sicle. Cf. M. Pellegrino, Linflusso di S. Agostino su S. Leone Magno nei
Sermoni sul Natale e sullEpifania, in Ricerche Patristiche (19381980), Vol. 1, ed. by
M. Pellegrino, Turin, 1982, pp. 163194.
63 M. Klckener, Epiphania.
64 V. Saxer (ed.), Saint Augustin. LAnne liturgique, pp. 2527.
65 M. Klckener, Epiphania, col. 862.
66 M. Margoni-Kgler, Die Perikopen im Gottesdienst bei Augustinus, pp. 7077.
24 Chapter 1

b Primary Literature for Epiphany (ss. 199204A; 373375)


1 Jews versus Gentiles
The approximately ten Epiphany sermones,67 delivered twelve days after
Christmas on 6 January,68 concentrate particularly on the similarities between
the Wise Men (as the primitiae gentium) and the gentiles on the one hand,
and the shepherds and the Jews on the other hand, where the emphasis is put
on the unity in Christ (as the cornerstone) of the heathen-Christians and the
Jewish-Christians (two walls united in the cornerstone of Christ, the unity
between uncircumcised and circumcised).69 Augustine also emphasizes that
although the star of the Wise Men could also have shown the way to Bethlehem,
this did not happen, so that the Wise Men had to consult the Jews. The reason
for this is, according to Augustine, because the Jews retain the Old Testament,
and therefore also the promises concerning Christ, meaning that Christians
could not later be reproached for having introduced these promises to the
Holy Scriptures. Augustine repeats continually that the Jews showed the Wise

67 s. 199: Kunzelmann: 6 January, Hill: Epiphany, Rebillard: 6 January, Gryson: Epiphany.


s. 200: Kunzelmann: 6 January, ca. 393405, Hill: Epiphany, 399405, Rebillard: 6 January,
393405, Gryson: Epiphany, 393/405.
s. 201: Kunzelmann: 6 January, Hill: Epiphany, 411415, Rebillard: 6 January, 393405,
Gryson: Epiphany, 411/415.
s. 202: Kunzelmann: 6 January, 405411, Hill: Epiphany, 405411, Rebillard: 6 January,
405411, Gryson: Epiphany, 400/410.
s. 203: Kunzelmann: 6 January, 410412, Hill: Epiphany, 410412, Rebillard: 6 January,
410412, Gryson: Epiphany, 410/412.
s. 204: Kunzelmann: 6 January, Hill: Epiphany, Rebillard: 6 January, Gryson: Epiphany.
s. 204A: Hill: Epiphany, Rebillard: 6 January, Gryson: Epiphany, eher ein Machwerk aus
echtem Material als ein eigentlicher Sermo.
s. 373: Hill: Epiphany, 413, Rebillard: Epiphany, Gryson: wohl echt (Epiphanie 412/413),
aber interpoliert.
s. 374 (Dolbeau 23. Mainz 59): Hill: Epiphany, 402/409, Rebillard: Epiphany, 6 January
406412, Gryson: 06/01, Epiphany, around 409.
s. 375: Hill: Epiphany, Rebillard: Epiphany, Gryson: Epiphany, Echtheit zweifelhaft.
68 Augustine emphasizes the relationship between the two feasts. In s. 204, 2 he calls the
twin feasts Christmas and Epiphany (geminata solemnitate) a great sacrament, a great
mystery. A number of Christmas themes are also revisited in this way, such as for example
the virginity of Mary (ss. 200, 2; 373, 5) and the smallness/vulnerability of the newly born
Christ (ss. 200, 12; 204A, 1).
69 ss. 199, 1; 201, 1; 202, 14; 203, 1; 204, 13; 204A; 373, 1; 374, 13; 375.
s. 202, 2: It is exactly this unity that the Donatists deny. Indeed, the Donatists reject the
feast of Epiphany.
Christological Feasts 25

Men the way in the way that milestones do to Christ, but that they did not
take this route themselves.70

2 The Grace of Faith and of Christ


The theme of grace is found less frequently in the sermons on the feast of
Epiphany than on the feast of Christmas. Explaining the Epiphany story,
Augustine refers to grace to distinguish the heathens from the Jews and the
believing from the unbelieving Jews. The Wise Men had to question the lead-
ing Jews to find their way to Christ, Jews who did not believe in Christ (who had
the law at their fingertips, but not in their hearts). According to the preacher
Augustine this means that in this way, the unbelievers gave the believers the
answer of the gratia fidei. The Jews pointed out the source of life to others, but
died themselves of thirst.71 The shepherds were the first to see Christ. Grace
(gratia) came first to them among the Jews; they were humble and quick to
delight in their salvation. The Wise Men bore the heavy burden of many sins
and sought forgiveness.72 The wild olive tree (the heathen) deserved to have its
nature changed through grace (gratia).73 Augustine urges: Let us (heathen
Christians), through Christ (the cornerstone), continue to be united with the
remnant of Israel (prefigured in the shepherds), who are saved per electionem
gratiae.74 Through his grace, while still lying in a crib, Christ saved the
children that Herod put to death, even though they were not baptized.75

70 ss. 199, 2; 200, 3; 201, 3; 202, 3; 373, 4; 374, 1415.


ss. 199, 3; 201, 1. In this context, Augustine also points out that stars do not influence the
life of men. The star that showed the way to Bethlehem did not imply that Christ was born
under the control of the stars. Even ordinary mortals are not born under the control of the
stars. Whoever thinks this to be so, denies the freedom of will through which man sins,
and creates the necessity for the defence of, and as an alibi for, his own sins. Christ, in
contrast, controls the stars. It was not the star that had caused Christ to live, but Christ
Himself caused the stars appearance.
71 s. 199, 2.
72 s. 203, 2. This humility is to be found sooner, according to Augustine, among the heathens
than among the Jews, as the examples of the centurion and the Canaanite woman
illustrate.
73 s. 203, 3.
74 s. 200, 4.
75 s. 373, 3. O paruuli beati, modo nati, nunquam tentati, nondum luctati, iam coronati. Ille de
uestra corona dubitauerit in passione pro Christo, qui etiam baptismum paruulis prodesse
non existimat Christi. Non habebatis quidem aetatem, qua in Christum passurum crederetis:
sed habebatis carnem, in qua pro Christo passuro passionem sustineretis. Nullo modo istos
infantes desereret gratia saluatoris infantis, qui uenerat quaerere quod perierat, non solum
26 Chapter 1

Thus, directly caused by the Epiphany theme, Augustine preaches on


the distinction between believers and non-believers, i.c. the grace of
faith.
A central aspect of grace for Augustine is, of course, salvation through
Christ. Herod sought Christ in order to sin against Him, namely, to kill Him.
The Wise Men sought the One who was able to forgive all their sins, Who came
in order to save mankind.76 Augustine points out that the gifts that the Wise
Men brought Christ differ from the Old Testament sacrifices that prefigure
these gifts. A new type of sacrifice was needed. Augustine explains this in medi-
cus terminology. One man, Adam, has filled the whole world with his offspring.
Mankind is like one immense, sick patient: sprawled ailing across the whole
world, in need of healing. Man can make himself ill, but man is not able to
make himself well. For this he requires a medicus. Man requires, and needs to
accept, the professional skill of a medicus to heal man, to distinguish between
the various illnesses (which change) and the various medicines. Since illnesses
change, medicines also change; this means that the sacrifices offered to God
will also change.77 God Himself predicted that the Old Testament sacrifices
would pass away, that one sacrifice would be provided: the body of Christ that

in carne nascendo, uerum etiam in cruce pendendo ad inferos descendendo, et in caelis


ascendendo, et ad dexteram Patris sedendo. pl 39, col. 1664.
If Christ, at the time of his birth, was already able to allow Himself be announced by
angels and by heaven (i.e. the star), and allow Himself be adored by the Wise Men, then
He was also already able to have prevented the children dying for Him, if He had known
that they would perish through such a death and not receive eternal life. Augustine rejects
the idea that Christ, who came to free mankind, would not have done anything to reward
those who suffered for Him, basing himself on the observation that while He hung on the
cross, He prayed for those by whom He was put to death.
Nam qui potuit natus habere praedicatores angelos, narratores caelos, adoratores
magos, potuit et illis ne pro eo hic morerentur praestare, si sciret illa morte perituros, et non
potius maiore felicitate uicturos. Absit, absit, ut ad liberandos homines Christus ueniens,
de illorum praemio qui pro eo interficerentur nihil egerit, qui pendens in ligno pro eis a qui-
bus interficiebatur orauit. pl 39, col. 1665.
76 s. 373, 3.
77 s. 374, 16.
s. 374, 18. The Wise Men offered Christ that which they had previously (sinfully) offered to
demons. That they offer these to Christ is not wrong in itself it is, after all, God Himself
who has made frankincense, myrrh and gold. What they offered to Christ is not however
the same as the Old Testament sacrifices. Christ accepted them, not as sacrifices, but
rather as a sign. He accepted frankincense as God, gold as King, and myrrh as One who
would die (for his funeral). This was offered to God under the Old Covenant, but was
however changed under the New Covenant.
Christological Feasts 27

takes away sin.78 Blood was previously shed as a sacrifice, as a prediction of the
shedding of the blood of the one true victim, namely of the Lord. This is the
price that He paid for man, in order to blot out mans guilt. All previous sacri-
fices which were practised without being understood pointed to one thing:
Christ.79 God no longer wants animal sacrifices or incense.80 Sin was not
removed by those sacrifices, but on the contrary was confirmed by them. These
sacrifices testify against the people of the Old Testament, revealing their sins.
These sacrifices condemned them, but did not cleanse them.81 It is neither a
ram, nor a bull, nor a goat, nor incense that takes away sin, but Christ. Christ
requires the acceptance of His own grace, so that no one may boast regarding
his own merit or of the abundance of his sacrifices. It is Christ who does every-
thing. He is the medicus (because He is the Word) and the medicine (because
the Word has become flesh). Christ is at the same time the sacrifice and the

78 s. 374, 19. The priesthood of Aaron (animal sacrifices) was replaced by the priesthood of
Melchisedek (the body of Christ). We no longer offer Christ frankincense. He has estab-
lished a new sacrifice, of which all previous sacrifices were mere shadows.
79 s. 374, 20. God does not want blood or incense, but solely our deuotio. This is for our utili-
tas. Whoever serves a human master does so for the utilitas of that master. Serving God is
however, for our utilitas, and not for his utilitas. God has no need of our good things, of
our sacrifices.
80 s. 374, 21.
81 s. 374, 22. Audeamus dicere Domino Deo nostro: et quare prius ista instituisti? Iam hic
quaerimus intellectum. Quia non erat in his abolitio, sed testificatio peccatorum. Quod
dixi, scio esse obscurum et aliquantum manifestandum. Sed breuiter dico, quia multa iam
dixi; si forte minus hoc explicare potuero propter angustias temporis, aderit Dominus ut
alio tempore ualeam. Tamen hoc dico: populus ille sic fuit, ut haberet sapientes quosdam,
sanctos, iustos, haberet etiam turbam carnalem nescientem cur ista iuberentur, facientem
potius quam intellegentem; nunc autem per hunc prophetam, quare illa iusserit, breuiter
ostendit. Cum dixisset: nec adipes sacrificiorum tuorum concupiui [Is. 43:24] et cetera talia,
continuo quasi quaereretur cur ea tunc iusserit, subiecit et ait: in peccatis autem tuis et iniq-
uitatibus adstabis mihi [Is. 43:24]. Valebant enim ista omnia ad testimonium peccantibus.
Quare hoc? Nisi ad deponendam ceruicem superbiae. Quare hoc? Nisi quia uenturus erat
Christus cum gratia, delens chirographum peccatorum, et dicturi erant iudaei: nos iusti
sumus. Sed quid illis apostolus dicit? Omnes enim peccauerunt et egent gloria Dei [Rom.
3:23]. Vnde, inquit, probas quia peccauimus? Testimonia contra uos dicunt sacrificia quae
pro peccatis offerebatis. Hoc dicit Deus: neque adipem sacrificiorum tuorum concupiui, in
peccatis autem tuis et iniquitatibus adstabas mihi [Is. 43:24]. Vnde sacrificia quae offerebas
conuincebant te, non mundabant. Iam ergo rea plebs, fracta superbia, confitens aegritudi-
nem, quaerens salutem, sibi dicat: quid ergo faciam? Si illis sacrificiis non mundata sunt
peccata mea, unde mundabor? F. Dolbeau (ed.), Vingt-six sermons au peuple dAfrique,
Paris, 1996, pp. 613614.
28 Chapter 1

priest. He takes away sin so that man can thereafter lead a good life, so that
man is able to receive what He has promised.82
The final takeaway concerning grace in Augustines Ephiphany sermons
revolves around the grace of faith and Christological grace. First, the faith
of the Wise Men, the Shepherds, and the Jews is connected with the theme
of the grace of faith; however not in the technical way found in his anti-
Pelagian treatises, namely that initium fidei and perseuerantia are gifts of
grace. Perhaps this can be accounted for by the sermones genre: Augustine
wishes to exhort his audience to the (humble) faith rather than give them
an extensive description of the (gratia-) nature of this fides. This observa-
tion exemplifies in particular that Augustine is an occasionalist preacher
of grace: prompted by the specific Scripture texts, grace is dealt with in pass-
ing and certainly not in an explicit or polemical way. Second, Christ is por-
trayed as medicus/saluator, but this is not uncommon for Augustines preaching
in general, and again although themes like Adamic sin and the gratuity of
grace are present we did not encounter traces of a technical/anti-Pelagian
exposition in this regard. Also noteworthy in this context is that Augustine
reacts against an astrological determinism: not the stars, but human free will
decides to sin.

82 s. 374, 23. Augustine refers here to the Wise Men, the first fruit of the heathen: through the
abundance of their sin, grace could become even more abundant.
Audi quod sequitur: ego sum, ego sum qui deleo iniquitates tuas, ut iustificeris
[Is. 43:25sq.]. Ego sum, ego sum [Is. 43:25], non taurus, non aries, non hircus, non
aromata ulla, non tura, sed ego sum, ego sum qui deleo iniquitates tuas, ut iustificeris
[Is. 43:25]. Quantum commendauit gratiam suam! Ne quisquam glorietur de meritis
operum uel abundantia uictimarum, non suffecit dicere semel: ego sum [Is. 43:25], sed
hoc geminando uehementius commendauit: ego sum, ego sum [Is. 43:25]. Ipse medicus,
ipse medicamentum. Medicus quia uerbum, medicamentum quia uerbum caro factum.
Ipse sacerdos, ipse sacrificium. Ego sum, ego sum qui deleo iniquitates tuas, ut iustificeris
[Is. 43:25sq.]. Ne forte, quia dicit: deleo iniquitates tuas [Is. 43:25], semper te peccare
delectet, ad hoc delet ut iustificeris [Is. 43:26], id est ut deletis prioribus iniquitatibus recte
postea uiuas, ut quod promisit accipias. Merito et illi magi, primitiae gentium, in quibus
quantum abundauerat peccatum, tantum superabundauit gratia, diuinitus admoniti
ne redirent ad Herodem, per aliam uiam regressi sunt [Matth. 2:12]. Qui mutauit tunc
uiam magorum, ipse etiam nunc mutat uitam malorum. Cuius in carne manifestationem,
quod graece dicitur epiphania, iustificatae in spiritu gentes hodierna sollemnitate
concelebrant, ut renouet memoriam sollemnitas, uigeat deuotione pietas, ferueat congrega-
tione caritas, luceat inuidis ueritas. F. Dolbeau (ed.), Vingt-six sermons au peuple dAfrique,
pp. 614615.
Christological Feasts 29

3 Easter Period

a Secondary Literature for the Easter Period


The question regarding possible Scripture readings during the Easter liturgy
has already been thoroughly examined by, amongst others, Geoffrey Willis,83
Cyrille Lambot,84 Anton Zwinggi,85 Victor Saxer,86 Suzanne Poque,87 and
Daniel Dideberg.88 Michael Margoni-Kgler analyses the information fur-
nished by the sermones preached during the period of Quadragesima and the
Holy Week. During the forty days of Lent, the liturgical readings were the fol-
lowing: Old Testament: probably Is. 58:110/11[14] [37] [37] (e.g., ss. 205, 3;
206, 3; 207, 1), probably Gen. 3233 [s. 5, 5f.], I Reg. 17:816 [24?] (s. Lambot 10
[=136B], 4), and probably II Reg. 4:837 (s. 136, 5f.); Epistles: I Ioh. 2* [89]
(s. 211, 2), I Cor. 13:18a [8a] (s. 352, 4), Gal. 4:820 [16] (s. 392, 4), and probablyII
Cor. 5* [20] [6*?] (s. frg. Verbr. 11 [=392=162B]); Psalm: probably Ps. 26 (s. 216,
1.5.8), probably Ps. 35 (e.g., s. Guelf. 1 [=213, 1]), and probably Ps. 42 [R: 11] (s. 5,
3), Ps. 50 [R: 11] (s. 352, 1); Gospel: probably Luc. 6* [3738] (e.g., ss. 205, 3; 206,
2; 208, 2; 210, 12), Matth. 6:5/715 (ss. 58, 1; 59, 1), probably Matth. 18:2335 (s. 5,
2), probably Ioh. 5:118 (s. 125, 1), Ioh. 6* [55f] (s. 132, 1), Ioh. 9 (s. 136, 1 [s. Mai
130; Lambot 10; 11]), and probably Luc. 13:1017 (s. frg. Verbr. 11 [=392, =162B]).89
Does Augustine commemorate Christs passion during the Easter vigil and
not specifically on the Friday and Saturday before Easter implying that
for Augustine the Easter vigil is the end of Quadragesima? Margoni-Kgler
studies the possible answers to this historical-liturgical question.90 Further, he

83 G.C. Willis, St. Augustines Lectionary.


84 C. Lambot, Les sermons de saint Augustin pour les ftes de Pques. Liturgie et archolo-
gie, Revue bndictine, 79 (1969), pp. 148172 (Revue des sciences religieuses, 30 (1956),
pp. 230240).
85 A. Zwinggi, Die Perikopenordnungen der Osterwoche in Hippo und die Chronologie der
Predigten des hl. Augustinus, Augustiniana, 20 (1970), pp. 534.
86 V. Saxer (ed.), Saint Augustin. LAnne liturgique, pp. 1619.
87 S. Poque, Les lectures liturgiques de loctave pascale Hippone daprs les traits de
S. Augustin sur la premire Eptre de s. Jean, Revue bndictine, 74 (1964), pp. 217241.
88 D. Dideberg, Les lectures liturgiques de la semaine pascale (Tr. I, prol.), in Homlies sur
la premire pitre de saint Jean, ed. by J.W. Mountain, transl. by J. Lemouzy, ann. and
introd. by D. Dideberg, Paris, 2008 (Bibliothque augustinienne. Oeuvres de saint
Augustin. Srie 9, 76), pp. 435436.
S. Poque and D. Dideberg base their position on the first 8 tractatus on the first Epistle
of John, sermons which he gave during during the Easter week.
89 M. Margoni-Kgler, Die Perikopen im Gottesdienst bei Augustinus, pp. 8195.
90 M. Margoni-Kgler, Die Perikopen im Gottesdienst bei Augustinus, pp. 95100.
30 Chapter 1

reconstructs the readings (Gen. 1, Ps. 41, Ex. 15, Dan. 3, Is. 2, Matth. 28) and the
structure of Augustines Easter vigils (in dialogue with the suggestions of
Suzanne Poque and Anton Zwinggi) on the basis of evidence provided by
Augustines sermones, tractatus, and other writings.91 There are indications
that Act. 1, Ps. 117 and the prologue of John were read during the liturgy of the
Sunday of Easter,92 and Ps. 115, Ps. 117 and Ioh. 20 (and on the basis of the ep. Io.
tr. 18: Ioh. 1:114[?], Act. 2:141[47], Luc. 24:1346[?], [Ioh. 20:17 ??], Marc.
16:[19]15[20], Ps. 146, [Ioh. 21:1517 ??], Matth. 6?:[5]1215?, Matth. 5:[43]
466:1[4] during the Easter octave).93
Andrea Bizzozero studies the centrality of the Easter mystery in all of
Augustines approximately 580 preserved sermones ad populum. This centrality
is both descriptive-speculative-Christological the Easter event is the crux
of the theology developed in the sermones (systematic theology) and
normative-anthropological-moral, since according to Augustines preaching, it
is the foundation and even the task of Christian life (pastoral theology). The
specific genre of Augustines sermons encourages a twofold presentation of
the Paschal mystery, because the sermones are at once theological reflections
and pastoral exhortations, in which Augustine simultaneously seeks for the
truth, proclaims it, and applies it concretely to human life.94
Pascha, according to Augustine, is derived from the Hebrew, meaning tran-
situs, and not from the Greek (suffering), although this meaning is of course
akin to it: in Christs passion (suffering, Greek: paschein), He has passed from
death to life. Moreover, His transition is also ours.95 Easter is a sacrement du

91 M. Margoni-Kgler, Die Perikopen im Gottesdienst bei Augustinus, pp. 100114.


92 M. Margoni-Kgler, Die Perikopen im Gottesdienst bei Augustinus, pp. 114118.
93 M. Margoni-Kgler, Die Perikopen im Gottesdienst bei Augustinus, pp. 119126.
94 A. Bizzozero, Il mistero pasquale di Ges Cristo e lesistenza credente nei Sermones di
Agostino, Frankfurt am Main/Berlin/Bern/Bruxelles/New York/Oxford/Wien, 2010
(Patrologia, Beitrge zum Studium der Kirchenvter, 23).
This study is divided into three parts. The first part deals with Augustines thematiza-
tion of Christs passion, death and descent in hell. The second part studies how the topics
of Christs resurrection, ascension and Pentecost feature in Augustines sermones. The
third part relates the sermones Easter Christology investigated in the first two parts of
the monograph with the life of every believer.
95 M.-F. Berrouard, La Pque, in Homlies sur lvangile de saint Jean LV-LXXIX, ed. by
M.-F. Berrouard, Paris, 1993 (Bibliothque augustinienne. Oeuvres de saint Augustin.
Srie 9, 74A), pp. 401403. Ch. Mohrmann, Pascha, Passio, Transitus, in Etudes sur le latin
des chrtiens, Vol. 1, ed. by Ch. Mohrmann, Roma, 1958 (Storia e letteratura, 65), pp. 205
222 (Ephemerides Liturgicae, 66 (1952), 3752). Mohrmann suggests that what is central in
the Easter Vigil is the pascha (as transitus) and resurrectio Domini (and not the idea of
Christological Feasts 31

passage, according to the bishop of Hippo.96 Anton Zwinggi demonstrates


that Augustine, in his Easter Vigil sermons, calls on his listeners to keep watch,
and gives biblical references of appeals to keep watch. The theological mean-
ing here is that Christ passes from the sleep of death into the eternal Vigil of
the resurrection.97 Karl Baus points out that three intrinsically related, central

triduum crucifixi, sepulti, suscitati). Nor is the emphasis on the resurrection, but on the
sacrificial death of Christ as transition to eternal life.
B. Studer emphasizes the sacramental character that Easter (as transitus) has for
Augustine (cf. ep. 55). He suggests that Augustine, on the Wednesday before Easter, with
reference to Ps. 21, remembers Christs suffering, on Thursday, the Last Supper, on Friday
the suffering of Christ, on Saturday the resting of Christs flesh in the grave this second
day of the Triduum immediately constitutes a unity with the third day, namely Easter. The
Easter Vigil includes both watching at Christs grave and joy in consequence of the resur-
rection. B. Studer, Zum Triduum sacrum bei Augustinus von Hippo, in La celebrazione
del triduo pasquale. Anamnesis e mimesis. Atti del III Congresso internat. di Liturgia, ed. by
I. Scicolone, Roma, 1990, pp. 273286. For the sacramental transitus character expressed
in Triduum, see also: A. Roth, Pascha und Hinbergang durch Glaube, Hoffnung
und Liebe (Augustinus, Brief 55 an Januarius), in Mlanges offerts Mademoiselle
Christine Mohrmann. Nouveau recueil offert par ses anciens lves, ed. by L.J. Engels,
H.W.F.M. Hoppenbrouwers, A.J. Vermeulen, Utrecht-Anvers, 1973, pp. 96107.
Cf. I.-H. Dalmais, Pques (Rsonances spirituelles du mystre pascal), in Dictionnaire
de spiritualit, ascetique et mystique, Vol. 12, ed. by M. Viller, Paris, 1983, cols. 171182, esp.
cols. 172177 : the main Easter themes of the Patristic period and Augustines own synthe-
sis of these. Cf. P. Jounel, La nuit pascale II. La Tradition de lEglise, La Maison-Dieu, 67
(1961), pp. 123144: Easter Vigil during the Patristic period, with references from Augustine
in particular as source for the (theological) meaning of the Easter Vigil, especially as tran-
situs (pp. 131132); P. Jounel, Le dimanche et le temps de Pques. II. La Tradition de
lEglise, La Maison-Dieu, 67 (1961), pp. 163182: Easter Sunday and the Easter season in the
Patristic period.
96 S. Poque, Saint Augustin, Jsus-Christ mort et ressuscit pour nous. Introduction et traduc-
tion de S. Poque, Paris, 1986 (Foi Vivante, 214).
97 A. Zwinggi, Die Osternacht bei Augustinus, Liturgisches Jahrbuch, 20 (1970), pp. 410.
Zwinggi suggests that there are actually no concrete references to the liturgy for baptism
to be found in the sermons that succeed this sermon. Possibly, on the basis of s. 223E, the
baptismal liturgy took place before the sermon or before the Vigil (with readings for the
baptismal liturgy being: Dan. 13, Ex. 15, Rom. 6 and Ps. 41).
The Easter Vigil represented the end of Lent for Augustine and not Maundy Thursday
(as previously accepted, in particular by C. Callewaert, La dure et le caractre du Carme
ancien dans lglise latine, Sacris Erudiri, (1940), pp. 449560), according to H. Frank. He
bases his arguments in this respect on indications given by Augustine himself, especially
in s. 252, in the context of his explanation of the number 153: in which the number forty
plays a role, and indicates the time of Lent, which Augustine sees as actually ending
32 Chapter 1

thoughts constitute the content of Augustines Easter proclamation: resurrec-


tion is central to Christian faith; in baptism the Christian dies and rises
again, together with the Lord; thus baptism is a moral command.98 Easter
means that Christ as mercator brings about a healing exchange: He takes on
our death in order to give us life. Christs humility is here central.99 Eric
Aumonier points out the threefold significance that Christs Passion has for
salvation according to Augustine: the overcoming of pride, a sacrifice of
caritas, and the redemption of the whole world.100 Suzanne Poque suspects
that a mixed public would have been present during the Easter preaching, in

during the Easter Vigil. Additional supporting material: en. ps. 110, 1; 148, 1; ss. 125; 254, 5.
H. Frank, Die Paschavigil als Ende der Quadragesima und ihr Festinhalt bei Augustinus,
Archiv fr Liturgiewissenschaft, 9 (1965), pp. 127.
98 Der erste Gedankenkreis bewegt sich um den religisen Sinn der Auferstehung des Herrn
schlechthin, der zweite umfat das sakramentale Geschehen der Osternacht und der
dritte die Folgerung aus den beiden vorhergehenden, da nmlich das Ereignis des ersten
Ostertages und das sakramentale Geschehen an jedem neuen Osterfest den Christen zu
einer Lebensfhrung verpflichten, die als Nachfolge Christi eine fortgesetzte sterliche
Vigil darstellen soll. K. Baus, Ostern in der Verkndigung des heiligen Augustinus, in
Paschatis Sollemnia. Studien zu Osterfeier und Osterfrmmigkeit, ed. by B. Fischer,
J. Wagner, Basel/Freiburg/Wien, 1959, pp. 5767, p. 61.
99 M. Corbin, Il nous a donn sa mort en gage. Le mystre pascal chez saint Augustin, La
Maison-Dieu, 232 (2002), pp. 3574.
100 In his passion, although without guilt, Christ still suffered. He exercised patience and
humility in order to heal man and to redeem him with his blood. His passion means heal-
ing from pride. s. 229E, 1 emphasizes that Christ came of his own accord (and not under
obligation: en. ps. 119, 2) condescendance from the sphere of life, to the sphere of death
(i.e., misfortune, namely the condition humaine after the fall). In our sphere, it was not
possible for Him to find anything else. The humility of Christs crucifixion is a continua-
tion of the humilty of his incarnation. The illness from which mankind suffers since the
fall is so severe that only Christs grace is able to heal it. Augustine expresses, in the medi-
cus imagery, that Christ, as the doctor, takes on the patients wounds and even, in order
to reassure the patient, drinks the medicine. Secondly, it is a sacrifice of caritas (en. ps. 21,
2, 28). Christ is thereby the mediator. Man can no longer reach God through his own
strength, but remains at a distance through sin. Only Christ is able to bridge that gap.
Christ has received from us our flesh. He has shared in our mortality, so that we would
be able to share in his immortality. Thirdly, through his passion with his blood
He redeems the whole world, ensuring the universality of salvation (en. ps. 61, 22),
the redemption of the Church-bride, and the union of the Church with Christ.
E. Aumonier, La Passion du Christ dans la prdication de saint Augustin, Roma, 1983
(Excerpta ex dissertatione ad Doctoratum in Facultate Theologiae Pontificae Universitatis
Gregorianae).
Christological Feasts 33

particular through the specific presence of the catechumens/competentes (and


penitents). Therefore, all layers of the population of Hippo must have been
present.101
Hubertus R. Drobner, in his translation of sermones 218229D, gives an
extensive survey of Augustines sermones of the Easter Triduum. After a short
liturgical-historical introduction addressing Easter in the Early Church,102 he
discusses the Easter celebration in Hippo. Although this may not have been the
case when Augustine began his episcopacy, there is evidence that indicates
that Augustine (later) celebrated the three days of the Triduum with four cel-
ebrations: Good Friday (without any indication of the exact time), the Easter
Vigil during the night of Holy Saturday, the Eucharist during the early morning
of Easter, and very probably one more liturgical celebration during the after-
noon of Easter Sunday. Augustine emphasizes the sacramental character of
the Easter Triduum (cf. epistula 55) by identifying the feast as mysterium and

101 S. Poque (ed.), Saint Augustin, Jsus-Christ mort et ressuscit pour nous. Introduction, texte
critique, traduction et notes de S. Poque, Paris, 1986 (Foi Vivante, 214).
ss. 121, 227, 231, 232, 237, 246, 250, 253, 257, 258 are, according to Poque successive sermons
in the Easter week, very probably the Easter week of 6 to 13 April 413.
102 H.R. Drobner (ed.), Augustinus von Hippo, Predigten zum sterlichen Triduum (Sermones
218229D). Einleitung, Text, bersetzung und Anmerkungen, Frankfurt am Main u.a., 2006
(Patrologia. Beitrge zum Studium der Kirchenvter, 16), pp. 4345.
In her translation and publication of Augustines Easter sermons, S. Poque also offers
an extensive introduction. She first discusses Augustines vision of Easter as a sacrament
(pp. 1354). For the bishop, the Easter feast is of course le sacrement du passage: remem-
bering and renewing the historical fact of Christs crucifixion and resurrection, as solem-
nitas, as celebratio and especially as sacramentum, where the emphasis on Easter as
transitus (cf. Ioh. 13:1; Ioh. 5:24; Rom. 4:25), as transition, underscores the sacramental
character of Easter (pp. 1316). This is why Augustine gives Christ the titles of saluator,
redemptor, medicus, and mercator (pp. 1621). It is the feast of a new birth for the baptized
(in which context Poque discusses the pre-baptismal penitence and the sequence of ritu-
als: pp. 2140), of the return of the penitents (pp. 4047), for all believers (pp. 4851).
In the Easter Vigil the (coming) light is central, Christus dies (pp. 5254). Secondly,
Poque gives scrupulous consideration to the Easter preaching (pp. 55115): during Lent
(pp. 5559), on the traditio and redditio of the symbolum (pp. 5964) and of the Pater
Noster (pp. 6569), during the Easter feast (Quarta sabbati ante Pascha: pp. 6970;
Good Friday: pp. 7173; Easter Vigil: pp. 7377; Easter Sunday: pp. 7885; Easter Octave:
pp. 85115). In conclusion she discusses the text of the sermons (pp. 116143): the language
(latin tardif) and style (pp. 116128), the dating (pp. 129131), the existing editions
(pp. 131134) and her own edition (pp. 134143). S. Poque (ed.), Augustin dHippone,
Sermons pour la Pque. Introduction, texte critique, traduction et notes de S. Poque, Paris,
2003 (ib. 1966) (Sources chrtiennes, 116).
34 Chapter 1

sacramentum.103 Drobner considers Augustines Easter preaching,104 and the


style and rhetoric therein (including, e.g., fictional dialogue, metaphors, and
hymn passages).105 In conclusion, he discusses Augustines Easter theology:106
the biblical orchestration107 and the theology of Good Friday (addressing sote-
riology, ecclesiology, eschatology and Christology).108 Drobner points in this
context to the polemical aspects in the Easter sermons, which were intended
to teach the catechumens the true faith and not because of the presence of
these opponents in his audience; the sermons include apologetics against
Jews, heathen, and haeretici (Apollinarians, Arians, Donatists, Manichaeans,
Pelagians, and Photinians).109 Concerning the Pelagians and the doctrine of
grace, he observes:

Pelagianer: Der Begriff der Gnade kommt in Augustins Predigten zum


sterlichen Triduum hufig vor, zumeist aber im Sinn der Gnade des
Festes bzw. der Erlsung. Nur zwei Stellen verknpfen ihn mit der
Rechtfertigung und den Werken, ohne da daraus geschlossen werden
knnte, da diese beiden Predigten in die Zeit der Kontroverse selbst
fallen. Es handelt sich dabei um theologische Themen, die im Rahmen
des pelagianischen Streites im Zentrum stehen, von Augustinus aber
ohne weiteres auch schon zuvor behandelt wurden: (1) Gerechtigkeit
erlangt der Mensch nicht allein, sondern nur mit der Gnade Gottes

103 H.R. Drobner (ed.), Augustinus von Hippo, Predigten zum sterlichen Triduum (Sermones
218229D), pp. 4558.
In the same way, Good Friday is also sacramental in character: sacramentum Dominicae
passionis (s. 218B, 1), and this is no sad day, but one of joy, since it is redemption that
is central. Drobner discusses sequentially Good Friday (pp. 5051), the Easter Vigil
(pp. 5256) and Easter Sunday (pp. 5758).
104 H.R. Drobner (ed.), Augustinus von Hippo, Predigten zum sterlichen Triduum (Sermones
218229D), pp. 5872.
105 H.R. Drobner (ed.), Augustinus von Hippo, Predigten zum sterlichen Triduum (Sermones
218229D), pp. 6172.
106 H.R. Drobner (ed.), Augustinus von Hippo, Predigten zum sterlichen Triduum (Sermones
218229D), pp. 72100.
107 H.R. Drobner (ed.), Augustinus von Hippo, Predigten zum sterlichen Triduum (Sermones
218229D), pp. 7284.
108 H.R. Drobner (ed.), Augustinus von Hippo, Predigten zum sterlichen Triduum (Sermones
218229D), pp. 8486.
109 H.R. Drobner (ed.), Augustinus von Hippo, Predigten zum sterlichen Triduum (Sermones
218229D), pp. 8690.
Christological Feasts 35

(s. 223I). (2) Die Gnade wird dem Menschen ohne vorherige Verdienste
von Gott aus freien Stcken geschenkt (s. 224, 1).110

With the same purpose of instructing those who had just been baptised, both
clarifications of the elements of the Creed111 and explanations concerning bap-
tism and the Eucharist are to be found in the Easter sermons.112 The themes of
rebirth and Christian life,113 soteriology,114 and eschatology are prominently
present in the Easter preaching.115

b Primary Literature for the Easter Period


1 Good Friday (The Passion of the Lord: ss. 218218C)
The presence of the theme of grace in the four preserved sermones116 on the
Passion of the Lord is to be expected.117 The blood of Christ has atoned for the

110 H.R. Drobner (ed.), Augustinus von Hippo, Predigten zum sterlichen Triduum (Sermones
218229D), p. 90.
111 H.R. Drobner (ed.), Augustinus von Hippo, Predigten zum sterlichen Triduum (Sermones
218229D), pp. 9094.
112 H.R. Drobner (ed.), Augustinus von Hippo, Predigten zum sterlichen Triduum (Sermones
218229D), pp. 9495.
Cf. H.R. Drobner, Die sterliche Eucharistie bei Augustinus, in Surrexit Dominus vere.
Die Gegenwart des Auferstandenen in seiner Kirche. Fr Erzbischof Dr. Johannes Joachim
Degenhardt im Auftrag der Theologischen Fakultt Paderborn, ed. by J. Ernst, S. Leimgruber,
Paderborn, 1995, pp. 159171: ss. 227; 228B; 229; 229A; 272, Easter sermons with fundamen-
tal catechetics on the Eucharist for the newly baptized (including among other things,
subjects such as daily communon, the body of Christ as the Church and as the Eucharist,
and the correct disposition of the believer when receiving the Eucharist).
113 H.R. Drobner (ed.), Augustinus von Hippo, Predigten zum sterlichen Triduum (Sermones
218229D), pp. 9596.
114 H.R. Drobner (ed.), Augustinus von Hippo, Predigten zum sterlichen Triduum (Sermones
218229D), pp. 9698.
115 H.R. Drobner (ed.), Augustinus von Hippo, Predigten zum sterlichen Triduum (Sermones
218229D), pp. 9899.
116 s. 218: Kunzelmann: Good Friday, before 420, Hill: Good Friday, before 420, Rebillard: ,
Gryson: Good Friday.
s. 218A (two fragments in Beda and Florus): Hill: 400410, Rebillard: around 400410,
Gryson: Good Friday 400/410.
s. 218B (Guelf. 2): Kunzelmann: Good Friday, ca. 397, Hill: Good Friday, 397, Rebillard:
Good Friday, close to 397, Gryson: Good Friday, 12/04/407, Hombert: 12 April 407.
s. 218C (Guelf. 3): Kunzelmann: Good Friday, before 410, Hill: Good Friday, 412, Rebillard:
Good Friday, 412415, Gryson: Good Friday, after 411/412, Hombert: April 411412.
117 s. 218B, 1. Augustine explains that this feast is the annual explicit remembrance of the
Passion (that we actually recall daily). See also s. 218, 1.
36 Chapter 1

evil deeds of men and has brought about their salvation.118 Through an exege-
sis of Ps. 40:12, Augustine offers the explanation that Caluaria represents the
forgiveness of all sins.119 The death of Christ is intended to bring man to life. He
received death from man, not because He deserved it, but because of human-
itys own need.120 Believers should not be ashamed of the death of the Lord;
rather they need to trust in it and be proud of it. Through the cross, He gave
man the life that man was not able to give to himself. He loved man so much
that He, who was without sin, suffered what man deserved for his sins.121
The Passion of Christ also offers an example to be imitated. In his Passion,
He gave an example of patience, an example of volitional suffering, and a les-
son in humility.122 The cross is an appeal to keep ones own physicality under
control,123 and to give preference to the inner life above the physical life.124
According to Augustine, the Jews did not recognize Christ as king, and conse-
quently his death brought about, not the salvation of the Jews (the broken-off
branches), but of the heathen (the wild olive shoot).125

118 ss. 218, 1; 218B, 1.


In addition, Augustine emphasizes that Christ hung on the cross as man and died as
man, not in his divinity.
s. 218, 10. That He recognized his mother while hanging on the cross and trusted her to the
beloved disciple demonstrates human affection, and demonstrates that on the cross, He
was human.
s. 218C, 1.3. The immortal could only die by Himself taking on mortal flesh. Christ could not
die as God because of his divinity. God also created the flesh in which He died. Christs
divinity did not die in the man. On the cross, the man in Christ died. Similarly we say of
man that he is dead, although only the body, and not the soul, dies. In the same way, we say
that God has died, that is, what was human/mortal in Him, and not that which was divine.
119 s. 218, 3.
120 s. 218A, 1. See also s. 218, 12: It is finished indicates that He died not from necessity, but in
his own potestas.
121 s. 218C, 2.
122 ss. 218, 1; 218C, 1.4.
123 s. 218, 2.
124 s. 218A, 3.
125 s. 218, 57. See also ss. 218A, 2; 218B, 12. At this juncture Augustine deals with the Jews as
one group of unbelievers, and does not distinguish within the group of Jews between
those who believed in Christ and those who did not, as he did, for instance, in the
Epiphany sermons we studied above. Later on in s. 218, 11 he will make this nuance.
Instead of the sweetness of faith, his own people gave Him vinegar on a sponge: vinegar is
a sign of disbelief, the sponge of the swelling of strife and betrayal (pride). The drink also
included hyssop, a plant with strong roots, referring to the group of Jews who will later
repent in contrition.
And see also s. 218, 15: Christs death as victory over the Jews.
Christological Feasts 37

Augustine sees a connection between Christs Passion and the sacraments.


The fact that the soldiers took Christs clothing and divided it into four pieces
suggests that the sacraments will be spread to all four corners of the world.126
The fact that the soldiers threw dice for Christs seamless tunic, and did not
tear it into pieces, indicates that the visible sacraments will be divided by good
and evil men, but true faith (which works through love) is not for all, but is
given through Gods grace (occulta Dei gratia tanquam sorte donari).127 The
blood and water that streamed out of Christs side represent the sacraments
through which the Church is constituted, just as Eve was taken from Adams
side, qui erat forma futuri.128
The Passion of the Lord is Gods grace, the assurance of glory, and a lesson in
patience; it alludes to both Gods help in the future, and Christs death on the
cross in the past.129

2 Easter Vigil (ss. 219223K)


Vigil
The approximately 15 sermones preached during the Easter night are
short.130 Augustine suggests that the Easter Vigil is an annual reminder of the

126 s. 218, 8.
127 s. 218, 9. Aug. 34, p. 367. s. 218B, 2. Christs seamless tunic indicates that the sacraments can
be spread out among various heretical bodies, but that this is not possible with Christs
caritas.
128 s. 218, 14. Aug. 34, p. 369.
129 s. 218C, 1. Passio Domini et saluatoris nostri Iesu Christi fiducia gloriae est et doctrina
patientiae. Quid enim non sibi de Dei gratia promittant corda fidelium, pro quibus Dei filius
unicus et Patri coaeternus parum fuit, ut homo ex homine nasceretur, nisi etiam manibus
hominum, quos creauit, moreretur ipse ab eis? Magnum est quod futurum a Domino promit-
titur nobis: sed multo est maius quod recolimus iam factum esse pro nobis. Vbi erant, aut
quid erant, quando pro impiis mortuus est Christus? Quis dubitet eum donaturum sanctis
uitam suam, qui eisdem donauit adhuc mortem suam? Quid cunctatur humana fragilitas
credere futurum esse, ut uiuant homines aliquando cum Deo? Multo incredibilius iam fac-
tum est, quod mortuus est propter homines Deus. rb 87, p. 223.
130 s. 219: Kunzelmann: Easter Night, Hill: Easter Vigil, Rebillard: Easter Vigil, Gryson: Easter
Night.
s. 220: Kunzelmann: Easter Night, Hill: Easter Vigil, Rebillard: Easter Vigil, Gryson: Easter
Night.
s. 221: Kunzelmann: Easter Night, Hill: Easter Vigil, around 400, Rebillard: Easter Vigil,
412415, Gryson: Easter Night, 393/405.
s. 222: Kunzelmann: Easter Night, Hill: Easter Vigil, around 405, Rebillard: Easter Vigil,
Gryson: Easter Night.
38 Chapter 1

resurrection,131 of the diuina miseratio,132 of the command to keep watch.133


The Easter Vigil is the vigil of all vigils.134 Keeping watch is in the first place
contrasted with sleep, the sleep of this world or the sleep of unbelief. The pur-
pose of the Easter Vigil is to watch and pray, in order to reach the place where
it will no longer be necessary to sleep.135 In the next life there will be no sleep
and no dying. Sleep (as a sort of daily death) only relates to mortal beings.
Whoever keeps watch during the night practises living as the angels do, i.e.
sleeplessly. It is a spiritual exercise against death, to earn merit in eternal life.136
The wicked sleep the sleep of unbelief during this night, the sleep of death.137
One needs to keep watch through faith, and the incorruptibilis merces is the day
without night, rest without sleep. One needs to watch and pray in order

s. 223: Kunzelmann: Easter Night, 400405, Hill: Easter Vigil, after 412, Rebillard: Easter
Vigil, 400405 or after 412, Gryson: Easter Night, after 412.
s. 223A (Denis 2): Kunzelmann: Easter Night, at the latest 399, Hill: Easter Vigil, 399,
Rebillard: Easter Vigil, after 399, Gryson: Easter Night, 400/405.
s. 223B (Guelf. 4): Kunzelmann: Easter Night, Hill: Easter Vigil, Rebillard: Easter Vigil,
Gryson: Easter Night.
s. 223C (Guelf. 6): Kunzelmann: Easter Night, Hill: Easter Vigil, Rebillard: Easter Vigil,
Gryson: Easter Night, 418/428.
s. 223D (Wilm. 4): Kunzelmann: Easter Night, Hill: Easter Vigil, after 396, Rebillard: Easter
Vigil, Gryson: Easter Night.
s. 223E (Wilm. 5): Kunzelmann: Easter Night, Hill: Easter Vigil, Rebillard: Easter Vigil,
Gryson: Easter Night, 414/415?, Hombert: 414415?.
s. 223F (Wilm. 6): Kunzelmann: Easter Night, ca. 400, Hill: Easter Vigil, 400, Rebillard:
Easter Vigil, close to 400, Gryson: Easter Night, around 400.
s. 223G (Wilm. 7): Kunzelmann: Easter Night, Hill: Easter Vigil, Rebillard: Easter Vigil,
Gryson: Easter Night.
s. 223H (Wilm. 14): Hill: Easter Vigil, Rebillard: Easter Vigil, Gryson: Easter Night.
s. 223I (Wilm. 15): Hill: Easter Vigil, Rebillard: Easter Vigil, Gryson: Easter Night.
s. 223J (Wilm. 16): Hill: Easter Vigil, Rebillard: Easter Vigil, Gryson: Easter Night.
s. 223K (Wilm. 17): Hill: Easter Vigil, Rebillard: Easter Vigil, Gryson: Easter Night.
131 ss. 220; 223D, 3; 223F, 1; 223G, 1.
132 s. 223B. ma 1, p. 455.
133 s. 223E, 1.
Sermo 223D, 2 makes the connection with Christmas. There is a parallel between the res-
urrection and the birth of Christ: Christ was laid in a tomb in which no one else had previ-
ously been laid and no one would be laid thereafter, which is parallel to the virgin womb
of Mary: no one before Christ and no one after Christ was ever in Marys womb.
134 ss. 219, 1; 221, 2; 223D, 1.
135 s. 223J.
136 s. 221, 3.
137 s. 223K.
Christological Feasts 39

not to fall into temptation, in order to remain (permanently) with the


Saluator.138
It is secondly a watch in imitation of Christ. It is keeping watch during
the night that Christ lay buried and slept for mankind. Believers keep watch in
the night that He slept in order to live through the death that He suffered,
so that they may rise up to an eternal vigil and keep watch indefatigably
forever. They need to take care not to allow the heart to be off its guard, not to
fall into temptation.139 It is the feast of the humility of the Lord. This is the
reason for this vigil: to fast and pray in order to humble the soul during this
night.140
As has already been mentioned, it is thirdly also a vigil against temptation,
in order to keep faith, hope, and love alive during the night of these times.141
One prays not to give way to temptation, but to have the strength, with His
help, to do what He has commanded, and to receive as a gift what He has
promised.142
During this night, both the hostile world and the world that has been recon-
ciled hold vigil. The reconciled world keeps watch in order to praise the medi-
cus who has saved her, contrary to the hostile world that blasphemes against
the judge that judges her. This is an internal and an external vigil. This is a
fighting vigil a struggle against this world.143 It does not concern a struggle
against mortal bodies, but against the world of unbelievers, of spiritual evil, of
the devil and his angels.144 Faith is in conflict with the night of these times. In
order not to stumble (through the enemy) man must pray to God for enlighten-
ment. This enemy urged the Jews on in their madness against Christ.145 Christs

138 s. 223G, 12.


139 s. 223B, 2.
140 s. 223H. See also s. 223I: through our own humility, we commemorate the humility of
Christ.
141 s. 223E, 1.
142 s. 223F, 23. Fidelissimo igitur et fidissimo affectu ei mente sobria uigilemus, eique oratio-
nem quam docuit allegemus: ut quod faciendum iussit, ipso adiuuante ualeamus; quod acci-
piendum promisit, ipso dante sumamus. ma 1, p. 689.
143 s. 219.
144 s. 222.
145 s. 223I.
In the Easter Vigils, other negative references to the Jews are also to be found:
s. 223B, 1. By putting Jesus to death, the Jews wanted to obliviate the memory of Him.
The world however has not forgotten their crime, in this way (in addition to their eternal
punishment) they are repaid. Christ in his grace, however, created something good from
their evil.
40 Chapter 1

fleshly enemies thought that they had won, but the spiritual enemy in them
was defeated through Him. The impure spirit is defeated by the victims pure
flesh. Through the shedding of Christs blood, life was restored to those whom
the enemy had killed. In this life we celebrate His death, because we hope, after
death, to share His life.146

Grace
In brief, the central aspect of grace in the sermons of the Easter Vigil revolves
around the death of Christ.147 Christ has died for man once and for all:
the righteous for the unrighteous, the Lord for the slaves, the free man for the
imprisoned, the blessed for the cursed, the rich man for those in need,
the shepherd for the flock, the creator for the creation. Preserving what He had
always been, He gave Himself to death: unchanged in divinity, subjected to suf-
fering in the flesh.148 Through Jesus blood, mankind has been saved from those
dark powers; the prince of darkness has been driven from mens hearts.149 The
death of Christ meant the death of sin.150 Through the Passion, Christ paid
the debts for which He was not liable, in order to clear mans debt through His
blood. Christ voluntarily slept the sleep of death, not from necessity, but for
the salvation of man.151 Through the baptism of rebirth, humanitys past sins
have been destroyed, just as Pharaohs horsemen were destroyed in the Red
Sea. That Sea was called red because it was sanctified through the blood of the
crucified Lord.152 The Easter Vigil is the transition, like Genesis, from darkness

s. 223C. The fact that Christ died of his own free will does not exonerate the Jews from
their crime. The Jews intended to wrong Him, but they were themselves driven out of the
kingdom over which they did not want Him to reign.
146 s. 223I. Habitaculum uerum Dei, nostram conscientiam iustitiae luminibus exornemus. Non
autem nos, sed gratia Dei nobiscum, cuius promissum habemus, dicente propheta: educet
sicut lumen iustitiam tuam [Ps. 36:6]. Et ita uigilantes non timebimus a timore nocturno et
negotio perambulante in tenebris; et, cum transierint bestiae siluae, quaerentes a Deo escam
sibi, in nullius aerumnosae escam tradet, qui pro nobis unicum tradidit. ma 1, pp. 717718.
147 Christ is identified as medicus and judge (ss. 219; 223C), liberating lion (s. 223F, 2), media-
tor and creator (s. 223F, 3), and saluator (s. 223G, 2).
148 s. 220.
149 s. 222.
150 s. 223B, 1.
151 s. 223C.
See also s. 221, 1. The Easter Vigil is the transition from death to resurrection, from sor-
row to joy. This happens not, as in the Old Testament, with the death of an animal, but
through the sacrifice of the Saviour, who was prefigured by the Old Testament sacrifices.
152 s. 223E, 2.
Christological Feasts 41

to light. This is why the newly baptized receive white clothing: they have been
transferred from the night of their sins to the light of righteousness, through
the cleansing of the indulgentia, by the fons sapientiae poured out over them.153
Augustine twice describes this transition explicitly as grace. The Easter Vigil
means that after the darkness of sin, liberation comes through the grace of
Christ; after the night, comes the day (cf. Gn. 1:34). Christ will permit us to
reign together with Him by allowing us to live eternally with Him. He died so
that we should live.154 Sermo 223A, a sermon especially concerned with theol-
ogy,155 concludes with a prayer for grace:

Conuersi ad Dominum et oratio: uirtus misericordiae eius confirmet in ueri-


tate sua cor nostrum, confirmet et tranquillet animas nostras; abundet
super nos gratia eius, et misereatur nostri, et auferat scandala a nobis, et ab
ecclesia sua, et ab omnibus carissimis nostris, faciatque nos placere sibi uir-
tute sua et abundantia misericordiae suae super nos in aeternum. Per
Iesum Christum filium suum Dominum nostrum, qui cum eo uiuit et regnat
et cum Spiritu Sancto in saecula saeculorum. Amen.156

3 Easter Day and the Easter Octave (ss. 224260E, 272, 320, 375ABC,
376, 376A)
Approximately seventy-five sermones have been preserved that were preached
on the Sunday of Easter and during the Easter Octave.157 Augustine often

153 s. 223, 1.
154 s. 221, 4. Sed postea quam creatus homo a luce iustitiae in peccati tenebras declinauit a
quibus eum Christi gratia liberauit, factum est ut nunc dies a noctibus computemus, quia
non a luce ad tenebras sed a tenebris ad lucem uenire conamur et Domino adiuuante spera-
mus. sc 116, p. 218.
155 s. 223A, 25.
156 s. 223A, 5. ma 1, p. 17.
157 s. 224: Kunzelmann: Easter, 412416, Hill: 414, Easter Octave, Rebillard: Easter or Easter
Octave, 412416, Gryson: Easter Octave.
s. 225: Kunzelmann: Easter, Hill: Easter, 400405, Rebillard: Easter, 400405, Hombert:
428429, Gryson: Easter, 428/429.
s. 226: Kunzelmann: Easter, 416417, Hill: Easter, 416417, Rebillard: Easter, 416417,
Gryson: Easter, 416/417.
s. 227: Kunzelmann: Easter, 416417, the same day as s. 226, Hill: Easter, 414415, Rebillard:
Easter, 412413, Gryson: Easter, 414/415.
s. 228: Kunzelmann: Easter, Hill: Easter, Rebillard: Easter, Gryson: Easter.
s. 228A (frag. Verbraken 29): Hill: 400410, Rebillard: 400410, Gryson: 400/410.
s. 228B (Denis 3): Kunzelmann: Easter day, Hill: Easter, Rebillard: Easter, authenticity
questionable, Gryson: Easter, Echtheit zweifelhaft.
42 Chapter 1

explains the meaning of baptism and the Eucharist in his Easter sermons, and
he addresses here in particular the so-called infantes, the believers who
received these sacraments for the first time during the Easter Vigil. Usually he

s. 229: Kunzelmann: Easter, 405411, Hill: Easter, 405411, Rebillard: Easter, 405411,
authenticity questionable, Gryson: Easter 405/411, Echtheit zweifelhaft.
s. 229A (Guelf. 7): Kunzelmann: Easter, 410412, Hill: Easter, 410412, Rebillard: Easter,
410412, Gryson: Easter, 410/412.
s. 229B (Guelf. 8): Kunzelmann: Easter Day, Hill: Easter, Rebillard: Easter or Easter Vigil,
Gryson: Easter or Easter Night.
s. 229C (Wilm. 8): Kunzelmann: Easter Day, Hill: Easter, Rebillard: Easter or Easter Vigil,
Gryson: Easter or Easter Night.
s. 229D (Wilm. 9): Kunzelmann: Easter Day, before 410, Hill: Easter, Rebillard: Easter or
Easter Vigil, before 410, Gryson: Easter or Easter Night, before 410.
s. 229E (Guelf. 9): Kunzelmann: Easter Monday, Hill: after 411, Monday after Easter,
Rebillard: Easter Monday, after 412, Gryson: Easter Monday, not before 412.
s. 229F (Guelf. 10): Kunzelmann: Easter Monday, at the earliest 418, Hill: after 418, Monday
after Easter, Rebillard: Easter Monday, after 412, Gryson: Easter Monday, not before 412.
s. 229G (Guelf. 11): Kunzelmann: Easter Tuesday, 416417, Hill: 416417, Tuesday after
Easter, Rebillard: Easter Tuesday, 416417, Gryson: Easter Tuesday, 416/417.
s. 229H (Guelf. 12): Kunzelmann: Easter Tuesday, Hill: after 412, on the Tuesday after
Easter, Rebillard: Easter Tuesday, after 412, Gryson: Easter Tuesday, not before 412.
s. 229I (Mai 86): Kunzelmann: Easter Wednesday, 393405, Hill: 400410, Wednesday after
Easter, Rebillard: Easter Wednesday, 400410, Gryson: Easter Wednesday, 400/410.
s. 229J (Guelf. 7 app.): Kunzelmann: Easter Wednesday, 417418, Hill: 417418, Wednesday
after Easter, Rebillard: Easter Wednesday, 400410, Gryson: Easter Wednesday, 417/418.
s. 229K (Guelf. 13): Kunzelmann: Easter Thursday, Hill: after 412, Thursday after Easter,
Rebillard: Easter Thursday, after 412, Gryson: Easter Thursday, not before 412.
s. 229L (Guelf. 14): Kunzelmann: Easter Thursday, Hill: after 412, Thursday after Easter,
Rebillard: Easter Thursday, after 412, Gryson: Easter Thursday, not before 412.
s. 229M (Guelf. 15): Kunzelmann: Easter Friday, 19/04/412, Hill: 412, Friday after Easter,
Rebillard: Easter Friday, 412, Gryson: Easter Friday, 412.
s. 229N (Guelf. 16): Kunzelmann: Easter Saturday, Hill: after 410, on the Saturday of the
Easter Octave, Rebillard: Easter Saturday, after 410, Gryson: Easter Saturday, not before 410.
s. 229O (Guelf. 17): Kunzelmann: Easter Saturday, ca. 415, Hill: 422, Saturday of the Easter
Octave, Rebillard: Easter Saturday, after 420, Gryson: Easter Saturday, 420/422.
s. 229P (Lambot 3): Hill: after 412, Rebillard: Easter Saturday, 412, Gryson: Easter Saturday,
13/04/418.
s. 229R (frag. Lambot 1): Hill: 400410, Easter Octave, Rebillard: Easter Monday, Hombert:
403, Gryson: 403.
s. 229S (frag. Lambot 2): Hill: 400410, Easter Octave, Rebillard: Easter Wednesday,
Hombert: 403, Gryson: 403.
s. 229T (frag. Lambot 3): Hill: 400410, Easter Octave, Rebillard: Easter Wednesday,
Hombert: 403, Gryson: 403.
Christological Feasts 43

links this with a moral exhortation, namely, to live in a way that is worthy of
these sacraments. Furthermore, he places the Eucharist and baptism very
explicitly in the context of Christs grace.

s. 229U (frag. Lambot 4): Hill: 400410, Easter Octave, Rebillard: Easter Thursday, Hombert:
403, Gryson: 403.
s. 229V (frag. Lambot 56): Hill: 400410, Easter Octave, Rebillard: Easter Thursday or
Easter Friday, Hombert: 403, Gryson: 403.
s. 230: Kunzelmann: Easter, Hill: during Easter Octave, Rebillard: Easter Vigil, Gryson:
Easter Night.
s. 231: Kunzelmann: Easter Tuesday, after 400, Hill: 412413, during the Easter Octave,
Rebillard: Easter Monday, 412413, Hombert: after 412, Gryson: Easter Monday, not before 412.
s. 232: Kunzelmann: Easter Wednesday, after 400, Hill: 412413, during the Easter Octave,
Rebillard: Easter Tuesday, 412413, Hombert: after 412, Gryson: Easter Tuesday, not before
412.
s. 233: Kunzelmann: Easter Tuesday, after 400, Hill: 418, during Easter Octave, Rebillard:
Easter Monday, after 412, Gryson: Easter Monday, not before 412.
s. 234: Kunzelmann: Easter Wednesday, after 400, Hill: 418, during Easter Octave, Rebillard:
Easter Tuesday, 400413, Gryson: Easter Tuesday, not before 412.
s. 235: Kunzelmann: Easter Tuesday, before 400, Hill: before 417, during the Easter Octave,
Rebillard: Easter Monday, 410412, Gryson: Easter Monday, around 410/412.
s. 236: Kunzelmann: Easter Wednesday, Hill: 410412, during the Easter Octave, Rebillard:
Easter Monday, close to 410412, Gryson: Easter Monday, around 410/412.
s. 236A (Caillau 2, 60, 14): Hill: during Easter Octave, Rebillard: Easter Monday?, Gryson:
Easter Monday?.
s. 237: Kunzelmann: Easter Tuesday or Easter Wednesday, 402404, Hill: 412413,
Wednesday of the Easter Week, Rebillard: Easter Wednesday, 412413, Gryson: Easter
Wednesday, not before 412.
s. 238: Kunzelmann: Easter Tuesday or Easter Wednesday, 395405, Hill: 400, during the
Easter Octave, Rebillard: Easter Tuesday or Easter Wednesday, 400412, Gryson: Easter
Wednesday, around 410/412.
s. 239: Kunzelmann: Easter Wednesday, before 400, Hill: before 417, during the Easter
Octave, Rebillard: Easter Tuesday, 410412, Gryson: Easter Tuesday, around 410/412.
s. 240: Kunzelmann: Eastertide, 405410, Hill: after 411, during the Eastertide, Rebillard:
Easter Monday, 405410, Gryson: Easter Monday, not before 412.
s. 241: Kunzelmann: Eastertide, 405410, Hill: 411, during the Eastertide, Rebillard: Easter
Tuesday, 405410, Gryson: Easter Tuesday, 403/404?.
s. 242: Kunzelmann: Eastertide, 405410, Hill: 411, during the Eastertide, Rebillard: Easter
Wednesday, 405410, Gryson: Easter Wednesday, not before 411.
s. 242A (Mai 87): Kunzelmann: Easter Wednesday, 410411, Hill: 411, during the Easter
tide, Rebillard: Easter Wednesday, 410411 or after 412, Gryson: Easter Wednesday, not
before 412.
s. 243: Kunzelmann: Easter Thursday, 408409, Hill: during the Easter Week, after 411,
Rebillard: Easter Thursday, after 409, Gryson: Easter Thursday, not before 412.
44 Chapter 1

Eucharist
The bread is the body of Christ; the wine of the chalice, His blood. The Lord
wants His body and blood to be represented in this way, poured out for the

s. 244: Kunzelmann: Easter Thursday, 418, Hill: 418, during the Easter Week, on the
Thursday, Rebillard: Easter Thursday, after 412, Gryson: Easter Thursday, 418.
s. 245: Kunzelmann: Easter Thursday, Hill: before 417, during the Easter Week, Rebillard:
Easter Wednesday, 410412, Gryson: Easter Wednesday, around 410/412.
s. 246: Kunzelmann: Easter Thursday, 10/04/413, Hill: 413, during the Thursday of the
Easter Week, Rebillard: Easter Thursday, after 412, Gryson: Easter Thursday, 413.
s. 247: Kunzelmann: Easter Friday, ca. 400, Hill: before 417, during the Easter Week,
Rebillard: Easter Thursday, after 412, Gryson: Easter Thursday, around 410/412.
s. 248: Kunzelmann: Easter Friday, 412416, Hill: before 417, during the Easter Week,
Rebillard: Easter Friday, 410412, Gryson: Easter Friday around, 410/412.
s. 249: Kunzelmann: Easter Friday, 410412, Hill: before 405, during the Easter Week,
Rebillard: Easter Friday, after 412, Gryson: Easter Friday, not before 412.
s. 250: Kunzelmann: Easter Friday, ca. 416, Hill: 416, during the Easter Week, Rebillard:
Easter Friday, after 412, Gryson: Easter Friday, not before 412.
s. 251: Kunzelmann: Easter Friday, 412416, Hill: 414, during the Easter Week, Rebillard:
Easter Friday, after 412, Gryson: Easter Friday, 412/416.
s. 252: Kunzelmann: Easter Friday, 18/04/396, Hill: 396, during the Easter Week, Rebillard:
Easter, close to 395, Gryson: Easter Friday, 396.
s. 252A (Wilm. 13): Kunzelmann: Easter Friday, after 400, Hill: after 400, during the Easter
Week, Rebillard: Easter Friday, 410412, Gryson: Easter Friday, around 410/412.
s. 253: Kunzelmann: Easter Saturday, Hill: 412413, during the Easter Week, Rebillard:
Easter Saturday, after 412, Gryson: Easter Saturday, not before 412.
s. 254 (Wilm. 3): Kunzelmann: Eastertide, 412416, Hill: 414, during the Easter Week,
Rebillard: Sunday after Easter, after 412, Gryson: Sunday after Easter, 412/413.
s. 255: Kunzelmann: Eastertide, 418, Hill: 418, during the Eastertide, Rebillard: Easter
Season, 418, Gryson: Eastertide, 418.
s. 255A (Wilm. 18. Mai 92): Kunzelmann: Eastertide, Hill: 410, Sunday after Easter, Rebillard:
Sunday after Easter, after 418, Gryson: Sunday after Easter, not before 410.
s. 256 (Wilm. 19): Kunzelmann: Sunday, 05/05/418, Hill: 418, during the Easter Week,
Rebillard: Sunday, 5 May 418, Gryson: Sunday, 05/05/418.
s. 257: Kunzelmann: Easter Octave, 410412, Hill: 412, preached on the Octave day of Easter,
Rebillard: Sunday, after Easter, after 412, Gryson: Sunday after Easter, not before 412.
s. 258: Kunzelmann: Easter Octave, 410412, the same day as s. 257, Hill: 412, Rebillard:
Sunday, after Easter, after 410412, Gryson: Sunday after Easter, 410/413.
s. 259: Kunzelmann: Easter Octave, ca. 393, Hill: 394, on the Sunday of the Octave of
Easter, Rebillard: Sunday, after Easter, close to 400, Gryson: Sunday after Easter, 393/400.
s. 260: Kunzelmann: Easter Octave, the same day as s. 148, Hill: 409, Rebillard: Sunday,
after Easter, after 409, Gryson: Sunday after Easter, not before 412.
s. 260A (Denis 8): Kunzelmann: Easter Octave, 393405, Hill: 397, on Easter Octave,
Rebillard: Sunday after Easter?, 393405, Gryson: Sunday after Easter, 400/410.
Christological Feasts 45

forgiveness of sins. Whoever receives them worthily becomes what he or she


receives. The one bread, though made of many grains, expresses the unity of
the body. That this grain has been crushed expresses the Lenten period that
has preceded baptism and baptismal exorcism. The water of baptism is added
to this grain, and the bread consecrated by fire, the chrism, in particular, the
sacrament of the Holy Spirit, in a word, the refining fire of caritas. The lifting
up of hearts according to the Eucharistic instruction sursum cor should not be
attributed to ones own strength, merit or efforts, but to a gift of God for which
He should be thanked; for without this gift, it would not be possible for mens
hearts to be so elevated.158
In the Eucharist, Christ presents his body and blood and makes it into a
source of life for man. Augustine compares the bread with the life of the
believer: created, crushed by the preachers on the threshing floor of the Lord,
ground in the barn of the catechumenate through fasting and exorcism, with
water added through baptism, and baked through the fire of the Holy Spirit.159

s. 260B (Mai 89): Kunzelmann: Easter Octave, Hill: 405, on Easter, Rebillard: Sunday after
Easter, close to 400410, Gryson: Sunday after Easter, around 400/410.
s. 260C (Mai 94): Kunzelmann: Easter Octave, Hill: 394, on the Easter Octave, Rebillard:
Sunday, after Easter, after 410, Gryson: Sunday after Easter, 393395.
s. 260D (Guelf. 18): Kunzelmann: Easter Octave, 416417, Hill: 416417, on Easter Octave,
Rebillard: Sunday, after Easter, after 412, Gryson: Sunday after Easter, 416/417.
s. 260E (Guelf. 19): Kunzelmann: Easter Octave, Hill: after 409, on the Sunday of the Easter
Octave, Rebillard: Sunday, after Easter, after 410, Gryson: Sunday after Easter, not before 410.
s. 272: Kunzelmann: Easter Day, 405411, Hill: 408, Pentecost, Rebillard: Easter, 405411,
Gryson: Easter, 405/411.
s. 320: Kunzelmann: Easter Day, 19/04/425, Hill: Easter Sunday 426, Rebillard: Easter, prob-
ably 426, Gryson: Easter 426.
s. 375A (Denis 4): Kunzelmann: Easter Day, 396397, Hill: 397, Rebillard: Easter, 396397,
Gryson: Easter, 403/404 ?, die Echtheit ist jedoch zweifelhaft.
s. 375B (Denis 5): Kunzelmann: Easter Day, Hill: 391, first day of Easter, Rebillard: Easter,
Gryson: Easter Night, Echtheit zweifelhaft.
s. 375C (Mai 95): Kunzelmann: Easter Thursday, 402404, Hill: 403, Thursday of the Easter
Week, Rebillard: Easter Thursday, 402404, Gryson: Easter Thursday, 402/404.
s. 376: Hill: 411, Sunday after Easter, Rebillard: Sunday after Easter, close to 410412, Gryson:
Sunday after Easter, around 410/412.
s. 376A: Hill: 425, Sunday after Easter, Rebillard: Sunday, after Easter, close to 410412,
Gryson: Sunday after Easter, around 410/412, wohl echt.
158 s. 227.
159 s. 229, 1.
See also s. 229, 2: The grapes also needed the pressure of the winepress to become
wine: through fasting, hard work, humilification, and crushing.
46 Chapter 1

He urges the faithful to be one, like the Eucharistic bread and wine: one in
the sense of sharing the same faith, the same hope, and the same undivided
caritas.160 The lifting up of the heart takes place through God, and not through
ones own uires. This is why God should be thanked. If He had not lifted it up,
then man would still be lying on the ground.161
Augustine makes a comparison: just as the Eucharist gives another uirtus to
ordinary bread, so the believers are the same people as before, but renewed
through grace: ueteres corporis specie, noui gratia sanctitatis.162 Through the
consecration, through the name of Christ, through the grace of Christ, bread
and wine become the body and blood of Christ. Previously it filled the stom-
ach, but now it fills the spirit. However many loaves of bread lie on the altar
throughout the world, it is one bread, one body of Christ. In the bishops words,
Quod accipitis, uos estis, gratia qua redempti estis; subscribitis, quando amen
respondetis. Hoc quod uidetis, sacramentum est unitatis.163 Augustine explains
the words of the preface. Dominus uobiscum means that man needs to have
the Lord continually close by him, because without Him, man is nothing. The
lifting up of the heart sursum cor is not the result of ones own merit: []
ipse fecit, ipse dignatus est, ipse manum misit, ipse gratiam suam porrexit, ipse
quod iusum erat sursum fecit. This is why God must be thanked.164
The Eucharist is a great and divine sacrament, a magnificent and noble
medicine, and a pure and simple sacrifice. The Eucharist is offered as the
prophets prophesied, as a sacrifice of praise to God, in accordance with the
grace of the New Testament: secundum noui testamenti gratiam Deo uictima
laudis offertur.165 Christ sacrificed that which He had received from man

160 s. 229, 2.
When the haeretici receive this sacrament, they receive the testimony against themselves,
because it is precisely division that they emphasize, while this bread is a sign of unity.
161 s. 229, 3.
Augustine explains the various parts of the Eucharist. The Lords Prayer serves to blot out
sins, in order to be worthy to receive the Eucharist.
162 s. 229A, 1. ma 1, p. 462.
163 s. 229A, 1. ma 1, p. 463.
s. 229A, 2. Augustine emphasizes that the Eucharist is the sacrament of unity. The body of
Christ is made one, through caritas. The grain is ground through fasting, vigils, exorcisms.
It is mixed with water from baptism to form a dough. It is baked with fire, the fire of trails
and temptations. The many grains are mixed into one loaf. In the same way, the body of
Christ is made one through the harmony of caritas; in the same way, the grapes are made
one through the winepress.
164 s. 229A, 3. ma 1, p. 464.
165 s. 228B, 1. ma 1, p. 18.
Christological Feasts 47

through being born for the salvation of man for whom He was born. That sac-
rifice takes away mans sin and is an act of unmitigated grace, as it is God who
works in man and brings his redemption.166 Through partaking of the Body of
Christ in the Eucharist, the believers are changed into the body of Christ.
Whoever receives the Eucharist in a worthy manner through the command
to obey love, to avoid the wrong doctrina, and to maintain the bond of peace
with the whole catholicas will become one with Christ.167
By saying amen to the body of Christ, the believers become members of
the body of Christ. The Eucharistic bread is the symbol of unity (many grains
in one bread), the symbol of baptism (exorcism as grain that has been ground,
made into dough with water (baptism), baked in the fire: the Holy Spirit).
Augustine acclaims, Estote quod uidetis, et accipite quod estis. In the same way,
the wine and the many grapes that make up the wine expresses the unity in
God. The Eucharist is the sacrament of peace and unity. Whoever does not
receive the Eucharist in peace and unity, receives it not to their advantage but
rather as a tangible testimony against themselves.168

Baptism
Baptism is dying and being buried with Christ: death of sin, the pain (of the
cross) of one who has acknowledged his sin, burial as relief and rest for those
who have been absolved and have risen with Him to newness of life.169 Baptism
forgives all past sins, and the Lords Prayer forgives sins committed after bap-
tism.170 Baptism is being born again.171 It is the spiritual birth of man (the new
man) a birth that stands in sharp contrast with physical birth (the old
man).172 Baptism brings about the forgiveness of sins173 and changes the focus

Augustine explains the difference with the Old Testament sacrifices, which were only pre-
figurations of what was to come. A victim is no longer selected from the herd for a bloody
sacrifice, nor is a sheep or goat led to the altar. The sacrifice of our time is the body and
blood of the priest himself.
166 s. 228B, 2. Huius gratiae memores, uestram ipsorum salutem operantes, quoniam Deus qui
operatur in uobis []. ma 1, p. 19.
Christ was at the same time sheep, innocent and simple of soul, and goat, which relates to
the likeness of the flesh of sin (Rom. 8:3).
167 s. 228B, 35.
168 s. 272.
169 s. 228A.
170 s. 229E, 3.
171 s. 260.
172 s. 376A, 1.
173 ss. 226; 258, 2; 260A, 1.
48 Chapter 1

of human hope. Augustine asks that the mores also be changed in accordance
with baptism,174 calling on those who have been baptized to live thereafter in
conformity with their baptism.175 The seasoned believers should give a good
example to the newly baptized,176 who should themselves leave their former
bad habits behind and imitate the example of good Christians.177 Augustine
exhorts them explicitly, for example, now that they have been baptized, to
avoid drunkenness,178 not to lend money at interest,179 to practise chastity, and
not to be guilty of fraud, lies, and blasphemy; in short, to avoid what one does
not want to have done to oneself.180
Augustine makes a comparison between baptism and the Exodus from
Egypt: the Israelites, freed from slavery, pass through the waters of the Red Sea,
and believers, delievered from iniquitas, move through the baptismal waters,
which can be considered red after the bloody cross of Christ. The pursuing
enemies who are destroyed in the surging waters represent past sins that have
been washed away.181 Augustine extends the Exodus analogy further by sug-
gesting that after baptism believers need to follow the example of the good
Christians, eschewing bad exemplars, just as the Israelites did not escape from
Egypt through the Red Sea in order to be subsequently killed by snakes in the

See also s. 260C. Augustine compares baptism and the flood: in baptism, all human sins
are blotted out through water.
See also s. 229O, 1. In order to take away the sin of his denial of Christ, Peter needed the
baptism of tears. This baptism had to be given to him by the Lord.
174 s. 228.
175 ss. 224, 3; 260A, 4.
See also s. 260A, 24. There are people who have clothed themselves with Christ in the
sacrament of baptism, but who remain unclothed in faith and habit. Many haeretici
have the sacrament of baptism, but not the true fructus salutis nec uinculum pacis.
The Donatists do not lack baptism, but they do lack the Church and all that goes with the
Church. The Donatists do already have baptism, but if they return to the Church, they
will receive unity and peace. Having baptism without all these things is actually a
greaterpunishment. The baptism of Christ together with these things is salvation; with-
out these things, baptism testifies to iniquitas. Catholics have the same baptism, but with
another objective: not for punishment/destruction/condemnation, but for life/salvation/
commendation.
176 s. 228.
177 s. 376A, 23.
178 ss. 225, 4; 228.
179 s. 228.
180 s. 260.
181 s. 260B, 1.
Christological Feasts 49

desert. He asks that believers not be people who, baptized and liberated from
past sin, ignore grace and allow themselves to be led astray.182

Biblical Themes
The Easter sermons contain a number of recurring biblical themes, introduced
through the Scripture readings of Easter and the Easter period. In Augustines
explanation of these, he frequently touches on the subject of grace.

Two Catches of Fish


Augustine explains the difference between the two catches of fish in the gos-
pels (the first in Luc. 5; the second in Ioh. 21), in which grace is the key to
understanding the number 153, the number of fishes caught during the second
catch. The two catches of fish represent the Church: now, and as she will be in
the resurrection. Now the Church has an uncountable number of members,
with both good and bad believers, just like the number of fish that were caught
during the first catch. After the resurrection, the Church will consist only of
those who are good, a determined number (certus numerus), just as with the
second catch of fish.183 The difference between the two catches of fish
expresses, according to Augustine, the consolidation of the disciples faith. The
first took place when He had chosen them as apostles.184 They had worked the
whole night, without success. Christ gave the order to throw out the nets, with-
out indicating whether to the right or to the left. This means that in the Church,
the good and the evil are mixed together. The result was two overfull nets, with-
out any specification of the exact number of fish. This symbolizes the net of
the Word and of its preaching, through which the number of Christians
becomes multiplied. The boat will not sink, the nets will not break, as long as
Christians live together amicably and do not become divided by schisms.185 In
another possible reading, as the two boats are borne down under the weight of
the catch, so the Church is also borne down by the many Christians who lead

182 s. 260B, 3.
183 s. 248, 1.
184 See also s. 250, 1. The basis for the choice of the apostles was their weakness rather than
their strength: God chose fishermen rather than senators and emperors. The latter would
attribute their having been chosen to their own merit and not to the grace (gratia) of God.
Denique hodie ad gratiam Domini pariter accedunt nobiles et ignobiles, doctus et inperitus,
pauper et diues. Ad istam gratiam accipiendam non se praeponit superbia humilitati nihil
scientis, nihil habentis, nihil ualentis. sc 116, p. 308.
185 The two boats and the two nets also symbolize the two original groups that constituted
the one Church: the Jews and the heathen.
50 Chapter 1

bad lives. These also tear the nets through schisms.186 The second catch of fish
took place after the resurrection. Christ gave the order to throw out the nets on
the right side of the boat. This means that only those who are good may be
hauled out of the water, not mixed up with the bad ones (on the left). Because
the fish that are caught are big ones, Augustine believes that these believers are
like the angels.187 This second time the nets were not overfull and the exact
number is specified: 153. This all symbolizes that there are no sinners among
the believers, and that the nets do not tear similarly indicates that there are no
more haeretici/schismatici.188 This number represents the saints and the
believers.189 It is however, not the literal number of saints (adhaerentes, amici,
electi, perfecti). Though there will be thousands of them, they are indicated by
the number 153.190 If you add all the numbers up to and including seventeen,
you arrive at the number 153. The number seventeen, the key to 153, signifies
the fulfilling of the law through the gifts of the Holy Spirit: ten represents the
law (the Decalogue) and seven the Spirit of grace (the seven gifts of the Spirit,
analogous with the seven days of creation and sanctification on the seventh
day).191 Thus, Hoc est donum gratiae.192 Without the help of the Spirit, no one
is able to fulfill the law. What has been commanded can be accomplished
because of Gods assistance. The fullness of the law is love. And this love comes
from God. Without the Spirit, the law kills, because it finds the sinner guilty,
and cannot set the sinner free.193 Augustine also gives another explanation for
153. The number fifty provides the basis for the meaning of 153 150 is three
times fifty plus three. The number three is added to indicate that 150 should
be divided by three in order to come to the number fifty.194 The number
fifty refers to the fifty days of the Easter period.195 Here Augustine offers an

186 s. 248, 2.
See also s. 250, 2. This includes then also the message that here on earth (throughout
the first catch of fish) the bad Christians also have to be borne by the Church and may not
be rejected.
187 s. 248, 3.
188 s. 229M, 1.
189 s. 248, 4.
190 s. 252A, 5.
191 s. 251, 5.
192 s. 250, 3. sc 116, p. 320.
193 ss. 229M, 2; 248, 5.
For an identical explanation of the difference between the two catches of fish, see also:
ss. 249, 14; 250, 23; 251, 17; 252, 112; and 252A, 26.
194 s. 252, 8.
195 s. 252, 9.
Christological Feasts 51

explanation for the meaning of forty and fifty. Christ remained with His disci-
ples for forty days after His resurrection, just as He fasted for forty days prior to
His Passion. The number forty therefore represents the present time, the cares
of this world, and temporality (the embedding in space and time of the law, the
prophets, and the Incarnation). Ten days later Christ sent the Holy Spirit. Ten is
equivalent to seven plus three and stands for the fullness of wisdom (seven
stands for the creature, because of the seven days of creation; three stands for
the Creator, because of the Trinity). Temporality is indicated by the number
four (four seasons, four quarters of the earth). Ten times four is forty, and forty
indicates the way in which wisdom is made known in the temporal world.196
Moses, Elijah and Christ each fasted for forty days. This means that, in this life,
it is necessary to abstain from love for the things of this life. When we come
through these forty days in a good way, that is, when we lead a good life, then
we will receive a denarium as reward (a coin signifying ten). A denarium was the
biblical wage for the hired men in the vineyard (Matth. 20:110). Forty, together
with these ten, makes fifty, symbolizing the future Church. These fifty are multi-
plied with three, since we are all called in the name of the Trinity, and the num-
ber three is added once again as an expression of the mystery of the Trinity.197

Creation
In a series of sermons, Augustine gives an allegorical explanation of the
Creation narrative of Gn. 1, emphasizing that the firmament represents the
Holy Scriptures.198 He goes on to allegorically explain the division between
the sea and the dry land, noting that the sea represents the world, and the salt
waters represent evil people, separated from the saints, who long for this world.
The dry land indicates, by contrast, every soul that longs for God. Whoever
wants to reach the lights in the firmament this means understanding
Scripture must first let the land bear fruit, must do works of misericordia.199
The grass and fruit trees produced by the arid land symbolize the works of
grace.200 The evangelists are the lights; the Scripture is the firmament. As long
as humanity is tied to the flesh, man is not in a position to contemplate the
wisdom through which all things have been made.201

196 s. 252, 10.


197 s. 252, 11. See also s. 259, 2: 7x7=49+1=50, Pentecost or 40+10=50. 50x3=150+3=153
fishes.
198 ss. 229R; 229S; 229T; 229U; 229V.
199 s. 229S.
200 s. 229V.
201 ss. 229T; 229U.
52 Chapter 1

Peters Denial
Peters denial of Christ recurs three times. Peter denied Christ three times out
of fear. When Christ died during His Passion, Peter died through his denial.
After the resurrection, Christ asks Peter to confess his love three times. As
Christ rose again in the flesh, so Peters spirit was resurrected. In response to
Peters third insistence that he loves the Lord, He answers: feed my sheep.
Through loving the sheep (our fellow men), we demonstrate our love for the
shepherd, since these sheep belong to the shepherd.202 By questioning Peter,
the Lord also questions us. Every Christian will be questioned in his heart.
Peter represented the whole Church.203 To wash away the sin of denial, Peter
needed the tears of baptism. This baptism had to be given to him by the Lord.
Even contrition itself is a gift of God. The heart of the proud is hard ground. It
can only become soft for contrition if it has been rained upon by Gods grace
(gratia).204 Peter wept, washing away his guilt with tears, baptizing his con-
science.205 Through fearing death, Peter denied life. When he was afraid to die,
he did actually die. Through his tears, Peter rose again. Once again, Christ calls
Peter to follow Him. Peter is now able to do so, where previously despite his
oaths of fidelity he was not yet able to do so.206 Peter trusted in his own

202 ss. 229N, 1; 229O, 2; 253, 12.


Augustine adds that, in order for the sheep to belong to Him, Christ was prepared to
become a sheep Himself (in the Incarnation), to give Himself as an example.
See also s. 229O, 3. These are not, however, Peters sheep, but only and solely those of
Christ. Heretical leaders claim the sheep as their own.
203 s. 229N, 2.
See also s. 229P, 1. The foundation on which the Church is built is Peters confession,
You are the Christ, the Son of the living God.
204 s. 229O, 1. Opus erat ergo Petro ad abluendum negationis peccatum baptismo lacrimarum:
sed unde hoc haberet, nisi et hoc Dominus daret? Ideo apostolus Paulus cum quibusdam
diuersa sentientibus ammoneret populum, quemadmodum cum illis agere deberent, ait: in
lenitate corripientes diuersa sentientes, ne forte det illis Deus paenitentiam [II Tim. 2:25].
Ergo et paenitentia donum Dei est. Dura terra est superbientis cor: ad paenitentiam non
mollescit, nisi Dei gratia conpluatur. ma 1, p. 496.
205 s. 229P, 4. Ipse est et ouis de qua scriptum est: sicut ouis ad immolandum ductus est [Is.
53:7]. Ille semper agnus quia semper sine peccato. Nec miremini sine peccato: in principio
erat uerbum, uerbum erat apud Deum, Deus erat uerbum [Ioh. 1:1]. Vnde ibi possit esse pec-
catum? Ad natiuitatem humanam respicite. Nasci sine peccato uoluit, quem uirgo concepit,
quem non carnalis concupiscentia desiderauit. Conceptio filii: fides matris. Natus est de
Spiritu sancto et uirgine Maria, non trahens ex Adam originale peccatum, non trahens, non
addens. innocenter natus, innocenter uiuens, innocenter moriens. Ecce agnus Dei: ecce qui
tollit peccatum mundi [Ioh. 1, 29]. pls 2, p. 758.
206 s. 253, 3.
Christological Feasts 53

strength when he promised to follow the Lord unto death. Christ as medicus,
however, knew the patient better. Christ the shepherd, who entrusts the sheep
to Peter, is Himself also a sheep and the lamb.207 He was the lamb, for He was
without sin, being conceived without lust, in faith, through a virgin; He was
therefore without peccatum originale. He was born, has lived and has died
without guilt.208

Noli me tangere
The theme of noli me tangere Christs command to Mary Magdalene not to
touch Him, occurs frequently in the Easter sermons. Augustine repeats a num-
ber of times that this does not mean that Christ did not want to be touched
after the resurrection (He allowed Himself to be touched by His disciples as
proof that He was not merely spiritus), or that He did not wish to be touched
by women (if He avoided women, Augustine asks rhetorically, why would He
then have been born of a woman?). He points in this context to the difference
between Mary Magdalene and the woman with the issue of blood: this woman
touched the Lord with faith. Tangere is therefore credere. Mary Magdalene still
considered the risen Lord in a physical way and did not yet consider Him as
equal to the Father. Noli me tangere is in other words a call to a correct faith in
Christs divinity.209 Mary Magdalene was looking for a body, but she should
have longed for His spiritus. Noli me tangere means, therefore: do not keep
holding on to the man, for there is something greater. Christ thus said, in
essence, do not touch me as an earthly man, but on a higher level; believe in
me on a higher level, as equal to the Father.210

207 s. 229P, 3. Hic est ille Petrus negator et amator; negator infirmitate humana, amator gratia
diuina. pls 2, p. 757.
208 s. 229P, 4. Cf. supra.
209 ss. 229K, 12; 229L, 12; 243, 13; 244, 13; 245, 15; 246, 14; 375C, 17.
s. 243, 8. Forty days of fasting before the Feast of Easter represent the difficult times in
human life. In the same way, the fifty feast days after the Feast of Easter represent life after
the resurrection.
s. 244, 4. The Arians (who consider Christ to be a smaller god, i.e. created, and think there
was a time that the Son was not) and the Photinians (who consider Christ to be not com-
pletely equal with the Father) will be judged according to this rule. See also ss. 246, 4;
375C, 5.
s. 245, 3. Concerning the healing of the woman with the flow of blood: Tetigit me aliquis;
nam ego scio uirtutem exiisse de me [Luc. 8:46]. Gratia processit, ut illa sanaretur, non ut ille
minueretur. pl 38, col. 1153.
210 s. 229L, 2.
54 Chapter 1

The Physicality of Christ


While the theme of noli me tangere indicates that Christ should not be reduced
to his humanity and physicality, in other instances, the physicality of Christs
resurrection is a specific theme in the Easter sermons. Augustine suggests that
Christ showed his real flesh to the disciples after the resurrection because they
thought they were seeing a ghost (spiritus), and not a body. Similarly today,
preaches Augustine, there are still people who think that Christ rose only spiri-
tually and not physically. May God forgive them, he implores, just as He for-
gave His apostles, on the condition that these people change their thinking as
the apostles did.211 Augustine dwells on the apostles mistake in initially think-
ing that the risen Christ was (only) a spirit and compares this with the error of
the Manichans and the Priscillians.212 The heretics refute in this way the
whole scheme of the Incarnation for the salvation of humanity: Christ shed
real blood for the forgiveness of human sin.213 Augustine emphasizes the phys-
icality of the resurrection as a necessity for the salvation of mankind:214 Take
away the real flesh, and there will be no real suffering, there will be no real
resurrection. That is what Christ Himself says, that is what the Church (the
body, the bride) has to proclaim.215 Christ rose in the flesh in order to ensure
that we could believe in our resurrection in the flesh.216 In this context
Augustine reacts against the rejection of the bodily resurrection by the phi-
losophers (as for example Porphyry).217

211 s. 229I, 1.
212 s. 229J, 1. Cf. s. 238, 2.
213 s. 237, 1.
214 s. 229J, 2. Cf. s. 237, 2.
215 s. 238, 3.
s. 229J, 3. Christ proved the reality of his fleshly resurrection by eating grilled fish. See also
ss. 242, 2; 242A, 3; 247, 2: concerning Christs eating after the resurrection, not from hun-
ger/necessity/need, but to prove his physicality.
s. 237, 3. To heal the wounds in the spirits of the apostles (their unbelief), Christ showed
them the scars in his body (in order to substantiate his physicality).
Ss. 247, 23; 376 ask the question of how the physically risen Christ could enter a room
with a locked door. In order to prove that He was not merely a ghost, He showed the dis-
ciples his wounds and ate something. It is for Augustine just as inexplicable that Christ
was born of a Virgin, without male seed, who remained a virgin thereafter, and that He
walked on the water and let Peter do the same. This however may not lead to doubting the
physicality of the resurrection. Even normal things, such as how a seed can grow to be a
tree, are difficult to explain. Miracles are even more inexplicable. If God can get a camel
through the eye of a needle, then He can also get a body through a locked door.
216 s. 242A.
217 ss. 241, 18; 242, 26.
Christological Feasts 55

Everything that has been made was made through Christ, through the Holy
Spirit. The Holy Spirit made Christs flesh. The Holy Spirit overshadowed Mary.
Her virginity was preserved, and she did not become pregnant through lust.218
While Augustine emphasizes the physicality of Christ, he underscores that his
was a body without sin. Augustine refers here to Rom. 8:3. The flesh that Christ
took upon Himself in the Incarnation was not the flesh of sin, for He was born
through the faith of a virgin, with the likeness of the flesh of sin. It was truly
flesh: He grew, was hungry and thirsty, was tired, rested and slept. He was flesh
in all these things, and in these there was no sin. In that flesh, He suffered pain,
was revealed as a man, was hidden as God. In this flesh He endured injustice
because of man, for mans sake.219 Christ was born of a virgin, not through
concupiscentia, and as a result did not contract the sin of Adam. Mankind, in
contrast, is born through and already possesses sin; Christ merely has the like-
ness of the flesh of sin, but we are the flesh of sin. This is why babies are bap-
tized for the forgiveness of sins.220

The Grace of Christ


The greatest theme of grace in the Easter sermons is the role of Christ in salva-
tion history: He has become man221 and has died for the salvation of mankind
in order to forgive mans sin,222 and in this way, He is contrasted with Adam.
Through Christ, sins have been forgiven. He shed His blood as the price for
making men into His brothers.223 Christ is at the same time lamb and lion. He
allowed Himself to be slaughtered as a lamb and devoured death as a lion. In
the Passion, He was a lamb, for He underwent death without being guilty of
iniquitas, and a lion, because in undergoing death, He put death itself to death.
In the resurrection, He was a lamb because His innocence is eternal, and a lion

218 s. 225, 2.
219 s. 375C, 7.
s. 229H, 1. Christ, as God, was born in mortal flesh, in the likeness of the flesh of sin. His
earthly life was in the service of the resurrection. The resurrection is the forma christianae
fidei. He had to be born and to die in order to be able to rise again. Being born and dying
are inherent to human life, with this we are acquainted. In order to teach us what we did
not know, He took on what we were. On earth, mortality being born and dying is com-
pletely normal. No one has ever been acquainted with resurrection and eternal life. That
is the newness that God has brought. Out of miseratio God became that which He Himself
had made: man.
220 s. 246, 5.
221 s. 226.
222 See also within the context of the Eucharistic sacrifice: s. 228B, 2.
223 s. 259, 1.
56 Chapter 1

because His might is just as eternal.224 Christ did not die for the saints and the
iusti, but for the godless, that they could be justified through the blood of
the righteous one (Rom. 5:67), and that through the shedding of sinless blood
the chirographum peccati might be removed.225 As God, there is in Christ no
death. Christ did nothing for which He should receive a sentence of death;
mankind could do nothing in order to gain the fullness of life. Christ accepted
death for man in order to give man His life. Christ died because He wanted to do
so, empowered by His potestas, motivated by His compassion for humanity.226
Augustine emphasizes that the death of Christ, in contrast to that of man,
was entirely undeserved. Christ redeemed man; He took on Himself for the
sake of man that which He did not need to take on Himself.227 Man was in pos-
session of death through culpa. He took death on Himself without culpa. In
this way He tore up the certificate of debt (chirographum debitorum).228 All
sins are forgiven in baptism, including the sin of the killing of Christ. The Jews
killed the Lord in ignorance, but God in this way fulfilled His purpose. By will-
ingly shedding His innocent blood, Christ has taken away all sins from those
who believe. The price and debt of human sin was high. All men are debtors, as
they are born with an inherited debt. Sinless blood was poured out, and the
debt of sin wiped out. All sins were forgiven, even the sin of killing the Creator.
The Jews had killed the healer, but the healer had prepared, from His blood,
medicine for His killers. For this reason, no one should doubt forgiveness.229

224 s. 375A, 1.
225 s. 375A, 2.
226 s. 232, 5.
s. 232, 2. The women who told the truth about Christs resurrection were not believed (so
that we might live) while Eve who passed on the devils lie, was believed (so that we all
died). Because humanity fell through a woman, mankind was saved by a woman Mary
gave birth to Christ and a woman proclaimed the resurrection. Through a woman came
death; through a woman came life.
227 s. 237, 4.
228 s. 242A, 3.
229 s. 229E, 2.
See also s. 229E, 1. The Jews killed the healer. On the cross He prayed for the forgiveness
of his murderers, since He could see among the Jews those who would believe. Hanging
on the cross, He recognized his members.
See also s. 229I, 3. The Jews who had put Christ to death were cut to the heart at Pentecost.
They were immediately contrite (their sins were forgiven, also the sin of the murder of
Christ). In this way, they drank in faith the blood that they had shed in their anger.
See also s. 229C, 1. The Jews still bear the nocturnal (prefiguration) of our Easter. They
try to drive away the shadow; they are blind to the night of error. Every year they kill a
Christological Feasts 57

The One who could cure the illness, came without illness; the One who came
to clean up sin, came without sin.230 Christ, the life, did not have to die. The
origin of death is sin. If there had been no sin, then no one would ever have
died. The first man received Gods law on the condition that if he kept it, he
would live. If he broke the law, he would die. He did not believe, however, that
he would die, and he did that for which he was to die. The result of this was
death, mortality, and misery. Even after the first death, there is a second death
(eternal death after death in time). This state of death, subject to the laws of
hell, governs every human being that is born, with the exception of Christ. He
was not born bound by the laws of death. The virgin concepit sine concupiscen-
tia. He lived without a debt to pay and shared the punishment of death with-
out owing the debt Himself. By sharing the punishment with us, without the
debt, He frees man from guilt and punishment.231

sheep and fail to understand that this sheep represents Christ (who was killed by their fore-
fathers). They read the story but do not understand that it has already been fulfilled in Christ.
s. 229F, 1. Many of the Jews who crucified Christ later came to faith through the preaching
of the apostles on the resurrection. His blood has indeed come over them, just as they
requested before the crucifixion, but to wash them, and not to destroy them. Just as at
that time some Jews believed and others did not, so now with the heathens there are
those who believe and others who do not believe.
230 s. 229F, 1.
231 s. 231, 2. Resurrectio autem Domini nostri Iesu Christi noua uita est credentium in Iesum. Et
hoc est sacramentum passionis et resurrectionis eius, quod ualde nosse et agere debetis. Non
enim sine causa uita uenit ad mortem, non sine causa fons uitae, unde bibitur ut uiuatur,
bibit hic calicem qui ei non debebatur. Non enim Christo debebatur mori. Vnde uenerit mors,
originem si quaeramus, pater mortis peccatum est. Si enim numquam peccaretur, nemo
moreretur. Legem Dei, hoc est praeceptum Dei, cum condicione homo primus accepit, ut si
seruaret, uiueret, si corrumperet, moreretur. Non sese credendo moriturum fecit unde morer-
etur et inuenit uerum fuisse quod dixerat qui legem dederat. Inde mors, inde mortalis, inde
labor, inde miseria, inde etiam post mortem primam mors secunda, id est, post mortem tem-
poralem mors sempiterna. Huic ergo condicioni mortis, his legibus inferni obstrictus nasci-
tur omnis homo; sed praeter illum hominem qui homo factus est ne periret homo. Non enim
legibus mortis uenit obstrictus, ideo dicitur in Psalmo: inter mortuos liber [Ps. 87:6]. Quem
sine concupiscentia uirgo concepit, quem uirgo peperit et uirgo permansit, qui uixit sine
culpa, qui non est mortuus propter culpam, communicans nobiscum poenam, non commu-
nicans culpam poena culpae mors [Rom. 6:23] Dominus Iesus Christus mori uenit, pec-
care non uenit. Communicando nobiscum sine culpa poenam et culpam soluit et poenam.
Quam poenam soluit? Quae nobis debebatur post istam uitam. Ergo crucifixus est ut in cruce
ostenderet ueteris hominis nostri occasum et resurrexit ut in sua uita ostenderet nostrae
uitae nouitatem. Sic enim docet doctrina apostolica: traditus est, inquit, propter peccata nos-
tra et resurrexit propter iustificationem nostram [Rom. 4:25]. Huius rei signum circumcisio
58 Chapter 1

The sinlessness of Christ contrasts sharply with the sinfulness of Adam and
his offspring. Through Adam came sin, bondage, and condemnation; through
Christ, forgiveness, freedom, and absolution.232 Christ was born mortal, but
not as all who were born of Adam and Eve, but of the Holy Spirit and the Virgin
Mary. Mary conceived (concepit) Him as a virgin, without having been
embraced by a man, without the heat of lust: she did not sleep with a man and
conceive, but instead she believed and conceived. He was born mortal for the
mortal: in the likeness of the flesh of sin, not in the flesh of sin. The flesh of sin
means death and sin. The likeness of the flesh is death without sin. If it had
known sin, then it would have been the flesh of sin. If it had not known death,
then it would not have been in the likeness of the flesh of sin. This is why He
came as Saviour. He died, but defeated death; in and through embracing it
Himself, He put an end to that of which men were afraid. As the greatest of
hunters, He captured the lion and put it to death.233 As a result of sin, the
earthly flesh is needy. In one man all have sinned, and all are born only to per-
ish. The cause of all malae is sin. God is righteous and almighty. Man would not
suffer unless he deserved it. By taking the punishment on Himself without
commiting any wrong or possessing any sin, Christ undid both wrong and pun-
ishment. He undid the wrong by forgiving sin. He undid the punishment by
rising from the dead. The flesh will rise up and will be immortal, without flaw,
without deformitas, without mortality, without weight or burden. It is not the
earthly (sinful) flesh.234 All have sinned in Adam, because it is through Adam
that sin and death propagate to all mankind. This is the (fore)fathers drink
that all have drunk and digested with difficulty. Through Adams disobedience,
all are sinners. Through the Son of man, the Son of God, all have been justified.
Through the one man came sin; through one Christ, righteousness. All sinners
belong to man (Adam), just as all iusti belong to the Son of man. All sinners,
the godless, evildoers, those who have despised God, have turned away from

data erat patribus ut octaua die circumcideretur omnis masculus. Circumcisio fiebat ex
cultellis petrinis [Ios. 5:2], quia petra erat Christus [I Cor. 10:4]. In ista circumcisione signifi-
cabatur exspoliatio carnalis uitae octaua die per Christi resurrectionem. Septimus enim dies
ebdomadis sabbato completur. Sabbato Dominus iacuit in sepulchro, septimo sabbati; resur-
rexit octauo. Resurrectio ipsius innouat nos. Ergo octauo die circumcidit nos. In ipsa spe
uiuimus. sc 116, pp. 246248.
232 s. 233, 3.
233 s. 233, 4.
234 s. 240, 3.
s. 229D, 2. What was covered in the shadow of circumcision became clearly perceptible in
the baptism of Christ. Baptism refers to the same circumcision, but with the carnalis igno-
rantia removed.
Christological Feasts 59

God, have embraced evil, hate the truth: they belong to man (Adam); and yet
they receive health (as gracious gift). Lest they should proudly boast in their
temporal health, however, that health is related to the same health as that
given to animals (to cattle, to a donkey, to crows).235
No one could take Christs life. He had death completely in His hands. The
Jews should not boast that they put Christ to death. The share that they had in
Christs death was sin, and not a share in power. Christ died because He chose
to do so.236 Christ did not die as Word (as God), but as man. The Word could
not be put to death, but the flesh that He took upon Himself in the Incarnation
could be.237 Life was lost in Adam, through whom all mankind perished. Christ
as the Word could not die. Man as man could not live. Christ took death from
us (the way of dying) and gave us life (the way of living). When the sublime
received the baseness of man, man in his baseness received sublimity from the
Sublime. Health received wounds from man. Life received death from man. In
order to die, the Word became flesh, taking on the flesh of man in order to die
for man.238 Man has been redeemed from death through the one who, even
while He was being put to death, triumphed over His enemies: in dying He
defeated death.239

The Imitation of Christ


The description of Christs grace is linked to a call to imitate the example of
Christs cross. Christ died through what is of man; man has to make his life
with that which is of Him.240 His cross taught man patience: Christ gave the

235 s. 255, 4.
236 s. 375B, 2.
237 s. 375B, 4.
238 s. 375B, 5.
s. 375B, 6. In his own nature and substantia, the Word of God could not suffer. Christ suf-
fered in soul and flesh, which were of a nature able to suffer. This is why He became man.
He had a body and a soul in order to make the whole person free.
s. 375B, 7. Of Christs three elements (one divine and eternal [his divinity] and two tempo-
ral/human [body and soul]) there was only one that was mortal: flesh while his soul and
divinity are immortal. This is why He is also able to redeem us from eternal death: He was
not only flesh and a human soul, but also God. This is something that a mere man could
not do.
239 s. 375B, 8.
See also s. 237, 4. Christ also received a complete (human) soul (anima), and not only
a partial soul. Christ saved the whole of mankind, the whole human person. This is why
He also took on the whole human person on Himself.
240 s. 375B, 5.
60 Chapter 1

example by sharing our life to endure the bad things in our life.241 Christ
died for the sins of man (salvation that is sown through His death) and He rose
up again for the justification of man (who grows with His resurrection). His
death is the end of mans (sinful) life. At the cross, He had nothing that required
correction, for He climbed the cross without sin. Man, however, needs to be
corrected at His cross and there lay down the evil he has accumulated, so that
he may be justified through His resurrection.242
In sermo 229D, the preacher of Hippo explicitly invites us to apply the
Passion to our lives. Because Christ has suffered, let us die to sin. Because Christ
rose again, let us live for God. Christ passed from this world to the Father; our
hearts therefore should not remain here below, but must rise up on high. Our
head (Christ) hung on the tree let us crucify our concupiscentia carnis. He lay
in the tomb buried with Him, let us forget our past. He is seated in Heaven
let us transfer our longings to sublime realities. He comes as judge let us not
be among the unbelievers. He will raise us from the dead let us earn the trans-
formation of the body through a transformation of our spirits. He will place the
bad on the left and the good on the right let us choose our place through good
works. His kingdom will have no end let us not fear the ending of this life.243
What is required is faith; what is promised is salvation. What is promised to us
is invaluable, but what we are commanded to do costs us nothing.244 The salva-
tion and health that is promised to us is very different from temporal health or
safety. We had a certain safety in common with animals, until the source of life
came and died for our salvation. He will not deny us His life, after having given
His death for us. That is health and safety that will not pass away.245 Death has
died in Christ. Be good in heart, and death will also die in us. What has happened
to the head will also happen to all the members of the body. At the end of the
world, in the resurrection of the dead, in which we believe, death will also die in
us. Whosoever has been baptized and believes has been saved; death will die
in us. Whosoever does not believe is condemned. In those, death does not die;
death goes on by living; there is an eternal death, an eternal torment.246

241 See also s. 229E, 1.


242 s. 236, 1.
s. 236, 2. The hope for and the promise of the resurrection/justification: hanc tantam
gratiam. pl 38, col. 1120.
243 s. 229D, 1.
244 s. 233, 1.
245 s. 233, 2.
246 s. 233, 5. Vbi est mors? Quaere in Christo, iam non est: sed fuit, et mortua est ibi. O uita, mors
mortis. Bono animo estote, morietur et in nobis. Quod praecessit in capite, reddetur in
Christological Feasts 61

Sin
We have already seen that sin is an important theme: sin is the cause of death,
sin is forgiven through baptism (and after baptism, through the Lords Prayer);
Christ died to bring Adams sin to an end. We have already seen that Augustine
identifies sin as a too great focus on earthly things and links it with concupiscen-
tia. Sin is to long for what is of the world, what is bound up with the flesh.247 The
devil misleads Christians through the enticements of the flesh, by depicting
them as essentially insubstantial, while Christ has shown them to be serious,
perilous. The devil used this trick of temptation in paradise.248 The earthly,
fleshly soul enslaved to the flesh and fleshly desires (cupiditates) is distracted
by evil desires and is afraid of the loss of many pleasures (delectari) required for
rising up to God. The desire for fleshly pleasure does not come from health, but
from sickness. True health means that cupiditas disappears.249
In heaven there is harmony; there is no law there that struggles against the
law of the spirit, no rixa cupiditas that that will endanger the victory of caritas.
On earth, however, every day brings temptation. Every day I have to ask for
the forgiveness of sins, with reference to Matth. 6:12 for past sins, and to
Matth. 6:13 for help in resisting future dangers. God the grace of God through

membris: morietur et in nobis mors. Sed quando? In fine saeculi, in resurrectione mortuo-
rum, quam credimus, et de qua non dubitamus. Qui enim crediderit et baptizatus fuerit, ipse
saluus erit [Marc. 16:16]. Sequere quod timeas: qui autem non crediderit, condemnabitur
[Marc. 16:16]. Ergo mors morietur in nobis, uictura est in damnatis. Vbi mors nesciet mortem,
sempiterna mors erit: quia aeterna tormenta erunt. In nobis morietur, et non erit. Vultis
nosse? Dico uobis pauca uerba triumphantium, ut habeatis quod meditemini, quod corde
cantetis, quod toto animo speretis, quod fide et bono opere requiratis. Audite uerba trium-
phantium, quando non erit mors; quando et in nobis, sicut et in capite nostro, morietur mors.
Paulus apostolus dicit: oportet corruptibile hoc induere incorruptionem, et mortale hoc
induere immortalitatem. Tunc fiet sermo qui scriptus est, absorpta est mors in uictoriam
[I Cor. 15:53sq.]. Dixi uobis quia morietur mors in nobis: absorpta est mors in uictoriam
[I Cor. 15:54]. Ista est mors mortis. Absorbebitur, ut non appareat. Quid est, ut non appareat?
Vt non sit, nec intus, nec foris. Absorpta est mors in uictoriam [I Cor. 15:54]. Gaudeant trium-
phantes; gaudeant, dicant quod sequitur: ubi est, mors, uictoria tua? Vbi est, mors, aculeus
tuus? [I Cor. 15:55] Vbi est, cepisti, possedisti, uicisti, et tibi addixisti; percussisti, et occidisti;
ubi est, mors, uictoria tua? Vbi est, mors, aculeus tuus? [I Cor. 15:55] nonne confregit illum
Dominus meus? O mors, quando Domino meo haesisti, tunc et mihi peristi. Ista salute
saluus erit, qui crediderit et baptizatus fuerit. Qui autem non crediderit, condemnabitur
[Marc. 16:16]. Fugite condemnationem, amate et sperate salutem aeternam. pl 38, cols.
11141115.
247 ss. 229S; 229T.
248 s. 224, 1.
249 s. 255, 7.
62 Chapter 1

Christ frees man from the body of this death.250 With the spirit I love, but
with the flesh I lust. I am a victor if I do not surrender but continue to wrestle
constantly with the enemy. The body after resurrection is not a different (ethe-
real, changed) body, but is the same body. It is, however, no longer the body of
this death, because it has taken on immortality.251 Here too, between the trials
and temptations, we should sing alleluia. God guarantees that we do not perish
in temptation, but that there is a way out of temptation, and that the experi-
ence of temptation itself has a pedagogical role.252
Just as we are born in the flesh of our human parents, so we are born of the
Spirit with God as our Father and the Church as our mother. It is the same Lord
who created us through our natural parents that recreates us through Himself
and through the Church. In (human) birth we carry with us the uinculum pec-
cati to follow our (human) parents in death, but in the divine we have broken
this uinculum to stay close to our Parent for eternity. In a human family, broth-
ers and sisters (ideally) love each other, they are not consumed by petty jealou-
sies, and they happily share their inheritance with each other as they share the
light of day with each other. How much more then should we together be
delighted, when these human children are born again through the grace of
Holy Baptism and become children of their Creator since we are all born for
the same inheritance that is complete and undivided for all heirs. God is our
inheritance. God is caritas, and caritas is not jealous. The inheritance is love.253
The eighth day is at the same time the first: eternity, lost through the sinfulness
of our first parents (with death as a consequence), is restored after the
resurrection.254
Mortality, transcience, and needs (hunger, weakness, awkwardness, sorrow,
decay, poverty, fear, and cares) are the consequence of sin, not of humanitys
natural state. From the beginning, through the man who sinned, mankind was
bequeathed this evil inheritance from his ancestor.255

250 s. 256, 1.
251 s. 256, 2.
252 s. 256, 3.
253 s. 260C, 1.
254 s. 260C, 5.
255 s. 242A, 3. Omnia enim mala ista, quae sentimus in corpore, peccato contigerunt, non per
conditionem exorta sunt. A primordio enim, per hominem qui peccauit, malam hereditatem
accepimus a patre nostro peccatore; sed uenit nobis alia hereditas eius qui suscepit nostram,
et promisit suam hereditatem. Nos habebamus mortem per culpam, suscepit ille mortem
sine culpa; occisus est qui non erat debitor, et diluit chirographum debitorum. Sit ergo in
uobis animus fide resurrectionis plenus. Non solum quae facta iam praedicantur in Christo,
sed etiam de illo quae futura sunt, promittuntur christianis. ma 1, p. 330.
Christological Feasts 63

Just as a coin loses the image of the emperor when rubbed with earth, so the
human spirit becomes worn down through earthly lusts. It loses Gods imago,
in which it was created. Christ comes, the master of the coin, to stamp the coin
anew by forgiving sins through grace. Christ shows us that God seeks His imago
in man, just as Caesar seeks his image on the coinage. Man wore out that divine
imago through sin; but, after having been destroyed through lust, it has been
renewed through grace.256

Grace
To sum up, the Easter sermons prove to be steeped in the theme of grace. First
of all, the above studied sermones stress human responsabilities, for instance
by exhorting to follow the example of Christ(s cross), to strive for the heavenly
instead of the earthly, to be vigilant, to be worthy to receive the sacraments,
etc. Second, several examples of the priority of divine grace have been pre-
sented. Gods creation is grace.257 Grace renews man.258 Contrition259 and for-
giveness of sins in baptism are gifts of Gods grace.260 God ensures that the
believers can lift up their hearts to Him; this is not the result of human effort.261
This grace is necessary in order to fulfill the law.262 Christ is Gods natural son,
while man becomes a son through grace.263 It is impossible, according to
Augustine, to find the words to express what God has done for man. Speech
and perception fail to express or to grasp how freely, without any preceding
merit, grace has come to man. It is grace because it is free, given without cost.
Grace means becoming a member of Christs body, becoming brothers and sis-
ters of the only Son. Speaking of others as brothers and sisters of the only
Son is no contradiction. Christ is the only natural son; believers are brothers
and sisters adopted through grace.264 This grace and not the pride of Adam
and Eve will, according to Ps. 82:6, make man into gods.265 Mans resurrection

256 s. 229W.
257 s. 258, 2.
258 s. 229A, 1.
259 s. 229O.
260 ss. 260B, 1; 376A, 1.
261 ss. 227; 229, 3; 229A, 3.
262 ss. 248, 5; 250, 3; 252A, 6.
263 s. 246, 5.
264 s. 224, 1.
See also s. 250, 1: Christ chose the apostles as apostle precisely because they had noth-
ing for which they could conclude that they deserved to be chosen.
265 s. 229G, 3.
64 Chapter 1

and justification is grace.266 Christ is central to this theology of grace. The tem-
pus felicitatis is not the result of ones own efforts, but the result of the gratia
saluatoris.267 God became a debtor, not because of His own debts, but because
of His promise to mankind. God has freely liberated man; man has no means
to pay Him back. Man has nothing that he has not received from Him.268
Whosoever maintains that they have repaid God is a liar. Man himself has
nothing. All that man possesses is wickedness, sin, and lies.269 Liberation from
the body of death happens through the grace of God, administered through
Christ.270 This was the goal of His sacrifice on the cross, as expressed in the
Eucharist.271 Christs grace forgives sins and restores the original imago Dei in
man.272 A special category for grace is faith: faith saves,273 and it is given, not
earned.274 Through faith the apostles were able to understand the prophecies
concerning Christ, in contrast to the limited comprehension of the Jews.275 It
is, for that matter, thanks to grace that Augustine is able to provide a good
explanation in his sermon276 and that his listeners are able to apprehend his
intent. Sapientia is after all given through the Holy Spirit.277
Whoever believes, believes through Gods grace and should not boast. It is a
gift of God. God chose us, not because we were good, but because He wanted
to make man good. We were all in the shadow of death, held captive by Adams
sin. With a diseased root, what but a wicked fruit can come naturally from the
tree of mankind?278
There are of course people who want to attribute their righteousness to
themselves. There are people who, with their corrupt hearts, dare to claim

266 s. 236, 2.
267 s. 254, 1.
268 s. 254, 6.
269 s. 254, 7.
270 s. 256, 2.
271 s. 228B, 1.
272 s. 229W.
273 s. 234, 3.
274 ss. 229F, 1; 229J, 3.
275 s. 229J, 4.
276 s. 234, 3.
277 s. 229J, 4.
278 s. 229F, 1. Quorum est autem fides, gratia credunt: non se iactent, Dei donum est. Numquid
ideo nos elegit Dominus, quia boni eramus? Non elegit bonos, sed quos uoluit facere bonos.
Omnes in umbra mortis fuimus, omnes in massa peccati de Adam ueniente colligati tene-
bamur. Radice uitiata qualis nasci potuit fructus ex arbore generis humani? Sed qui sanaret
uitia, uenit sine uitio; et qui uenit mundare peccata, uenit sine peccato. ma 1, p. 472.
Christological Feasts 65

that God has made us as men, but we have made ourselves righteous.
Augustine answers their brashness with the example of Saul, who, through
Gods grace, became Paul.279 Man is born evil in Adam and is born again
good in Christ, who has driven out the darkness of sin who has made new the
lives of the baptized. Christ shed His blood as our ransom, making us, who
were slaves, His brothers and sisters, co-heirs of His inheritance. Augustine
reminds us, Vnus erat, et fratres habere dignatus est: nolite obliuisci istam dig-
nationem, carissimi.280 You are called believers, live then as believers. Do not
mix with the wicked behaviour and wicked habits of wicked Christians. If God
had only created you, and not also re-created you, then you would have been
lost. Imitate only the good, if you are good, then you will find those who are
good.281
The bodily resurrection is a promise of something that we cannot yet see
but have to believe in, just as the apostles could not yet see the Church, but
could already believe in it. They only saw the head and believed in the body.
We only see the body and believe in the head. The fact that we now see the
Church, Augustine describes as follows: Habemus uices nostras, habemus gra-
tiam dispensationis et distributionis nostrae: ad credendum certissimis docu-
mentis, tempora nobis in una fide sunt distributa.282

4 Ascension

a Secondary Literature for Ascension


In Augustines day, the feasts of the Ascension and Pentecost had only recently
been established. Prior to this, the Easter mystery as a whole was celebrated in
the fifty days following Easter: the resurrection, Christs appearance to his dis-
ciples, his ascension, the coming of the Holy Spirit and the return of the Lord.
Liturgical distinctions between these christological events came into existence
in the fourth century, and by Augustines time the evolution was complete. His
sermons clearly demonstrate that the feasts of the Ascension and Pentecost
were established on the fortieth and fiftieth days of the Easter period respec-
tively, and that they were also celebrated separately. Although both feasts had
been granted a fixed place in the liturgical calendar, the content of their cele-
bration had not yet been definitively determined. In this sense, Augustines

279 s. 260D, 1.
280 s. 260D, 2. ma 1, p. 500.
281 s. 260D, 23.
282 s. 242, 12. pl 38, col. 1143.
66 Chapter 1

sermons for the feast days in question serve as useful research material for the
history of the liturgy.283
Victor Saxer284 and Geoffrey Grimshaw Willis285 sought to reconstruct the
scriptural readings for the feast of Ascension (in Augustines Hippo), and sug-
gested Act. 1 and Ps. 96. Michael Margoni-Kgler lists, in extensive detail, the
available information on possible liturgical readings on that feast day as is sub-
stantiated in Augustines sermones.286 Suzanne Poque has analysed Augustines
use of symbolic language in the context of Ascension.287 William H. Marrevee288
and Wilhelm Geerlings289 observe that the content of this feast had for
Augustine no broad theological significance, but belongs rather to the salvific
enumeration of Christs passion, death, resurrection, and ascension. Their
studies show at the same time that, according to Augustine, Christs ascension
is important for the life of each Christian, and has (i) Christological and (ii)
ecclesiological dimensions. (i) Christs incarnation (descensio) and ascension
(ascensio) reflect his humanity and his divinity. (ii) Ecclesiologically speaking,

283 R. Cabi, La Pentecte. Lvolution de la Cinquantaine pascale au cours des cinq premiers
sicles, Tournai, 1965 (Bibliothque de liturgie), pp. 193195; 204209. W. Geerlings,
Ascensio Christi, in Augustinus-Lexikon, Vol. I, 3, ed. by C. Mayer, K.H. Chelius, Basel,
1988, cols. 475479, col. 475. P.-M. Hoondert, Les sermons de saint Augustin pour le jour
de la Pentecte, Augustiniana, 46/34 (1996), pp. 291310, pp. 291292. Cf. also: C. Colpe,
Himmelfahrt, Reallexikon fr Antike und Christentum, 15 (1989), cols. 212219. F. Cabrol,
Ascension (fte), Dictionnaire dArchologie Chrtienne et de Liturgie, 12 (1907), cols.
29342943.
284 V. Saxer, Lanne liturgique, pp. 2021.
285 G.C. Willis, St. Augustines Lectionary, p. 29; p. 68.
Sermo 261 indicates, according to Willis, that Ioh. 14:2326 was the gospel reading in
Carthage on Ascension.
286 First reading: Act. 1:111? (s. 265, 1), Apoc. 5:114 [v. 5] (s. 263), probably Col. 3:1f.-?
(ss. 263A, 1; 395, 1), I Cor. 15 [vv. 5053] (s. 264, 6); Psalm: Ps. 96 [v. 9] (s. 265E, 2), Ps. 56
[v. 6a=12a] (s. 262, 4), [Ps. 23 (s. 377 authentic?)]; Gospel: Matth. 28:(16-)20 (s. 263), Luc.
24:36(?)-53 (s. 265D, 1), Ioh. 14:(?-)2528(?) (s. 265A, 1), Ioh. 20:?-17-? (s. 265F, 1f.).
M. Margoni-Kgler also briefly summarizes the ecclesiological significance of the Ascensio
Christi (caput and corpus) for Augustine. M. Margoni-Kgler, Die Perikopen im Gottesdienst
bei Augustinus, pp. 126133.
287 S. Poque gives an analysis in this context of the symbolism and meaning of the theme of
Ascension in Augustines writings and thinking, in comparison with examples from antiq-
uity (e.g., Ovid and Cicero) and with the commentary of more recent thinkers (such as e.g.
Heidegger, Jung and Vergote). S. Poque, Le langage symbolique dans la prdication
dAugustin dHippone. Images hroiques, Paris, 1984, Tome I: Texte, pp. 281341.
288 W.H. Marrevee, The Ascension of Christ in the Works of St. Augustine, Ottawa, 1967.
289 W. Geerlings, Ascensio Christi, col. 475.
Christological Feasts 67

Christs ascension Christ, the head of the Totus Christus, the Church brings
the Church into an upward dynamic.290 Recently Andrea Bizzozero, in his doc-
toral research of the presence of the Paschal mystery in Augustines sermones
ad populum, distinguished three fundamental aspects of Easter in his Ascension
sermones. They indicate the soteriological identity of Christ on the basis of his
incarnated nature (Christ ascended with his human body), they praise the glo-
rification of the resurrected Christ ad dexteram Patris (as is formulated in the
credo), and they promise the ascended Christs permanent relationship with
the faithful.291
These twelve (thirteen) sermones thus have a clear Christological approach,
which extends to the ethical level as an appeal to follow the ascended Christ in
an upward direction: sursum cor. Michele Pellegrino points out that the most
important doctrinal content of this liturgical formula is, for Augustine, the call
to turn away from what is earthly and to turn towards what is heavenly. In this
interpretation, sursum cor represents the Christian life: specifically, the love of
the believers for Christ, the orientation of the body toward the head, and a
hopeful prospect of life with Christ in heaven.292

290 The Ascension of Christ has given to the Church a sense of direction and at the same
time a dynamic force, through which she is unceasingly moved and drawn towards her
goal: the participation in the glory which Christ as her Head has achieved. This is in fact a
predominant theme in Augustines elaboration on the mystery of the Ascension. Several
times he describes the Ascension of Christ as a going-before: in the Ascension Christ acts
as a forerunner, thus indicating that his Body, the Church, is to follow the same course,
joining Him eventually in his glory. W.H. Marrevee, The Ascension of Christ, pp. 147148.
Christs ascension is, according to Augustine, an expression of the promise of our own
ascension: M.-F. Berrouard, LAscension du Christ, esprance des chrtiens, in Homlies
sur lvangile de saint Jean lv-lxxix, ed. by M.-F. Berrouard (introd., trad., notes), Paris, 1993
(Bibliothque augustinienne. Oeuvres de saint Augustin, 74A), pp. 468469.
E. Dassmann shows that Augustine does not deal with the theme of ascension in an
isolated way, but that he considers both the resurrection and ascension as integral parts
of the glorification of Christ. The goal of Christs ascension was to prevent the disciples
from remaining in carne. Christs ascension made it possible for mankind to also ascend.
E. Dassmann, Jenseitsfahrt, Reallexikon fr Antike und Christentum, 17 (1995), cols. 448
457, esp. cols. 452453.
291 A. Bizzozero, Il mistero pasquale di Ges Cristo e lesistenza credente nei Sermones di
Agostino, pp. 263270.
292 The oldest reference to the opening sentence of the preface, Sursum cor. Habemus ad
Dominum, goes back to the middle of the third century. Augustine relates this introduc-
tory dialogue of the Eucharistic prayer with the unity of the Church, as symbol for the
continuing love relationship between man and God. M. Pellegrino, Sursum cor nelle
opere di santAgostino, in Ricerche Patristiche, Torino, 1982, Vol. I, pp. 261288.
68 Chapter 1

b Primary Literature for Ascension


1 Overviews of the Ascension Sermones
Sermo 261
Augustine suggests that the proper celebration of Ascension involves rising up
with the Lord and lifting up ones own heart to Him. Lifting ones heart up to
the Lord who humbled Himself is not pride, but represents the seeking of
refuge in Him (cf. Ps. 90:1). Through the resurrection came hope. Christ came
down to heal man; He rose up to raise man up. Only the Lord can raise man;
whoever seeks to do this himself will fall again.293 The immortality that God
bestows on man is not the same as that of Christ: that of man is solely without
end, while that of Christ was also without beginning. Moreover, man in eter-
nity will not be equal to the Father, as Christ is. Augustine urges his listeners to
seek God in earnest, namely by believing, and not in a frivolous way, through
being argumentative and wanting to be proved right.294 The preacher declares
that he himself follows Pauls example in this quest. It is Pauls grace that works
in him: Paul worked harder than any other, not in his own strength, but through
the grace of Christ that was in him (I Cor. 15:10).295 To be able to see God, who
is completely pure, the heart needs to be cleansed (cf. Matth. 5:8) the phan-
tasmata (as for example the love of money) that make the heart impure need
to be removed.296 In this cleansing process, man should humbly ask God for
help.297 As God, God is too overwhelming for man. This is why He became man
(Ioh. 1:14). As God and man, Christ is both the objective and the way to that
objective for man. Christ was put to death as a man, and not in His Godhood.298
By loving Christ, man fulfils the two commandments to love God and his
neighbour (Matth. 22:3740), for Christ is both God (Ioh. 1:1) and man (Ioh.
1:14).299 Augustine prays that God, through his grace, through his support and
comfort, will cleanse man, and he calls on his listeners to do good works. He
urges them to forgive one another and to pray the Lords Prayer, as a remedy for

293 s. 261, 1.
s. 261: Kunzelmann: 19/05/410, Ascension, Hill: 418, Ascension, Rebillard: Carthago, 410 or
418, Gryson: Ascension, 418.
294 s. 261, 2.
295 s. 261, 3.
296 s. 261, 45. Not the creatures but the Creator must be loved.
297 s. 261, 6. The God, whom Augustine says we must seek and try to understand, is that of Ioh.
1:1. In this context, the darkness indicated the content of Ioh. 1:5: opera mala, cupiditates
malae (superbia, auaritia, ambitio, inuidentia).
298 s. 261, 7. Christ speaks of his being God in Ioh. 5:19, 10:30; of his soul in Marc. 14:34; and of
his flesh in Ioh. 2:19, Luc. 24:39, and Col. 2:3.
299 s. 261, 8.
Christological Feasts 69

sin. Here on earth, man is unable to live without sinning. It is not only the
severe offences such as murder, adultery, and blasphemy that are sins. Even
listening to something one should not, thinking something one should not, is
sin.300 After baptism (Tit. 3:5), the daily remedy for sin is to pray the Lords
Prayer (especially Matth. 6:12), to give alms (Luc. 11:41), and to forgive ones fel-
low man. The total of small sins comes to a significant entirety drops of rain
fill rivers, grains of corn fill barns.301 Christ, however, bestowed felicitas on us:
He put death to death.302

Sermo 262
Christ God and equal in every respect to the Father became man (without
losing the form of God). He was born so that we could be born again. He died
so that we would never need to die. He rose on the third day and promised to
mankind the resurrection of the flesh. After the resurrection, He allowed
Himself to be touched by His disciples; He remained with them for forty days
to convince them quod factus erat, non auferens quod semper erat. He came
and went; He ate and drank not that He needed to do so, but as a sign of His
potentia and in order to show the disciples the ueritas carnis.303 The feast of
Ascension in this church (i.e., in the church where Augustine gave this ser-
mon) coincides with the burial of Leontius, the founder of this basilica.304 The
feast of Ascension is celebrated throughout the whole world.305 For mans
sake, Christ became man (tired, thirsty, hungry). He underwent the passio and
death. This Christ has now been lifted up, has lifted up his own needy flesh.306
We have not seen the Ascension, the lifting up of Christ, ourselves. We do how-
ever see the consequences of it, in particular the glory of the Church, the bride
of Christ, that has spread over the whole earth.307

Sermo 263 [Guelferbytanus 21]


The glorification of Christ is completed in His Ascension. The purpose of His
resurrection is to give man an example of the resurrection. The reason for the

300 s. 261, 9.
301 s. 261, 10
302 s. 261, 11.
303 s. 262, 1.
s. 262: Kunzelmann: 04/05/411, Ascension, Hill: 411, Ascension, Rebillard: 411, Ascension,
Gryson: 411, Ascension.
304 s. 262, 2.
305 s. 262, 3.
306 s. 262, 4.
307 s. 262, 5.
70 Chapter 1

Ascension is so that Christ may protect man from above. He paid the price for
man on the cross, and while sitting above He gathers together what He bought.
When He has gathered all together, He will return at the end of time, not veiled,
as He was the first time, but overtly (Ps. 50:3). He first had to come veiled, in
order to be condemned (I Cor. 2:8) and in this way to be able to put death to
death, to defeat the devil. He returns overtly in order to judge the living and
the dead. The devil killed the first man through leading him astray. By killing
the nouissimus (the last man), the devil lost the first man from his snare.308 The
Lords cross is a sort of mousetrap for the devil. Through the death of Christ,
the devil has been defeated.309 Believing with the eyes of the heart is much
more important than simply seeing with the eyes in ones head. We have not,
after all, ourselves seen Christs resurrection and ascension with our own eyes,
but we know it through our faith, with the eyes of the heart (cf. Ioh. 20:29).
Whoever believes in Him shall see Him. He does not stand before us, percep-
tible to our eyes, but He owns the heart of the believer.310

Sermo 263A [Sermo ab A. Mai editus 98]


For Augustine, Ascension is the reason for the appeal to let our hearts rise up
with the Lord (cf. Col. 3:12). Just as Christ rose up without abandoning us, in
the same way, we are there with Him, even although what has been promised
to us has not yet taken place in our body. He has risen above the heavens and
at the same time He suffers on earth what we suffer as members of His body
(cf. Act. 9:4; Matth. 25:35). We have to endure difficulties here on earth in such
a way that we, together with Him, find our rest in heaven, through the faith,
hope, and love in which we are united with Him. He, who is there, is with us;
and we, who are here, are with Him. He did not leave heaven when He came
down for us, nor did He leave us when He rose back up to heaven.311 The verse
Ioh. 3:13 (No one has gone up to heaven except the one who came down from
heaven, the Son of man) also applies to us through our being united with
Christ (I Cor. 12:12). Christ is our head, and we are the body. We are in Christ

308 s. 263, 1.
s. 263 [Guelferbytanus 21]: Kunzelmann: 396397, Ascension, Hill: 396397, Ascension,
Rebillard: 396397, Ascension, Gryson: 396/397, Ascension.
309 s. 263, 2. Not only the devil was conquered. According to Augustine, the Jews of Golgotha
(Matth. 27:40) also received a retort: rising from the grave is a much greater achievement
than coming down from the cross, which they derisively demanded.
310 s. 263, 3.
311 s. 263A, 1.
s. 263A [Sermo ab A. Mai editus 98]: Kunzelmann: 396397, Ascension, Hill: 396397,
Ascension, Rebillard: 396397, Ascension, Gryson: 396/400, Ascension.
Christological Feasts 71

through grace. In Him we rise up as though we were one. We are the seed of
Abraham as Christ is the seed of Abraham (Gal. 3:16; 3:29). In heaven we will
put off the flesh of our mortal nature. The body will be easily lifted up when
the spirit is no longer borne down by the heavy burden of sin.312 Some haeretici
question how a body that has not come down from heaven can rise up to
heaven. Ioh. 3:13 refers, according to Augustine, to the person, not to something
that the person possessed. He came down without the clothing of a body; He
rose up clothed with a body. The body that He took on does not make Him a
different person. We too will rise up, as a result of our being united with Him
(Eph. 5:3132; Marc. 10:8).313 Prior to His death, Christ had need of food and
drink. That is why he fasted for forty days, to Himself experience our pain, to in
His own body give expression to our pain. This is a warning not to give in to the
temptations of this world. After his resurrection, He no longer needed food or
drink, but for forty days, He ate and drank with His disciples. He did this so that
His comfort would be disclosed to us. While we journey through this life, we
need both to fast because of the vanity of the present and to celebrate the
promise of the time to come.314

Sermo 264
Augustine suggests that the significance of Ascension needs to be explained,
despite the haste of some to get away to have their meal. He preaches about the

312 s. 263A, 2.
313 s. 263A, 3. Van Bavel points out that the argument regarding the clothing (habitus)
which also occurs in De agone christiano 25, 27 may well contain a reaction against
Apollinarianism. According to H.R. Drobner, however, it is a reaction against the Arians.
This hypothesis is less probable, since the theme of the physical ascension does not occur
in the writings in which Augustine was systematically addressing and refuting the argu-
ments of the Arians. A. Zumkeller surmises that it was more likely to be the Gnostic
Docetism of Appelles that Augustine was targeting. P.-M. Hombert elaborates on
Zumkellers suggestion. H.R. Drobner, Person-exegese und Christologie bei Augustinus,
pp. 112113. A. Habitzky (trans.), A. Zumkeller (introd., com.), Aurelius Augustinus. Der
christliche Kampf und die christliche Lebensweise, Wrzburg, 1961, p. 69. P.-M. Hombert,
Lexgse augustinienne de Io. 3, 13 entre orient et occident, in LEsegesi dei Padri Latini.
Dalle origini a Gregorio Magno. XXVIII Incontro di studiosi dellantichit cristiana. Roma,
68 maggio 1999, Roma, 2000, (Studia Ephemerides Augustinianum, 68), Vol. I, pp. 335
361, pp. 338339. T.J. van Bavel, Recherches sur la christologie de Saint Augustin, p. 35.
314 s. 263A, 4. Food in this comparison represents the hope of peace, which will only be per-
fected in our immortality. The number forty (10x4=40) indicates the time during which
we are under the grace of Christs life. The ten commandments of the law (10) have been
spread throughout the whole world (4: the four corners of the earth as symbol for the
whole world) through the grace of Christ. Cf. infra s. 264, 5.
72 Chapter 1

inner (sacramental) significance of Christs ascension in the body with which


He rose from the dead.315 After His resurrection, Christ remained with His dis-
ciples for forty days, in acknowledgement of their weakness: to encourage their
faith, and to confirm that, after the resurrection, that which had been restored
was the same as that which had been taken away by the cross. Christ, however,
did not want their focus to be on His flesh, or for them to be constrained by
mere human love. For this reason, He remained with them to help them toward
a more spiritual faith in Him as God. This is why He needed to withdraw
Himself from their sight. He therefore remained with them for forty days to
convince them of His bodily resurrection, and His ascension was intended to
make them believe in His divinity.316 Christs ascension was therefore intended
to convince the apostles that the Son is equal to the Father, to prevent them
from remaining focused on His humanity. Whoever sees the Father as being
greater than the Son, sees the Son merely as man (as the mortal flesh that He
took on in His humility in which case the Father is indeed greater; Ioh. 14:28),
while the Son as God is completely equal with the Father (Ioh. 10:30, 14:9). By
taking on the flesh, Christ did not in any way change (as God). Whoever puts
on a piece of clothing does not become that piece of clothing. A senator in the
clothes of a slave remains a senator. As a man, Christ is less than the Father, but
as God, He is equal to the Father. For this reason, ten days later, Christ sent the
Holy Spirit to help the disciples to move on from fleshly to spiritual faith/
love.317 Christ remained forty days to demonstrate that throughout the time of
our life on earth, faith in the Incarnation is essential for all. Christ came to
cleanse and restore the inner eye needed in order to recognize Him that
had become fouled by sin.318 As long as a man is in this body, he needs to

315 s. 264, 1.
s. 264: Kunzelmann: 413420, Ascension, Hill: 417, Ascension, Rebillard: 412420,
Ascension, Gryson: after 420, Ascension, Hombert: after 420.
316 s. 264, 2.
317 s. 264, 4.
s. 264, 3: Christ is equal to the Father in nature, powerful in the might of his greatness, and
weak in compassion for mankind; He is powerful to create all things, and weak to recreate
all things.
318 S. 264, 5 explains why Christ remained exactly forty (10x4=40) days with the disciples: ten
represents the fullness of wisdom, four represents the world (the four corners of the
world) and time (the four seasons). The Lord fasted for forty days. This means that the
believers should refrain from all corruption for as long as they are in the world. Elijah
representing the prophets and Moses representing the law fasted for forty days to
demonstrate that even the prophets and the law teach this same lesson of abstinence.
Israel remained in the desert for forty years. The ark (the Church) floated on the water for
Christological Feasts 73

believe in the incarnate Christ. This same flesh will be resurrected for the
wicked, to eternal punishment; for the godly, it will be transformed into an
immortal body. It is not so surprising that God creates a heavenly body from
flesh: He who has created out of nothing, in His body changed water into wine.
If He could make man before his own body existed, He must then also be able
to restore mans body, rewarding faith with the honour of glorification. Christ
allowed Himself to be touched by his disciples: man/flesh/weakness was
touched, but God/wisdom/power was grasped. Augustine adds that that flesh
Christ, the head subsequently ascended, and that the other members will
follow. This is Augustines ascension refrain: the members will follow the
heads lead into heaven.319

Sermo 265
Throughout the forty days after the resurrection, Christ revealed Himself to the
disciples in order to build up their faith. That miracle was too immense to be
revealed in one day alone. He came and went; He ate and drank, but not from
necessity.320 Ascension means that the head takes the lead, in order to give the
members hope. He will however return as true man and God, to make men into
gods. Christs ascension and resurrection should not so much amaze us, as lead
us to praise. What should amaze us, however, is His descent into hell and His
death. Augustine declaims, Our sin was our ruin; our price, the blood of Christ;
our hope, the resurrection of Christ; its realization, the coming of Christ.321
The disciples want to know, as we do ourselves, when the Lord will return (cf.
Act. 1:6). They asked Him (also on our behalf): when will you return as judge

forty days. It was made from wooden planks that did not rot, and these represent the souls
of those who are holy and just. As long as the Church exists in this world and is cleansed
by the water of baptism, as with the flood, the Church will have good as well as wicked
members, just as there were clean and unclean animals in the ark. After the flood, Noah
sacrificed a number of cleansed animals: here on earth we are mixed, but after the flood,
God only accepts those who have made themselves clean. Faith in the Incarnation is nec-
essary during this time on earth, as long as the ark is floating on the waters of the flood. If
we believe now in the flesh of Christ, then we will later share in the greatness and divinity
of Christ.
319 s. 264, 6.
320 s. 265, 1.
s. 265: Kunzelmann: 23/05/412, Hill: 412, Ascension, Rebillard: 412, Ascension, Gryson:
23/05/412, Ascension, Hombert: 23/05/412.
321 s. 265, 2. J.E. Rotelle (ed.), E. Hill (trans., notes), Sermons III/7 (230272B), On the Liturgical
Seasons, New Rochelle/New York, 1993 (The Works of Saint Augustine, A translation for
the 21st Century, III/7), p. 237.
74 Chapter 1

(when will the kingdom come), visible for all men (and not only for the disci-
ples), to make a division between left and right (between the wicked and the
godly)?322 Christs answer (to the disciples and to us) was: actually it is not
your business to know this. Live as though I could come today, and you will not
be afraid when I come.323 This answer demonstrates Christs ability to be
magister. He did not give them the answer to their question (because it was not
good for them to know Act. 1:7). He gave them the answer to a question they
did not ask.324 The disciples asked about when the judgement would take
place, and Christ answered about the place of the Church (Act. 1:8): be the
bride (as Church) of the bridegroom, and wait without inquisitiveness.
According to Augustine, Christ emphasizes in this manner the unity of the
Church.325 Christs last desire before His ascension His last will and testa-
ment concerned the unity of the Church.326 Christ was glorified twice:
through His resurrection and through His ascension. There will be a third glo-
rification, namely, when He returns for the final judgement. Christ also gave
the Holy Spirit twice, after His resurrection (Ioh. 20:22) and at Pentecost (Act.
1:8).327 Augustine indicates that he does not himself know the reason why the
Holy Spirit has been given twice. For the time being he considers that the Spirit
has been given twice to emphasize the two commandments of caritas: love for
God and neighbour (Matth. 22:3740). Just as the one Spirit has been given
twice, there is one caritas and two commandments. For it is the same caritas to
God and to ones neighbour, even though God and ones neighbour are not one
and the same. To love God is the greatest and the first commandment, but it
can only be fulfilled by first loving ones neighbour (I Ioh. 4:20). In order to
make love for ones neighbour possible, Christ gave the Holy Spirit (love for
ones neighbour), while He was still visible on earth. Thereafter, from heaven,
out of His highest love, He sent the Holy Spirit (love for God).328 This caritas is
a gift of the Holy Spirit (Rom. 5:5), for what do you have that you have not
received (I Cor. 4:7)?329 This caritas can only be possessed within the unity of
the Church. Christ will bring together, not divide (Luc. 13:34; Ioh. 10:16).

322 s. 265, 3.
323 s. 265, 4.
324 s. 265, 5.
325 s. 265, 6.
326 s. 265, 7. Christ foresaw the division, but did not want the tunica (cf. Ioh. 19:2324) to be
torn. The tunica symbolizes the unity, the caritas.
327 s. 265, 8.
328 s. 265, 9.
329 s. 265, 10.
Christological Feasts 75

Cupiditas longs to divide, while caritas unites. Christs inheritance will not be
divided, but will be communally possessed.330 In his resurrection, ascension
and gift of the Holy Spirit, Christ commends the Church to us as the unity of
agapic love.331

Sermo 265A [Sermo a F. Liverani editus 8]


Christ became for us what we are, and at the same time He kept the form in
which He is equal with the Father. He came to share our weakness, but at the
same time did not lose His share in His own divine greatness. He is God above
us and at the same time man with us. As man He did many things for us. He
took on humanity in order to hide His divine nature, revealing only His human-
ity. Many who were unable to make that distinction began haereses, as for
example the Arians did, maintaining that God the Father is greater in magni-
tudo than God the Son.332 Augustine responds that magnitudo only relates to
mole aliqua corporali, while God is Spirit (Ioh. 4:24). Spiritual matters cannot
be likened to corporal matters. Something can only be called greater or lesser
if there is a certain physical forma. God, however, is not greater in quantity
(non mole), but in power (sed uirtute magnus est). If we think of God: nulla
oculis nostris species carnis occurrat.333 Arians maintain that tempore, aetate
the Father is maior than the Son. According to them, the one who gignit is
first and older than the one who nascitur, and it is therefore impossible for
both to be coaeuus. According to Augustine, however, this testifies to fleshly
thinking, of inappropriate reduction of the divine into human terms. He
extends the comparison, if this line of argument were to be further pursued,
then: while the sons are younger than their fathers, at the same time they are
stronger than their fathers, since the fathers become weaker in their old age
in that case the Son would be stronger than the Father, while the Arians main-
tain exactly the opposite. They should, according to Augustine, cease
conceiving of divine mysteries humano sensu.334 There are incidentally other
examples of creatura and generator sharing temporality (eternity), including
fire (in substance) and radiance (in appearance). Radiance is born of fire, but

330 s. 265, 11.


331 s. 265, 12. That during Pentecost every disciple spoke every language, prefigures, according
to Augustine, the unity of the Church.
332 s. 265A, 2.
s. 265A [Sermo a F. Liverani editus 8]: Kunzelmann: 16/05/418, Ascension, Hill: 420,
Ascension, Rebillard: 418, Ascension, Gryson: Around Ascension.
333 s. 265A, 3.
334 s. 265A, 4.
76 Chapter 1

there is never fire without radiance. The splendor is coaeuus with ignis. If the
fire had been eternal, then the radiance was likewise eternal.335 The Father is
greater than I (Ioh. 14:28) must therefore be read alongside I and the Father
are one (Ioh. 10:30); Christ is less than the Father as man (physically), as God
however He is equal (spiritually).336 Augustine supports this explanation with
Scripture quotations (I Ioh. 5:20; Phil. 2:67; Ioh. 10:30; Marc. 14:34).337 He con-
cludes that it is essential to read the Scriptures meticulously and to ask the
Lord for understanding in doing so.338

Sermo 265B [Sermo in bibliotheca Casinensus editus 2, 7677]


As proof that He had risen in the same body that died on the cross, and of the
imperishable immortality of His body, Christ remained with His disciples for
forty days. In the very same body in which He had visited the underworld, He
rose up to heaven. He brought to heaven the very same body that He Himself
had made in the womb of His mother.339 How can a body rise up to heaven
when that body has not descended from heaven (cf. Ioh. 3:13)? Humanity was
wed to divinity in such a way that Word, soul, and flesh were the one Christ:
one person.340 The two natures of Christ share proprietates. Each substantia
shares its own names with the other: the divine names with the human sub-
stantia, and the human names with the divine substantia. In this way the Son
of God (Matth. 16:1316) can be called man, and the Son of man (Matth. 26:64;
Ioh. 1:51) can be called God, while both are identical with Christ. Augustine
emphasizes that Christ is continually present, and remains so, both in heaven
and on earth.341 If the Father had not surrendered life (I Ioh. 5:20) that is
Christ then we would not have had life (Ioh. 3:16, 6:51). If life itself had not
died, then death would not have been defeated.342 But life did not only die;
the life continued to live; the life rose again, and in putting death to death
through His death, He gave us life. Through Christ we are inheritors of eternal

335 s. 265A, 5.
336 s. 265A, 6.
337 s. 265A, 7.
338 s. 265A, 8.
339 s. 265B, 1.
s. 265B [Sermo in bibliotheca Casinensus editus 2, 7677]: Kunzelmann: 396397,
Ascension, Hill: 396397, Ascension, Rebillard: 396397, Ascension, Gryson: 396/397,
Ascension.
340 s. 265B, 2.
341 s. 265B, 3.
342 s. 265B, 4.
Christological Feasts 77

life through Him we are rescued from continuing death and have become
members of His body.343

Sermo 265C [Sermo Moriniani ex collectione Guelferbytana 20]


Christs ascension is an invitation to us to lift up our hearts. Because He
ascended in His body, we are certain that we will follow Him in the flesh.
Therefore, Augustine preaches, man must do what is good here on earth, in
order to obtain a permanent dwelling place in heaven. Sursum cor! Man needs
to lift himself up away from this earthly life (cf. Col. 3:12). The body is not able
to do this, but the spirit can. The most valuable possession is the heart: all that
we possess, we possess with the heart. In relation to our body, our eyes are our
most precious possession. We are prepared to sacrifice everything in order to
keep our eyes.344 Even more important than the eyes is the mens (soul, spirit).
If you lose this mens, then you are an animal. If you lose your eyes, however,
you are still a man (homo). Augustine urges his listeners to use this mens to
believe in God. Faith is in the mens, in the heart. The preacher allows Christ to
speak to his public: In order that you would believe that you will ascend to me,
I first descended to you. In order that you would believe that you will live
through me, I first died for you.345

Sermo 265D [Sermo a G. Morin editus 17]


The Manichaeans think that Christ is only spiritus and not corpus. This is what
the disciples originally thought when they saw the risen Lord (Luc. 24:37).346
Christ allowed Himself to be touched, however, wanting to prove that He was
also flesh and blood. If thinking that Christ was only spiritus was correct (even
if He had real flesh), then He would have left His disciples in their misconcep-
tion (cf. Luc. 24:3839).347 Christ is Word and man, soul and flesh. Christ is one
person. At times He speaks in terms of His being the Word, and yet it is still
Christ Himself who is speaking. At times He speaks in terms of His being soul
(Marc. 14, 34), yet it is the same Christ. At times He speaks in terms of His being
in the flesh, and yet it is the same Christ who is speaking. As Word, He said that

343 s. 265B, 5.
344 s. 265C, 1. Augustine rejects greed the accumulation of earthly treasures.
s. 265C [Sermo Moriniani ex collectione Guelferbytana 20]: Kunzelmann: Ascension, Hill:
415, Ascension, Rebillard: Ascension, Gryson: Ascension.
345 s. 265C, 2.
346 s. 265D, 1.
s. 265D [Sermo a G. Morin editus 17]: Kunzelmann: 417418, Ascension, Hill: 417, Ascension,
Rebillard: 417418, Ascension, Gryson: 416/418, Ascension, Hombert: 416418.
347 s. 265D, 2.
78 Chapter 1

He and the Father are one (Ioh. 10:30). In His body, He underwent death (Luc.
24:46). Death, however, cannot be either in the Word or in the soul of Christ,
for there sin never was. Since His physical death was real, His resurrection was
also physically real. There was death, but without sin. In Him there was punish-
ment without guilt, so that for us, punishment and guilt might be removed.348
Christ died without sin. He wanted to pay back for us that for which He was not
indebted, in order to free us from debt. Christ brought His mortal flesh and
blood to be shed for us, in order to pay off the debt for our sins. The Devil, who
possessed mankind, would still have a hold on us (who are guilty), if he had not
killed the innocent Christ. Christ was not contaminated through Adam,
because He was born of a virgin. He Himself added no sin, because He had
nothing to which it could be added, and through living righteously He commit-
ted no sin. He was born without guilt, and He lived a life without guilt. Christ
died because this was the Fathers will, not because He was in any way in debt
to the devil.349 Christ is the life: neither the soul, nor the Word died; what died
was the flesh. Christ died in order that death should die. Christs cross was a
mousetrap for the devil. After the resurrection He had the same body, but now
immortal: the same natura, but the qualitas changed.350 Christ will return in
that same flesh (cf. Act. 1:11), the same body that was touched by the disciples.
Christ gave the disciples the capacity to proclaim that truth and to die for it, for
they could not do so in and of themselves. No one can receive something

348 s. 265D, 3.
349 s. 265D, 4. Quid miraris quia mortuus est Christus, cum omnino non peccauerit Christus?
Reddere pro te uoluit quod non debebat, ut te a debito liberaret. Iure diabolus deceptum
humanum genus possidebat: possidebat quod ceperat, ceperat quod deceperat. Attulit
Christus in carne mortali sanguinem fundendum, quo deleretur chirographum peccatorum.
Adhuc ille teneret nocentes, si non occideret innocentem. Nunc uero uidete quam iuste illi
dicitur: occidisti nihil debentem, redde debitores. Ecce uenit, inquit, princeps mundi huius,
et in me nihil inueniet [Ioh. 14:30]. Quomodo nihil? Non habes animam, non habes carnem?
Non etiam uerbum es? Haec omnia nihil? Absit. Nihil suum, quia nullum peccatum. Princeps
est peccatorum: princeps peccatorum nihil in me inueniet. Non peccaui, nihil de Adam traxi,
qui de uirgine ad uos ueni. Nihil addidi, quia cui adderem non habui, et iuste uiuendo nihil
commisi. Veniat, et, si potest, aliquid suum in me inueniat. Sed nihil suum in me inueniet:
nullum peccatum habeo: innocenter natus, innocentem uitam duxi. Veniat, nihil inueniet.
Quare ergo moreris, si ueniet, et nihil inueniet? Et reddit rationem, quare moriatur: ecce
ueniet princeps mundi, et in me nihil inueniet [Ioh. 14:30]. Et quasi diceremus, quare ergo
moreris? Respondit: sed ut sciant, inquit, omnes quia uoluntatem patris mei facio, surgite,
eamus hinc [Ioh. 14:31], ad passionem, propter uoluntatem boni patris, non propter debi-
tum mali principis. ma 1, p. 662.
350 s. 265D, 5.
Christological Feasts 79

unless it has been given from heaven (cf. Ioh. 3:27).351 We must not boast too
much about our own uires, or trust too much in the decision of our own will
(cf. Ier. 17:5), for [a]d peccandum idoneus es solus: ad recte faciendum indiges
adiutore. It is not that Christ was a man who, through living a worthy life,
deserved to become the Word. It was necessary for Christ to die for us, but
there was nothing intrinsic to the Word that required its death in Him: there
was only life, without anything fickleness. That is why Christ became man, that
a pure humanity (Christ) could redeem the sullied.352

Sermo 265E [Sermo a C. Lambot editus 16]


The cross is the ransom for man. Mans debt has been paid by Christ. What has
been paid is Christs blood, the resurrection, the sending of the Holy Spirit, and
the promise of a widespread Church. What has been promised is the end of
heathendom, heresies, and martyrdom. God keeps all His promises; He will
therefore certainly also keep the promise of the day of judgement.353 Christ
has been lifted up (Ps. 97:9; Phil. 2:711) because He humbled Himself. Initially,
Christ was exalted, because He was completely equal with God. He subse-
quently humbled Himself by becoming man: by taking on Himself what He
was not, without losing what He was. Being God, He took on the form of a ser-
vant (Phil. 2:7), hiding God in manhood. Because of his humiliation and obedi-
ence unto death, He was exalted by the Father.354 The Father raised Christ
above all gods (Ps. 97:9). The gods here are men, adopted by God through
grace, while there is only one natural son: Christ. There is a difference between
Christ and these god-people. Humanity is born as man, must necessarily die,
and is born as a consequence of sexual longing (concupiscentialis conceptus); it
therefore still has to rise up, as the flesh is given over to corruptio. Christ is born
as a consequence of divine compassion, died as a result of goodness, came by
way of a virgin birth, has already arisen, and His flesh is without corruptio (Act.
13:3637).355 The last words of Christ before his ascension referred to a proph-
ecy concerning the Church as spread throughout the world (Act. 1:79).356

351 s. 265D, 6.
352 s. 265D, 7.
353 s. 265E, 1.
s. 265E [Sermo a C. Lambot editus 16]: Hill: Ascension, Rebillard: Ascension?, Gryson:
Probable Ascension.
354 s. 265E, 2.
355 s. 265E, 3.
356 s. 265E, 4.
80 Chapter 1

The Church is the gloria of Christ, just as the wife is the gloria of her husband
(I Cor. 11:7).357

Sermo 265F [Sermo a C. Lambot editus 25]


He who is our Lord was prepared to become our brother, through becoming a
man, through becoming a servant (Phil. 2:67; Marc. 10:45). He serves us because
we are sick, in order to restore us to health. Through His own weakness, He pro-
vides the cure. He shed His blood, giving His blood as an ointment for the eyes.358
As Christs brothers, we have the same God and Father in common, but in a dif-
ferent way. He, the natural son, was without sin. All mankind are sinners, are
sons through adoption.359 We form one large family (Rom. 8:17). Christ never left
heaven, and He will never leave us. He is still in heaven, and He is also continu-
ally with us. When Christ ascended, it was not only His divinity that ascended,
but also His body. He will come again to judge in the same form in which He was
tried (cf. Act. 1:11), visible to both the righteous and the unrighteous.360

Sermo 377
Augustine preaches that Christ is all embracing. In the Incarnation, Christ the
Word came down in the form of a servant (Phil. 2:78). In this form He made
progress in the study of wisdom; in this form He exercised his exemplary patience;
in this form He strove courageously; in this form He died; in this form He con-
quered death and rose again; and in this form He returned to heaven without
ever having left heaven. As a giant, He conquered death by dying (Ps. 19:5) and
broke the doors of hell. Christ is at the same time man (in His suffering) and God
(in His resurrection). As God He descended into hell, and as man He was taken
up into heaven. He underwent death, suffering alone for all mortal men.361

2 Content Analysis of the Sermones on Ascension


Ascension Themes
In his sermons on Ascension, Augustine particularly seeks to explain the sig-
nificance of this feast. He usually refers to the significance of the number forty;

357 s. 265E, 5.
358 s. 265F, 1.
s. 265F [Sermo a C. Lambot editus 25]: Hill: 405, Ascension, Rebillard: Ascension, Gryson:
Around 412, Ascension.
359 s. 265F, 2.
360 s. 265F, 3. Augustine makes a comparison: Christ is simultaneously in heaven and on
earth, just as a spoken word can be simultaneously in my spirit and in your ear.
361 s. 377.
Christological Feasts 81

there are forty days between Easter and Ascension. Augustine explains that
Christ remained with the disciples for forty days, allowing Himself to be
touched by them, in order to strengthen their faith in His bodily resurrection.
Thereafter, on the day of Ascension, He ascended to heaven in order to bring
their faith in His bodily resurrection into balance with their faith in His divin-
ity.362 The Ascension was intended to convince the apostles that Christ is equal
with the Father, so that they would not remain focused on His humanity. This
is why, ten days later, Christ also sent the Holy Spirit, to help the disciples to
progress from a fleshly to a spiritual faith.363
The Ascension sermons have a moral message: man needs to lift up his own
heart.364 Augustine emphasizes that man requires Gods help to lift up his
heart. Without Gods help, man can do nothing other than fall.365 Augustine
rejects auaritia and a too great focus on earthly things.366 Augustine calls for
humility367 and advises the keeping of the double commandment to love in
Matth. 22,368 the praying of the Lords Prayer, the forgiveness of ones fellow
man, and the giving of alms as remedies for small sins.369
The feast of Ascension is then a call to faith. Believing with the eyes of the
heart is much more important than seeing solely with the eyes in ones head.
We have after all not seen Christs resurrection and ascension with our eyes,
but we know through our faith, with the eyes of the heart.370 Augustine encour-
ages his listeners to believe in God in their heart/soul (mens).371 Augustine
urges his listeners to seek God, and, with this in mind, to cleanse their hearts,372
but at the same time he emphasizes that this seeking of God happens because
of Gods grace,373 and that in order to cleanse the heart, Gods help is needed.374

s. 377: Hill: 425, Ascension, Rebillard: Ascension (authenticity doubtful), Gryson:


Ascension (authenticity doubtful).
362 ss. 263A, 4; 264, 2; 265, 1; 265B, 1. See also s. 265D, 1.
363 s. 264, 45. See also s. 263A, 4, where the theme of the forty days is explicitly connected to
grace.
364 ss. 261, 1; 263A, 1; 265C, 1.
365 s. 261, 1.
366 ss. 261, 5; 263A, 1.4; 265C, 1.
367 s. 261, 6.
368 ss. 261, 8; 265, 9.
369 s. 261, 10.
370 s. 263, 3. See above ss. 264, 2.4.5; 265, 1.
371 s. 265C, 2.
372 s. 261, 2.4.5.
373 s. 261, 3.
374 s. 261, 6.
82 Chapter 1

The apostles received from Christ the capacity to proclaim the truth of the
faith, and to die for it, which they were not able to do in and of themselves.375
At Pentecost, the disciples received the Holy Spirit to bring them to spiritual
faith.376 It is for that matter not only faith that is a gift of God, but all human
uires are given to man by God.377 When Augustine appeals to them to do good
works, He also indicates that the capacity to do such works stems from grace.378
The sermons for the liturgical feast of Ascension here discussed are
thoroughly Christological. In this Christological context, Augustine responds
several times against heterodox movements such as Apollinarianism,379
Arianism,380 and Manichaeism.381 In the Ascension sermons, Augustine
returns regularly to the physicality of Christ in His resurrection and ascension.
He emphasizes that it was always the same body that was involved.382 He
allowed Himself to be touched by the disciples to show that He was not merely
spiritus.383 The Ascension demonstrated that Christ, although He had taken on
a human body, is as God completely equal with the Father. Augustine repeats
emphatically that Christ, in addition to His humanity, is completely divine,
equal to the Father. The one person Christ was both human and divine, spoke
from His body, from His soul, and from His divinity.384 It is not in His divinity,
but in His humanity, that Christ was put to death.385
In addition to emphasizing the humanity of Christ, Augustine does not hesi-
tate to emphasize that Christ is fundamentally different from man. Christs
immortality in contrast to the immortality granted to men through Christ is
without beginning.386 More fundamentally, Christ is without sin. He is born
without original sin and is without personal sin. He is in nature the Son of God,
while men only become such through adoption.387

375 s. 265D, 6.
376 s. 264, 4.
377 s. 265D, 7.
378 s. 261, 9.
379 s. 263A, 3.
380 s. 265A, 27.
381 s. 265D, 1. It is even possible that the emphasis on the Christological-ecclesiological unity
in s. 265, 7.1112 contains a reference to the Donatists. Cf. infra.
382 s. 265B, 1. See also s. 265B, 23, where Augustine discusses the communicatio idiomatum.
383 ss. 262, 1 (ueritas carnis); 265D, 26.
384 ss. 264, 27; 265A, 27; 265B, 23; 265D, 3. See also s. 377.
385 s. 261, 7.
386 s. 261, 2.
387 ss. 265D, 34; 265E, 23.
Christological Feasts 83

Polemical Elements
The stress on Christs bodily nature and His saving grace could be, but do not
require to be, read as anti-Manichean388 and anti-Pelagian reflexes respec-
tively. Similarly, the stress on the unitarian Totus Christus could be understood
as anti-Donatist. The Ascension sermones also contain other elements that
were prominent themes in Augustines anti-Donatist endeavours, but need not
be read as explicitly anti-Donatist. Sermo 264, 5 refers for example to the
Church as the ark of Noah: it is constructed with planks that cannot rot (souls
of saints and just), and contains clean and unclean animals (the Church too
contains sinners even after baptism; only after disembarkment will there be
solely clean animals). Another possible example of polemics is the emphasis
on ecclesial unity in sermo 265, in terminology identical to Augustines anti-
Donatist writings; he stresses the pains and sorrows caused by the division of
the Church as well as the necessity of unity;389 he argues that charity, which is
the gift of the Holy Spirit, can only be possessed in the unity of the Church.390
In the following passage, Augustine also expresses this Pneumatological unity
and universality of the Church: The Holy Spirit came; those whom he first
filled started speaking in the tongues of all nations. Each man speaking all lan-
guages what else could it mean but unity in all languages?391 In a similar
way, the imagery of the vine branching out into the whole world stressing the
universal nature of the Church in sermo 265E, 4 could be understood as
anti-Donatist.

388 S. 265D, 1 suggests the possibility of a Manichean presence in the audience: Let me talk a
little about this, if you will be patient with me; because perhaps there are some such per-
sons present among you incognito, and the chance this reading [Luc. 24:37: they thought
they were seeing a spirit] offers of persuading them must not be let slip. s. 265D, 2:
Augustine conducts a fictitious dialogue with a Manichean.
389 s. 265, 56.
390 s. 265, 11.
391 s. 265, 12. F. Dolbeau edited an anonymous African sermon, preached on the feast of
Ascension, in which he found elements parallel to Augustines anti-Donatist pastoral
approach. Without calling the Donatists explicitly by name, the rebuke of regionalist
nationalism is clear enough, and as such the Donatists who also celebrate the feast of
Ascension invalidate the last words of Christ, who announced a universal church.
Franois Dolbeau, Un sermon anonyme pour lAscension, refltant la pastorale anti-
donatiste dAugustin, in Augustin et la prdication en Afrique. Recherches sur divers
sermons authentiques, apocryphes ou anonymes, Paris, 2005, (Collection des tudes augus-
tiniennes. Srie antiquit 179), pp. 317336 (= in Consuetudinis amor: fragments dhistoire
romaine (IIe-VIe sicles) offerts Jean-Pierre Callu, ed. by Franois Chausson and tienne
Wolff, Roma, 2003, pp. 231250 [Saggi di storia antica 19]).
84 Chapter 1

With the same caveats, Augustines Christological stress on Christs divinity


and equality with the Father (cf. supra) and his citation of John 3:13 and John
14:2528 could be considered anti-Arian. Sermones 265A and 265D, however,
explicitly designate Arianism as a malignant heresy.392 Sermo 265A declares:
But He did many things for our sakes in the form of the humanity He took on,
that were intended to conceal the divine nature which was hidden in Him, and
to manifest only the human nature, which was plain to see, and as a result
many people, who were unable to perceive this and make the distinction,
started heresies. Among them, and leading the field, are the Arians393 Sermo
265A further explains that the two natures of Christ imply his unity with the
Father.394 My soul is sorrowful unto death (Marc. 14:34) is said according to
the form of a servant, and I and the Father are one (Ioh. 10:30) is said accord-
ing to the form of God.395 This brings Augustine to the Christological conclu-
sion: So He ascended to the Father insofar as He was a man, but He remained
in the Father insofar as He was God, because He had come forth to us in the
flesh without departing from the Father.396
The Ascension sermons exhibit some of the concerns prominent in
Augustines polemics against the Manicheans, Donatists, and Pelagians, but
generally speaking, with the exception of the anti-Arian rhetoric noted above,
these sermons do not have an explicitly polemical tone.

Human Sin and Divine Grace


We come in this way to the emphasis on grace in the Ascension sermons: Christ
was born and died for mankind, brought in this way an end to death for man,
gave His own blood and death on the cross as a ransom to purchase our freedom,
and defeated the devil.397 In short, He heals us.398 He creates and restores
man.399 This unity with Christ is also a form of grace. Christ is our head, and we
are the body. We are in Christ through faith.400 The number forty representsthe
time in which we live, through grace, through Christ. The ten commandments of

392 E.g. ss. 263A, 1, 2, 3; 264, 1; 265A, 1; 265B, 2; 265D, 23.


393 s. 265A, 2. Cf. s. 263, 1: Augustine considers the two comings of Christ: the first time He
came not openly, otherwise He would not have been crucified; the second time He will
come openly as judge.
394 s. 265A, 45.
395 s. 265A, 7.
396 s. 265A, 7.
397 ss. 261, 11; 262, 14; 263, 12; 265, 2; 265A, 2; 265B, 45; 265D, 35; 265E, 1. See also s. 377.
398 ss. 261, 1; 265F, 1.
399 s. 264, 6.
400 s. 263A, 2.
Christological Feasts 85

the law have been spread to the four corners of the world through the grace of
Christ (ten times four is forty).401 Grace is also discussed at other moments in
the Ascension sermons: without Gods help, fallen man is not himself able to rise
up;402 grace is needed in order to seek God;403 Gods help is needed to cleanse
the heart;404 Gods grace is necessary to do good works;405 caritas is necessary
for Church unity, and this caritas is given by God;406 caritas is a gift of the Holy
Spirit (Rom. 5:5), and all that man has is received from God (I Cor. 4:7);407 man
needs to ask God for understanding;408 and faith and all uires are gifts of God.409
The Ascension sermones refer to grace both in a general way and more spe-
cifically to Christs sacrifice and his assistance in our attempts to live a righ-
teous life. Augustine, more generally, states that Christ saves humanity, that his
salvation brings eternal life, and that He ascended to protect us from above.410
The bishop of Hippo likes to formulate this in sacrificial terms. Augustine
stresses that Christ died on behalf of sinners, despite his sinlessness.411 Christ
did not contract sin from Adam since He was born from a virgin,412 though He
shared fully in our humanity. Seeing our need, Augustine argues, Christ offers
what is his by nature of his divinity to those who suffer in the condition of
fallen humanity; in so doing Christ restores life to those in mortal peril. The
following quotes are clear examples of this sacrificial soteriology. You didnt
have anything to live by, and He didnt have anything to die with. What a mar-
vellous exchange! Live by what is his, because He died with what is yours.413
In accordance with Scripture (Eph. 4:8; Ps. 68:18), Christ slew death. Captivity
was taken captive; death died.414 And again, He wasnt afraid to die disgrace-
fully on the cross, in order to deliver all believers from all kinds of disgrace.415
Along similar lines, Augustine declares that Christ paid our debt.416

401 s. 263A, 4.
402 s. 261, 1.
403 s. 261, 3.
404 s. 261, 6.
405 s. 264, 911.
406 s. 264, 911.
407 s. 265, 10.
408 s. 265A, 8.
409 s. 265D, 67.
410 ss. 262, 1; 263, 1; 265B, 4.
411 s. 265D, 4.7.
412 s. 265D, 4.
413 s. 265D, 7.
414 s. 261, 11.
415 s. 264, 3.
416 s. 265E, 1.
86 Chapter 1

Gods grace is, as the bishop explains, the answer to human sin and its con-
comitant disabilities. Man can sin without help, but to do good he needs
Christs help.417 The good sursum cor, for example, is established by Christ in
us.418 The purification necessary to see God comes from Christ. Thanks to
Christ we are able to do good works in kindness, goodness, and generosity.
Making progress, living justly in this life, is the work of Christ, since we cannot
live here without sin.419 That the apostles touched the resurrected Christ and
saw his ascension was not enough for them to preach and to die for Christ: for
that they still needed power from on high. Augustine makes clear that this is a
received capability, a gift of grace.420 Quoting Matth. 28:20, he repeatedly reas-
sures his flock of Christs abiding and permanent presence as a grace upon
grace.421

5 Conclusion

A primary concluding observation is that the studied corpus of sermones can


indeed be called liturgical due to the fact that a specific liturgical feast was the
explicit impetus for these sermons. We have noted that Christmas, Epiphany,
Easter, and Ascension were for Augustine, above all, theological-Christological
feasts. For this reason, the content of the discussed sermons is emphatically
theological and Christological. The explanation of the central Christological
issues is one of the prominent characteristics of this collection of sermones.
Therefore, we can designate them as theological-Christological sermones, held
on the occasion of Christological feasts (rather than as mere liturgical
sermons).
Regarding the audience, we observed short sermons, catechetical in nature
(frequently an explanation of the credo both at Easter and Christmas), deal-
ing with elementary issues of faith, explained in a simple and structured way.
These elements may indicate a mixed public. This is a logical assumption, as
there was probably a large attendance at the most important liturgical feasts.

417 s. 265D, 7.
418 s. 261, 1.
419 s. 261, 9. s. 261, 10: Small sins make together a big whole. Daily remedies for sin: forgiving
(Matth. 6:12) and almsgiving (Luc. 11:41).
420 s. 265D, 6.
421 s. 261, 11; 263, 3; 263A, 2, 4; 265A, 7. Cf. s. 261, 11: So did He leave us behind? Behold, I am
with you, even to the completion of the age (Matth. 28:20). So notice this: He gave gifts to
men (Eph. 4:8). Open the lap of piety, receive the gift of felicity.
Christological Feasts 87

This is more obvious with Easter, since the newly baptized catechumens and
penitents were present in the celebration and were specifically addressed by
Augustine. From this perspective, the Easter sermons are particularly instruc-
tive (and possibly polemical, in the sense of the identification of erroneous
doctrines).
In summary, we bring several important gratia ideas together within the
specific thematic-liturgical contexts of the discussed sermones. Regarding con-
tent, in Christmas sermons the Christology of the Incarnation is central (as, for
example, in the themes of the two births, with emphasis on the humility of
Christs incarnation, Christs creation of Mary and the perpetuation of her vir-
ginity, and Christs growth from childhood to adulthood). This Christology
repeatedly receives an ethical application, as with, respectively, the call to imi-
tate the humility of Christ, the virginity of Mary, and the growth of Christ. In
this way human ethical responsibility receives a place in Augustines Christmas
sermones. The resurrection of man is even called a reward for imitating Christ
(s. 196). The Christmas sermons contain clear grace themes: e.g., the contrast
between the pride of Adam and the humility of Christ (ss. 140; 188; 370); Christs
incarnation is pure grace and not human merit (s. 185); and in order to free sin-
ful humanity, the sinless Christ took upon Himself the similitudo carnis peccati
(Rom. 8:3) (ss. 184; 185; 192). Christ was born to help man, through grace, to
fight against the sin He did not possess, against the concupiscentiae malae (ss.
189; 193; 195; 369; 371; 372). It are exactly these themes that Augustine explicitly
expands in his anti-Pelagian writings. Their specific treatment in the Christmas
sermones does not seem, however, to have been explicitly directed in a polemic
manner against the Pelagians.
Grace themes on the feast of Epiphany are: the grace of coming to faith (ss.
199; 203), which is an electing grace and a healing grace (s. 374), which saved
even the unbaptized, innocent children killed by Herod (s. 373). The treatment
of the grace themes here does not seem to be polemical.
On Good Friday, the Bishop of Hippo emphasizes but not in an explicit
polemical way that the Passion of the sinless Lord means new life for the
believers, and involves both forgiveness of past sins and help in combatting sin
in the future. This Christological soteriology includes an immediate appeal to
the believers to imitate this example of Christs Passion. He also explicitly
points out the relationship between the Passion of the Lord and the sacra-
ments, where sermo 218 emphasizes unity as the foundation of the sacraments
(Christs seamless tunica), a typical anti-Donatist theme.
The first movement in the sermones during the Easter Vigil is a natural
extension of the meaning of a vigil: a call to watch, to pray, and to not give way
to temptation, to receive strength as a gift, to imitate Christ, to fight against sin.
88 Chapter 1

The second movement is that grace is centred on Christs sinless death for sin-
ful man. Augustine explains this in a non-polemical manner.
The various themes that are treated in the Easter Day sermones and those
during the Easter Octave are linked to grace. The Eucharist linked to Christs
sacrifice is distinctly characterized by grace (especially the lifting up of ones
heart: ss. 229; 229A). The emphasis on unity in relation to the Eucharist may
have an anti-Donatist resonance (ss. 227; 228B; 229; 272). Baptism as grace
forgives past sins, just as the Lords Prayer forgives sins after baptism. At the
same time, Augustine links the grace character of baptism to an appeal to live
according to this baptism. The emphasis on unity in the theme of the two
catches of fish (ss. 229M; 248; 249; 250; 251; 252; 252A) may indicate an anti-
Donatist reflex, while the explanation of the figures40, 50 and 153 (as expres-
sion of the inadequacy of the law, the need for the grace of the Spirit) may be
anti-Pelagian inspired (ss. 229M; 248; 250; 251; 252; 259). Augustine very explic-
itly mentions forgiveness of sin, becoming a member of Christs body, righ-
teousness, finding faith, and the restoration of the original imago Dei, as grace.
Christ, without personal sin and without original sin (conceived without lust,
in a virgin, with reference to Rom. 8:3), did not deserve death (death is the
punishment for the first sin caused by Adam) but died in order to free man
(ss. 225; 229E; 229F; 229H; 229P; 231; 232; 233; 237; 240; 242A; 255; 375A; 375B;
375C). Babies are baptized for the forgiveness of sins. Augustine develops this
theme systematically in the Pelagian controversy, although his homiletical
treatment of this theme does not seem to have any specific opponents in view.
This explanation regarding the gratia Christi is balanced with a call to imitate
Christs example, and consequently, to earn the transformation through good
works (s. 229D), for which faith is required (s. 233).
The studied Ascension sermones contain elements that have been pointed
out in the studies of Marrevee and Geerlings: the Totus Christus, the continuing
presence of Christ, and the death of Christ as the death of death. These ser-
mons also prove to be thoroughly Christological. The physicality of the resur-
rection is accentuated, while at the same time, emphasis is given to the fact
that Christ, despite his physicality, was without concupiscentia or corruptio,
and that He in his divinity is completely equal to the Father. The discussed
sermons prove to have a clear moral message: a call to a virtuous Christian life,
and in particular, the invitation to a correct faith with a heart that is lifted up
to God. The emphasis lies however not simply on human activity and respon-
sibility. It is precisely Christs ascension that makes a correct and spiritual post-
resurrection faith (in Christs divinity) possible. More fundamentally, Augustine
suggests that human actions and faith are made possible through Gods grace.
The subject of grace is certainly not absent in the Ascension sermones.
Christological Feasts 89

The relationship between grace and law is a subtly present subject in the
Ascension sermo 263A. Christ, who summons us to grace, fulfils and propa-
gates the law. Sermo 263A points emphatically to the relationship between
misericordia and gratia. Christs descensio is a question of misericordia. Our
ascensio takes place thanks to his gratia. Sermo 265B expresses that all that
man possesses has been received from God. The cleansing of the heart in order
to come to faith, faith itself, caritas, understanding, and the human uires, as
forms of grace, are expressed in sermones 261, 264, 265A, and 265D. In particu-
lar, we detected examples of Easter grace: Christ died to save man from the
death of sin, and this especially in sermones 261, 262, 263, 264, 265B, 265D, 265F,
and 377. Furthermore, sermo 263A provides an example of ecclesiological
grace. Grace is therefore not only significantly present, but is the theological
heart of these sermons, in which the soteriological significance of the Easter
happening, and of Ascension in particular, is central. Grace however is not
treated in a specifically polemical way as in the anti-Pelagian writings but
rather as the basic foundation for the salvation event of Ascension, which is
celebrated liturgically on that specific day.
In brief, it is possible that the emphasis on unity in the context of the sacra-
ments on the one hand, and the completely unearned grace of the death of the
sinless Christ for the salvation of sinful mankind on the other hand, are, respec-
tively, anti-Donatist and anti-Pelagian in inspiration. Academic studies have
sufficiently demonstrated, however, that Augustine also deals with these
themes outside of these controversies, both in relation to content and to chro-
nology. His treatment of these themes here in the sermons on Christological
feasts has no polemical undertone, nor do the sermons themselves refer to spe-
cific topics under discussion during the controversies. The theme of grace is
then firstly, obviously present in and in many ways the focus of the ser-
mones on Christological feasts, but its presence is not formulated in a polemi-
cal manner. Augustines mention and treatment of grace may possibly be
inspired by these controversies, but this does not necessarily have to be the
case, and it is moreover difficult to substantiate. Characteristic of the sermon
genre is that Augustines treatment of gratia as we have seen regularly in the
discussed sermones does not exclude or obviate human ethical responsibil-
ity. To the contrary, Augustine repeatedly emphasizes the ethical task of every
Christian, i.e. the imitation of Christs example. On the basis of the content of
the discussed liturgical sermones, it seems then impossible to place them
definitively within the framework of content much less placing them within
the chronological framework (cf. Drobners analysis of the chronology of the
Christmas sermons) of either of the two controversies.
Chapter 2

Pentecost

This chapter studies the presence and specific treatment of gratia in Augustines
sermones ad populum delivered on the liturgical feast of Pentecost. Thirteen
sermones are linked with the celebration of Pentecost: ss. 29, 29A, 29B, 266
272, 272A, 272B, and 378. Generally speaking, Augustines Pentecost homilies
have not been studied in significant detail, and when they are discussed, not all
thirteen are taken into consideration.1

1 1. Augustines Pentecost Sermons


V. Saxer has made an analysis of seven Pentecost homilies (ss. 266271, 272B, 378) and drawn
some conclusions with respect to their date, localization and the scriptural texts cited
therein. G.C. Willis has also made a study of Augustines lectionarium for Pentecost. Both
scholars agree that Acts 2:13 and Matth. 9:17 were among the readings used for the feast of
Pentecost. According to Hoondert, Saxer and Willis were too hasty and lacking sufficient
argument in drawing their conclusions. Augustine makes no explicit reference to the
Scriptures in his Pentecost sermons, thus making it impossible to reconstruct his liturgical
use of the Scriptures. Moreover, the link between Acts 2:13 and Matth. 9:17 upon which Saxer
and Willis based their hypothesis is also made in other writings and homilies. M. Margoni-
Kgler gives, on the basis of explicit and implicit references, an overview of scriptural read-
ings on the feast of Pentecost: vigil: Ps. 140 (ss. 266, 1; 29, 3), Ps. 117 [1b] (ss. Dolb. 8 [=29b], 1;
29, 1); Sunday (in Hippo): mane Tob. 2:1f.[-?] (s. Dolb. 31 [=Mai 158augm.]), Act. 2:115[?]
(ss. 267, 2; 378), Matth. 9:[14?]17 (s. 267, 2). G. Ferraro studied Augustines use of Scripture
concerning the Holy Spirit in the sermones.
G. Ferraro, Lo Spirito Santo nei Discorsi di santAgostino per i tempi liturgici, Teresianum,
55 (2004), pp. 336 & 325363; pp. 3348: Augustines use of Scripture concerning the Holy
Spirit in the sermones; pp. 1718, 2023, 26, 32, 3436, 330331, 333335, 344: Pentecost
sermones.
P.-M. Hoondert, Les sermons de saint Augustin pour le jour de la Pentecte, Augustiniana,
46/34 (1996), pp. 291310, p. 305, n. 55.
M. Margoni-Kgler, Die Perikopen im Gottesdienst bei Augustinus, pp. 133142.
V. Saxer, Saint Augustin. Lanne liturgique, pp. 2123.
G.C. Willis, St. Augustines Lectionary, p. 29; pp. 6869.
For Augustines reflection on the H. Spirit as the bearer of the sermon, see: F. Schnitzler,
Zur Theologie der Verkndigung in den Predigten des hl. Augstinus, Freiburg, 1968
(Untersuchungen zur Theologie der Seelsorge, 24).
2. Augustines (Specific) Pentecost Pneumatology/Theology
S. Andreae, Die Verheiung des Parakleten nach der Exegese des hl. Augustinus, Roma,
1960 (Excerpta ex dissertatione Pont. Univ. Greg. Romae). Die Lehre Augustinus vom
Parakleten ergibt sich gleichsam aus zwei Grundgedanken. Der erste betrifft seine Konzeption

koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2014|doi 10.1163/9789004278646_004


Pentecost 91

Two clusters of research questions will guide our discussion of the Pentecost
sermones. First, does Augustine preach on grace in these specifically pastoral
and liturgical sermones, and how is this treatment related to his systematic
treatises on grace, especially his anti-Pelagian writings? This is a pertinent
question, since the role of the Spirit is an important aspect of Augustines
doctrine of grace, e.g., to express that dilectio/caritas (cf. Gal. 5:6 and Rom. 5:5),
understanding, fides, the correct uoluntas, support in the battle against concu-
piscentia carnis, etc., are given by God to mankind as a gift of grace.

vom Leben Gottes und damit von der Gnade, der zweite seine Auffasung von der Kausalitt
der Menschheit Christi. (p. 47).
A. Bizzozero, Il mistero pasquale di Ges Cristo e lesistenza credente nei Sermones di
Agostino, pp. 271296.
G. Bentivegna, Effusion du Saint-Esprit et dons charismatiques. Le tmoignage de saint
Augustin, Nouan-le-Fuzelier, 1992, (Collection Chemin Neuf), Pentecost sermones: pp. 15, 16, 17,
23, 26, 28, 29, 34, 56, 58, 59, 72, 76. [Summarized by: P. Vanzan, Effusione pentecostale e vita
della chiesa nellinsegnamento di santAgostino, La Civilt Cattolica, 141 (1990), pp. 454457.]
G. Bonfrate, Pasqua e Pentecoste nei Padri da Ireneo ad Agostino, in Dizionario di spiri-
tualit biblico-patristica, ed. by S.A. Panimolle, Vol. 50: Pasqua e Pentecoste nei Padri della
Chiesa, Roma, 2008, pp. 79194, Pentecost: pp. 151187; Pentecost sermones of Augustine:
pp. 172179, 182186.
F. da Cagliari, Cristo glorificato datore di Spirito Santo nel pensiero di S. Agostino e di
S. Cirillo Alessandrino, Abbatia S. Mariae Gryptaeferratae (Sardinia), 1961, Pentecost ser-
mones: pp. 3132, 7475, 79, 82, 9394.
M.M. Campelo, Teologa de Pentecosts en san Augustn, Estudio Agustiniano, 22 (1987),
351: unity based on prayer and community life. M.M. Campelo, Instalados en la teologa de
Pentecosts. Pobreza agustiniana, La Ciudad de Dios, 200 (1987), 311332: the Holy Spirit as
the foundation of community life in the Church and religious communities.
E. Lamirande, Lannonce de lunit dans luniversalit. Un aspect de la thologie
augustinienne de la Pentecte, Spiritus Cahiers de spiritualit missionnaire, 19 (1964),
157174. Les rflexions dAugustin sur la Pentecte se situent demble dans un contexte
ecclsial, qui leur donne une porte authentiquement missionnaire, encore que nous
ayons prfr ne pas les inflchir indment dans le sens des systmatisations modernes.
Elles dveloppent surtout le thme de lharmonie dans la diversit ou de la catholicit
dans lunit. (p. 158).
T. Mariucci, La lingua dello Spirito. Il vincolo cristiano dellunit-carit, in Meditazioni
agostiniane. Antologia di studi e testi, ed. by Id., Rome, 1991 (Collana Itinerari Spirituali. Nuova
Serie), pp. 3144: offers a reading of ss. 267272 regarding the theme of unitas-caritas.
C.P. Mayer, Ostern bei Augustinus, Cor unum, 60 (2002), pp. 125, pp. 1718.
H. van Reisen, Waait de wind nog waarheen zij wil? Augustinus verkondiging op het
Pinksterfeest, De Eerste Dag, 22 (1999), pp. 48.
J.A.A. Stoop, Die Pinksterprediking van Augustinus, Kerk en Eredienst, 7 (1952), pp.
6772. J.A.A. Stoop demonstrates that the primary theme of ss. 266271 and s. 272B is the
pneumatic unity of the Church.
92 Chapter 2

Martin Hoondert subdivides six of the Pentecost sermons (ss. 267271,


s. 272B) into two groups according to their primary topics.2 The theme of the
first group (ss. 267, 268, 269, 271) is the unity of the Church. According to
Hoondert, it is possible that these homilies date from the period between 400
and 412, when Augustine was reacting against the perceived Donatist threat to
ecclesial unity. The second group (ss. 270, 272B) insists that the law can only be
fulfilled through grace. This group dates from the time during which Augustine
was absorbed with the Pelagians. This brings us to the second research cluster:
is this subdivision of the Pentecost homilies into anti-Donatist and anti-
Pelagian groups correct; and, consequently, does a given controversy have
an observable influence on the content and treatment of gratia in the non-
controversial liturgical Pentecost sermones; and if so, how does it exert that
influence?

R.L. Wilken, Spiritus Sanctus secundum Scripturas Sanctas. Exegetical Considerations


of Augustine on the Holy Spirit, Augustinian Studies, 31 (2000), pp. 118, p. 11: Pentecost
sermones.
For the evolution in the early church of Pentecost as a separate feast, an evolution that
had already taken place in the time of Augustine, see: R. Cabi, La Pentecte. Lvolution de la
Cinquantaine pascale au cours des cinq premiers sicles, Tournai, 1965 (Bibliothque de litur-
gie). V. Saxer, F. Cocchini, Pentecoste, Dizionario patristico e di antichit cristiane, 2 (1983),
pp. 27512753.
3. Augustines (More General) Pneumatology
L. Ayres, Spiritus Amborum: Augustine and Pro-Nicene Pneumatology, Augustinian
Studies, 39/2 (2008), pp. 207221.
M.R. Barnes, Augustines Last Pneumatology, Augustinian Studies, 39/2 (2008), pp. 223234.
Ch.T. Gerber, The Spirit of Augustines Early Theology, Farnham/Burlington, 2011 (Ashgate
Sudies in Philosophy & Theology in Late Antiquity).
L. Gioia, The theological epistemology of Augustines De Trinitate, Oxford, 2008 (Oxford
theological monographs), pp. 112117; pp. 125146.
W.A. Schumacher, Spiritus and Spiritualis. A Study in the Sermons of Saint Augustine,
Mundelein 1957 (Pontificia Fac. Theol. Sem. S. Mariae ad Lacum, Diss. ad Lauream, 28).
L. Karfkov, Merita nostra dona sunt eius. Die Pneumatologie und Gnadenlehre nach
Augustinus von Hippo, De Trinitate, in Der Heilige Geist im Leben der Kirche. Forscher aus
dem Osten und Westen Europas an den Quellen des gemeinsamen Glaubens, ed. by Y. De Andia,
P.L. Hofrichter, Innsbruck-Wien 2005 (Pro Oriente, 29), pp. 217228.
B. Studer, Zur Pneumatologie des Augustinus von Hippo (De Trinitate 15,17,27-27-50),
Augustinianum, 35 (1995), pp. 567583.
E. TeSelle, Holy Spirit, in Augustine through the Ages. An Encyclopedia, ed. by A.D.
Fitzgerald, Grand Rapids/Cambridge, 1999, pp. 434437.
J.J. Verhees, God in beweging. Een onderzoek naar de pneumatologie van Augustinus,
Wageningen 1968.
2 P.-M. Hoondert, Les sermons de saint Augustin pour le jour de la Pentecte.
Pentecost 93

This chapter opens with a thematic analysis of the Pentecost sermones, with
special attention to the presence of grace in these sermons. First we present
the sermones 29, 29A, 29B & 272, 272A, which contain no explicit references to
the liturgical celebration of Pentecost, and subsequently we analyse sermones
266, 267, 268, 269, 270, 271, 272B, which do explicitly refer to this feast. The sec-
ond part of this chapter will analyse in more detail the way in which grace is
present in the indicated sermones and studies the possible links with
Augustines anti-Pelagian treatment of this topic. It will then evaluate
Hoonderts study. Enclosed in addenda is an overview of the discussion of the
chronology of each of the Pentecost sermones and an overview of the presence
of the word Pentecost throughout Augustines writings.

1 Thematic Overview

a Sermones without Explicit Reference to Pentecost: ss. 29, 29A, 29B


& 272, 272A
Sermones 29, 29A, 29B traditionally situated during the vigil of Pentecost
explain Ps. 118:1 (117:1): Confitemini Domino, quoniam bonus est, quoniam in
saeculum misericordia eius.3
Augustine begins each of these three sermons by explaining the double
meaning of confessio and confiteri, and by stressing that not only do they
have to do with sin,4 but that they also mean both to praise and to confess.5

3 For ss. 29 and 29A see: A. Dupont, Sermones 29 and 29A on Ps. 117:1 (118:1). Two Early
Carthaginian Sermones on the Meaning of Confessio during the Vigil of Pentecost? in In
Search of Truth. Augustine, Manichaeism and other Gnosticism. Studies for Johannes van Oort
at Sixty, ed. by J.A. Van den Berg, A. Kotz, T. Nicklas, M. Scopello, Leiden, 2011 (Nag Hammadi
and Manichean Studies, 74), pp. 7595.
4 s. 29, 2. ccl 41, p. 373. At the beginning of s. 29, Augustine points out that some believers
immediately beat their breasts when they hear the word confessio in the Scriptures, thinking
it only refers to sin.
5 ss. 29, 2; 29A, 1; 29B, 1.
For the semantic history of the terms confessio and confiteri, word statistics and range of
meanings in Augustine, profane usage, ecclesial usage (confession of faith, admission of sins,
praise of God) and a recent bibliography see: C. Mayer, Confessio, confiteri, in Augustinus-
Lexikon, Vol. 17/8, ed. by C. Mayer, K.H. Chelius, Basel, 1994, cols. 11221134.
Ps. 118:1 (117:1) is, according to cag, quoted ca. forty times and mentioned ca. eighteen times
in different places/passages, of which thirty quotes and twelve occurrences in different pas-
sages in ss. 29, 29A and 29B. It is even more striking that the verse is only referred to in four
writings (Contra Adimantum 13 [392]; Confessiones 5, 17; 11, 1 [397400]; Enarratio in Psalmum
94 Chapter 2

Confessio aut laudantis est, aut paenitentis.6 Augustine argues that Christ
is also to be identified as the subject of the verb confiteri.7 Sed confessor
iste, laudator est, non peccator.8 Since Christ was without sin,9 his confes-
sio cannot have been a confession of sin. Sir. 39:1516 speaks of confessio,
because Gods works are good, thus this confessio must refer to praise
and not to the confession of sins.10 The misericordia of Ps. 118:1 stands
in the first place for Gods forgiving nature. In this sense, praise of Gods
goodness is always related to praise for his compassion: the confession of
our own sins and awe for the merciful God who forgives them. We reproach
ourselves and hope that God will deal with us according to his misericor-
dia. We praise his misericordia by recalling our own wickedness.11 We may
dare to confess our sins to God precisely because He is good.12
The preacher explains Gods goodness, with reference to Ps. 118:1. All good-
ness comes from God (cf. Gn. 1:31). Good things are not good in themselves;
they are good because God made them. God is good in Himself since no other
good created Him. God is not only good to Himself, but also to us.13 Human
beings are good on account of God, and evil on account of themselves.14

117, 2; 117, 23 [date uncertain]; s. 68, 2 [between 425 and 430]), and besides the
Confessiones only on two other occasions in the context of the double meaning of
confessio/confiteri: Enarratio in Psalmum 117, 2 and s. 68, 2.
6 s. 29, 2. ccl 41, p. 373.
s. 29, 4. Augustine draws a twofold conclusion with regard to the double meaning of
confiteri and confessio: Si laudare uis, quid securius laudas quam bonum? Si laudare uis, si
confessionem laudis habere uis, quid securius laudas quam bonum? Si peccata tua confiteri
uis, cui tutius quam bono? ccl 41, p. 375.
7 ss. 29, 2; 29B, 2. I thank you, Father, Lord of heaven and earth, because you have hidden
these things from the wise and the intelligent and have revealed them to infants (Matth.
11:25; Luc. 10:21).
8 s. 29, 2. ccl 41, p. 374.
9 I Petr. 2:22; Ioh. 14:30.
10 s. 29B, 2.
11 s. 29A, 1.
12 s. 29B, 1.
13 s. 29, 1.
14 s. 29, 4.
s. 29B, 67. Praise God for your good deeds, accuse yourself for your sins. If you sin, you
are doing it yourself. If you do something good, it is Gods grace. s. 29B, 6: When blas-
phemers do something good, they want to be praised for it themselves; when they do
something bad, they want to blame God. J.E. Rotelle (ed.), E. Hill (trans., notes), Sermons
III/11, Newly Discovered Sermons, Hyde Park/New York, 1997 (The Works of Saint Augustine,
a Translation for the 21st Century, III/11), p. 67.
Pentecost 95

Augustine denies any suggestion that God is unjust or that He is responsible


for the creation of evil creatures,15 and he appeals to his listeners to strive after
goodness themselves.16 People persist in their wickedness, but God never
ceases to encourage them to return to Him. Even in pressura, we receive much
solacia from God.17 God is misericors, because He enables us to transform the
punishment that our sins merit by transforming ourselves.18
Although Augustine emphasizes the double meaning of confessio, Augustine
focuses on the necessity of the confession of sin: the confessio peccato-
rumissalubris.19 A number of psalm verses clearly indicate that one has to

15 s. 29A, 1.
s. 29A, 2. Creation is good and human suffering is a punishment and purification.
Ps. 104:24 (103:24) teaches us that God created all things. If God created all things good,
then there can be no such thing as evil creatures. God is not unjust. Prou. 3:12 demon-
strates that suffering in this present passing life is a purification. Ps. 39:11 (38:12) and
Ps. 119:67 (118:67) add that human suffering is a punishment for sin. If bad things happen
to us in spite of our prayers to the contrary, God makes something good of it nonetheless.
We may be corrected by pain or suffering, but Gods wrath does not last forever (Ps. 103:9
(102:9)), although his misericordia is everlasting.
16 s. 29, 5. Augustine observes that when people desire something, they always want it to be
good: a good horse, a good farm, a good home, a good wife, a good pair of boots. Everything
people desire has to be good, he notes, with the apparent exception of their own soul. If
we desire good things, he argues, then we first have to be what we desire. The possession
of good things is of little value if we ourselves are not good, if we ourselves are lost.
17 s. 29A, 2. ccl 41, p. 379.
18 s. 29A, 2. Gods grace corrects those who have a cor peruersum.
19 s. 29, 3. ccl 41, p. 374.
s. 29, 4. Augustine makes a distinction between the human and divine administration of
justice. Those who confess their sins to other human beings are subject to condemnation
because human beings are evil. Those who confess to God are absolved because God is
good.
s. 29A, 3. Confession of sins to God differs fundamentally from the human administration
of justice, which goes hand in hand with torture. In Augustines opinion, torture makes
little sense. While a persons body may be broken, it is never certain if the said persons
conscience has opened itself. Augustine sets his sights here in particular on the difference
between human and divine jurisprudence. Those who confess to human beings are sub-
ject to punishment. A human prosecutor endeavours to find out the things he does not yet
know. God, on the other hand, already knows the things we are unwilling to confess.
s. 29A, 4. The reason we are afraid to confess to a human judge is that he himself is wicked,
or at least obliged to apply the law in all its severity. We have no reason to fear when we
confess to God, however, quoniam bonus est, quoniam in saeculum misericordia eius.
s. 29B, 1. He who confesses to a human judge, will receive capital punishment. He who
confesses to God, who knows ones case already, will not die.
96 Chapter 2

acknowledge ones sins and not try to make excuses for them; to admit them,
and not to hide them.20 Denying your sins allows the devil to triumph, which
is a sin.21 Being good means confessing ones own sins.22 In order to be good we
must hate whatever is evil in ourselves; in other words, we must confess our
sins with a contrite heart. God hates sin. If we hate in ourselves what God
hates, then we bind ourselves to God through our uoluntas. Sin, after all, must
be punished by God or by ourselves. If we want to prevent God from punishing
our sins, we have to punish ourselves for them; we have to be our own judge.23
It is only when we are prepared to acknowledge (agnoscere) our sins that God
can punish them by recognizing them (cognoscere) and rectify them by forgiv-
ing them (ignoscere).24
The very short sermones 272 and 272A do not contain references that refer to
the liturgical celebration of Pentecost. Sermo 272 is a sermon typical of those
preached at Easter, addressed to the newly baptized, explaining to them the
sacrament of the Eucharist, which they received for the first time during the
previous night.25 Such a sermon however could also have been preached at
Pentecost, because, if there were too many candidates to be baptized at Easter,
Augustine also baptized on this feast.26 Augustine explains the meaning of a
sacrament: the bodily form of the sacrament has a spiritual significance. The
bread and the cup of the Eucharist refer in this sacramental way to the body
and blood of Christ. Augustine compares the sacrament of baptism that
his hearers have just received to the making of the bread: grinding of the

For Augustines use of judicial language in his preaching, see: S. Poque, Le langage symbol-
ique dans la prdication dAugustin dHippone, pp. 117192.
20 s. 29, 3.6: Ps. 141, 34 (140, 34) and Ps. 41, 4 (40, 5).
s. 29A, 4: Ps. 32, 5 (31, 5); 51, 3 (50, 5); 51, 9 (50, 11).
s. 29B, 5: Ps. 51, 3 (50, 5); 51, 9 (50, 11).
21 ss. 29, 3; 29B, 7.
22 s. 29, 6.
23 ss. 29, 6; 29B, 34.
24 s. 29A, 4.
25 For the Eucharist as central theme in Easter preaching, see: C.P. Mayer, Ostern bei
Augustinus, pp. 1112.
26 S. 210, 2 states that baptism can be administered throughout the whole year. V. Saxer, con-
trary to Chr. Mohrmann and R. Cabi, suggests that s. 272 was not held on Pentecost, but
on Easter, because of the specific reference to a solemn administration of baptism
(cf. supra: practice of baptism on Pentecost). V. Saxer, Saint Augustin. Lanne liturgique,
p. 21, n. 32. R. Cabi, La Pentecte. Ch. Mohrmann, Sint Augustinus. Preken voor het volk
handelende over de Heilige Schrift en het eigene van de tijd, Utrecht, 1948 (Monumenta
Christiana, 1). See also s. 272 in the chronology addendum.
Pentecost 97

grain: exorcism; mixing into dough with water: baptism; and baking: the fire of
the Holy Spirit (in confirmation). Be what you can see, and receive what you
are. With this expression, and with the emphasis on bread being made from
many grains (one bread) and wine from many grapes (one vessel), he accen-
tuates the importance of unity (cf. I Cor. 10:17; Act. 4:32). The Eucharist is the
sacrament of unity. He complements this thought by stating that all who do
not receive this sacrament in unity, and in peace, receive it not to their benefit,
but as a testimony against themselves.27
Sermo 272A is even shorter. Christ humbled Himself to give us an example
of humility. Christs resurrection and ascension are miracles, but it is an even
greater miracle that the world believes these truths as a result of the preaching
of twelve uneducated fishermen.

b Sermones with Explicit Reference to Pentecost: ss. 266, 267, 268, 269,
270, 271, 272B
Augustine specifies Pentecost as the liturgical occasion of these sermons. He
calls it the annual celebration (sacred anniversary) of the solemnity of the
coming of the Holy Spirit, sent by Christ.28 The coming of the Spirit is the fulfil-
ment of Christs promise to send the Spirit.29 It is the fiftieth day after Easter,
after the Lords (passion and) resurrection, that is, seven weeks.30 It is also ten
days after the Ascension, the fortieth day after Easter.31 Christ sent the Holy
Spirit after his glorification through his resurrection and ascension.32 Christ
first had to be glorified (Ioh. 7:39);33 Christ first had to leave before the Spirit

27 Estote quod uidetis, et accipite quod estis. pl 38, cols. 12471248. s. 272. J.E. Rotelle (ed.),
E. Hill (trans., notes), Sermons III/7 (230272B), On the Liturgical Seasons, New Rochelle/
New York, 1993, (The Works of Saint Augustine, a Translation for the 21st Century, III/7),
p. 301. Cf. J.P. Burns, The Eucharist as the Foundation of Christian Unity in North African
Theology, Augustinian Studies, 32/1 (2001), pp. 123, esp. pp. 1314.
Augustine describes the interior effect of the Eucharist in s. 272 as fructus spiritualis,
W.A. Schumacher, Spiritus and spiritualis, p. 150.
28 ss. 266, 2; 267, 1; 268, 1; 269, 1; 270, 1; 271, 1; 272B. Cf. s. 378, 1.
29 Cf. Act. 1:4, Luc. 24:49. ss. 266, 2; 267, 1; 269, 1; 270, 1.3; 271, 1; 272B. Cf. s. 378, 1.
30 ss. 268, 1; 270, 1; 271, 1.
31 ss. 267, 3; 268, 4; 270, 3; 271, 1.
32 s. 271, 1.
33 ss. 267, 1; 271.
In Contra epistulam Manichaei quam uocant Fundamenti 10, 11 Augustine sees the double
glorification of Christ expressed in Ioh. 7:39 as being connected with the double gift of
the Holy Spirit by Christ. Augustine observes that Christ gave the Holy Spirit twice, on
the evening of Easter and on the morning of Pentecost (Ioh. 20:22 and Act. 2:14),
98 Chapter 2

could come (Ioh. 16:7).34 Augustine explains that the apostles could only
receive the Spirit, a spiritual gift, if they stopped thinking in a carnal way, ceas-
ing to consider Christ as merely a human being. For this reason Christ first had
to leave.35
Augustine combines the expression: new wine, new wineskins (Marc. 2:22)
with the accusation of those who thought that the apostles were drunk at
Pentecost because they had drunk too much new wine (Act. 2:13). The Spirit
filled the apostles with new wine, making them into new wineskins (cf. Marc.
2:22). These new wineskins were preaching to old wineskins, who first thought
that these Pentecost preachers were drunk (Act. 2:13). The apostles preaching
of Christ, however, led them to believe, and by believing they were made fit to
receive the Spirit.36 This newness stands both for grace and for belief in Christs
divinity: Being carnal means being old, grace means being made new. The
more you are renewed for the better, the more you receive what rings true.
The new wine was fermenting, and with the new wine fermenting, the

in In Iohannis Euangelium Tractatus 74, 2. Augustine insists it is the same Spirit. Comment
le Seigneur peut-il promettre aux Aptres, au soir de la Cne, de leur envoyer le Saint-
Esprit sils aiment et sils gardent ses commandements, alors que, selon laffirmation de
lAptre en Rom. 5, 5, sans le Saint-Esprit ils ne peuvent ni laimer ni garder ses comman-
dements? Augustin rsout la difficult en expliquant que les Aptres possdaient dj le
Saint-Esprit, car, argument-t-il partir de I Cor., 12, 3, cest par lui quils reconaissaient
Jsus comme le Seigneur, par lui aussi que dj ils laimaient et gardaient ses commande-
ments; mais, ajoute-t-il, ils taient appels le recevoir avec plus dabondance afin daimer
davantage leur Matre et le recevoir en outre visiblement afin de connatre le don que
Dieu leur faisait par lui, cf. I Cor., 2, 12. M.-F. Berrouard, Les deux donations visibles du
Saint-Esprit, au soir de Pques et au matin de la Pentecte, in M.-F. Berrouard (introd.,
trad., notes), Homlies sur lvangile de saint Jean LVLXXIX, Paris, 1993 (Bibliothque
augustinienne, uvres de saint Augustin, 74A), pp. 453456, p. 454, which summarizes
regarding Augustine: M.G. de Durand, Pentecte johannique et Pentecte lucanienne
chez certains Pres, Bulletin de littrature ecclsiastique, 79 (1978), pp. 97126. Cf. F. da
Cagliari, Cristo glorificato datore di Spirito Santo nel pensiero di S. Agostino e di S. Cirillo
Alessandrino, pp. 7382. E. Lamirande, Lannonce de lunit dans luniversalit. Un aspect
de la thologie augustinienne de la Pentecte, pp. 157174, pp. 159161. J.J. Verhees, God in
beweging. Een onderzoek naar de pneumatologie van Augustinus, pp. 3942.
34 s. 267, 1.
35 s. 270, 2. For the spiritualizing effect of the Spirit of Pentecost, see: W. Schumacher, Spiritus
and spiritualis, pp. 190191. J.J. Verhees, God in beweging, pp. 4248, esp. p. 44.
36 ss. 266, 2; 267, 12; 272B, 1. Cf. s. 267, 1: the new wine comes from heaven and is made by
grapes already trodden and glorified. For the uinum nouus metaphor, see also:
A. Bizzozero, Il mistero pasquale di Ges Cristo e lesistenza credente nei Sermones di
Agostino, pp. 294296.
Pentecost 99

languages of the nations were flowing freely.37 They were old wineskins
as long as they continued to think about Christ in a merely human way.38
Augustine invites his faithful to be made into new wineskins, a process
in which they have a role to play by transcending secular concerns as the
martyrs did.39
A Leitmotiv is Augustines exegesis of Act. 2:4: they began to speak with
tongues, as the Spirit gave them utterance. Augustine reads this verse as
expressing that each individual in the cenacle spoke all tongues:

Did each single person, of those upon whom the Holy Spirit came, speak in
a single tongue of all the nations, these speaking one language, and those
another, and did they somehow or other divide up the languages of all
nations between them? Not like that; but each person, one person, was
speaking in the languages of all nations. One person was speaking in the
tongues of all nations; the unity of the Church in the tongues of all nations.40

This is not literally what is written in Acts, but it better serves Augustines pur-
pose. According to Augustine, one individual at Pentecost, speaking all the
languages of the world, prefigured the fullness of the Church, in which all
nations thus all tongues would be unified. As such, it is a symbol of the
unity of the Church, the unity of the Christian faith.41 So it is, the preacher

37 s. 267, 2. E. Hill, Sermons III/7 (230272B), p. 275. Carnalitas uetustas est, gratia nouitas est.
Quantocumque homo in melius fuerit innouatus, tanto amplius capit, quod uerum sapit.
Bulliebat mustum, et musto Bulliente linguae gentium profluebant. pl 38, col. 1230.
38 s. 272B, 1. E. Hill, Sermons III/7 (230272B), p. 304. Vtres enim ueteres erant, quamdiu car-
naliter de Christo sentiebant. REAug 44, p. 196.
Peters fear of Christs death belonged to his old wineskin. Cf. s. 270, 2: The apostles first
had to be spiritual no longer believing in Christ as merely human before being able to
receive the Spirit.
39 s. 272B, (2)7.
40 s. 268, 1. E. Hill, Sermons III/7 (230272B), p. 278. Quid ergo, singuli in quos uenit Spiritus
sanctus, singulis linguis omnium gentium sunt locuti, illi alia lingua, et illi alia, et quasi
diuiserunt inter se linguas omnium gentium? Non sic: sed unusquisque homo, unus homo
linguis omnium gentium loquebatur. Loquebatur unus homo linguis omnium gentium: uni-
tas ecclesiae in linguis omnium gentium. pl 38, col. 1232.
41 ss. 266, 1; 267, 1; 268, 1; 269, 1; 270, 6; 271.
Cf. infra s. 271: the Holy Spirit unified the languages, a diversity caused as punishment for
the tower of Babel.
The presence of all languages at Pentecost is also mentioned in ss. 162A, 11; 175, 3. Cf.
A. Bizzozero, Il mistero pasquale di Ges Cristo e lesistenza credente nei Sermones di Agostino,
100 Chapter 2

proclaims, that just as at that time the languages of all nations in one person
indicated the presence of the Holy Spirit, in the same way He is now indicated
by the love of the unity of all nations.42 Today, the same Spirit is given, but
nobody speaks all languages, as happened at Pentecost, because what was
foreshadowed at Pentecost (a small house with a few of people speaking all
languages) is now fulfilled in the Church, which includes all nations. Moreover,
as members of the Church in which all languages are found, we can say that all
the languages are ours.43 Augustine gives a second explanation of the fact that
nobody today speaks all languages. The Spirit is to the Church as the soul is to
the human body. The soul gives life to all parts of the body, which all have dif-
ferent functions but share the same life. Augustine does not state it explicitly,
but this implies that the same Spirit who at Pentecost gave the capacity to
speak all languages is also given today but works in a different way.44 The rea-
son, after all, why the Holy Spirit was prepared to demonstrate his presence in
the tongues of all nations, was so that those included in the unity of the Church
which speaks all languages might understand that they have the Holy Spirit.45
The Spirit, like the soul in the human body, brings unity (cf. Eph. 4:4: one body
and one spirit) while [t]he functions of the different parts vary, the unity of
the spirit coordinates them all.46 Augustine further elaborates this compari-
son in an anti-heretical perspective: just as the soul is not affected by an ampu-
tated body part, heretics are without the Spirit.47 A severed body part retains
its shape, but not its life. Schismatics also have the sacraments, baptism, and
the creed, but they do not have the Spirit.48 Augustine emphasizes that at
Pentecost, the Spirit manifested his presence in all tongues, to make it clear

pp. 280282. G. Ferraro, Lo Spirito Santo nei Discorsi di santAgostino per i tempi liturgici,
pp. 355356: the disciples spoke several languages at Pentecost.
42 s. 269, 2. E. Hill, Sermons III/7 (230272B), p. 285. Quamobrem sicut tunc indicabant adesse
Spiritum sanctum in uno homine linguae omnium gentium; sic eum nunc caritas indicat
unitatis omnium gentium. pl 38, col. 1236.
43 ss. 267, 3; 269, 12.
44 s. 276, 4.
45 s. 268, 2. E. Hill, Sermons III/7 (230272B), p. 278. Ideo enim Spiritus sanctus in omnium
linguis gentium se demonstrare dignatus est, ut ille se intellegat habere Spiritum sanctum,
qui in unitate ecclesiae continetur, quae linguis omnibus loquitur. pl 38, col. 1232.
46 s. 268, 2. Officia membrorum dispartita sunt, sed unus spiritus continet omnia. pl 38,
col. 1232.
E. Hill, Sermons III/7 (230272B), p. 279. Augustine referes here to soul with the term: spiri-
tus humanus, see also: W. Schumacher, Spiritus and spiritualis, pp. 61; 63.
47 s. 276, 4.
48 s. 268, 2.
Pentecost 101

that separated from that unity of all nations in the Church, no one not even
those who are baptized can have the Spirit. All who hate the grace of peace
do not adhere to unity and do not share this gift of the Spirit.49 Only by being
established in this unity of the Church, which speaks all languages and not
by breaking away in schism can one have the Spirit.50
Unity is a key concept in the Pentecost sermons.51 Besides the image of one
person speaking all languages (cf. supra) and Augustines exegesis of the num-
ber one (cf. infra), he also uses other images. The creation of all creatures out
of the one earth, of all human beings from one person, and of Christ from one
person, the Virgin Mary (whose integrity also represents unity), each reflects
the importance of unity.52
The Pentecost event which according to Augustine expresses the unity of
all nations in the Church, and outside of which one does not have the
Spirit also implies the latter claim on a second level. The apostles received
the Spirit at Pentecost without baptism and without the laying on of hands.
By differentiating between baptism and the gift of the Spirit, Augustine asserts

49 ss. 269, 2; 270.


50 s. 271.
Cf. J.P. Burns, Christ and the Holy Spirit in Augustines Theology of Baptism, in Augustine.
From Rhetor to Theologian, ed. by J. McWilliam, Waterloo, Ontario 1992, pp. 161171.
V. Grossi, Baptismus, in Augustinus-Lexikon, Vol. 13/4, ed. by C. Mayer, K.H. Chelius,
Basel, 1990, cols. 583591. M.A. Tilley, Baptism, in Augustine through the Ages. An
Encyclopedia, ed. by A.D. Fitzgerald, Grand Rapids/Cambridge, 1999, pp. 8492.
51 Pour lui, la Pentecte est une vivante parabole: lunit et luniversalit de lEglise, ses
deux principaux attributs, sont ici comme raliss en acte. Les lments du genre humain,
les peuples sont tout coup unis les uns aux autres, organiss en un seul Tout, grce
lEglise que suranime lEsprit-Saint. Tout entire prsente en chaque aptre, et mme en
chaque fidle, si les fonctions y sont diverses, lEsprit les unifie toutes. Il y empche les
schismes comme les erreurs. M. Pontet, Lexgse de S. Augustin prdicateur, Paris, 1946
(Thologie, 7), pp. 427428. For Augustines (anti-Donatist) emphasis on the centrality of
unity in the Pentecost event, of the unity of the Church as a proprium opus of the Holy
Spirit, see also: A. Bizzozero, Il mistero pasquale di Ges Cristo e lesistenza credente nei
Sermones di Agostino, pp. 276292. E. Lamirande, Lannonce de lunit dans luniversalit.
E. Lamirande, Ecclesia, in Augustinus-Lexikon, Vol. 15/6, ed. by C. Mayer, K.H. Chelius,
Basel, 2001, cols. 687720, cols. 697698; cols. 706707. T. Mariucci, La lingua dello Spirito.
Il vincolo cristiano dellunit-carit, pp. 3144. T.J. van Bavel, Church, in Augustine
through the Ages. An Encyclopedia, ed. by A.D. Fitzgerald, Grand Rapids/Cambridge, 1999,
pp. 169176, pp. 171172. J.J. Verhees, God in beweging, pp. 9098; pp. 5860: Pentecost
sermones.
52 s. 268, 3.
Cf. supra: s. 272, in which Augustine explains that the Eucharistic bread and wine symbol-
ize unity, that the Eucharist is the sacrament of unity.
102 Chapter 2

that baptism in itself is insufficient, but that baptism needs to take place within
Catholic unity.53 Augustine gives several other examples that illustrate this dis-
tinction. The deacon Philip baptized converts in Samaria, who later received
the Spirit when the apostles laid hands on them (Act. 8:1417). Cornelius and
his household received the Spirit while listening to Peter, before their baptism
(Act. 10:4448) and without the laying on of hands. The eunuch baptized by
Philip received the Spirit at the moment he was baptized, without the laying
on of the hands (Act. 8:2629).54 These examples indicate that the Spirit is only
to be found in the ecclesial unity consequently heretics and schismatics lack
the Spirit55 and also that baptism and the gift of the Spirit should only be
attributed to the work of divine grace and hence should not become a source
of human pride.56 Augustine cites the same examples at length, illustrating
that the Spirit is sometimes given without human blessing, to indicate that the
Spirit is not bestowed by human ministers.57 This was Simons error; he did not
understand the nature of grace and instead offered money, as if it were some
human enterprise. The gift of God is not a gift of man.58 Augustine explains
that one has to distinguish in a sacrament, by whom it is given, to whom it is
given, through whom it is given.59 The consequence of this distinction with
which he opens his sermo 266, and which indicates the anti-Donatist intention
of this sermon is that the sins of the human minister do not influence the
sacrament. Augustine reacts here against the Donatist argument: let not the
oil of the sinner fatten my head (Ps. 141:5), by stating that the oil of Christ

53 Cf. s. 268, 2: heretics/schismatics have baptism but not the Spirit.


54 s. 269, 2.
55 s. 269, 2.
s. 269, 3: Augustine exhorts schismatics most probably Donatists who have Christs
baptism/the form of the sacrament, to come into the Church in order to have Christs
Spirit (since all who do not have the Spirit of Christ do not belong to him Rom. 8:9), to
imitate Christs example, namely by loving unity (argument based on I Petr. 2:21; II Tim.
3:5; Ps. 119:96; Ioh. 13:34; Rom. 5:5; Rom. 13:910).
s. 269, 4: Nobody can say: Jesus is Lord, except in the Holy Spirit (I Cor. 12:13). One has to
say this in deeds. This means that heretics/schismatics can only say this by acceding to
ecclesial unity.
s. 269, 34: Spiritual people, contrary to worldly people, love unity. Worldly people sepa-
rate themselves and do not have the Spirit (cf. I Cor. 2:14; Iudith 19). (Cf. supra s. 270, 2:
spiritual means believing in Christs divinity.) See also: W. Schumacher, Spiritus and spiri-
tualis, pp. 184; 187.
56 s. 269, 2.
57 s. 266, 47.
58 s. 266, 34.
59 s. 266, 1. [] a quo datur, cui datur, per quem datur [] pl 38, col. 1225.
Pentecost 103

is not the oil of the sinner, even when the administrator is a sinner.60 The
benefactor Christ and the minister/administrator of the gift should be
distinguished.61
The feast of Pentecost offers Augustine ample occasion for one of his favou-
rite forms of exegesis in his sermones, the exegesis of numbers.62 He mentions
that there were 120 persons present in the cenacle,63 ten times the number of
the apostles.64 Pentecost is celebrated on the fiftieth day after resurrection:
this is forty-nine (the seven days of seven weeks) plus one, and this addition of
one day stresses the importance of (ecclesial) unity.65 This Pentecost number
of fifty can also be formed by four times ten plus ten. Forty (ascension) is four
times ten. Four signifies this age, and is symbolic for time (the four seasons)
and place (the four wind directions) of this world. Ten stands for the Ten
Commandments, the law of God. During our lives in this world, we have to
abstain from worldly desires, expressed in the forty Lenten days of fasting.
Moses, Elijah and Jesus fasted for forty days, as was commanded by the law, the
Prophets and the Gospel. Ten days after Ascension, the Spirit came so that the
law could be fulfilled by grace.66 Ten thus indicates both the law (the Ten
Commandments) and that the law can only be fulfilled by the Spirit (coming
ten days after Ascension).67 Augustine makes use of this occasion to reflect on
the relation between the law and grace.68 In the same sermon, Augustine gives
an alternative exegesis of the number fifty: seven times seven (Pentecost: seven
weeks of seven days after Easter, according to Tobit 2:1) plus one for the sake of
unity.69 The Holy Spirit is signified by the number seven: God sanctified the

60 s. 266, 1.
61 s. 266, 12.
62 For the Biblical and Patristic significance of the liturgical number forty (forty days of Lent,
Ascension on the fortieth day and Pentecost on the fiftieth day after Easter), and espe-
cially Augustines interpretation of it (pp. 2833, Les quarante jours figurent la dure
totale du temps, les cinquante jours, le monde dau del du temps. p. 33), see: J. Danilou,
La symbolisme des quarante jours, La Maison-Dieu, 31 (1952), pp. 1933. See also: G.
Bonfrate, Pasqua e Pentecoste nei Padri da Ireneo ad Agostino, pp. 160163.
For Augustines Easter exegesis of the numbers forty (pp. 297301) and fifty (pp. 301301),
see: A. Bizzozero, Il mistero pasquale di Ges Cristo e lesistenza credente nei Sermones di
Agostino.
63 s. 266, 2.
64 ss. 267, 1; 268, 1.
65 s. 268, 1.
66 s. 270, 3.
67 s. 270, 56.
68 s. 270, 34.
69 ss. 270, 6; 272B, 2.
104 Chapter 2

seventh day of creation (Gen. 1:31; 2:2), and there are seven gifts of the Spirit
(Is. 11:23). The number one, which when added to forty-nine, expresses the
unity that the Spirit gives to the body of Christ, the unity of all nations in
the one Church.70 Augustine takes this exegesis of numbers even further: ten
(the law) and seven (the Spirit) make seventeen. When all numbers from one
to seventeen are added together, 153 is the result. This number is the number of
fishes the apostles caught in the so-called second catch of fishes in the gospel
(Ioh. 21:611), and is an image of the eschatological Church in which only a
good, determined number of members live this second catch of fishes after
Christs resurrection stands in contrast with the first catch, before his resurrec-
tion, representing the earthly church, in which good and bad members are
intermingled and schisms occur (Luc. 5:17).71
Combined with the exegesis of the numbers forty and fifty, Augustine
deploys a reflection on the relationship between grace and the law, especially
in sermones 270 and 272B. The law, without the help of grace, is the letter that
kills (II Cor. 3:6). This does not imply that Christians have to live other than as
commanded in the law, but that only grace liberates from sin and makes it pos-
sible to live in accordance with the law. For this reason, the Spirit was sent
who does not kill, but brings to life so that the law could be fulfilled, for
[t]he more capacity a person has for the Spirit, the greater his facility in keep-
ing the law.72 Moreover, it is charity that fulfils the law, and this charity is given
through the Holy Spirit (Rom. 5:5). Augustine distinguishes charity, which
results in chaste fear for the law, from fear of punishment, which is servile
fear.73 Augustine emphasizes that the law is not cancelled (Matth. 5:17), but

In s. 272B, 6 Augustine offers a calculation whereby the Jewish Pentecost (when the law
was given) fell on the fiftieth day after the Jewish Easter.
70 s. 270, 5.
71 s. 270, 7.
For Augustines exegesis in his preaching of the two catches of fishes in the gospels, see:
M. Pontet, Lexgse de S. Augustin prdicateur, pp. 491492; pp. 576577.
72 s. 270, 3. E. Hill, Sermons III/7 (230272B), p. 292. Hoc donat credentibus, hoc donat fideli-
bus, hoc donat eis quibus dat Spiritum sanctum. Quanto fit eo quisque capacior, tanto ad
operandam legem fit facilior. pl 38, col. 1241.
This is a very condensed paragraph containing the key elements and scriptural quotes
(Gal. 3:2122; II Cor. 3:6; Gal. 5:6; Rom. 4:15; I Cor. 8:1; Matth. 5:17) of Augustines thinking
on grace, however without much elaboration.
73 s. 270, 4.
For the difference between the Jewish and Christian Pentecost as a difference between
timor and caritas, see: J.J. Verhees, God in beweging, pp. 4853.
Pentecost 105

only can be fulfilled by charity/grace.74 The Holy Spirit gives this grace, the
grace of the Holy Spirit, which is a spiritual grace (as expressed in Is. 11:23).75
The law is fulfilled through the grace of the Holy Spirit the gift of God
which is celebrated on the feast of Pentecost.76 The Sabbath, observed literally
by the Jews, has a deeper, spiritual significance: spiritual rest, tranquillity of
heart, good conscience, and avoidance of sin.77 Just as the Jewish Passover was
a prefiguration namely of the Passion of Christ78 the Jewish Pentecost,
which celebrates the gift of the law to Moses, is a prefiguration.79 There is how-
ever also a significant difference: The Jews received the law in fear; the Holy
Spirit has been given to Christians in grace. Because the Jews, in their pride,
were convinced they could fulfil the law in their own strength, they failed and
were found guilty. So the law reveals you to be guilty, grace delivers you from
guilt; the law threatens, grace encourages; the law lays down penalties, grace
promises pardon. Augustine however refuses ultimately to consider the law
and grace as contradictory: the things that are commanded are the same both
in the law and in grace.80 Augustine makes the following construction: the
problem is not to be found in the giver of the law and grace the Holy
Spirit but in the recipients Jews and Christians. Augustine explains that the

74 s. 270, 34.
75 s. 270, 56.
76 s. 270, 7.
77 s. 270, 5. W. Schumacher, Spiritus and spiritualis, p. 169.
78 s. 272B, 24.
Cf. s. 272B, 1: In the Old Testament, grace was promised; in the New Testament, it was
given.
For the relation between law and grace in s. 272B, see also: G. Bonfrate, Pasqua e
Pentecoste nei Padri da Ireneo ad Agostino, pp. 177178.
79 For a historico-liturgical research of the historical link between the Jewish and Christian
celebration of Pentecost, see: G. Kretschmar, Himmelfahrt und Pfingsten, Zeitschrift fr
Kirchengeschichte, 66 (1954/55), pp. 209253.
80 s. 272B, 3. E. Hill, Sermons III/7 (230272B), p. 306. Lex data est Iudaeis in timore; Spiritus
sanctus datus est christianis in gratia. [] Lex ergo reos ostendit, gratia liberat a reatu; lex
minatur, gratia blanditur; lex poenam intendit, gratia indulgentiam pollicetur. Tamen ipsa
sunt, quae praecipiuntur in lege, quae et in gratia; et ideo lex illa digito Dei scripta dicitur.
REAug 44, p. 199.
Cf. s. 272B, 7: For the Jews the law was a hard burden, because it threatens and punishes.
Christ comes with grace, his yoke is easy and his load light (Matth. 11:2830), because He
encourages, He forgives. For Augustines discussion of the burden of Christ in his preach-
ing, see: S. Poque, Le langage symbolique dans la prdication dAugustin dHippone,
pp. 295296.
106 Chapter 2

law is also given by the Holy Spirit. According to Ex. 31:18, the law was written
by the finger of God digitus Dei. Combining Luc. 11:20 (if I by the finger of
God cast out demons, be sure the kingdom of God has come upon you) and
Matth. 12:28 (if I by the Spirit of God [], therefore the kingdom of God has
come upon you), Augustine identifies the Spirit with the finger of God.81 The
Jews received this law on tablets of stone, indicating the hardness of their
heart. The Christians, according to II Cor. 3, 3, received it, however, not on
tablets of stone, but on the fleshly tablets of the heart. In contrast with the
Jews stony hearts, the hearts of the Christians are like fertile ground. Augustine
even expands the comparison and refers to the finger of Jesus, with which He
wrote on the ground when the Jews confronted Him with the woman caught in
adultery (Ioh. 8:311). The Jews wanted to stone her, in accordance with the law
that was written on stone tables, in accordance with the hardness of their
hearts. Christ wrote on the ground, which could produce fruit, in contrast to
the infertility of stone.82
Besides the clear thematization of grace in relation to the law in sermones
270 and 272B, the concept of grace is also present in the Pentecost sermones in
a less explicit or less elaborated way. In a certain sense this is logical: Augustine
constantly talks about the gift of the Spirit that has been given by Christ to
humanity. This gift assures the unity of the Church (cf. supra). He also uses the
term gratia to express the nature of this gift. The feast of Pentecost recalls the
great grace that has been poured out over Christians: the gift/grace/abundance
of Gods mercy.83 At Pentecost, the apostles preached the grace of Christ.84
After the vision he received, recorded in Act. 10:915, Peter preached the grace
of Christ to the uncircumcised Gentiles.85 Simon the Magician did not under-
stand that the gift of the Spirit is grace.86 The newness of the new wineskins
indicates grace, as opposed to the old carnal way of life.87 There is a diversity in
the baptisms of the book of Acts to make it clear that baptism and the

81 s. 272B, 4. Cf. s. 272B, 5.7. For digitus Dei see also: A. Bizzozero, Il mistero pasquale di Ges
Cristo e lesistenza credente nei Sermones di Agostino, pp. 292294. G. Ferraro, Lo Spirito
Santo nei Discorsi di santAgostino per i tempi liturgici, pp. 1114.
82 s. 272B, 5. The indulgence of Christ signifies grace.
For the image of the adulterous woman in Augustines sermons, see: S. Poque, Le langage
symbolique dans la prdication dAugustin dHippone, pp. 133136.
83 ss. 267, 1; 270, 1
84 s. 266, 2.
85 s. 266, 2: Christi gratia praedicantibus. pl 38, col. 1225. See: L. Mechlinsky, Der modus
proferendi in Augustins sermones ad populum, pp. 120122.
86 s. 266, 4.
87 s. 267, 2.
Pentecost 107

gift of the Holy Spirit are only attributed to divine grace and not to human
pride.88
The apostle Peter comes to the fore in the Pentecost sermons. Together with
John he laid hands upon the faithful of Samaria baptized by Philip.89 He
preached to Cornelius and his household, who received the Spirit while listen-
ing to Peter.90 Augustine explains the vision (Act. 10:915) that removed Peters
doubts about preaching to Cornelius and preaching to the uncircumcised
Gentiles in general (cf. Act. 10:28).91 When Peter wanted to oppose Christs pas-
sion, his affection for Christ was still bound up with his humanity (Matth.
16:2223). His subsequent belief in Christ as the Son of the living God was
bestowed on him by the Spirit.92
The Pentecost sermons often rebuke pride. Augustine warns his fellow bish-
ops (with Matth. 23:8: Do not let yourselves be called Rabbi by men; for you
have only one master, the Christ) not to become proud on account of their
magisterium, because all Christians are fellow students in the same school
of the same one master.93 He reacts against the heretical and proud self-
appropriation of the Spirit. Simon wanted to buy the capacity to make the
Spirit come by the laying on of hands: he wanted to aggrandize his own impor-
tance.94 The proud and arrogant heretic thinks the Spirit comes from his own
doing and not from Christ.95 Augustine also refers to the pride of the Jews. The
Jews were not healed by the law. Through pride, they believed they could fulfil
the law in their own strength.96 Referring to I Cor. 8:1, Augustine states that
knowledge the knowledge of the law in particular without charity puffs up,
but charity with knowledge builds up, in order to fulfil the law.97 The Holy
Spirit can only be received by a humble heart as water fills up a hollow and
runs away from proud self-importance. God resists the proud, but [by the
Spirit] gives grace to the humble (Iac. 4:6; I Petr. 5:5); He fills the humble,
because He finds them capacious.98 Augustine links the condemnation of

88 s. 269, 2.
89 ss. 266, 4; 269, 2.
90 ss. 266, 6; 269, 2.
91 s. 266, 6.
92 s. 270, 2. Cf. s. 272B, 1: Peters first opinion belonged to the old wineskin.
93 s. 270, 1.
94 s. 266, 3.
95 s. 266, 7.
96 s. 272B, 3.
97 s. 270, 3.
98 s. 270, 6. E. Hill, Sermons III/7 (230272B), p. 294. Implet humiles, quia capaces inuenit.
pl 38, col. 1243.
108 Chapter 2

pride with Pentecost.99 At Pentecost, the Holy Spirit brings unity in the lan-
guages that divide humanity. This linguistic division served as a punishment
for the human pride that built a tower in resistance to God.100
The collection of Pentecost sermons contains anti-schismatic assertions.
We have already observed that ecclesial unity is stressed repeatedly.101
Worldly people break unity.102 A schismatic that breaks away from the unity
of the Church hates peace.103 There is no Spirit outside the unity of the
Church.104 Heretics and schismatics endorse the form of baptism, but without
the unity, as they do not have the Spirit.105 Augustine reacts against the pride
of heretics.106 These assertions could be intended to criticize any form of her-
esy or schism, but are frequently used by Augustine against the Donatists,
despite the fact that their name remains unmentioned throughout the Pente
cost sermons. Even more explicitly anti-Donatist is Augustines rebuke of their
sacramentology in sermo 266, where he focuses not on the minister, but on
Christ/the Holy Spirit as the legitimating agent of the Sacraments (cf. supra).
The sermon opens with the Donatist argument based on Ps. 141:5: The just
man will correct me out of mercy, but let the oil of the sinner not fatten my
head. Donatists use this verse, namely the oil of the sinner, to demand com-
plete purity, especially of their clergy. Augustine refutes this claim. At the end
of the sermon, he returns to the first part of this Psalm, and applies it to the

99 Cf. s. 269, 1. The fierce Pentecost gust of wind did not puff the disciples up, but quickened
them. Flatus enim ille non inflauit, sed uegatauit: ignis ille non cremauit, sed excitauit. pl
38, col. 1234.
100 s. 271. Similarly, the humility of the faithful brought the diversity of languages to the
Church in unity. Cf. s. 272A: Christ gave us an example of humility.
For Augustines reflection on Pentecost (humility, unity) as an answer to Babel (pride,
confusion), see: A. Borst, Der Turmbau von Babel. Geschichte der Meinungen ber Ursprung
und Vielfalt der Sprachen und Vlker, Bd. II, Teil 1, Stuttgart, 1958, pp. 391404. E. Lamirande,
Lannonce de lunit dans luniversalit, pp. 163165. M. Pontet, Lexgse de S. Augustin
prdicateur, pp. 427428.
101 ss. 266, 2; 267, 2; 268, 14; 269, 14; 270, 6; 271; 272B, 2.
Cf. s. 272: The Eucharist as a sacrament of unity, which has to be received within this bond
of peace.
102 s. 269, 3. Cf. s. 270, 7: The breaking of the fishing nets of the first catch of fishes symbolizes
schisms (Luc. 5:17).
103 s. 271.
104 ss. 267, 4; 268, 2.
105 ss. 269, 24; 271.
For Augustines thinking on the absence of the Spirit outside the catholica, see: J.J. Verhees,
God in beweging, pp. 8090.
106 s. 266, 3.7
Pentecost 109

Donatists. They do not listen to the corrections of the just man (who punishes
and rebukes out of love and respect), but to the flattery of the flatterer (i.e. the
sinner of Ps. 141:5).107 He not only uses their biblical argument against them,
but he also makes clear that they are sinners. In actual fact, the oil they receive
is good, while they themselves are bad, because they have cut themselves off
and have broken ecclesial unity.108 The warning that the friends of the bride-
groom (Christ) should not try to seduce the bride (the Church) could be read
as anti-Donatist. A good friend does not want to be loved in the place of the
bridegroom.109

2 Content Analysis

a Grace in Augustines Pentecost Sermones


1 Grace in General Vague References
Sermones 29, 29A and 29B deal with the same themes on the basis of their
discussion of Ps. 118:1 (117:1): the twofold meaning of confessio; God is good and
He makes all things good; human goodness comes from God; human wrongdo-
ing originates with humans themselves; the need to confess ones sins; and the
confession of ones sins to a human judge leads to punishment, while confes-
sion to God leads to forgiveness. The link with the Confessiones with regard to
content is unmistakable. While sermo 29 and 29B emphasize the confession of
sins, in sermo 29A, Augustine explores in greater depth the goodness of God.
The subject of gratia is only discreetly present in these three sermons, namely
in their description of God. The forgiving God is good and merciful; everything
that can be said to be good about human beings comes from Him. God crowns
the struggling human being and transforms human suffering for the good.
Contrary to a human judge, God as judge knows our sins before we confess
them; He does not torment us but grants forgiveness. Augustine evidently

107 s. 266, 1.8.


For Ps. 140, 5 in s. 266, see: L. Mechlinsky, Der modus proferendi in Augustins sermones ad
populum, pp. 9497; pp. 115117. See also: J.A.A. Stoop, Die Pinksterprediking van
Augustinus, pp. 6970.
108 s. 266, 7. Augustine also reacts concisely in this paragraph against the Donatist arguments
of I Cor. 11:29 (those who eat unworthily, eat and drink judgement upon themselves) and
the case of Judas.
The stress on the universality of the Church containing all nations in Augustines
explanation of Peters vision in Joppa (Act. 10:915) could also be a critique of the
Donatists nationalistic tendency (s. 266, 6).
109 s. 268, 3.
110 Chapter 2

limits himself in these short homilies to a single delimited subject and to the
clear explanation of the meaning of confiteri and confessio. These three homi-
lies exhibit in the first instance a moral-exhortative content, a call to be con-
trite with regard to ones own sins, to praise God, to struggle against sin, and to
turn away from what is worldly.
The same observation is true for the very short sermones 272 and 272A,
which are each restricted to one very specific topic, respectively the Eucharist
and humility. Unquestionably, these themes express (at least implicitly) grace:
the sacrament of Eucharist, unity, and peace are gifts of grace; humility as
opposed to pride is intrinsically linked with grace.
In addition to sermones 270 and 272B, grace is also discussed in the other
Pentecost sermones, although it is not elaborated in detail: baptism, the gift of
the Holy Spirit, and newness are also forms of grace, which is freely given,
unrelated to mans efforts. The apostles preached the grace of Christ. These
kinds of assertions concerning grace are customary in Augustines discourses,
and are to be found from his earliest writings and sermons onwards.
Throughout all the studied sermones, pride is rebuked. Sermones 29 and
29B, for example, claim that all that is good comes from God, and all that is sin
comes from man. Sermones 272 and 272A exhort the listeners to humility as
opposed to pride; sermo 272B censures the pride of the Jews, sermo 266 that of
the haeretici (Simon); and sermo 270 makes clear that grace and pride are
opposed to each other.

2 Digitus Dei
Augustine considers the theme of the digitus Dei in sermo 272B. Hoondert
seems to suggest that in this context it is an anti-Pelagian concept.110 In order
to examine this, a detailed overview of this theme in Augustines writings will
be provided, which offers at the same time the opportunity to observe the
operation of the Pentecost motif in a broader spectrum of Augustines
writings.
Augustines reflection on digitus Dei begins well before the Pelagian contro-
versy. Contra Faustum Manicheum 32, 12 (397/399) describes how Christians,
like the Jews, celebrate Easter and Pentecost, but in a different way. Both Jewish
feasts foreshadow two Christian feasts: the suffering and resurrection of the
Lord is prefigured by the slaying of the lamb; the sending of the Holy Spirit

110 P.-M. Hoondert, Les sermons de saint Augustin pour le jour de la Pentecte, pp. 300301.
Hoonderts overview of occurrences of digitus Dei is not exhaustive, since he does not
mention Contra Faustum Manicheum 32, 12; De catechizandis rudibus 23, 41; Epistula 55,
2829 and s. 156, 14.
Pentecost 111

promised by Christ on the fiftieth day after the resurrection is prefigured by


Moses receiving the law written by the finger of God on the mountain, on the
fiftieth day after the celebration of the slaying of the lamb. Augustine adds that
the gospel calls the Holy Spirit the finger of God (Luc. 11:20). Christians do not
celebrate Easter and Pentecost in the Jewish way, since what the Jews antici-
pated has already been accomplished. De catechizandis rudibus (ca. 400)
describes the promulgation of the law. During their forty-year sojourn in the
desert, the Jewish people received the law, written by the finger of God. Digitus
Dei makes the association with the Holy Spirit, as indicated by the gospel (Luc.
11:20). This finger should not be conceived of as being human or having a physi-
cal form. It is a symbol: the different fingers of one hand are distinct, but form
a unity, just as the Holy Spirit distributes the gifts of God to the saints to enable
them to fulfil different works, without breaking the concordia caritatis. The
Jews received the law, written by Gods finger on tablets of stone to indicate the
hardness of their heart, their unwillingness to fulfil the law. Longing for mate-
rial goods from God, they were bound by carnal fear, rather than by spiritual
caritas, but only through this caritas can the law be fulfilled. They were bur-
dened with numerous external rites, intended to subject them to the servile
yoke, but which were actually spiritual realities prefiguring Christ. Only a few
Jews interpreted them in such a way as to produce the fruit of their salvation;
most of the mass of carnal people practised them without understanding
their meaning.111 In Epistula 55 (401), Augustine explains the number forty to

111 De catechizandis rudibus 20, 34.


Cf. De catechizandis rudibus 22, 3940: Augustine elaborates on the sixth age of the
world, which begins with Christs incarnation, in which the law is fulfilled out of love for
the law giver and not out of cupiditas for temporal goods, in which humanity is renewed
and leads a spiritual life, contrary to the old life led under the ancient covenant (with the
exception of a small number of patriarchs and prophets and some hidden saints who
understood the spiritual meaning), lived in a carnal way, longing for carnal rewards.
Christ taught not to fear earthly evils and not to look for happiness in earthly goods.
Cf. De catechizandis rudibus 23, 41: Fifty days after his resurrection, Christ sent the prom-
ised Holy Spirit, so the disciples could as a result of the caritas poured out in their hearts
by the Holy Spirit fulfil the law, not only without any burden (onus), but even with
pleasure (iucunditas). This law was given to the Jews in Ten Commandments (summa-
rized in the two commandments of Matth. 22:3740: to love God and to love ones neigh-
bour as one loves oneself). The Jews received the law written by the finger of God, which
signifies the Holy Spirit fifty days after the Jews celebrated in imagine the first Easter. In
a parallel way, fifty days after the passion and resurrection i.e. the real Easter the Spirit
was sent to the disciples. The tablets of stone no longer signify the hardness of hearts.
The disciples began to speak all languages, and this was the beginning of the preaching of
the apostles, the conversion of the Jews and of the gentiles.
112 Chapter 2

Januarius: forty days of fasting, stemming from the fasting of Moses, Elijah and
Christ, signifying a distancing of oneself from the world (ten [expressing the
perfection of our beatitude] times four [the world: four wind directions, four
elements, four seasons]). This forty plus ten is fifty, which indicates the reward
of self-control: Pentecost. A different explanation is possible for fifty: seven
times seven and a Sunday added (eighth day/first day).112 Fifty days after the
Jewish celebration of the Pasch the sacrifice of the lamb the law was given
on Mount Sinai to Moses, written by the finger of God. The finger of God
indicates the Holy Spirit (Luc. 11:20; Matth. 12:28). The two Testaments are in
harmony and proclaim the same truth:

The lamb is slain; the Pasch is celebrated, and after an interval of fifty
days the law, which was written by the finger of God, is given to instil fear.
Christ, who was led like a lamb to the slaughter, is slain, as Isaiah testifies
(cf. Is. 53:7); the true Pasch is celebrated, and after an interval of fifty days
the Holy Spirit, who is the finger of God, is given to awaken love.

The magicians of the Pharaoh also recognised that the Holy Spirit, the finger of
God, was in Moses, when they failed in the third sign (Ex. 8:19). The Holy Spirit
opposes those who seek their own interest. For this reason He gives rest to the
humble of heart, but distress to the proud, especially to the heretics.113
The theme is also discussed in two sermons that cannot be clearly situated.
Sermo 8 (403)114 contains similar concepts and a parallel structure of reasoning

112 Epistula 55, 28.


113 Epistula 55, 29. J.E. Rotelle (ed.), R. Teske (trans., notes), Letters (199), Brooklyn/New York,
2001 (The Works of Saint Augustine, a Translation for the 21st Century, II/1), p. 231.
Occiditur ouis, celebratur pascha et interpositis quinquaginta diebus datur lex ad timorem
scripta digito Dei [Ex. 31:18]: occiditur Christus, qui tamquam ouis ad immolandum ductus
est [Is. 53:7], sicut Esaias propheta testatur, celebratur uerum pascha et interpositis quin-
quaginta diebus datur ad caritatem Spiritus sanctus, qui est digitus Dei, []. csel 34/2,
p. 203.
Epistula 55, 30 offers a calculation of the giving of the law on Mount Sinai fifty days after
Easter completely parallel to sermo 272B, 6. Here we received the pledge of the rest of the
next life (cf. s. 378).
Epistula 55, 31: Fifty multiplied by three and three added (to indicate the eminence of the
mystery) is the number of fishes of Ioh. 21:611. Augustine stresses that the nets were not
torn, indicating the absence of heretics. This number is also the result of all the numbers
of seventeen added up: sevenfold purification (Ps. 12:7) and the reward of a denarius (=10,
Matth. 20:2, 910, 13).
114 Hill: 410, Rebillard: 411, Gryson: 403, Hombert: 403.
Pentecost 113

to sermo 272B. Augustine compares the Egyptian magicians, who did not
succeed in understanding the third sign (the third plague), with schismatics.
The third plague in Egypt is antithetical to the third commandment (Ex. 20:8):
the sanctification of the Sabbath. The sanctification of the Sabbath has its ori-
gins in the seventh day of creation and is the sanctification of Gods rest, which
pertains to the Holy Spirit. There is no true or divine sanctification without the
Holy Spirit. For this reason, the number seven the seventh day is linked to
the Holy Spirit. Isaiah also identifies the sevenfold qualities/activities of the
Spirit (Is. 11:23). This number seven is also fundamental to the feast of
Pentecost. With reference to Tobit 2:1, Augustine explains that Pentecost is cel-
ebrated on the fiftieth day: seven times seven (Holy Spirit) and one (expression
of the unity of the Church) is added, or forty and ten (the Ten Commandments,
expressing that the law can only be fulfilled through the grace of the Holy
Spirit).
However, anyone who does not adhere to the unity of Christ and assails the
unity of Christ cannot be understood to have the Holy Spirit. These unspiri-
tual people cause divisions and do not receive the Spirit (Iudith 19). They
believe the same as we do, but do not receive the Spirit as long as they are
enemies of unity. They have the form of piety, but deny its power (II Tim. 3:5).115
Finally, Augustine elocutes,

to help us recognize how Pharaohs magicians themselves admit to what


the Holy Spirit was called in the gospel, let us see what name He received
there. When the Jews threw mud at the Lord and said, This man only casts
out demons by Beelzebub the prince of demons, he replied, If I cast out
demons by the Spirit of God, the kingdom of God has surely come upon you
(Matth. 12:28). Another evangelist puts it like this: If I by the finger of God
cast out demons (Luc. 11:20). What the one called the Spirit of God, the
other called the finger of God. So the Spirit of God is the finger of God.
This is why the law, when it was given, was written by the finger of God,
the law given on Mount Sinai, on the fiftieth day after the slaughter of the
lamb. Fifty days after the Jewish Passover, the day the lamb is slaughtered,
the law is given, written by the finger of God. Likewise, fifty days after
the slaughter of Christ, the Holy Spirit comes, that is, the finger of God.

115 s. 8, 17. J.E. Rotelle (ed.), E. Hill (trans., notes), M. Pellegrino (intr.), Sermons I (119), On the
Old Testament, Brooklyn/New York, 1990 (The Works of Saint Augustine, a Translation for
the 21st Century, III/1), p. 252.
Quisquis autem non cohaeret unitati Christi et oblatrat aduersus unitatem Christi intelleg-
endus est non habere Spiritum sanctum. ccl 41, p. 96.
114 Chapter 2

The Lord be praised, who conceals his mysteries so providently and


opens them up them so delightfully. Now at last Pharaohs magicians see
plainly, unambiguously admitting, having initially failed to understand
the third sign, they acknowledge, This is the finger of God (Ex. 8:19). Let us
praise the Lord, the giver of understanding, the giver of the word. If these
things were not concealed in mysteries, they would never be sought for in
earnest. And if they were not sought for in earnest, they would not be
discovered with such pleasure.116

In Enarratio in Psalmum 90, 2, 8,117 Augustine comments on the passage,


He has given his angels orders concerning you, to guard you in all your ways,
they shall bear you up with their hands, so that you may never stub your foot
on a stone (Matth. 4:6). These feet symbolize the saints and apostles as the
feet of the Lord, and the stone as the law, given on stone tablets. In order
that his people would not stumble that is, not be held guilty under the law,
according to its precepts, as though they had not received grace the Lord sent
the Holy Spirit, to give love and not fear, because it is only love which keeps and
fulfils the law. Augustine gives the example of Peter, who denied Christ three
times out of fear, before having received the Holy Spirit. Christ dissolved this
threefold fear into threefold love (Ioh. 21:1517).

But why did our Lord Jesus Christ rise from the dead? Listen to the
apostles statement: He died for our transgressions, and rose for our justifi-
cation (Rom. 4:25). And with reference to the Holy Spirit, the gospel says,

116 s. 8, 18. E. Hill, Sermons I (119), pp. 252254.


Denique, ut iam euidenter ipsis confitentibus faraonis magis agnoscere ualeamus, quo-
modo appellatus est in euangelio Spiritus Dei, uideamus quod nomen accepit. Obicientes
Domino conuicium Iudaei cum dixissent: hic non eicit daemonia nisi in Belzebub principe
daemoniorum [Matth. 12:24], respondit ille: si ego in Spiritu Dei eicio daemonia, certe supe-
ruenit in uos regnum Dei [Matth. 12:28]. Quod alius euangelista sic narrat: si ego in digito
Dei eicio daemonia [Luc. 11:20]. Quod ille dixit Spiritus Dei, alius dixit digitus Dei. Ergo
Spiritus Dei, digitus Dei. Ideo lex data scripta digito Dei, quae lex data est in monte Sina
quinquagesimo die post occisionem ouis. Celebrato pascha a populo Iudaeorum implentur
quinquaginta dies post occisionem ouis, et datur lex scripta digito Dei. Implentur quin-
quaginta dies post occisionem Christi, et uenit Spiritus sanctus, hoc est, digitus Dei. Gratias
Domino occultanti prouidenter, aperienti suauiter. Iam uidete hoc etiam faraonis magos eui-
dentissime confiteri. Deficientes in tertio signo dixerunt: digitus Dei est hic [Ex. 8:19].
Laudemus Dominum, datorem intellectus, datorem uerbi. Haec si non mysteriis tegerentur,
numquam studiose quaererentur. Si autem non studiose quaererentur, non tam suauiter
inuenirentur. ccl 41, pp. 9899.
117 Mller: , Zarb: SeptemberNovember 412, Rondet: after Easter 408.
Pentecost 115

The Spirit had not yet been given, because Jesus was not yet glorified
(Ioh. 7:39). Now what is this glorification of Jesus? It means his resurrec-
tion and ascension into heaven. When he had been glorified by God
through his ascension into heaven, he sent his Holy Spirit on the day of
Pentecost. According to the law, as set forth in the book of Moses, Exodus,
fifty days can be counted from the day on which the lamb was slain and
eaten; this feast commemorates the giving of the law, which was written
on stone tablets by the finger of God. The gospel explains to us what the
finger of God is: it is Gods Holy Spirit. How can we demonstrate this?
When the Jews accused our Lord of casting out demons in the name of
Beelzebub, he replied, If I cast out demons by the Spirit of God(Matth.
12:28); but another evangelist when describing the same event reports his
words thus: If I cast out demons by the finger of God(Luc. 11:20). What
was stated clearly in one gospel was stated obscurely in the other. You
would not have known what the finger of God might be, if the other evan-
gelist had not explained that it was the Spirit of God. So, then, the law
written by the finger of God was given on the fiftieth day after the slaying
of the lamb, and the Holy Spirit came on the fiftieth day after the passion
of our Lord Jesus Christ. Long ago the lamb was slain and the Passover
observed. Then, when fifty days had elapsed, the law was given. But that
law provoked fear, not love. In order that fear might be transformed into
love, the righteous one was slain, symbolic of the lamb that the Jews were
accustomed to slaughter. He rose again, and fifty days can be counted
from our Lords Passover, just as fifty days could be counted from the slay-
ing of the lamb. Then the Holy Spirit comes in the fullness of love, not
threatening punishment or striking fear.118

118 J.E. Rotelle (ed.), M. Boulding (trans., notes), Expositions of the Psalms (7398), On the New
Testament, Brooklyn/New York, 2002 (The Works of Saint Augustine, a Translation for the
21st Century, III/18), pp. 339340.
Resurrexit autem Dominus Iesus Christus, propter quid? Apostolum audite: mortuus est
propter delicta nostra, et resurrexit propter iustificationem nostram [Rom. 4:25]. Item de
Spiritu sancto euangelium: Spiritus, inquit, nondum erat datus, quia Iesus nondum erat
clarificatus [Ioh. 7 :39]. Quae est clarificatio Iesu? Resurrexit, et adscendit in caelum. A Deo
clarificatus adscensione in caelum, misit Spiritum suum sanctum die pentecostes. In lege
autem, in libro Moysi Exodo, a die agni occisi et manducati quinquaginta dies numerantur;
et data est lex in tabulis lapideis scripta digito Dei. Quid sit digitus Dei, euangelium nobis
exponit: quia digitus Dei Spiritus sanctus est. Quomodo probamus? Dominus respondens ais
qui illum dicebant in nomine Beelzebub eicere daemonia, ait: si ego in Spiritu Dei eicio dae-
monia [Matth. 12:28]; alius euangelista cum hoc narraret, si ego, inquit, in digito Dei eicio
daemonia [Matth. 12:28]. Quod ergo positum est in uno aperte, positum est in altero obscure;
116 Chapter 2

The concept of digitus Dei also occurs outside the Pelagian context. De ciuitate
Dei 16, 43 (414419) discusses the Old Testament prefigurations of the Church.
Augustine, addressing the image of the Exodus, notes that Moses, in potestate
spiritus Dei, triumphed over the Pharaohs magicians. The people spent forty
years in the desert, guided by Moses. Near the beginning of that journey, the
law was given in a terrifying way, fifty days after they had celebrated Easter and
gained their freedom with the sacrifice of the Passover lamb. This combination
of sacrifice and transition to freedom is a typus Christi, signifying that He
through the sacrifice of the Passion would go to the Father. This prefiguration
is according to Augustine so clear that at the revelation of the new covenant on
the fiftieth day after Christs death, our Pascha, the Holy Spirit He who is
called the finger of God in the gospel came from heaven to inscribe the
Church. These prefiguring events are inextricably linked to their fulfilment: it
is the same finger of God that writes the law on tablets of stone given to Israel,
that writes the same law anew on the hearts of those on whom the Spirit rested
at Pentecost, i.e. the Church. In the explanation of the Exodus account in
Quaestionum libri septem (=Quaestiones in Heptateuchum; 419420), Augustine
mentions the words of the magicians to the Pharaoh concerning the third
plague: digitus Dei est hoc (Ex. 8:19). This finger of God, which operates
through Moses, is according to the gospel (combining Luc. 11:20 and Matth.
12:28), the Holy Spirit. Pharaohs heart, however, was so hardened (cf. Ex. 7:22)
that he did not recognize the finger of God at work in Moses.119
The topic of digitus Dei has a specific anti-Pelagian application. De spiritu et
littera (412) puts forward that when the Spirit is lacking, the letter does not free
people from sin, but makes them guilty because of their knowledge of sin.
However, the law in itself is not evil because it gives knowledge of sin. If the law
is fulfilled out of fear, it is observed as if by a slave, and is in this way not truly
observed, because love is lacking. Delight in the law, which a slave does not
possess, is a gift of the Spirit.120 Grace remained veiled in the Old Testament.

nesciebas quid sit digitus Dei, exponit alius euangelista, dicens eum esse Spiritum Dei. Digito
ergo Dei scripta lex data est die quinquagesimo ab occisione agni, et Spiritus sanctus uenit
die quinquagesimo a passione Domini nostri Iesu Christi. Occisus est agnus, factum est pas-
cha, impleti sunt quinquaginta dies, data est lex. Sed lex illa ad timorem, non ad amorem; ut
autem timor conuerteretur in amorem, occisus est iustus iam in ueritate; cuius typus erat ille
agnus quem occidebant Iudaei. Resurrexit; et a die paschae Domini, sicut a die paschae agni
occisi, numerantur quinquaginta dies; et uenit Spiritus sanctus, iam in plenitudine amoris,
non in poena timoris. ccl 39, p. 1275.
119 Quaestionum libri septem 2, 25. That the third plague is linked with the Holy Spirit, as digi-
tus Dei expresses, according to Augustine, the mystery of the Trinity.
120 De spiritu et littera 14, 26.
Pentecost 117

Of the Ten Commandments, only the Sabbath is a symbolic commandment:


the day of sanctification referring to Gods seventh day of creation involves
abstaining from servile work, that is, from sin. Not sinning pertains to sanctifi-
cation, as the ability to avoid temptation is the gift of God through the Holy
Spirit. The Ten Commandments were written on tablets of stone, and only the
Sabbath commandment was symbolic.121

The Lord is the Spirit, but where the Spirit of the Lord is, there is freedom
(II Cor. 3:17). This is the Spirit of God by whose gift we are justified;
through this gift a delight arises in not sinning, so that we have freedom.
So too, without this Spirit we find delight in sinning, so that we are
enslaved. We must abstain from the works of such slavery; that is, we
must observe the Sabbath in a spiritual way. This is the Holy Spirit by
whom love is poured out in our hearts (Rom. 5:5), and love is the fulfil-
ment of the law (cf. Rom. 13:10). In the gospel this Holy Spirit is also called
the finger of God (cf. Deut. 9:10). Those tablets were written by the finger
of God, and the finger of God is the Spirit of God by whom we are sancti-
fied, so that we live from faith and do good works through love (Gal. 5:6).
Who can fail to be struck by the similarity as well as the difference?
Through Moses God commanded that the Passover be observed with the
killing of a lamb as a symbol (cf. Ex. 12:310), in order to signify the future
passion of the Lord. And we count fifty days from the celebration of
Passover up to the day on which Moses received the law written by the
finger of God on those tablets. So too, after fifty days had passed from the
killing and rising of Him who was led off like a sheep for sacrifice (Is. 53:7),
the finger of God, that is, the Holy Spirit, filled the faithful who were gath-
ered in one place (cf. Act. 2:14).122

121 De spiritu et littera 15, 27.


122 De spiritu et littera 16, 28. J.E. Rotelle (ed.), R.J. Teske (trans., notes), Answer to the Pelagians
1, Brooklyn/New York, 1997 (The Works of Saint Augustine, a Translation for the 21st
Century, I/23), p. 168.
Dominus autem Spiritus est; ubi autem Spiritus Domini, ibi libertas [II Cor. 3:17]. Hic autem
Spiritus Dei, cuius dono iustificamur, quo fit in nobis ut non peccare delectet, ubi libertas est,
sicut praeter hunc Spiritum peccare delectat, ubi seruitus, a cuius operibus abstinendum, id
est spiritaliter sabbatizandum, est, hic Spiritus sanctus, per quem diffunditur caritas in cor-
dibus nostris, quae plenitudo legis est, etiam digitus Dei in euangelio dicitur. Vnde quia et
illae tabulae digito Dei conscriptae sunt et digitus Dei est Spiritus Dei, per quem sanctifi-
camur, ut ex fide uiuentes per dilectionem bene operemur, quem non moueat ista congruen-
tia ibidemque distantia? Dies enim quinquaginta conputantur a celebratione paschae, quae
figurate occisione ouis per Moysen fieri praecepta est in significationem utique futurae
118 Chapter 2

Sermo 155 (417)123 refers to the digitus Dei in a clearly anti-Pelagian exposition
on Rom. 8:111. The law of sin and death (Rom. 8:12), against which the apostle
is struggling according to Rom. 7:23, and from which we will be delivered by
the law of the Spirit of life in Christ (Rom. 8:2), is not the law of Moses. This law
of Moses does not liberate, despite the fact that it was also written by the finger
of God. This finger of God has to be understood as the Holy Spirit (a combina-
tion of Matth. 12:28; Luc. 11:20; Ex. 8:19). This is not the law of sin because it was
given by the Spirit of God/finger of God, but at the same time it is not the law
of the Spirit of life in Christ, which delivers from the law of sin and death (Rom.
8:12).124 So then, why is this law, written by the finger of God, not the one
which brings this support of grace we are talking about? Why not? Because it
was written on tablets of stone, not on the fleshly tablets of the heart.125

So the Passover was celebrated by that ancient people, not yet in the
brightness of broad daylight but in the symbolism of a shadow; and fifty
days after the celebration of Passover as anybody who wants to can find
out by simply counting the law was given on Mount Sinai, written by
the finger of God. [] So the Passover is celebrated, the Lord rises again,
he makes the passage from death to life, which is the Passover; and fifty
days are counted, and the Holy Spirit, the finger of God, comes.126

The great distinction between the Jewish and Christian Pentecost is that God/
the Spirit wrote the law for the first occasion on stone, but the second covenant
was written in the heart (Ex. 31:18; II Cor. 3:3; Ier. 31:3133). Augustine also

dominicae passionis, usque ad diem, quo Moyses legem accepit in tabulis digito Dei conscrip-
tis; similiter ab occisione et resurrectione illius, qui sicut ouis ad immolandum ductus est
[Is. 53:7], quinquaginta diebus conpletis congregatos in unum fideles digitus Dei, hoc est
Spiritus sanctus, inpleuit. csel 60, pp. 181182.
For the theme of the law (referring to the pre-Torah natural law or, according to Augustines
more favourite interpretation, the New Covenant law written by the Spirit/Gods finger)
written in the heart (Rom. 2:15) in Augustines writings up to his De spiritu et littera (412),
see: M. Verschoren, Lex in cordibus scripta and conscientia (Rom. 2:15) according to
Augustine, Augustiniana, 58/12 (2008), pp. 7593.
123 Hill: 419, Rebillard: October 417, Gryson: May 418, Partoens: 15/10/417.
124 s. 155, 3.
125 s. 155, 4. Ergo quare non ipsa est lex digito Dei scripta, quae dat adiutorium hoc gratiae, de
qua loquimur? Quare? Quia in tabulis lapideis scripta est, non in tabulis cordis carnalibus.
pl 38, col. 843.
126 s. 155, 5. J.E. Rotelle (ed.), E. Hill (trans., notes), Sermons III/5 (148183), On the New
Testament, Brooklyn/New York, 1992 (The Works of Saint Augustine, a Translation for the
21st Century, III/5), pp. 8687.
Pentecost 119

notices that the Jewish Pentecost, contrary to the Christian Pentecost, was
characterized by fear.127 Christ did not come to take away the Mosaic law, but
to fulfil it (Matth. 5:17); and for this purpose, Christs grace, the Spirit, is neces-
sary.128 Sermo 156, 14 (417418)129 continues the anti-Pelagian commentary of
the book of Romans found in sermones 151156 by discussing Rom. 8:1217.
Augustine argues against the Pelagians that the law alone is not enough. The
law of Mount Sinai is the Spirit of slavery, which instigated fear (Rom. 8:15), in
contrast to being led by the Spirit of God, which means being led by charity
(Rom. 5:5). Fear (in the old covenant) leads to slavery; but charity (in the new
covenant) permits freedom (I Ioh. 4:18). Augustine emphasizes that this is the
same Spirit, and not a spirit of slavery as distinguished from a spirit of
freedom:

So its the same Spirit, but in fear on the tablets of stone, in love on the
tablets of the heart (cf. II Cor. 3:3). Those of you who were here the day
before yesterday [reference to s. 155, 6], heard how the people standing
a long way off were terrified by voices, fire, smoke on the mountain
(cf. Ex. 20:18); but how when the Holy Spirit came, himself being the fin-
ger of God, how he came on the fiftieth day after the shadow of Passover,
and in tongues of fire settled on each one of them (cf. Act. 2:14). So no
longer now in fear, but in love; that we might be, not slaves, but sons.130

The conclusion therefore must be drawn that the theme of digitus Dei
(Ex. 31:18; Luc. 11:20; Matth. 12:28: the giver of the law = Gods finger = Holy
Spirit) is present well before the Pelagian controversy and in writings outside
this controversial context. The same is also true for the oppositions of stone
heart and servile fearcaritas, and the prefiguring link between the Jewish and

Celebratum est ergo pascha in illo ueteri populo, nondum in luce fulgente, sed in umbra
significante celebratum est: et post quinquaginta dies a celebratione paschae, sicut compu-
tans inueniet qui uoluerit, datur lex in monte Sina, scripta digito Dei. [] Celebratur ergo
pascha, resurgit Dominus, facit transitum a morte ad uitam, quod est pascha; et numeran-
tur quinquaginta dies, et uenit Spiritus sanctus, digitus Dei. pl 38, col. 843.
127 s. 155, 6.
128 s. 155, 8.
Cf. s. 155, 915: This law is fulfilled by walking according to the Spirit and not according to
the flesh (Rom. 8:4), the latter (concupiscentia carnis) being the law of sin and death.
129 Hill: 419, Rebillard: October 417, Gryson: May 418, Partoens: 17/10/417 or May 418.
130 s. 156, 14. J.E. Rotelle (ed.), E. Hill (trans., notes), Sermons III/5 (148183), On the New
Testament, Brooklyn/New York, 1992 (The Works of Saint Augustine, a Translation for the
21st Century, III/5), p. 105.
120 Chapter 2

Christian feasts of Easter and Pentecost. An anti-Pelagian topos in this context


is II Cor. 3:6 (the letter kills, cf. infra), which however is absent in sermo 272B
(but appears in sermo 270, cf. infra). Digitus Dei thus presents an element of
continuity in Augustines writing and thinking and cannot serve as a litmus
test for anti-Pelagian thinking.

3 Grace in Specific Aspects of Anti-Pelagian Doctrine of Grace


In the group of sermones in which Pentecost is clearly the theme, grace is promi-
nently present in sermones 270 and 272B. Both sermones reflect on the relation
between the law and grace, and explain that grace the gift of the Holy Spirit is
necessary to fulfil the law and to bring it to completion. These sermons state that
the law should not be abolished. However, without grace, the law only makes
man guilty. The Jews adhered to the law from a fear of punishment and could
only imperfectly follow its tenents. The spiritual grace necessary to fulfil the law
is given by the Holy Spirit. This is the most essential element of the doctrine of
grace developed in these two sermons. Concisely, but very explicitly, Augustine
develops here an aspect of his doctrine of grace very similar to his doctrinal writ-
ings in general and his anti-Pelagian treatises in particular.
Volker Henning Drecoll demonstrates that the idea of the gift of the Holy
Spirit, as a donum Dei, which forms and reforms humanity to homo spiritalis
and enables man to orient himself to the spiritual (as gratia fidei/spiritualis
caritas) and to the spiritualia opera, is present from the early writings
onwards.131 As elaborated in sermones 270 and 272B, the pneumatological spec-
ification of grace, especially in its relation to the law, belongs to Augustines
anti-Pelagian writings. One of the six condemned theses of Caelestius, which
are considered to be the beginning of the Pelagian controversy, was that both
the law and the gospel lead to salvation. Augustine replies that iustitia is to be
found in adiutorium gratiae Christi, and not in praeceptum legis, for otherwise

Idem ergo Spiritus, sed in tabulis lapideis in timore, in tabulis cordis in dilectione. Iam nudi-
ustertius qui adfuistis audistis, quomodo longe positam plebem, uoces, ignis, fumus in monte
terrebat, quomodo autem ueniens Spiritus sanctus, idem ipse digitus Dei, quinquagesimo die
post umbram paschae quomodo uenerit, et igneis linguis super unumquemque eorum
insederit. Iam ergo non in timore, sed in dilectione; ut non serui, sed filii simus. pl 38,
col. 857.
131 De uera religione 24, 29; Expositio quarundam propositionum ex epistula apostoli ad
Romanos 41; Expositio epistulae ad Galatas 15, 46. V.H. Drecoll, Gratia, in Augustinus-
Lexikon, Vol. 31/2, ed. by C. Mayer, K.H. Chelius, Basel, 2004, cols. 182242, cols. 194196.
Augustines pneumatology during the Donatist controversy, as is his doctrine of grace in
general, is ecclesiological: gratia, salus, existence as spiritalis is only possible within the
ecclesial community. V.H. Drecoll, Gratia, cols. 201202.
Pentecost 121

Christ died in vain.132 More specifically, the theme of Spiritus gratiae is dealt
with in De spiritu et littera, which does not develop the doctrine of grace
according to the opposition Adam-Christ/original sin-grace, but as the opposi-
tion between the law and the Spirit. The law is only littera occidens if the help-
ing Spirit does not bestow caritas/dilectio (II Cor. 3:7; Ier. 31:3134).133
The anti-Pelagian perspective of the opposition of law-grace in sermones
270 and 272B is confirmed by Domenico Marafiotis analysis of Augustines
theological understanding of lex. In his anti-Manichean defence of the law,
Augustine differentiated the moral law which should be obeyed as expressed
in Matth. 5:15 from the ritual law, which, in a spiritual way, foreshadows the
New Testament. The law, through which sinfulness increases when it is not
obeyed, is however always good, because it teaches what sin is and (as a paeda-
gogus) makes man seek for grace.134 Augustines teaching on the law is espe-
cially developed in De spiritu et littera. The letter of the law kills (II Cor. 3:6) and
increases mans guilt. Knowledge of the law is not sufficient: it has to be aug-
mented by the love that is given by the Holy Spirit. Not the ancient rites (writ-
ten on stone tablets, which are ministratio mortis and ministratio damnationis)
but the moral law has to be fulfilled (according to Matth. 5:17). This law cannot
be fulfilled out of servile fear (as in the Old Testament), but can only be accom-
plished through love, which is the gift of grace given to the heart by the Spirit.
The law is good, and it reveals (as a pedagogue) human weakness to man,
prompting him to seek a medicus (the grace of Christ). The Old Testament was

132 De natura et gratia 1. V.H. Drecoll, Gratia, col. 210.


133 De spiritu et littera 25, 32, 51. V.H. Drecoll, Gratia, cols. 205209.
While this argumentation in De spiritu et littera and the anti-Pelagian writings is linked
with gratia fidei, this theme is by contrast absent in these two sermones. Cf. De gratia
Christi et de peccato originali 1, 10: Grace is not limited to the gift of free will or the instruc-
tion by the law, but also includes faith and caritas, the inner active power of the Holy
Spirit. De praedestinatione sanctorum 7: Faith and good works (credere and uelle) are the
results of the seduction (of love) of man by the Holy Spirit. For the theme of gratia fidei in
Augustines sermones situated in the period of the Pelagian controversy, see A. Dupont,
Gratia Fidei in the Anti-Pelagian Sermones ad Populum. Sermones 143 and 144: the Rare
Appearance of John 16, 711, in Ministerium Sermonis. Philological, Historical and
Theological Studies on Augustines Sermones ad Populum, ed. by G. Partoens, A. Dupont,
M. Lamberigts, Turnhout, 2009 (Instrumenta Patristica et Mediaevalia, 53), pp. 157197.
Another line of argument in Augustines anti-Pelagian writings is the gift of the Holy
Spirit during baptism, and especially its effect for babies and its effect on original sin, and
the assistance of the Holy Spirit in the daily battle against concupiscentia. This line of
thought is also absent in ss. 270 and 272B.
134 Contra Faustum 15, 8; 19, 2; 22, 6. D. Marafioti, Lex. A. Theological Aspects, in Augustinus-
Lexikon, Vol. 35/6, ed. by C. Mayer, K.H. Chelius, Basel, 2008, cols. 932943.
122 Chapter 2

written externally on stone tablets, but was not observed. The New Testament
is written by Gods finger (the Holy Spirit) in the heart, so that it can be loved
and fulfilled: the Holy Spirit is the gift of love that causes man to complete the
opera caritatis (Rom. 5:5).135
The verses II Cor. 3:6 (the letter kills) and Rom. 5:5 (charity given by the
Spirit fulfils the law) can be found in Augustine from his earliest writings
onwards. The combination of both, however, of which a clear example is pres-
ent in sermo 270, is a typical anti-Pelagian topos.136

b Hoonderts Evaluation
This thematic overview urges us to modify Martin Hoonderts evaluation of the
Pentecost sermons in two ways: concerning the authenticity of sermo 378 and
the polemical intent of the Pentecost sermones.

1 Authenticity of Sermo 378 Reconsidered


Hoondert addresses the question of the authenticity of Pentecost sermo 378.
Although the latter is generally not disputed, Hoondert calls it into question

135 For the references to De spiritu et littera and additional literature, see D. Marafioti, Lex.
A. Theological Aspects, cols. 935943.
136 Fr die Gnadenlehre ragen bei Augustins Heranziehung von Rm 5 zwei Verse an
Bedeutung heraus: ib. 5,5 und 5,12. Ib. 5,5 wird erstmalig mor. 1,23.29 zitiert und zeigt im
Pelagianischen Streit das Wesen der gratia. Der Vers belegt fr Augustin die Notwendigkeit
der Geistverleihung [cf. zum Zusammenhang mit der Handauflegung bapt. 3,21]. Caritas
aus Rm 5,5 is mit der innerlich bejahten lex dei identisch [cf. die Kombination mit ib. 13,10
in spir. et litt. 29, gr. et pecc. or. 1,10; ep. 145,3; Io. eu. tr. 17,7; 26,1] und wird mit 2 Cor 3,6
verbunden [cf. spir. et litt. 20; c. ep. Pel. 4,11]. Der Vers 2 Cor 3,6 (litteraoccidit, spiritus
autem uiuificat) erscheint bei Augustin zunchst im Zusammenhang mit dem geistlichen
Schriftverstndnis [Vtil. cred. 9, cf. doctr. chr. 3,9]. Schon in Simpl. 1,1 beschreibt Augustin
den ttenden Charakter der falsch aufgefaten Gesetzes mit 2 Cor 3,6sq. Dem steht der
Geist gegenber, der (cf. Rm 5,5) caritas ins Herz giet (Simpl. 1,1,15.17). Antimanichisch
sieht Augustin in 2 Cor 3,6 nicht ausgedrckt, da das Gesetz verachtet wird (c. Faust.
15,8). Dabei wird auch das Gesetz als littera iubens, quod non possemus inplere der spirit-
alis gratia gegenbergestellt (ib. 19,7). In spir. et litt. hlt Augustin den Bezug auf das
geistliche Verstndnis der Schrift weiterhin fr mglich, sieht aber in dem Vers den
Grundzug paulinischer Theologie ausgedrckt. Dabei wird der Satz in einen
Bedingungssatz umformuliert: Der Buchstabe ttet, wenn bzw. solange nicht der leben-
digmachende Geist eine aus Liebe gewirkte Erfllung des Gesetzes ermglicht
(cf. besonders ib. 8). In diesem Sinne kehrt 2 Cor 3,6 im Pelagianischen Streit immer
wieder, gerne in Kombination mit Rm 5,5 [so z.B. in c. ep. Pel. 4,11; en. Ps. 70,1,20; s. Dolbeau
15,2; cf. auch Stellen wie ep. 157,9; gr. et lib. arb. 23, corrept. 2]. V.H. Drecoll, Gratia,
cols. 229; 231232.
Pentecost 123

because its theme differs too extensively from the other Pentecost sermons.137
Sermo 378 is a short sermon, preached on the feast of Pentecost, which cele-
brates the coming of the Holy Spirit (quoting Rom. 5:5), arguing that it is better
to call the gift of the Holy Spirit an earnest (arrha, which does not need to be
returned when the original promise, of which it was a guarantee, is fulfilled)
than a pledge (pignus, which is given back when the original promise is ful-
filled). Hoondert perceives several differences between this sermon and the six
Pentecost sermons he studied.
Hoondert observes that sermo 378 mentions the 120 persons present in the
cenacle, but does not add that 120 represents ten times twelve, the number of
the apostles, as Augustine does in sermones 267, 1 and 268, 1. Sermo 266, 2.4
however, also mentions the same number 120 without that specific explana-
tion. However, Hoondert does not consider this sermon in his analysis, despite
Augustines clear indication that it is preached on the occasion of Pentecost
(probably the vigil, s. 266, 2) and despite the fact the content of the sermon
that is, the emphasis on the unity of languages is clearly linked with the
Pentecost sermons discussed by Hoondert, and especially with sermo 269
(the different forms and aspects of baptism found in Acts: baptism gift of
Spirit laying on of hands).138
Hoondert points out that Augustine differentiates an earnest (arrha) from a
pledge (pignus) (II Cor. 1:22) and talks about the journey towards heaven in
sermo 378, and does not do this in the other Pentecost sermons. First of all, the
other Pentecost sermons also have unique themes, treated only once in that
group. Secondly, the comparison with a business contract in sermo 378 resem-
bles the marriage contract metaphor of sermo 268, 4.139 Thirdly, Hoondert

137 P.-M. Hoondert, Les sermons de saint Augustin pour le jour de la Pentecte, pp. 306308.
For the acceptance of s. 378 as authentic, see the chronology addendum, and also V. Saxer,
Saint Augustin. Lanne liturgique, p. 103, n. 1.
138 Hoondert limits his article to sermons with direct references to Pentecost, preached
on the Sunday of Pentecost. s. 266, 2, which Hoondert considers as preached on the vigil
of Pentecost, has however clear references to Pentecost, and Augustine indicates more-
over in that sermon that the day of Pentecost had already begun (which is also valid
for a vigil).
For the rhetorical structure (prooemium, propositio, narratio, argumentatio, peroratio
pp. 111114), a detailed comment (pp. 114138) and an analysis of the modus proferrendi
(pp. 139156) of s. 266, see L. Mechlinsky, Der modus proferendi in Augustins sermones ad
populum. See also: A. Bizzozero, Il mistero pasquale di Ges Cristo e lesistenza credente nei
Sermones di Agostino, pp. 280281; pp. 290291.
139 s. 378: Omnes homines quando aliquod negotium inter se contrahunt, et pecuniarii negotii
sponsione relaxantur, plerumque accipiunt arrham, uel dant: et arrha data fidem facit,
124 Chapter 2

refers to other occurrences of arrha/pignus in Augustines writings,140 but


overlooks the fact that this theme is also present in other sermones of
Augustine.141 The themes of the earthly voyage, travel, and pilgrimage also
frequently recur in Augustines sermones.142
Hoondert remarks that sermo 378 identifies Christs promise with the promise
of eternal life, rather than with the coming of the Holy Spirit (as in ss. 267, 1; 271;
271B, 1). This is true for the second section of the sermon, but in the first section,
the sermon asserts that Christ sent the Holy Spirit after his ascension as a fulfil-
ment of what He had promised. Thus the Holy Spirit was Christs promise. It is
true that Augustine extends the promise further towards eternal life, but he then
argues that the Holy Spirit is the earnest of the promise of eternal life, indicating
explicitly that the Holy Spirit is an integral part of this promise.

etiam rem illam esse secuturam cuius arrha praecessit. pl 39, col. 1673. s. 268, 4:
Matrimoniales tabulas lege: sponsum audi. pl 38, col. 1233.
140 Confessiones 7, 21, 27; Contra duas epistulas Pelagianorum 3, 4; De spiritu et littera 18, 31.
141 In ss. 23, 89 [Hill: 413, Rebillard: , Gryson: 20/01/413]; 156, 16 [Hill: 419, Rebillard: October
417, Gryson: May 418, Partoens: 17/10/417 or May 418] Augustine prefers earnest instead of
pledge to speak of the gift of the Holy Spirit, and argues this difference in the same way as
in s. 378 (earnest remains as a part of what has been promised, but pledge is taken away
when the promise is fulfilled). Rom. 5:5 also serves as basis in s. 23, 89. Arrha occurs in
the sermones only in the combination with pignus, i.e. in ss. 23, 156, 378. Pignus on the
contrary occurs independent of arrha, and specifically as pignus spiritum/pignus Spiritus
(Sancti) (cf. II Cor. 1:22) in ss. 9, 6; 53A (Morin 11), 12; 112A (Caillau 2, 11), 7; 142, 9; 170, 10; 210,
7; 260A (Denis 8), 4; 305A (Denis 13), 9. See also Rom. 5:5 charity as gift of the Holy
Spirit in ss. 34, 2; 105, 45; 128, 4; 145, 4. Cf. A. Bizzozero, Il mistero pasquale di Ges
Cristo e lesistenza credente nei Sermones di Agostino, pp. 272273. J.E. Rotelle (ed.), E. Hill
(trans., notes), Sermons III/10 (341400), On Various Subjects, Hyde Park/New York, 1995
(The Works of Saint Augustine, a Translation for the 21st Century, III/10), p. 354.
142 The peregrinatio/patria metaphor is a very frequent theme throughout Augustines ser-
mones. A cag-analysis shows for example that peregrinatio/peregrinare and associated
words are mentioned 203 times in 138 unique places and patria 169 times in 99 places in
Augustines sermones, and the latter word is frequently mentioned in the context of the
former words.
See also: s. 177, 3: the journey is not the final aim; s. 255, 12: rest comes after the jour-
ney; s. 299F (Lambot 9), 2: Christ is food for the exhausted travellers; s. 341 (Dolbeau 22),
11.19: the earthly church is pilgrimaging; s. 346, 12: pilgrimage through this life by faith;
s. 346A (Caillau 2, 19), 18 and s. 114B (Dolbeau 5), 116: during this difficult pilgrimage one
has to be rich in good works; s. 363, 3: life after baptism is a journey like that of the Jews in
the desert; s. 364B (Mai 12), 14: earthly life is a journey.
Moreover, Augustine deals in his sermones frequently with the theme of richness: while
earthly richness is not an obstacle to reach heaven, the superbia or auaritia that is linked
with it, however, is; one has to be rich in good works and strive after an inner richness.
Pentecost 125

While Hoondert stresses the differences (the presence of arrha and the
earthly voyage, the absence of the theme of unity and of the relationship law-
grace), we can only observe that not all the so-called Pentecost themes are
present in the six sermons he considers to be authentic Pentecost sermons.
Additionally, there are also clear similarities: the specific indication that the
sermon is preached at Pentecost, the citation of Rom. 5:5 and Act. 1:4 in sermo
378. Moreover, we have indicated that there are clear parallels with sermones of
Augustine in addition to these six sermones. Six sermones do not seem to pro-
vide an adequate foundation to refute on the basis of elements of content
the authenticity of sermo 378, not to mention the difficulty of reaching
conclusions concerning the authenticity and the chronology of Augustines
sermons on the basis of content alone.

2 Clearly Distinguished Anti-Donatist and Anti-Pelagian Sermones?


Hoondert subdivides the six Pentecost sermons into two groups, according to
their primary theme. The group that includes sermones 267, 268, 269, and 271
uses a number of images to give expression to the unity of the Church: one
person who speaks many languages; the Holy Spirit constituting the unity of
the Church as the soul gives life to all body parts and to their different func-
tions; and humanity being born from one human being. Moreover, the fiftieth
day (77+1) represents the Holy Spirit (77) who unites us (1). The group
including sermones 270 and 272B insists that the law can only be fulfilled
through grace. Augustine gives expression to the relationship of similarities
and differences between the Jewish law and grace by way of numerical symbol-
ism and the kinship between the Jewish and Christian Pentecost. Hoondert
suggests the first group has an anti-Donatist, while the second group an anti-
Pelagian, tendency.
Hoondert refers in this context to Kunzelmanns dating of these sermones.
While sermo 269 and sermo 271 contain references to historical data, which
could validate placing them in the Donatist controversy, this is not the case for
sermones 267 and 268 on the one hand, or sermones 270 and 272B on the other
hand. The latter four sermons are dated by Kunzelmann on the basis of his
analysis of their content. Kunzelmanns dating method is, however, not
undisputed. Moreover, using Kunzelmanns chronology, based on a probable
anti-Donatist and anti-Pelagian content as an argument to determine these
sermons content as being anti-Donatist or anti-Pelagian, runs the risk of circu-
lar reasoning. However, we must admit that, despite the fact that the theme of
digitus Dei is not typically anti-Pelagian, Augustines reflection on the law-
Spirit relationship in sermones 270 and 272B does offer a parallel to his anti-
Pelagian writings.
126 Chapter 2

Again it is striking that Hoondert did not consider sermo 266, which is
clearly the most outspokenly anti-Donatist sermon, much more so than ser-
mones 267, 268, 269, and 271. In s. 266, Augustine explicitly tackles the Donatist
sacramentology (Christ and not the minister administers the sacraments),
and their sacramentological interpretation of Ps. 141:5; I Cor. 11:29, together
with the case of Judas.143 Sermones 267, 268, 269, and 271 indeed stress ecclesial
unity (ss. 267, 2; 268, 14; 269, 14; 271 and also in s. 266, 2), react against the
breaking of the unity through schisms (ss. 269, 3; 271), and claim that there is
no Spirit outside the ecclesial unity (ss. 267, 4; 268, 2; 269, 24; 271), which con-
curs with Augustines frequent criticism of the Donatists. These four sermons
however do not explicitly identify the Donatists by name, while Augustine is
not afraid to do so in the rest of his sermones.144
Ecclesial unity is always a main concern and is, for example, also present in
the second group of Hoonderts Pentecost sermones (ss. 270, 6; 272B, 2; s. 270, 7
even compares the breaking of the fishing nets of Luc. 5:17 with the fact that
there are schisms in the earthly church). As such, Hoonderts two groups of
Pentecost sermones are sooner unified than differentiated by the emphasis on
ecclesial unity. Conversely, sermones 267, 12; 269, 2 (and also s. 266, 2.4.6) men-
tion gratia, a feature indicated by Hoondert as typical for sermones 270 and 272B.
Both groups of sermones moreover share Augustines love for the exegesis of
numbers (ss. 267, 1; 268, 1; 270, 36; 272B, 2; again also s. 266, 2). Both groups of
sermones use the uinum nouus metaphor (ss. 266, 2; 267, 12; 272B, 1, cf. s. 272:
Eucharistic wine is seen as an expression of ecclesial unity). Considering the

143 For the anti-Donatist polemics in s. 266, see: L. Mechlinsky, Der modus proferendi in
Augustins sermones ad populum, pp. 93156.
144 There are approximately forty sermones with an anti-Donatist intent: ss. 3, 4, 10, 33, 37,
4547, 71, 88, 90, 129, 137, 138, 147A, 159B, 162A, 164, 182, 183, 197, 198, 202, 223, 252, 266, 269,
271, 275, 292, 293A, 295, 313E, 327, 340A, 357359, 359B, 360, 360A, 360C, 400, in which the
Donatists are named forty-five times in sixteen different sermones: ss. 33, 5; 46, 15.28; 71, 4;
88, 25; 138, 910; 162A (Denis 19), 8.12; 174A (Denis 12), 3; 182, 7; 183, 1.910.12; 198 (Dolbeau
26), 45.52; 202, 2; 252, 45; 296, 1415; 313E (Guelf. 28), 2-; 359, 4; 360A (Dolbeau 24), 47.
This is quite different from Augustines reference to the Pelagians, who are only men-
tioned by name in four sermones: ss. 163A, 3; 181, 2.7; 183, 112; 348A, 68, of the ca. fifty
following sermones which are considered to contain anti-Pelagian elements: ss. 26, 30, 71,
72A, 100, 114, 115, 125(?), 125 A, 128, 131, 137, 143, 142(?), 144, 145(?), 151156, 154A, 158, 159,
160(?),163, 163A, 165, 166, 168, 169, 170, 174, 176, 181, 183, 193, 214(?), 250, 260D, 270, 272B,
283(?), 290, 293, 294, 299, 333, 335B, 348A, 351(?), 363, 365(?). See G. Partoens, Le traite-
ment du texte Paulinien dans les sermons 151156, in Sancti Aurelii Augustini. Sermones in
epistolas apostolicas. Sermones CLICLVI. Recensuit G. Partoens, Secundum praefationis
caput conscripsit J. Lssl, ed. by G. Partoens, Turnhout, 2007 (Corpus Christianorum, Series
Latina, 41Ba), pp. LVILXIV, p. LVI (n. 2).
Pentecost 127

similarities, the unity of these six (or seven) sermones is more extensive than
when only certain differences are highlighted, as in Hoonderts case.

3 Conclusion

Our analysis enables us to answer the two research questions with which this
chapter opened. First, grace is present in the Pentecost sermones, but only
prominently so in a minority. Sermones 29, 29A and 29B refer to grace within
the specific objective of these sermones, namely explaining confessio. This is
the grace of the forgiving and assisting God. In sermones 272 and 272A, the
issue of grace is implicitly present as the basis of humility and of the Eucharist,
the themes on which Augustine preached. Sermones 266269 and 271 stress
ecclesial unity, and again grace is implicitly present between the lines: grace as
the heart of baptism and apostolic preaching. In the sermones 270 and 272B,
on the contrary, the issue of grace is dealt with in an overt and explicit way,
very similar to the treatment of grace in the anti-Pelagian writings (although it
has been demonstrated that the theme of digitus Dei is not an anti-Pelagian
topos).
Secondly, although we anticipated perceiving a greater continuity regarding
content in the corpus of sermones 267271 and 272B (and even advocated the
inclusion of sermones 266 and 378), anti-Donatist and anti-Pelagian elements
can be discerned in this group of sermones. The anti-Pelagian influence on ser-
mones 270 and 272B is much stronger than the anti-Donatist thematization in
sermones 267269 and 271. The strongest example of anti-Donatist influence is
sermo 266, which is not considered in Hoonderts study.

4 Addendum I: Localization and Chronology of the Pentecost Sermones

s. 29
Carthage, basilica Tricilarum (Hill, Verbraken, Rebillard, Gryson).
Kunzelmann: Pentecost vigil; Verbraken: vigile de Pentecte. 23 mai 397
(Lambot 19352 et 196132), 25 mai 418 (Lambot 19478); vraisemblablement 397
(Beuron); 25 mai 418 (Perler3); vraisemblablement 26 mai 418 (Zwinggi3); Hill:
419; Rebillard: 397; Gryson: Pentecost vigil (25/05) 418.
See also: Dupont, A., Sermones 29 and 29A on Ps. 117:1 (118:1).

s. 29A
=s. Denis 9.
128 Chapter 2

Carthage (Rebillard). Probably Carthage (Gryson, Verbraken: Lambot0, Perler3,


Zwinggi3).
Verbraken: vraisemblablement vigile de Pentecte [23 mai] 397 (Lambot14,
Perler3, Zwinggi3); Hill: 397 or earlier; Rebillard: 397; Gryson: Pentecost vigil
(23/05) 397.
See also: Dupont, A., Sermones 29 and 29A on Ps. 117:1 (118:1).

s. 29B
=s. Dolbeau 8.
Carthage (Hill, Rebillard, Gryson).
Hill: Pentecost vigil 397; Rebillard: 23/05/397; Hombert: 403408, perhaps 407
408; Gryson: Pentecost vigil, 403/408, same vigil in which Augustine held
s. 266.
H.R. Drobner followed by Franois Dolbeau criticizes Cyrille Lambots dat-
ing of s. 29B, as belonging to a group of sermons held shortly after Augustines
ordination as bishop, between May and August 397. Drobner concludes: Es
handelt sich daher m.E. bei der vorliegenden Predigt zur Pfingstvigil um ein
Sptwerk Augustins, ohne weiteres des Jahres 418, die in der Tat weniger origi-
nell ist, wie Franois Dolbeau urteilt, weil sie zum grten Teil aus Gedanken
besteht, die Augustinus bereits mehrfach an anderer Stelle geuert hat.
Dolbeau, F., Sermons indits de S. Augustin dans un manuscrit de Mayence
(Stadtbibliothek, I, 9), Revue des tudes Augustiniennes 36 (1990) 355359.
Drobner, H.R., Augustinus, Sermo in vigilia pentecostes aus den in Mainz
neuentdeckten Predigten. Datierung und deutsche bersetzung, Theologie und
Glaube 83 (1993) 446454, p. 448. Lambot, C., Un ieiunium quinquagesimae en
Afrique au IVe s. et date de quelques sermons de S. Augustin, Revue bndictine
47 (1935) 114124, esp. pp. 118119: situating s. 29 in 397. Cf. Klckener, M., Die
Bedeutung der neu entdeckten Augustinus-Predigten (Sermones Dolbeau) fr die
liturgiegeschichtliche Forschung, Madec, G. (d.), Augustin prdicateur (395
411). Actes du Colloque international de Chantilly (56 septembre 1996) (Collection
des tudes Augustiniennes, Srie Antiquit; 159), Paris 1998, 129170, p. 141.

s. 266
Carthage (Verbraken, Gryson).
Kunzelmann: Pentecost vigil 403/408; Verbraken: vigile de Pentecte. Avant
405 (Monceaux); 28 mai 410 (Kunzelmann); aprs le 22 mai (De Bruyne1); 23
mai 397 (Lambot2, Perler3); 410 ou 397? (Beuron); vraisemblablement 23 mai
397 (Zwinggi3); Hill: Pentecost vigil 397; Rebillard: Pentecost vigil 23/05/397;
Hombert: 403408; Gryson: Pentecost vigil; Mechlinsky: 405.
Mechlinsky, L., Der modus proferendi in Augustins sermones ad populum
(Studien zur Geschichte und Kultur des Altertums, Neue Folge; Reihe 1. Band
Pentecost 129

23), Ferdinand Schningh, Paderborn/Mnchen/Wien/Zrich 2004, pp. 9397;


pp. 256257.

s. 267
Kunzelmann: Pentecost 02/06/412; Verbraken: jour de Pentecte. Dimanche 2
juin 412 (Kunzelmann); 412 (Beuron); Hill: Pentecost 412; Rebillard: Pentecost
412; Gryson: Pentecost 412.

s. 268
Kunzelmann: Pentecost 405410; Verbraken: jour de Pentecte. Avant 405
(Monceaux); 405410 (Kunzelmann, Beuron); Hill: Pentecost 405; Rebillard:
Pentecost 405411; Gryson: Pentecost 405410.

s. 269
Carthage? (Verbraken: Perler3, Hill, Rebillard, Gryson).
Kunzelmann: Pentecost 14/06/411; Verbraken: jour de Pentecte. Avant 405
(Monceaux); dimanche 14 mai 411 (Kunzelmann); sans doute 411 (Mohrmann2);
dimanche 14 mai 411 (la Bonnardire9, Perler3); 411 (Beuron); Hill: Pentecost
411; Rebillard: Pentecost 411; Gryson: Pentecost 405/410.

s. 270
Kunzelmann: Pentecost ca. 416; Verbraken: jour de Pentecte. Vers 416
(Kunzelmann, Beuron); 416? (la Bonnardire20); Hill: Pentecost 416; Rebillard:
Pentecost 416?; Gryson: Pentecost 416?

s. 271
Kunzelmann: Pentecost 393405; Verbraken: jour de Pentecte. Avant 405
(Monceaux); 393405 (Kunzelmann, Beuron); Hill: Pentecost 399; Rebillard:
Pentecost 393405; Gryson: Pentecost 393405.

s. 272
Hippo (Hill).
Kunzelmann: Easter 405411; Verbraken: jour de Pentecte (Mauristes);
jour de Pques (Wilmart3); jour de Pques 405411 (Kunzelmann); vigile
de Pentecte (Mohrmann2); jour de Pques (Lambot26), jour de Pques ou de
Pentecte (Perler2); jour de Pques (Poque2); 405411 (Beuron); jour de Pques
(Schnitzler, Zwinggi5); 405411 (Bori); Hill: Pentecost 408; Rebillard: Pentecost
405411; Gryson: Easter 405411.

s. 272A
=s. fragmenta a P.-P. Verbraken edita 38.
130 Chapter 2

Verbraken: jour de Pentecte; Hill: Pentecost; Rebillard: Pentecost; Gryson:


Pentecost.

s. 272B
=s. Mai 158.
Hippo, memoria Theogenis (Verbraken, Hill).
Verbraken: jour de Pentecte. Dimanche 10 juin 417 (Kunzelmann); vraisem-
blablement laprs-midi (Perler2); 10 juin 417, le matin (la Bonnardire7); en 417
(Beuron); le matin (Zwinggi6); 417 (Bori); Hill: Pentecost 417; Rebillard:
Pentecost 10/06/417; Gryson: Pentecost around 413415.
Sermo 272B (=Sermo Mai 158) is traditionally dated as June 10, 417 (Kunzelmann,
Verbraken). Kunzelmann argues that on the basis of the opposition between
lex and gratia, the sermon should be situated during the Pelagian controversy,
in 417. Dolbeau asserts that there is nothing that justifies the specification
of 417, while he accepts the context of the Pelagian controversy. He argues
for an earlier date in this controversy, indicating that Augustines use of Rom.
7:24 (which according to this sermon still refers to the man who is under the
law and not to Paul), and the parallel use of Rom. 5:5, 13:10; Luc. 11:20; II Cor. 3:3
with De spiritu et littera (16, 2826, 46) of 412 to date the sermon around 412
415. He also suspects the sermon was held during the afternoon of the Sunday
of Pentecost, independent of a liturgical celebration, since he finds no refer-
ences to a gospel reading. Because of the complexity of the treatment of the
topic, Dolbeau suspects a limited and learned audience and thinks it to have
been a conference or spiritual talk rather than an actual sermon. Dolbeau, F.,
Finale indite dun sermon dAugustin (S. Mai 158), extraite dun homliaire
dOlomouc, Revue des tudes Augustiniennes 44 (1998) 181203, pp. 190192.
(Reprinted in: Dolbeau, F., Augustin et la prdication en Afrique. Recherches sur
divers sermons authentiques, apocryphes ou anonymes, Collection des tudes
Augustiniennes, Srie Antiquit; 179), Institut dtudes Augustiniennes, Paris
2005, 241267.)

s. 378
Verbraken : jour de Pentecte, authenticite : douteuse (Mauristes), affirme
(Wilmart3, Morin), accepte (Lambot0, la Bonnardire1, Perler3, Bouhot); Hill:
Pentecost 420; Rebillard: Pentecost; Gryson: authentic, but can not be dated.

Bibliography of chronology of the sermones studies: Gryson, R., Fischer, B.,


Frede, H.J., Rpertoire gnral des auteurs ecclsiastiques Latins de lAntiquit et
du Haut moyen ge, 5e dition mise jour du Verzeichnis der Sigel fr
Kirchenschriftsteller (Vetus Latina, Die Reste der altlateinischen Bibel; 1/1),
Pentecost 131

Herder, Freiburg 2007. Hombert, P.-M., Nouvelles recherches de chronologie


augustinienne (Collection des tudes Augustiniennes, Srie Antiquit; 163),
Institut dtudes Augustiniennes, Paris 2000. Kunzelmann, A., Die Chronologie
der Sermones des Hl. Augustinus, in: Miscellanea Agostiniana 2: Studi Agostiniani,
Tipografia Poliglotta Vaticana, Roma 1931, 417520. Rebillard, ., Sermones,
Fitzgerald, A.D. (ed.), Augustine through the Ages. An Encyclopedia, William B.
Eerdmans Publishing Company, Grand Rapids/Cambridge 1999, 773792.
Rotelle, J.E. (ed.), Hill, E. (trans., notes), Sermons II (2050), On the Old Testament,
(The Works of Saint Augustine, A translation for the 21st Century; III/2), New
City Press, Brooklyn/New York 1990. Rotelle, J.E. (ed.), Hill, E. (trans., notes),
Sermons III/10 (341400), On Various Subjects (The Works of Saint Augustine, a
Translation for the 21st Century; III/10), New City Press, Hyde Park/New York
1995. Rotelle, J.E. (ed.), Hill, E. (trans., notes), Sermons III/11, Newly Discovered
Sermons (The Works of Saint Augustine, a Translation for the 21st Century;
III/11), New City Press, Hyde Park/New York 1997. Verbraken, P.-P., tudes cri-
tiques sur les sermons authentiques de saint Augustin (Instrumenta Patristica; 12),
In Abbatia S. Petri/Martinus Nijhoff, Steenbrugis/Hagae Comitis 1976, 53196.
References used by Verbraken: Beuron = Fischer, B., Verzeichnis der Sigel fr
Kirchenschriftsteller (Vetus Latina; 1/1), Herder, Freiburg-im-Breisgau 1963.
Bori, P.C., Chiesa Primitiva. Limmagine della communit delle origini (Atti 2,
4247; 4, 3237) nella storia della Chiesa antica (Testi e Ricerche di Scienze
Religiose; 10), Paideia Editrice Brescia, Brescia 1974. Bouhot, J.-P., Lhomliaire
des Sancti Catholici Patres. Reconstitution de sa forme originale, Revue des
tudes augustiniennes 21 (1975) 145196. De Bruyne1, D., La chronologie de
quelques sermons de saint Augustin, Revue bndictine 43 (1931) 186188. La
Bonnardire1, A.-M., Le verset paulinien Rom. 5, 5, dans luvre de saint Augustin,
in: Augustinus Magister (Collection des tudes Augustiniennes, Srie Antiquit;
2), Vol. 2, tudes augustiniennes, Paris 1954, 657665. La Bonnardire7,
A.-M., Tu es Petrus. La pricope Matth. 16, 1323 dans luvre de saint Augustin,
Irnikon 34 (1961) 451499. La Bonnardire9, A.-M., Les pitres aux Thessa
loniciens, Tite et Philmon (Biblia Augustiniana N.T.), tudes Augustiniennes,
Paris 1964. La Bonnardire20, A.-M., Le livre des Proverbes (Biblia Augustiniana
A.T.), tudes Augustiniennes, Paris 1975. Lambot0=documentation person-
elle laisse par Dom Cyrille Lambot. Lambot2, C., Un ieiunium quinquagesi-
mae en Afrique au IVe sicle et date de quelques sermons de saint Augustin,
Revue bndictine 47 (1935) 114121. Lambot8, C., Collection antique de sermons
de saint Augustin, Revue bndictine 57 (1947) 89108. Lambot14, C., Le cata-
logue de Possidius et la collection carthusienne de sermons de saint Augustin,
Revue bndictine 60 (1950) 37. Lambot26, C., Les sermons de saint Augustin
pour les ftes de Pques, Revue bndictine 79 (1969) 148172. Lambot32,
132 Chapter 2

C., Sancti Aurelii Augustini sermones de Vetere Testamento, id est sermones i-l
secundum ordinem uulgatum insertis etiam nouem sermonibus post Maurinos
repertis. Recensuit C. Lambot (Corpus Christianorum, Series Latina; 41),
Brepols, Turnhout 1961. Mohrmann2, Ch., Sint Augustinus. Preken voor het volk
handelende over de Heilige Schrift en het eigene van de tijd (Monumenta
Christiana; 1), Spectrum, Utrecht 1948. Monceaux, P., Histoire littraire de
lAfrique chrtienne. VII. Saint Augustin et le Donatisme, Leroux, Paris 1923.
Morin, G., Miscellanea Agostiniana 1: Sancti Augustini Sermones post Maurinos
reperti, Tipografia Poliglotta Vaticana, Roma 1930. Perler2, O., La Memoria des
Vingt Martyrs dHippone-la-Royale, Revue des tudes augustiniennes 2 (1956)
435446. Perler3, O., Les voyages de saint Augustin, tudes Augustiniennes,
Paris 1969. Poque2, S., Augustin dHippone. Sermons pour la Pque (Sources
Chrtiennes; 116), Les ditions du Cerf, Paris 1966. Schnitzler, F., Zur Theologie
der Verkndiging in den Predigten des hl. Augustinus. Ein Beitrag zur Theologie
des Wortes, Herder, Freiburg/Basel/Wien 1968. Zwinggi3, A., Der Wortgottesdienst
im Stundengebet, Liturgisches Jahrbuch 20 (1970) 129140. Wilmart3, A., Easter
Sermons of Saint Augustine. General Evidence, The Journal of Theological
Studies 28 (19261927) 113144. Zwinggi5, A., Die Perikopenordnungen der
Osterwoche in Hippo und die Chronologie der Predigten des heiligen Augustinus,
Augustiniana 20 (1970) 534. Zwinggi6, A., Die fortlaufende Schriftlesung im
Gottesdienst bei Augustinus, Archiv fr Liturgiewissenschaft 12 (1970) 85129.

5 Addendum II: Overview of Pentecostes in Augustines Writings

Via cag: used ca. 74 times, mentioned in ca. 61 different places.


De sermone domini in monte 1, 12: Pentecost: fifty days, seven times seven and
a Sunday (the eighth day: the day of the resurrection) added, the day on which
the Holy Spirit is sent by Christ.
De sermone domini in monte 2, 57: Quote permanebo autem Ephesi usque ad
pentecosten (I Cor. 16:8), without elaboration on Pentecost.
Contra epistulam Manichaei quam uocant fundamenti 9, 10: Augustine
answers the Manichean question concerning when the Paraclete came by
quoting Act. 1:18, 2:113: the Holy Spirit as promised by Christ came on
Pentecost, as is testified in the Acts of the Apostles, which have the same
authority as the gospel.
De agone christiano 30: Against heresies that claim that the Paraclete came
in the person of Paul, Montanus, Priscilla or Mani. The Holy Spirit came on the
tenth day after Ascension, on Pentecost, on the apostles as is described in Act.
2:111.
Pentecost 133

De doctrina christiana 2, 25: Understanding of metaphorical signs, as for


example the numbers forty (requirement of forty days of fasting, as Moses,
Elijah and Christ: four (indicating the daily and yearly cycles) times ten (knowl-
edge of the Creator and the creature) and fifty (feast of Pentecost). Moreover,
three (three ages: before the law, under the law, under grace) times fifty
(Pentecost) and three (Trinity) is one hundred and fifty three, the number of
fishes (cf. Ioh. 21:11), which symbolizes the purified Church.
Contra Faustum Manicheum 22, 87: Pentecost, according to Tobit 2:1 (feast of
seven weeks), is celebrated on the fiftieth day: seven times seven (seven signi-
fies the Holy Spirit, who came down on Pentecost) and added one (signifying
unity, cf. Eph. 4:23). By this sevenfold gift of the Spirit, the Church became the
everlasting fountain (cf. Cant. 4:5; Ioh. 4:1314).
Contra Faustum Manicheum 32, 3: Faustus argues that Catholics accept the
Old Testament, but not the precepts of the Old Testament: they observe the
feast of Pentecost, but not the offerings and sacrifices that accompany this
feast.
Contra Faustum Manicheum 32, 12: cf. supra: Chapter 2.
Contra Faustum Manicheum 32, 15: Augustine indicates that the Manicheans
refuse to accept that the Paraclete is sent to the apostles at Pentecost as is writ-
ten in Acts. They received Him and spoke every language, prefiguring that the
Church would contain all languages, i.e. all nations.
Contra Felicem Manicheum 1, 45: Augustine answers Felixs question, to
prove that Christ sent the Holy Spirit as promised in the gospel of Ioh. (Ioh.
16:13), by quoting Act. 1:126 and 2:111: Christ sent the Holy Spirit on Pentecost.
De trinitate 1, 7: Unity of Father, Son and Holy Spirit, who operate differently.
Not the Son or the Father, but the Spirit alone came down on the day of
Pentecost.
De trinitate 2, 10: Quote of Acts 2:2. Remaining invisible equal to Father
and Son the Spirit was sent in a created guise, as a dove (Matth. 3:16),
sound as a violent gust and tongues as of fire on Pentecost (Act. 2:2).
De trinitate 3, 27: The Son in his incarnate form and the Spirit as dove or as
tongues of fire and a sound on Pentecost: what appeared to the bodily senses
of mortals was not the substance of Son or Spirit.
De trinitate 15, 46: Christ gave the Spirit twice, on earth (before Ascension)
and from heaven (on Pentecost, ten days after Ascension), because according
to the charity given by this Spirit, God (in heaven) and the neighbour (on
earth) are to be loved the two commandments on which the whole law and
the prophets depend. The Spirit is given twice, but it is the same Spirit. Not the
disciples, nor the bishops, can give the Spirit (they pray that He might come
upon those on whom they lay their hands), but only God can. This was what
134 Chapter 2

Simon did not understand (Act. 8:18). Christ himself received this Spirit as man
at his baptism, and as God He gives this Spirit.
De consensu euangelistarum 3, 4: Two gifts of the Holy Spirit: those who
already received the Spirit after the resurrection in Ioh. 20:22 obtain at
Pentecost a fuller gift of the same Spirit.
Contra litteras Petiliani 2, 76: Two gifts of the Holy Spirit: the same Spirit is
given by Christ after his Resurrection before his Ascension (Ioh. 20:22) and on
Pentecost (Act. 1:5).
Ad Cresconium grammaticum partis Donati 2, 17: Only after his glorification
(Ioh. 7:39) could Christ send the Spirit on Pentecost (Act. 1:5). As a signum, the
Spirit gave the disciples the ability to speak the languages of all peoples,
expressing that the Church would include all nations and that nobody receives
the Spirit outside this ecclesial unity.
Ad Cresconium grammaticum partis Donati 4, 64: From Jerusalem all the
nations of the universal world are evangelized. In Jerusalem Christ suffered,
was resurrected, ascended to heaven and from there he filled 120 men with the
Holy Spirit on the day of Pentecost.
Quaestionum libri septem=Quaestiones in Heptateuchum 5, 25: seven weeks
between the Jewish sacrifice of the lamb and the giving of the law on the
Mount Sinai (seven times seven equals forty-nine), with one day added
(symbol of unity): the fiftieth day of Christian Pentecost.
Ad catholicos fratres 29: The testimony of the apostles regarding Pentecost:
quote of Act. 1:815, 2:114, 2:3741. The apostles, speaking all languages, after
having received the Holy Spirit, announce that the Church will expand to all
nations.
Speculum 31: Quote permanebo autem Ephesi usque ad pentecosten (I Cor
16:8), without elaboration on Pentecost.
De praedestinatione sanctorum liber ad Prosperum et Hilarium 40: Quote
permanebo autem Ephesi usque ad pentecosten (I Cor 16:8), without elabora-
tion on Pentecost.
Epistula 36, 18: A sacrifice of praise (Ps. 50:14) does not signify fasting, since
on certain days fasting is not practiced, but the Church offers every day a sacri-
fice of praise, otherwise the fifty days between Easter and Pentecost, during
which one does not fast, would be without any sacrifice of praise.
Epistula 55, 2832: cf. supra: Chapter 2.
Epistula 199, 23: On Pentecost Christ sent the Spirit He promised. That the
disciples were speaking in languages they had not learnt, did lead some to sus-
pect that they were drunk, which was denied by Peter (Act. 2:1517).
Epistula 265, 23: When Peter denied Christ, he had not yet received the
Holy Spirit, which was given by the Lord after his resurrection (Ioh. 20:22) and
Pentecost 135

on Pentecost. He was already baptized, but not by the Holy Spirit (Act. 1:5).
(Cornelius and his household were baptized after having received the Spirit.)
Epistula 268, 2: Augustine mentions that he preached to his community on
the feast of Pentecost.
In Iohannis euangelium tractatus 6, 3: Christ, when He sent the Holy Spirit,
revealed the Spirit visibly in two ways as a dove (coming down on the Lord at
his baptism) and as fire (on the disciples on Pentecost, as promised, after Christs
ascension) as signs of simplicity, unity and fervour. The different tongues,
however, do not signify schism in the way that the dove expresses unity.
In Iohannis euangelium tractatus 6, 18: Pentecost is mentioned as one of the
events described in the book of the Acts of the Apostles; also mentioned is that
the people of Samaria are baptized by Philip and that afterwards Peter and
John laid hands on them so that they received the Holy Spirit.
In Iohannis euangelium tractatus 32, 67: Christ waited to give his Spirit
until after he had been glorified first, after the glorification of his resurrec-
tion, and second, on Pentecost after the glorification of his ascension. The
Spirit is also received today, though nobody speaks all languages, since now the
Church contains all languages (and of this body of Christ all the baptized are
members). Augustine stresses the unity of the Church.
In Iohannis euangelium tractatus 92, 1: Comment on Ioh. 15:2627: on the
coming of the Paraclete, who will testify. On Pentecost the Holy Spirit came
down to 120 disciples, who through their testimony converted Jews, who at that
moment received forgiveness for spilling the blood of Christ.
In epistulam Iohannis ad Parthos 6, 11: The disciples were already baptized,
but only received the Spirit on Pentecost, after Christs glorification. Schismatics
and heretics cannot have this Spirit.
Enarratio in Psalmum 45:8: Ps. 45:5 refers to the river of the Holy Spirit. After
the Lord was glorified in his resurrection and ascension, He sent the Holy
Spirit, who filled the believers, making them speak in tongues, and they began
to preach the gospel to the Gentiles.
Enarratio in Psalmum 90, 2, 8: cf. supra: Chapter 2.
Enarratio in Psalmum 132, 2: The Holy Spirit was sent by Christ as promised,
after his ascension, to 120 disciples gathered in one place (Act. 1:15, 2:14).
Augustine stresses unity.
Enarratio in Psalmum 138, 8: Christ sent the Holy Spirit to the disciples,
enabling them to speak in all tongues, converting the Jews who crucified Christ.
Sermo 8, 17: cf. supra: Chapter 2.
Sermo 29: cf. supra: Chapter 2.
Sermo 71, 19: On blasphemy against the Spirit. The disciples were baptized
by the Holy Spirit on Pentecost (Act. 1:5, 2:3). This gift of the Holy Spirit is
136 Chapter 2

forgiveness of sins and charity. The Holy Spirit gathers the people of God
in unity.
Sermo 227: On Easter, to the infantes, on the sacraments of Eucharist and
baptism. The Eucharistic cup and bread express unity. This bread is baked by
the fire of the Holy Spirit, which comes at Pentecost and breathes into the
faithful the charity that sets them on fire for God and that burns up their love
for the world.
Sermo 228, 1: On Easter, to the infantes, on the sacraments of Eucharist and
baptism. The period after Easter until Pentecost (when the Holy Spirit is sent
as promised) is a period of feast days, during which alleluia is sung.
Sermo 259, 2: Sunday after Easter. Pentecost, on the fiftieth day: seven times
seven (seventh day) and one added (the eighth day is at the same time the first
day: going back to the beginning) or forty and ten added. Three times fifty and
three added (three as indicating Trinity) is one hundred fifty-three, the num-
ber of fishes indicating the Church.
Sermo 265, 89: On the feast of Ascension. Christ is glorified two times (res-
urrection and ascension) and gives the Spirit two times (Ioh. 20:22; Act. 1:8)
after this double glorification (Ioh. 7:39). The second gift of the Spirit was on
Pentecost. The one Spirit (one charity) was given twice to imprint the two
commandments of charity: love for God (second gift of the Spirit, from heaven)
and love for neighbour (first gift of the Spirit, on earth) (Matth. 22:3740).
Sermo 266, 2: cf. supra: Chapter 2.
Sermo 270, 6: cf. supra: Chapter 2.
Sermo 357, 5: Augustine mentions the solemn fast after Pentecost.
Sermo Dolbeau 8=sermo 29B: cf. supra: Chapter 2.
Sermo Mai 26, 2 = sermo 60A: The preaching to the Gentiles began after
Christs passion and resurrection. Christ himself came for the lost sheep of
Israel. The apostles and the hundred twenty on whom the Holy Spirit came at
Pentecost (promised by the Lord, Ioh. 15:26) were Jews. Augustine argues that
there are also Jews among the elect.
Sermo Mai 86, 3=sermo 229I: On the Wednesday after Easter: On Pentecost
the Holy Spirit filled the disciples, causing them to speak in all tongues (one
person speaking all languages indicating that the unity of the Church would
contain all nations). The Jews who killed Jesus were struck to the heart by this
miracle (Act. 2:3741).
Sermo Mai 94, 6=sermo 260C: On the Sunday after Easter: on the mean-
ing of the eighth day, on the meaning of the number eight. Pentecost: after
seven weeks (seven times seven: 49), the eighth day is added, to come to the
number fifty.
Sermo Mai 158, 1-4.6-7=sermo 272B: cf. supra: Chapter 2.
Chapter 3

Martyrs

The martyr cult proved to be very popular in the North Africa of Augustines
time. This chapter will focus on the martyrology that the Doctor Gratiae devel-
oped, and this from a particular angle, namely how he preached about martyrs
in his anti-Donatist and anti-Pelagian sermones ad populum, and the way in
which he linked this theme with grace. The chapter consists of three parts.
First, a summary will be made of Augustines thinking on the martyrs in gen-
eral, which will at the same time provide us with a status quaestionis on the
studies of his martyrology. This first part will also present an analysis of the
martyr theme in the whole corpus of Augustines sermones. The second part
will examine how Augustine dealt with this subject matter in his anti-Donatist
sermones, while the third will do the same for the anti-Pelagian sermones. The
key issue here will be whether Augustine links martyrs with the central topic of
discussion in the anti-Pelagian sermones: grace. Grace was central to the
Pelagian controversy, but the topic of martyrs was not really debated. On the
other hand, martyrology was very much an issue in the Donatist debate, but
the topic of grace does not seem to be central in this controversy. Here, the
question will be how the topic of grace relates to Augustines anti-Donatist
treatment of martyrs.

1 Augustines Thinking and Preaching on Martyrs

Several studies have detailed Augustines martyrology.1 These studies can be


summarized by stating that Augustines view on martyrs was determined by
two main concerns. Firstly, by stressing that martyrs do not exist outside the

1 T.-J. van Bavel, The Cult of the Martyrs in St. Augustine. Theology versus Popular Religion?,
in Martyrium in Multidisciplinary Perspective, Memorial Louis Reekmans, ed. by M. Lamberigts,
P. Van Deun, Leuven, 1995 (Bibliotheca Ephemeridum Theologicarum Lovaniensium, 117),
pp. 351361. M. Pellegrino, Chiesa e martirio in SantAgostino, in Ricerche Patristiche 1, ed. by
M. Pellegrino, Torino, 1982, pp. 597633. M. Pellegrino, Cristo e il martire nel pensiero di
SantAgostino, in Ricerche Patristiche 1, ed. by M. Pellegrino, Torino, 1982, pp. 635668.
V. Saxer, Morts, martyrs, reliques en Afrique chrtienne aux premiers sicles. Les tmoignages de
Tertullien, Cyprien et Augustin la lumire de larchologie africaine, Paris, 1980, pp. 124149;
pp. 170229. F. van der Meer, Augustine the Bishop: the Life and Work of a Father of the Church,
London, 1961, pp. 471497.

koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2014|doi 10.1163/9789004278646_005


138 Chapter 3

Church and that only the true causa (which is to die for Christ) constitutes
genuine martyrship, he sought to respond to the Donatist appropriation of
martyrdom. Donatists sometimes provoked their own death or described the
imperial/legal actions undertaken against them as martyrship. According to
Augustine, the latter is their deserved poena, because the proper causa is lack-
ing to make them real martyrs.2 Secondly, Augustine attempted to direct the
enthusiasm of his flock for the veneration of martyrs to God and to Christ.
Hans von Campenhausen pointed out that Augustine wanted first and fore-
most to prevent the martyr cults replacing the worship of Christ.3 Every study
of Augustines martyrology emphasizes this concern. The confession of Christ
is, according to Augustine, the central element in martyrdom. Augustine con-
siders martyrdom to be an imitation of Christ and a testimony of love for
Christ. Martyrs themselves called for everyone to pray to Christ, and rejected
any personal veneration. They longed for future life with and in Christ. Christ
assists the martyrs and is present within the martyrs.4 Martyrs are friends of
Christ. A unity exists between Christ and the martyrs, a unity so strong that, in
the passion of a martyr, Christ once again suffers and dies. Martyrdom is
repeating the sacrifice of Christ and offering it back to Him. Gods grace makes
men into martyrs; He gives them the capacity to suffer.5 With this Christological
focus, Augustine wanted to prevent the veneration of martyrs from developing
into a type of polytheism. This focus on the giftedness of martyrdom also
clearly illustrates the centrality of grace in his martyrology.6

2 M. Pellegrino, Chiesa e martirio in SantAgostino.


3 H.F. von Campenhausen, Die Idee des Martyriums in der alten Kirche, Gttingen, 1936,
pp. 101106. Martyrs imitate Christ. Augustine however, strongly opposes an interchangeable
identification of Christ and the martyrs, as they are inferior to Christ. Cf. C.R. Moss, The Other
Christs: Imitating Jesus in Ancient Christian Ideologies of Martyrdom, Oxford/New York, 2010.
4 M. Pellegrino, Cristo e il martire nel pensiero di SantAgostino.
5 C. Straw, Martyrdom, in Augustine through the Ages. An Encyclopedia, ed. by A.D. Fitzgerald,
Grand Rapids/Cambridge, 1999, pp. 538542.
6 Scholars tend to distinguish three periods in the evolution of Augustines ideas on the cult of
martyrs. (1) Originally, Augustine was not interested in the subject of martyrdom. Three
factors led him to give consideration to the topic, namely the very popular veneration of the
martyrs; his reaction against Faustus accusation that the Christians simply replaced the
pagan sacrifices and idols with their veneration of martyrs; and the Donatists pride towards
their martyrs. Augustine answers Faustus that Christians seek to imitate the example of the
martyrs; they want to associate themselves with the merits the martyrs possess; they want to
be helped by the intercession of the martyrs; they venerate God and not the martyrs (Contra
Faustum Manicheum 20, 421). (2) Augustine replies to the Donatists that it is not the suffer-
ing in se that makes the martyr, but the suffering for a just cause. (3) From 415 onwards
(the discovery of the relics of Stephen) Augustine accepted the cult of martyrs. Tars van Bavel
Martyrs 139

The presence of the martyr theme has also been extensively studied in
Augustines sermons.7 This is not surprising, since many of his sermons were
delivered on the feast days of martyrs.8 Guy Lapointe observes that, according
to Augustine, a true celebration of the martyrs is imitating their virtuous,

points out that, despite this change in attitude, Augustines concern continued to be the
directing of the faithfuls attention to God and Christ. Augustine was originally convinced
that no miracles took place after the New Testament era. His scepticism regarding contempo-
rary miracles as a result of the intercession of martyrs gave way to an acceptance of those
martyr miracles. The bottom line, however, remains unchanged: Christ is central.
T.J. van Bavel, The Cult of the Martyrs in St. Augustine. J. den Boeft, Martyres sunt, sed
homines fuerunt. Augustine on Martyrdom, in Fructus Centesimus, Mlanges offerts Gerard
J. M. Bartelink loccasion de son soixante-cinquime anniversaire, ed. by A.A.R. Bastiaensen,
A. Hilhorst, C. H . Kneepkens, Steenbrugge/Dordrecht, 1989 (Instrumenta Patristica, 29),
pp. 115124. C.P. Mayer, Attende Stephanum conservum tuum (Serm. 317, 2, 3). Sinn und
Wert der Mrtyrerverehrung nach den Stephanuspredigten Augustins, in Fructus Centesimus,
Mlanges offerts Gerard J. M. Bartelink loccasion de son soixante-cinquime anniversaire,
ed. by A.A.R. Bastiaensen, A. Hilhorst, C.H. Kneepkens, Steenbrugge/Dordrecht, 1989
(Instrumenta Patristica, 29), pp. 217237, pp. 221224. V. Saxer, Morts, martyrs, reliques en
Afrique chrtienne aux premiers sicles, p. 124. C. Straw, Martyrdom. Cf. P. de Vooght,
La notion philosophique du miracle chez saint Augustin, Recherches de Thologie Ancienne
et Mdivale, 10 (1938), pp. 317343. P. de Vooght, La thologie du miracle selon saint
Augustin, Recherches de Thologie Ancienne et Mdivale, 11 (1939), pp. 197222. S. Lancel,
La tardive acceptation du miracle, in Saint Augustin, ed. by S. Lancel, Paris, 1999,
pp. 648658.
7 J. den Boeft, Martyres sunt, sed homines fuerunt. A. Dupont, Imitatio Christi, Imitatio
Stephani. Augustines Thinking on Martyrdom. The Case Study of Augustines Sermons on
the Protomartyr Stephanus, Augustiniana, 56/1-2 (2006), pp. 2961. A. Dupont, Augustines
Anti-Pelagian Interpretation of Two Martyr Sermons. Sermones 299 and 335B on the
Unnaturalness of Human Death, in Martyrdom and Persecution in Late Antique Christianity
(100700 ad). Essays in Honour of Boudewijn Dehandschutter on the Occasion of His Retirement
as Professor of Greek and Oriental Patrology at the Faculty of Theology of the K.U. Leuven, ed. by
J. Leemans, Leuven, 2010 (Bibliotheca Ephemeridum Theologicarum Lovaniensium, 241),
pp. 87102. A.-M. La Bonnardire, Les Enarrationes in Psalmos prches par saint Augustin
loccasion de ftes de martyrs, Recherches Augustiniennes, 7 (1971), pp. 73103. C. Lambot,
Les sermons de saint Augustin pour les ftes des martyrs, Analecta Bollandiana, 67 (1949),
pp. 249266. G. Lapointe, La clbration des martyrs. C. Mayer, Attende Stephanum conser-
vum tuum.
8 For an overview of Augustines roughly 100 sermones on saints and martyrs, with their possi-
ble dates and places of predication, see: G. Lapointe, La clbration des martyrs, pp. 7376.
During the liturgy of martyrs, their acts were read out. This tradition was permitted in the
liturgy by the councils of Hippo (8 October 393) and of Carthage (August 397). The responso-
rium was often selected in accordance with a theme from the passio. The first reading was
often I Ioh. 3:16 or II Tim. 3:12, and the gospel reading, Matth. 5, or 10, or 19.
140 Chapter 3

concrete example of a life aimed solely at attaining moral happiness and eter-
nal life (which holds the temporary, the earthly, and the visible in contempt).
The martyrs are exempla because they followed the supreme exemplum, the
passion of Christ. Christ is thus imitated by imitating the martyrs. Augustine
also considers the intercession made by the martyrs to be intrinsically bound
up with the idea of the imitation of the martyrs, for they pray that their exam-
ple will be followed. Lapointe concludes that Augustines martyr theology, as
propounded in his sermons, is based upon a threefold principle. First, martyrs
are celebrated, but only God is worshipped. Martyrs identify themselves with
God, to the degree that praising martyrs is the same as praising God. Since
martyrdom is the work of God, tribute to the martyrs is tribute to God. Second,
Augustine emphasizes the Christocentric dimension of martyrdom. Christ is
the caput et princeps martyrum. He not only gave the martyrs an exemplary
model through his own passion, but He also continually assists the martyrs in
their sufferings. He provides them with sufficient strength to be able to endure
their passion. Third, Augustine perceives an ecclesiological dimension in mar-
tyrdom. Martyrs are the building blocks of the Church; they are the seed of the
Church.9 Jan den Boeft presents an overview of the recurring themes in
Augustines martyr sermons: a call to imitate the martyrs; the contemplation of
their suffering, death, and glorious crown; the emphasis that genuine martyr-
dom only results from love and that it is not based on human decisions, but is
made possible through divine grace and Christs co-suffering in the passion of
the martyrs; and the reflection that martyrdom is a testimony of truth, faith,
and eternal life.10
Augustines sermones ad populum emphasize that not the poena but the
correct causa determines genuine martyrdom: to die for the truth, for Christ.11

M. Margoni-Kgler deepens, elaborates and critically evaluates the previous research of


G. Willis, G. Lapointe and V. Saxer in this regard by listing possible lectures (First Reading,
Psalm, Gospel/Acta/Passio) for each celebration of a specific saint/martyr (and the
sermones in which this happens) and subsequently substantiating the information given in
this list with extensive notes. M. Margoni-Kgler, Die Perikopen im Gottesdienst bei
Augustinus, pp. 143170. Cf. B. de Gaiffier, La lecture des Actes des martyrs dans la prire
liturgique en occident, Analecta Bollandiana, 72 (1954), pp. 134166. A.-M. La Bonnardire,
Les Enarrationes in Psalmos, pp. 98104. G. Lapointe, La clbration des martyrs, pp. 104
112. V. Saxer, Morts, martyrs, reliques, pp. 200229. G.C. Willis, St. Augustines Lectionary.
9 G. Lapointe, La clbration des martyrs.
10 J. den Boeft, Martyres sunt, sed homines fuerunt.
11 ss. 53A, 13; 94A, 14; 128, 3; 138, 3; 169, 15; 275, 1; 285, 2; 299F, 34; 300, 5; 304, 1; 306, 2.10;
306A, 1; 311, 12; 313B, 2; 313E, 5; 319, 1; 325, 1; 327, 12; 328, 2.7; 331, 2; 335, 2; 335A, 1; 335C,
5.12; 335G, 2; 380, 8; 359B, 17.
Martyrs 141

The preacher describes martyrs as the building blocks of the Church, the seed
and grain of the Church.12 Martyrs are not afraid of physical threats; they pre-
fer the eternal to the temporary, they chose for inner wealth, and they gain
(eternal) life by surrendering life (in their physical death).13 Martyrs are
strengthened by God. He gives them the confidence and the courage to endure
the pain, the patience and the endurance to suffer, the capacity to fight against
the devil, the faith and the wisdom to withstand their persecutors.14 Christ
shares in the martyrs suffering,15 and gave them Himself as example.16 The
martyrs should not be venerated, but rather God should, because He made
their martyrship possible. This, according to Augustine, is advocated by the
martyrs themselves.17 There is only one way to pay homage to the martyrs: by
thanking God for them and by imitating their virtues, by fighting against sin
and temptation (as the martyrs had to fight against their persecutors), and to
give preference to the Creator above the creature.18 Augustines sermons on

12 ss. 116, 7; 286, 3; 305, 1; 306C, 1; 306D, 1; 313G, 3; 329, 1; 335A, 2; 335E, 2.
13 ss. 20B, 10; 36, 11; 62, 14; 64A, 13; 65, 3.7-8; 94A, 34; 159, 1; 174, 2; 273, 12; 277, 13; 280, 45;
283, 3; 286, 1; 297, 3; 299, 8; 299B, 3; 299D, 1.4-5; 299E, 12; 299F, 13; 302, 12; 303, 12; 306,
10; 306C, 1; 306E, 1; 311, 3; 313B, 2; 313C, 1; 318, 2; 319A; 326, 12; 330, 34; 335A, 2; 335C, 4;
335G, 1; 335J, 1; 344, 3; 345, 1; 368, 3; 394.
14 ss. 4, 2; 37, 1; 128, 3; 198, 3; 274, 1; 275, 1; 276, 12; 277A, 2; 280, 4; 281, 1; 283, 2; 284, 13.5-6; 285,
1.4; 286, 1; 299, 3; 299B, 4; 299E, 1; 305A, 2; 313, 3; 313A, 1; 313G, 12; 314, 1; 316, 1; 329, 2; 331, 1;
332, 3; 333, 12; 335E, 2; 335F, 2; 375B, 1; 394.
15 ss. 31, 3; 37, 1.
16 ss. 273, 1; 277A, 2; 398, 9.
17 ss. 198, 12.46-47; 273, 3.7-9; 283, 1; 312, 1; 313, 2; 313A, 5; 318, 1.3; 319, 7; 335H, 2.
18 ss. 4, 3637; 64, 8; 64A, 1; 65A, 9; 96, 4; 159, 1; 159A, 1; 260E, 2; 273, 9; 280, 6; 282, 1; 284, 6; 285,
7; 299A, 1; 299D, 1; 299F, 4; 300, 6; 301A, 7; 302, 1.9; 303, 2; 304, 2; 305A, 12.4-5; 306, 10; 306E,
1.6-7; 311, 1; 315, 10; 318, 3; 325, 12; 328, 7; 335, 2; 335G, 2; 345, 6; 351, 11; 382, 5.
Augustine does not emphasize the martyrs bloody death but rather their moral example,
and he exhorts his audience to imitate their example of authentic Christian life. Today the
martyrs battle continues inwardly: trials are not wanting, the battle and the crown are pre-
pared. Now, the Christian soul is tried; and with Gods help, it conquers and wins a great
victory enclosed in the body, with no one watching. One fights in the heart, and is crowned
in the heart, but by him who sees in the heart (s. 328; cf. s. 335D). Christians can do nothing
better than lead lives of virtue, imitating the martyrs (s. 300, 6). The abnegation of the his-
toric martyrs justifies contemporary asceticism. The martyrs sacrifice is now interpreted
more generally as contempt for the present life and desire for the future resurrection
(s. 335H, 1). Now, temptations are persecutions. The good soldiers of today merit reward,
non saltando, sed orando; non potando, sed jejunando; non rixando, sed tolerando (s. 326, 1).
To die daily means to do charitable works (s. 335C). One can even be a martyr dying in ones
bed (s. 286, 7; s. 335D). Above all, martyrs teach patience and self-sacrifice, to endure all
hard things (s. 335C). C. Straw, Martyrdom, p. 541.
142 Chapter 3

the feast of Saint Stephen, the first martyr, have received extensive attention.19
Augustine states that the authentic way to celebrate a feast of a martyr consists
in considering the specific example the martyr has given us in his passion,
which we are to imitate, believe and fulfil.20 The most strongly emphasized
plea throughout the sermones on Stephen is Augustines exhortation to follow
his example. Stephen gave an example of the struggle we too have to fight in
our hearts,21 against the same temptation to deny Christ.22 The crown, attained
by Stephen and several martyrs after him, is still intact for all who desire it.23
Everyone who longs for that crown has to follow in Stephens footsteps. It is
especially in his love for his enemies that Stephen has to be imitated.24 As a
human, Stephen forgave his enemies, demonstrating that this is an example
that can be imitated.25 Moreover, what Stephen did was a gift from God, and
the grace of that gift is still available.26 This group of sermons illustrates the
fact that Augustine discerns grace in the life of martyrs. Augustine explains for
example that Stephen received the martyrdom as a beneficium from God.27 In
this context, Augustine also observes that martyrs did not achieve martyrdom
through their own powers. Their ability to endure martyrdom is a gift from
God; God gave them the opportunity of martyrdom.28

In this perspective, for Augustine, E. Malones thesis that monasticism is the succesor of
martyrdom can be broadened: all Christians who battle against sin are, according to
Augustine, the imitators and succesors of the martyrs. E.E. Malone, The Monk and the
Martyr: the Monk as the Successor of the Martyr, Washington D.C, 1950 (Catholic University
of America, Studies in Antiquity, 12).
19 A. Dupont, Imitatio Christi, Imitatio Stephani. C. Mayer, Attende Stephanum conser-
vum tuum.
20 s. 317, 1. (Hill: 425, Rebillard: 26/12/425, Gryson: 26/12/425.)
21 s. 315, 10. (Hill: 416/417, Rebillard: 26/12/416-417, Gryson: feast of Stephen, 26/12/416-417.)
22 s. 318, 3. (Hill: 425, Rebillard: 26/12/425, Gryson: 425, arrival of Stephens relics.)
23 s. 314, 2. (Hill: 415425, Rebillard: 26/12 before 425, Gryson: feast of Stephen, 26/12/415/425.)
24 s. 314, 2.
25 s. 315, 34.8.
26 s. 315, 4.8.
The emphasis on the imitation of Stephen clearly demonstrates the moralizing and pas-
toral intentions of Augustines sermons on Stephen. Forgiveness of the enemy seems to be
very important. J. Lafitte, Pardon des offenses et amour des ennemis dans Les Sermones
de Saint Augustin, Anthropotes, 16 (2000), pp. 69103.
27 s. 317, 4.
28 s. 318, 1. Reddiderunt uicem, sed non de suo: ut enim hoc possent, ille donauit; et ut fieret
quod ab ipsis fieri potuit, ille donauit. Ehibendo dignationem, dedit occasionem. pl 38,
col. 438. Cf. s. 319, 1 (Hill: 426, Rebillard: 26/12 not before 425, Gryson: not before 425, feast
of consecration of memoria of Stephen): Donet mihi Dominus pauca dicere salubriter, qui
donauit sancto Stephano tanta dicere fortiter. pl 38, col. 1440.
Martyrs 143

2 Anti-Donatist Sermones ad Populum

About forty sermones ad populum are considered to have an anti-Donatist


intent (ss. 3, 4, 10, 33, 37, 4547, 71, 88, 90, 129, 137, 138, 147A, 159B, 162A, 164,
182, 183, 197, 198, 202, 223, 252, 266, 269, 271, 275, 292, 293A, 295, 313E, 327,
340A, 357359, 359B, 360, 360A, 360C, 400). Recently, Ivonne Tholen has
studied Augustines anti-Donatist homiletic discourses and concluded that
the sermons relating to the Donatist controversy reflect not so much
Augustine as theologian, but the bishop of Hippo as caretaker of souls. His
concern for souls includes the explanation of why a heretical position is
wrong and should be condemned. Augustine is aware of the twofold fear
Donatism could instill in his flock: the fear of losing their salvation and the
fear of being contaminated by the sins of others. The Donatist idea of com-
plete sanctity could be attractive to his community. His communitys fear,
the attraction of Donatism, and Augustines reaction in his sermons deal
with the question of salvation: how can one attain it, who can administer it,
what determines it, can one lose it? His sermons are oriented toward his
community. For this reason, he does not deal with Donatism in an abstract or
historical-critical way, but very concretely: what does a Donatist say and do
(now)? His approach to the Donatists in his sermons is determined by con-
temporary life and the specific questions and concrete fears with which his
audience is struggling.29
Our research confirms that two issues receive priority in Augustines preach-
ing against the Donatists: ecclesiology and harmatology. Firstly, he constantly
repeats that the Catholic Church is universal and not limited to Africa,30 and
that unity (of caritas, pax) is one of the most essential characteristics of
the Church. With this he reproaches the Donatists most of all for destroying
ecclesial unity.31 Secondly, in this earthly church, sinners and saints live
and should live together, as it is a mixtum. Only God can separate the chaff
from the wheat. Sinners have to be tolerated. Moreover, sin is not something

Reddiderunt uicem from s. 318, 1 confirms the mutual character perceived by C. Straw in
Augustines thought concerning martyrdom. The martyrdom is a second movement, an
answer to and a giving back of Christs sacrifice, from the martyrs to Christ who Himself
gave away his life. C. Straw, Martyrdom, p. 538.
29 I. Tholen, Die Donatisten in den Predigten Augustins. Kommunikationslinien des Bishofs von
Hippo mit seinen Predigthrern, Berlin, 2010.
30 ss. 46, 147A, 159B, 162A, 340A, 358, 359, 360A.
31 ss. 3, 33, 37, 47, 88, 90, 137, 138, 147A, 162A, 164, 202, 252, 266, 269, 271, 313E, 340A, 357, 358,
359, 360A, 360C, 400.
Cf. . Lamirande, La situation ecclsiologique des Donatistes daprs saint Augustin,
Ottawa, 1972.
144 Chapter 3

contagious.32 This is the core of his anti-Donatist sermones ad populum,


and he seldom, if ever, seems to refute the Donatist martyr theology in his
sermons.
The anti-Donatist thesis that martyrdom is not constituted by poena but by
the correct causa is not absent in the anti-Donatist sermones, but is at the same
time not prominently present. In the above-mentioned list, this theme is to be
found in five sermones.
In sermo 138, on the feast of the martyr Vincent, on the boni pastoris officium
of Ioh. 10:1116, Augustine preaches that Christ himself is the good shepherd.
Peter, Paul, all the apostles, the martyrs and saints (such as Cyprian) who gave
their life are good shepherds, not only because they shed their blood, but
because they did so on behalf of the flock; they acted not out of pride, but out
of love.33 Martyrdom should arise from the right reasons. Molestiae as such do
not make a martyr, since haeretici also have to suffer such trials. All who have
shed their blood against the flock referring to the Donatists who seek a mar-
tyrs death to seduce Christians to come to their error instead of on their
behalf, are not martyrs, because they do not have caritas.34 All good works
should be done because of caritas, and not for any other reason.
Sermo 275 is preached on the feast of the same martyr Vincent. The preacher
reacts explicitly against the Donatists: not the poena, but the causa makes a
martyr. Scilicet ut uictores non tolerantia faciat, sed iustitia. Quoniam martyres
discernit causa, non poena.35 Mutatis mutandis, many people suffer because of
their vices and not because of their virtues, while the devil is not their persecu-
tor, but their possessor. Augustine adds that it was not Vincent himself who
spoke, but God who spoke through him.36

32 ss. 4, 10, 47, 88, 90, 164, 223, 252, 266. Cf. in this context the Donatist view on baptism: ss.
33, 269, 292.
33 s. 138, 1. (Hill: 411412, Rebillard: 411412, Gryson: wohl im Sommer 411.)
Cf. s. 137 (Hill: 400405, Rebillard: 408411, Hombert: 410420, Gryson: 410420, rather
412416) on Ioh. 10:116: on earth, Christ suffers everything that the members of his body
suffer (s. 137, 2). Those who enter the door (Ioh. 10:116) are the shepherds, are Christ and
all who imitate his passion, understand his humilitas, and admit their own sinfulness and
weakness (s. 137, 4).
Cf. s. 147A, 2 (Denis 12. Hill: 409410, Rebillard: Saterday after Easter, 409410, Gryson:
Saterday after Easter, 409410): The false shepherds led the sheep out of the one flock
(Donatists). There is only one shepherd, the Lord, who paid his blood as price for his flock.
34 s. 138, 2.
35 s. 275, 1. pl 38, col. 1254. (Hill: 411, feast of Vincent, Rebillard: 22/01/410412, Gryson:
22/01/410412.)
36 s. 275, 1.
Martyrs 145

In sermo 359B, Augustine focuses on the topic of obedience, referring to


martyrs, especially to Vincent, as examples of compliance to Gods will. Vincent
was a true martyr because he put Gods commandment above the Emperors
decree to make sacrifices to idols.37 Augustine adds that it is not the emperors
Catholicism that has led to a decrease in the Churchs persecutions.38 Augustine
here refers to the Donatists. During the era of the imperial persecution of
Christians, the devil made false gods, but he now makes false martyrs. Christ,
by his example and teaching, taught that, although it may be necessary for
saints to have to die for the truth, there is only one God to be venerated.39 The
true causa, and not the poena, makes true martyrs and crowns them. The true
cause of martyrdom is iustitia,40 to die for Christ.41 Confessing Christ the bride-
groom also involves confessing his bride, the Church. A true martyr thus recog-
nizes the Church; he sheds his blood in and for the Church.42 While a true
martyr refuses to offer incense to idols, a false martyr the Donatist refuses
to make peace with his brother, the Catholic.43
Sermo 327, delivered on the feast of some martyrs, deals very clearly with the
issue of authentic martyrship. Many people suffer, but not all as a result of the
same causa. Criminals may suffer the same poena as martyrs but not due to
the same cause. Haeretici may also suffer, often by their own hands, and also wish
to be considered martyrs. Non fecit martyrem poena, sed causa.44 Christ and the
two robbers on the cross received the same punishment, but due to a different
cause. Christ did not suffer for his own crimes, but he actually suffered for the
other mens crimes a reality which the good thief accepted.45 Augustine also
adds that God Himself gave to the martyrs all that which pleases Him in them.46

s. 275, 3: God even takes care of the remains of the martyrs, testifying that what dies does
not perish.
37 s. 359B, 14. (Dolbeau 2. Hill: 411, Rebillard: 411/412, Gryson: 411/412.)
38 s. 359B, 15.
39 s. 359B, 16.
40 s. 359B, 17.
41 s. 359B, 18.
42 s. 359B, 19.
43 s. 359B, 20.
Cf. s. 90, 9 (Hill: 411412, Rebillard: 411416, Gryson: 411), a sermon against the Donatists,
on caritas and forgiveness, against their rejection of sinners: Augustine invites his listen-
ers to follow the example of Christ and the martyr Stephen, who forgave their own
persecutors.
44 s. 327, 1. pl 38, col. 1451. (Hill: 405411, Rebillard: 405411, Gryson: 405411.)
45 s. 327, 2.
46 s. 327, 1.
146 Chapter 3

On the feast of Cyprian, Augustine preached sermo 313E, which speaks of


Cyprian to whom the Donatists appealed as an authority in the context of
grace.47 Augustine teaches that Cyprian received a twofold grace from God:
the grace by which he was a good bishop (by holding on to unity) and by which
he was a martyr (by giving an example of confessio).48 God made Cyprian cease
sinning and converted him. As such, Cyprian pleased God through Gods own
gift to him. The Donatists, who falsely boast that Cyprian belongs to them, do
not look at his episcopal office (always directed at unity) and his death as a
martyr (because of the right causa, and not for jumping off a cliff).49 The
Donatists, who themselves seek to bring about their own deaths, do not listen
to the Lord, but to the devil when he tempted Christ to jump off the temple
roof. For this reason they are not bad Christians, but they are simply not
Christians at all, since they listen to the devil and not to Christs reply to the
devil.50 Cyprian, imitating the example of Christ, did not deliberately seek his
death, but accepted it because of the correct causa: the confession of his faith
in Christ. The Donatists actually commit suicide.51

47 s. 313E, 1. (Guelf. 28. Hill: 410, feast of Cyprian, Rebillard: 14 September 410, Gryson: feast of
Cyprian 14/09/395396.)
48 s. 313E, 1.
Itaque numero, quos hoc docuit, eminuit beatus Cyprianus: sic uiuens tamquam sciens se
moriturum, et sic moriens tamquam certum habens resurrecturum; gemina gratia commen-
datus Deo, ea utique gratia, quam sumpsit ab illo cui placuit. Placuit autem illi ex dono eius:
quod enim ad ipsum attinebat, unde displiceret habebat, non unde placeret; sed quemadmo-
dum scriptum est, ubi abundauit peccatum, superabundauit gratia [Rom. 5:20]. Ille ipse
ueridicus et uerax martyr seruus Dei, uerax munere Dei, confitetur in scripturis suis, qualis
antea fuisset: non obliuiscitur qualis fuerit, ne ingratus sit ei, per quem talis esse cessauit.
Gemina ergo gratia commendatur Deo, episcopatu et martyrio. Episcopatus eius defendit et
tenuit unitatem; martyrium eius docuit et impleuit confessionem. ma 1, p. 536.
49 s. 313E, 2.
50 s. 313E, 4. Augustine adds that the Donatists opt to jump off cliffs, but not to hang them-
selves, because Judas did the latter. Augustine reacts rhetorically: you refuse to do what
the traitor did, but you listen to his master, the devil.
51 s. 313E, 5. The devil convinced the haeretici to break away, the Donatists to jump, and
Judas to commit treason and suicide.
s. 313E, 6. So then, observe the branch that has been pruned, the martyr Cyprian; observe
the branches that have been cut off, the heretics and Donatists. Why do you people say
you belong to this man, this man who bore fruit of peace and unity, who was pruned by
the pruning hook of martyrdom, to obtain the crown of eternal salvation? Why do
you compare yourselves to this man, heretics and Donatists, cut off from the vine by
separation, defiled by your habit of headlong self-destruction? J.E. Rotelle (ed.), E. Hill
(trans. and notes), Sermons III/9 (306-340A), On the Saints, Hyde Park/New York, 1994
(The Works of Saint Augustine, A translation for the 21st Century, III/9), p. 114.
Martyrs 147

There are also some other occurrences of the topic of martyrs in the
anti-Donatist sermones ad populum. The martyrdom of Peter and Paul, for
example, is discussed in sermo 295, and the choice of this subject can only be
considered as slightly in reaction to the Donatists. Opening his sermon,
Augustine says the two apostles died for the truth.52 Peter and Paul were, in
their passiones, tested and trained by Christ.53 In sermo 198, parallel to his
rejection of pagan idolatry (which consists of replacing the Creator with the
created), Augustine explains that the holy martyrs and angels do not them-
selves wish to be venerated, but desire that the One whom they worship
should be venerated, namely God.54 Martyrs should not be glorified instead
of God martyrs themselves despise this for God should be glorified in the
martyrs.55 The examples of Paul, Barnabas and Peter (Act. 14:15, 14:18, 3:1213)
demonstrate that people wanted to venerate them because of the miracles
they performed, but that they strongly rejected this and desired that God be
uplifted instead.56 Mutatis mutandis, the good angel does not wish to be
venerated instead of God (Is. 14:1314).57 Angels and martyrs do not desire
veneration, only that He be acknowledged whom they themselves venerate,
namely God.58 At the memoria of martyrs, there are no sacrifices made to the
martyrs, but only one sacrifice to the Lord, in which the martyrs are also
commemorated, not in or because of themselves, but in and because of the
One who helped them to defeat the devil.59 Sermo 4 is a call to imitate the
example of the martyrs.60 The fight against the temptations of the devil is
parallel to the battle the martyrs had to fight against their persecutors, a fight
which also leads to a corona, as it did for the martyrs.61 Augustine adds that
Peter like all martyrs was prepared to die because the coming of the Spirit
filled him with spiritual confidence.62

52 s. 295, 1. (Hill: 29/06/410, Peter and Paul, Rebillard: 29/06/405411, Hombert: 400410,
Gryson: 29/06/400410, Peter and Paul.)
53 s. 295, 7.
54 s. 198, 46. (Dolbeau 26. Hill: 420425, January 1, Rebillard: , Gryson: 404.)
55 s. 198, 12.
56 s. 198, 13.
57 s. 198, 1416; 4648.
This is precisely the error of the haeretici who desire the exchange of Christs name with
their own (s. 198, 15) and of the Donatists in particular, who perversely replaced Christ
with Donatus (s. 198, 45).
58 s. 198, 46.
59 s. 198, 47.
60 s. 4, 37. (Hill: before 420, Rebillard: 22/01/410419, Gryson: 22/01/403.)
61 s. 4, 36.
62 s. 4, 2.
148 Chapter 3

To conclude, the issue of martyrdom does not seem to have been one of
great importance in those of Augustines sermones situated in the Donatist
controversy. However, whenever it is dealt with, his treatment is identical to
his anti-Donatist writings, stressing the correct causa. While grace is not cen-
tral to the Donatist controversy, it has been observed that what is central to
grace is far from absent: it is Christ and not the human person who through
grace guarantees the perseverance of martyrs.

3 Anti-Pelagian Sermones ad Populum

a An Overview
The following sermones ad populum are considered to have an anti-Pelagian
intent, or are at least situated in the Pelagian controversy: ss. 26, 30, 71, 72A, 100,
114, 115, 125(?), 125 A, 128, 131, 137, 142(?), 143, 144, 145(?), 151156, 154A, 158, 159,
160(?), 163, 163A, 165, 166, 168, 169, 170, 174, 176, 181, 183, 193, 214(?), 250, 260D, 270,
272B, 283(?), 290, 293, 294, 299, 333, 335B, 348A, 351(?), 363, 365(?). Without
discussing the content of the given sermones in detail, we can describe them
nevertheless as a series of anti-Pelagian pamphlets in line with Augustines
anti-Pelagian polemical discourses. The gratia themes characteristic of this
polemic literature are also to be found in these sermones. The fall is the result
of liberum arbitrium, of the uoluptates of humankind, of human superbia. As a
result of peccatum originale, the will became disordered, humanity lost its
capacity to do what is good, and death came into the world. Human nature is
thus sick, uitiata, and human beings are incapable of healing themselves. Only
the sinless Christ medicus can bring about this healing. Having been born out-
side the domain of the uoluptas and the libido carnalis, Christ alone is without
sin. Augustine underlines here that Christ took the punishment due for sin
upon himself when He died on the cross, and not sin itself. Every human being
thus remains sinful in two ways: they have their own personal sin, and they
inherit Adams sin. We all sin in Adam, moreover, and the transmission of this
original sin is brought about in fleshly procreation. It is because of this sin of
Adam that it is necessary to baptize infants. Infant baptism is necessary for
the redemption of children and not only because it grants them access to the
kingdom of heaven, as according to Augustine the Pelagians claimed.
Augustine returns time and again to humility. The faithful are to accept
redemption as a gift of God and should not ascribe it in pride to their own
merits. Augustines primary argument against the Pelagians is that they set
out to establish their own righteousness, refuse to subject themselves to the
righteousness of God, arrogantly insist that a life without sin is possible, and
Martyrs 149

thus deny the power of prayer (post-baptismal, especially the prayer of Matth.
6:1213) and the necessity of grace (baptismal and post-baptismal). Recurring
themes include the necessity of infant baptism on account of original sin, the
need for forgiveness of original sin and our own personal sins by Christ medi-
cus, the sin-disclosing function of the insufficient (and sin-compounding) law,
inner disharmony between the spirit and the flesh (concupiscentia carnalis),
the insufficiency of human free will and the law of Moses, and the relationship
between Adam and Christ.
Despite the fact that martyr theology is not an issue of debate during
the Pelagian controversy, the language used by Augustine, especially in his
sermones, exhibits a number of similarities to his martyrology. He constantly
stresses that (baptized) Christians have to fight against concupiscentia carnis,
and that the capacity to struggle and to triumph is only possible because of
Christs grace,63 that everything one actually achieves is the result of Gods
gifts.64 Salvation is brought about because Christ shed his blood. He is the sac-
rifice for human sin.65 This language and these ideas are similar to those
employed by Augustine to describe martyrdom; however, he very rarely makes
such a link in his anti-Pelagian sermones. Nevertheless, the theme of martyrs is
not absent in this corpus, and there are a number of significant occurrences.
Some sermons deal with the issue of martyrs in passing. Sermo 158, dealing
with the topic of predestination in the larger framework of faith, hope and
love, makes clear that within this earthly life we have to hope, not for a tempo-
rary reward, but for God, since He alone offers true fulfilment.66 This hope
comforts us during our journey. The object hoped for God cannot yet be
seen; otherwise, it would not be hope. The experience and revelation of God

63 Combat (bellum) against concupiscentia carnis: ss. 26, 30, 125, 128, 145, 151, 152, 153, 154,
154A, 155, 156, 163, 163A, 169, 170, 193, 348A, 351, 363.
Victory/corona thanks to Gods grace and Christs assistance, constant need of Gods grace
in this combat: ss. 30, 128, 145, 151, 152, 154, 154A, 155, 156, 153, 163A, 169, 170, 351, 363.
64 All things in man that are good (esp. iustitia), come from God, these are not ones own
merits, but grace: ss. 26, 71, 115, 131, 144, 158, 165, 166, 169, 176, 250, 260D, 270, 348A, 365. God
crowns his own gifts: s. 131.
65 ss. 125, 152, 155, 163, 163A, 214, 294, 348A, 365.
Forgiving sins in baptism is grace, help against the temptation of sin is grace: ss. 71, 72A,
125, 143, 144, 170, 174, 176, 181, 211, 270, 272B, 293, 294, 351, 363. Parallel to his anti-Donatist
harmatology, Augustine preaches in ss. 181, 214, 250, 270, 351 that the Church on earth is
not without sin, and that sinners within the Church should be tolerated.
Augustine urges his listeners to imitate Christ (his forgivingness, humility): ss. 114, 142.
Cf. s. 100, 4: to be imitator sanctorum is freely received grace, not merit.
66 s. 158, 7. (Hill: 417, Rebillard: not before 418, Gryson: around 418.)
150 Chapter 3

was precisely the hope of the martyrs.67 Sermo 159 invites the listeners to love
(amare, delectare) iustitia. Despite the fact that all that is longed for here on
earth in faith will be fulfilled in heaven, a certain degree of perfection can also
be reached in this life. This is what the martyrs did: they fought against sin to
the extent of spilling their blood.68 For this reason, they are perfect lovers of
iustitia.69 Sermo 169, an anti-Pelagian discourse on concupiscentia, puts for-
ward that genuine martyrdom can only proceed from caritas. One needs cari-
tas to partake in Christs suffering, and this caritas can only be given by God.70
Sermo 137, which is sometimes believed to be anti-Donatist, declares that
Christ suffers everything the members of his body suffer.71 As already men-
tioned, when explaining Ioh. 10:116, Augustine asserts that the good pastor
imitates Christs passion.72
Other anti-Pelagian sermons most often linked to the liturgical celebration
of martyrs deal more extensively and more specifically with several aspects of
Augustines martyrology.
Sermo 128, treating the theme of John the Baptist as a witness of Christ
(Ioh. 5:3135) and elaborating on the struggle against concupiscentia carnis,
expresses that martyrs are witnesses of Christ, of the truth. It is Christ who
resides (perhibere) in them and renders them capable of testifying. In them,
Christ gives testimony of Himself. God is God, also without them; they, how-
ever, are nothing without God.73

67 s. 158, 8.
68 s. 159, 1. (Hill: 417, Rebillard: not before 418?, Gryson: 418/420?, Hombert: 418420.)
69 s. 159, 8.
Cf. s. 142, 1314 (Wilmart 11 + Dolbeau 7. Hill: 413417, Rebillard: 404, Gryson: 404/406):
calls to imitate the Lord, urges that everything one does should be done for the Lord
giving ones possessions to the poor, surrendering ones body to fire (I Cor 13:3) with
caritas.
70 s. 169, 15. (Hill: 416, Rebillard: 416, Gryson: September 416.)
71 s. 137, 2. (Hill: 400405, Rebillard: 408411, Gryson: Lent 410/420, rather 412/416, Hombert:
410420.)
72 s. 137, 4.
Cf. s. 137, 9: Some proclaim the gospel out of love, others for external reasons (alios
annuntiare Euangelium per caritatem, alios per occasionem, pl 38, col. 759). In the case of
the latter: their message is real, they themselves however are not, because they are not
seeking for God but for something else.
73 s. 128, 3. (Hill: Saturday 412416, Rebillard: 412416, Gryson: 416.)
Cf. s. 290, 2 (Hill: John the Baptist, 414, Rebillard: 24/06/412416, Gryson: 24/06/412416),
in which Augustine notices that only with John the Baptist and Christ is the anniversary
of both their physical birth and their martyrship celebrated. Other saints are only com-
memorated on the day of their death.
Martyrs 151

Sermo 283, on the feast of the martyrs of Maxula, opens with: Fortitudinem
sanctorum martyrum sic in eorum passione miremur, ut gratiam Dei praedice-
mus. Neque enim et ipsi in seipsis laudari uolunt, sed in illo cui dicitur: in Domino
laudabitur anima mea [Ps. 33:3]. Hoc qui intellegunt, non superbiunt. Cum tre-
more petunt, cum gaudio accipiunt; perseuerant, non amittunt. Quia enim non
superbiunt, mites sunt.74 The martyrs are not to be praised, but rather God is.
The virtue that made it possible for them to tolerate what was perpetrated
against them is patientia. The preacher Augustine lists two sources of sin,
namely uoluptas and dolor. To counter uoluptas, one needs continentia, and to
counter dolor, patientia. The first temptation works by way of promises, the
second by way of threats. God supersedes both, however; He gives the sweetest
good (sweeter than any uoluptas) and also the most severe threat, namely eter-
nal fire.75 Continentia and patientia are both gifts of God and have to be recog-
nized as such (in gratitude). The commandment non concupisces (Rom. 7:7)
forbids uoluptas and the fear for pain. The martyrs did not have this longing for
an earthly, bodily life (uoluptas), but longed for eternal life.76 Without the help
of Deus adiutor, one is nothing,77 and it is precisely this adiutor that the martyr
needed to win. Without this helper, the martyr could not have triumphed.
Perhaps he could have conquered the pain, but not the devil. In this case, he
would have acquired insensitivity to pain, but not patientia. For patientia
comes from the Helper, who provides the martyr with real faith, a good causa,
and patientia for this cause. True patientia is preceeded by a good causa. This
patience of the martyrs encourages us.78 Only the cause of suffering counts
when done with faith and justice. Adulterers, thieves, murderers and haeretici
suffer persecution, but not while striving for a just cause. To tolerate pain due
to a bad cause is not patientia, but duritia. True patientia is a gift of God.79

74 s. 283, 1. (Dolbeau 14. Mainz 45. Hill: 414, Rebillard: 397, Gryson: 22/07/412.) pl 38,
col. 1286.
75 s. 283, 1.
76 s. 283, 3.
77 s. 283, 23.
78 s. 283, 4.
s. 283, 4: Martyrs are Gods soldiers; they also undergo dangers, worries and wounds.
After the hard labour of military service, they are granted their pension. Soldiers, how-
ever, can die in battle, before receiving that pension. Martyrs, on the other hand, do not
lose their reward by dying in battle, but win it. This heavenly reward is eternal and
unchanging rest.
79 s. 283, 6.
Elige causam, ne inaniter sufferas poenam. Et cum elegeris causam, et ipsam Deo com-
menda et dic illi: iudica me, Deus, et discerne causam meam a gente non sancta. Ab illo
152 Chapter 3

Sermo 333, preached on the feast of some martyrs, elaborates on the


theme of martyrs. Christ promised to assist martyrs and prepared their will
for martyrdom. Because the patientia to bear suffering is given to us by
God, we should therefore not ascribe it to ourselves. Martyrs are brave and
strong, but it is Christ who strengthens the human heart.80 Paul admits
that the crown he will receive from God is given to him precisely because
God has always assisted him. God gives us that which makes us capable
of receiving a reward from Him.81 God gave Paul a reward for the good
things He had previously bestowed on the apostle; and because of this gift,
Paul was able to fight the good fight, to end the race, to keep the faith.
When God crowned Pauls merits, He was actually crowning His own
achievements.82
In the anti-Pelagian sermones discussed above, we noticed a substantial
emphasis on grace. Grace is a crucial theme in the Pelagian controversy. The
stress in the martyr sermons on Christs assistance was also noticeable,
however, in the anti-Donatist sermones and should not per se be read as specifi-
cally anti-Pelagian. Sermones 299 and 333B link the topic of martyrdom with
specific aspects of Augustines anti-Pelagian doctrine.

b Sermo 299
Sermo 299 was preached on the feast of the martyrs Peter and Paul.83 At the
outset, Augustine seems to continue to remain with the general gratia dis-
course characteristic of the martyr homilies. The Lord bears the suffering of
the martyrs and thus makes their suffering bearable. The martyrs sacrifice is
thus a repayment of what they have already received from Christ (I Cor. 4:7).
Christ has shed his blood for us. For this reason, we are indebted to Him we
need to offer ourselves as a sacrifice. Christ Himself provided the sacrifices;
He brought them to devote themselves to Him; He filled the martyrs with the

discernitur causa tua, a quo est patientia tua. Veram quippe donat patientiam. Nam pro
causa mala duritia est, non patientia. ab 110 (1992), p. 286.
s. 283, 7: There is a difference between a criminal who does not want to confiteri his crimes
and a believer who under torture confesses Christ.
80 s. 333, 1. (Hill: feast of some martyrs, Rebillard: , Gryson: .)
81 s. 333, 2.
82 s. 333, 5.
Cf. s. 168, 6 (Hill: 416, Rebillard: just before 416, Gryson: around 416) in the context of the
necessity and effectiveness of prayer Augustine declares that Saul was converted to Paul
as a result of the prayers of Stephen while undergoing his martyr death.
83 Hill: 418, feast Peter and Paul, Rebillard: 29/06/418, Gryson: Peter and Paul, 29/06/413,
Hombert: 29/06/413.
Martyrs 153

Spirit; and He gave them strength.84 The appeal to follow the martyrs as exam-
ples is also typical of the genre. Furthermore, believers should follow the
example of the martyrs, despite the fact that in comparison with the number
of believers, martyrs are few and far between: we are not all expected to shed
our blood, pauci martyres, sed multi fideles.85 Every human merit, crowned by
God with the corona iustitiae, was in the first instance bestowed by God (I Cor.
4:7). God has a debt to pay to humanity in the sense that He promised to reward
such merits (which He Himself had given). In other words, God rewards that
which comes from God; God crowns his own gifts (cf. II Tim. 4:68). The Spirit
fills the martyr with strength, uirtus and patientia as a sign of the gift of divine
gratia.86
When Augustine turns his attention to the significance of death, the rela-
tionship between death and human nature, and the role of Adam in this regard,
the gratia of the martyr is given an anti-Pelagian interpretation. He begins by
insisting that death cannot be loved. All living beings shun and fear death.
Death has to be endured, tolerated. Amari mors non potest, tolerari potest.87 If
death is something to be embraced, loved and enjoyed, then the martyrs would
not have been considered great and would not have been praised for their
courage and patience. Augustine argues that Peter and Paul had an aversion to
death, but embraced martyrdom because of a higher ideal. In so doing, he
underlines the fact that only that which comes after death is to be loved.88

84 s. 299, 3.
85 s. 299, 4. pl 38, col. 1369.
86 s. 299, 56, 8.
87 s. 299, 8. pl 38, col. 1373.
88 s. 299, 8. s. 299, 9 refers to II Cor. 5, 4 and I Cor. 15, 5356 as evidence for Pauls aversion to
death.
Based on the example of Peter and Paul, Augustine discusses our natural fear of death in
s. 299, 89. T.J. van Bavel has demonstrated that Augustine considered this natural aver-
sion to death as an integral part of our human weakness. Since the said aversion was not
a sin, it was also possible for Christ who took human infirmitas upon Himself and did
not sin to fear death. Augustine only develops this perspective after 415. Prior to this he
considered fear of death to be a sign of human imperfection rooted in the enormity of
our worldly orientation. Christians, however, must be able to overcome this anxiety.
Christ was thus distressed prior to his death. s. 299, 8 describes this as follows: Hanc nos-
trae infirmitatis naturam in se ipse Dominus transfigurauit, cum passurus ait Patri: Pater, si
fieri potest, transeat a me calix iste [Matth. 26:39]. pl 38, col. 1373. Christ was not dis-
tressed on his own account, but on account of all of those who were unable to conquer
their fear out of weakness. . Rebillard concludes in regard to s. 299: Voil donc un ser-
mon anti-plagien tout entier construit autour du thme de lorigine de la nature de la
mort. Puisque la mort est refuse par la nature humaine, quelle est un mal, elle ne peut
154 Chapter 3

Death is a punishment, mankinds inheritance from Adam, who was the first to
face death as a punishment for his sin (Sir. 25:24; Rom. 5:12).89
Augustine then goes on to explain the difference between culpa and poena:

Ergo in nostra natura et culpa et poena. Deus naturam sine culpa fecit, et
si sine culpa persisteret, nec poena utique sequebatur. Inde uenimus,
inde utrumque traximus, et hinc multa contraximus. In nostra igitur
natura et culpa et poena: in Iesu carne et poena sine culpa, ut et culpa
sanaretur et poena. Alter te, inquit, cinget, et feret quo tu non uis [Ioh.
21:18]. Poena est haec: sed per poenam tenditur ad coronam.90

Augustine insists that death is not a natural reality. Sin is the cause of death
and not vice versa; death is the consequence of sin.91 The Lord puts an end to
the punishment of death through the resurrection. While God could have done
away with death by justifying humanity, He chose nevertheless to leave it
unperturbed as something believers and saints must struggle with (contem-
nere) on account of their faith. God chose to dispense with death for certain
individuals, however, because He so willed it. Enoch and Elijah, for example,
were taken up alive into heaven. Augustine, however, makes it clear that this
did not have anything to do with their personal merits or their iustitia, but with
Gods gratia alone.92

tre quun chtiment, le chtiment du pch originel dont les Plagiens ne peuvent nier
lexistence sans fair mentir lEcriture. . Rebillard, In hora mortis. Evolution de la pastorale
chrtienne de la mort aux IVe et Ve sicles, Rome, 1994 (Bibliothque des coles Franaises
dAthnes et de Rome, 283), pp. 4344 (nn. 9295); p. 55 (n. 18); p. 57 (n. 25); p. 58
(nn. 3536); p. 79 (n. 156). T.-J. van Bavel, Recherches sur la christologie de saint Augustin,
p. 137 (n. 61, n. 63), p. 138 (n. 65).
89 s. 299, 8.
90 s. 299, 8. pl 38, cols. 13731374.
Paul considered his punishment of death to be insignificant because it led to the crown.
The same holds for humanity as a whole. Our journey is difficult, but our destination is
great. Peter was fully aware of his destination and was able to submit to his sufferings with
complete engagement and devotion. He was thus able to endure martyrdom. He did not
love martyrdom; rather, he loved his final goal and willingly endured the journey that
would lead him to it.
91 s. 299, 10. Peccatum aculeus mortis, quo aculeo facta est mors, non quem aculeum fecit
mors: quomodo uenenum poculum mortis, quia facit mortem, non quia fit a morte. pl 38,
col. 1375.
92 s. 299, 10. Dominus ergo in resurrectione finit hanc poenam: mortem autem etiam et fideli-
bus et sanctis relinquit ad luctam. Ad agonem tibi mors dimissa est. Nam poterat Deus ius-
tificato tibi auferre mortem, sed dimisit ad certamen, ut esset quod pro fide contemneres.
Martyrs 155

c Sermo 335B
Sermo 335B is a martyr homily, delivered during the liturgy of unidentified
martyrs.93 The sermon opens with the classic theme of the martyrs willing-
ness to accept even their own death shedding their blood in their struggle
against sin. They underwent death because of the truth, and in dying they dis-
covered life. Augustine relates this to his anti-Pelagian discourse on death as a
consequence of sin. He points out that the martyrs would not have died if the
human person Adam had not sinned. Indeed, if human beings had been
obedient to Gods command, they would never have seen death. Gods threat
of death is directed against sin, but the human person appears to have pre-
ferred the deception of the serpent instead of listening to the warning of the
Creator. Natura ergo ui sua incurrit in mortem: et, quantum in illa est, oblucta-
tur, ne moriatur; sed moritur nolens, quia peccauit uolens.94 People are no

Nam de quibus uoluit, fecit. Enoch translatus est, et Elias translatus est, et uiuunt. Iustitia
ipsorum meruit hoc? An Dei gratia et Dei beneficium et speciale concessum? Vt creator
ostendat in omnibus potestatem, commendauit nobis quid possit. pl 38, col. 1375.
s. 299, 11: Augustine employs the casus of Enoch and Elijah to refute the suggestion that
death is a natural reality and that human beings do not die on account of sin. He reacts
against the argument that Adam would also have died in spite of the fact that he had not
sinned. Fictional adversaries ask in the sermon why Elijah and Enoch did not die if death
is the consequence of sin. According to Augustine, this contention implies that death
must be rooted in human nature, since the said (Pelagian) claim implies that it is not the
consequence of sin. He explains to his opponents that physical death is only rooted in our
natura in the sense that it is a natura uitiata, a nature already condemned to the punish-
ment of death.
s. 299, 12. Cauti et circumspecti simus aduersus nouitates disputationum, humanarum
utique, non diuinarum. pl 38, col. 1376.
The sermon ends with a warning against a certain group of people who remain never-
theless unnamed who are undermining the stability of the faith by calling it into ques-
tion. Adam is dead, but the serpent (the devil) continues to live. The latter persists with
his insinuations and is incessantly on the lookout for companions to share his condemna-
tion. Augustine points out that the followers of the group in question are increasing in
number. He asks his community to be patient and cautious in the face of these new argu-
ments, which are of purely human origin and definitely do not come from God. The fact
that the warning at the end of his sermon remains anonymous might suggest that it
should be located at the beginning of the controversy, at a time when Augustine still
approached his adversaries with a degree of courtesy.
93 s. Guelf. 31. (Hill: 410412, Rebillard: 410412, Gryson: 415420, Hombert: 415420.)
94 s. 335B, 1. ma 1, p. 558.
The serpent is well aware of humanitys aversion to death and makes no effort to convince
humanity that death is not an evil. It succeeds, however, in convincing humanity that it
will not die (Gen. 3:4).
156 Chapter 3

longer born in the state in which they were originally created by God. Rather,
they are born contaminated by the sin of the first transgressor, with both
culpa and poena.95 Augustine thus argues that death does not belong to
(pre-lapsarian) human nature (created by God), but that it is a punishment for
sin, and that every person is born with the guilt of Adam and its associated
punishment. For Augustine, original sin was the hereditary effect of the active
disobedience of man towards God. Sin is therefore original in the sense that it
is derived and transmitted from the origin. But the clarification to be made
with respect to death and its relationship to sin is that it is unoriginal because
it was not present at the origin. Or said otherwise, sin has its origin in the free
will of man; but man has his origin in Gods good creation.
Venit ergo unus contra unum.96 Here Augustine uses I Cor. 15:2122 to intro-
duce a first contrast, namely that between Adam and Christ. Christ came to
counter Adam (uenire contra), which brings Augustine to the difference
between Christ and humanity. Christ did not come in the same way as those
He came to save. He was born of a virgin without libido, conceptus non cupidi-
tate sed fide.97 In order to redeem humankind, He took on something of our
nature, but not all of it. He took the punishment due for our sins upon himself
and set humanity free from both its failure and the associated punishment.98
Augustine then discusses a second contrast, this time between Adam and
the martyrs. With his own words and deeds, Christ encouraged the martyrs
not to fear their own death. The serpent said: if you sin, you will not die.
Christ on the contrary said: if you deny me and even if you do not deny
me you will die, but do not fear those who only kill the body. Before the
fall, Christ said: by sinning you will die. Now, He says (to the martyrs): die,
in order to not sin, and by dying you will receive life. Formerly, the first men
died by listening to the devil. Now, the martyrs conquer the devil by dying on
behalf of the truth. The martyrs died, not because they loved death, but
because they loved eternal life.99 Adam was thus told not to sin in order to
avoid death. The martyrs, on the other hand, were urged to accept death in
order to avoid sin. Indeed, by denying Christ and succumbing to sin, they
would have saved their lives. The first human beings died because they lis-
tened to the devil, while the martyrs (and humanity today) defeat the devil

95 s. 335B, 1: Secuta est mors peccantem: genuit nos, non qualis creatus erat, sed qualis pec-
cando factus fuerat. Nati sumus, de transgressore trahentes culpam et poenam. ma 1, p. 558.
96 s. 335B, 1. ma 1, p. 558.
97 s. 335B, 1. ma 1, p. 558.
98 s. 335B, 1.
99 s. 335B, 2.
Martyrs 157

by dying for the truth. The human person who accepts death can no longer
be made fearful by the devil.100
Augustine insists here that death is far from easy and that it is even unnatu-
ral, thereby intensifying the meritorious character of the martyrs death.
Martyrs refuse to deny Christ eternal life in order to extend their earthly
(and finite) existence.101 Augustine admits that death is difficult and points out
that on the Mount of Olives, Christ himself was distressed (Marc. 14:34)102
when He said to Peter: someone else [] will take you where you do not wish
to go (Ioh. 21:18).103 According to Augustine, it is precisely because the martyrs
loved life that they were willing to endure death.104
The topic of the martyrs death leads Augustine to reflect on his understand-
ing of grace. The martyrs would not have held their earthly existence in disdain
and have accepted physical death on account of the truth had it not been for
the help they received from God. Human beings often run the risk of death, but
not because of their love for God, as was the case with the martyrs. On the
contrary, they do so for the sake of worldly cupiditas, the concupiscentia carnis,
the concupiscentia oculorum, the ambitio saeculi. Augustine rejects this worldly
orientation (I Ioh. 2:1516). At the same time, he notes that salvation does not
come from our fellow human beings (Ps. (145) 146:34), but only from the Lord
(Ps. 3:8 (9)).105 Augustine is convinced that a human being has a natural aver-
sion to death. Martyrs love eternal life and the truth (Christ), and it is for this
reason that they hold their earthly existence in disdain. But they cannot do this
without the help of the one who commands them to despise this life.106
Augustines emphasis on the working of divine grace does not set out to deny
our personal, human efforts. The fact that God helps us through his grace does
not mean that we ourselves do not carry out what He is helping us to do.107

100 s. 335B, 2.
101 s. 335B, 3.
102 See s. 299, 3; 89 for Christs distress prior to his death on the cross.
103 s. 335B, 3.
See s. 299, 78 for Peters fear of his impending death.
104 s. 335B, 4.
105 s. 335B, 4
106 In s. 335B, 34.
107 s. 335B, 5. Responde nunc, et dic mihi: si non fido in me, non ergo ego contemno mortem;
non ego impleo praeceptum, ne Christum negem. Beatus, cuius Deus Iacob adiutor est
[Ps. 145:5]. Tu quidem mortem contemnis: tu credis, et praeceptum imples: tu minas persecu-
torum calcas: tu uitam aeternam ardentissime diligis et desideras. Verum est quia tu: sed
beatus, cuius Deus Iacob adiutor est [Ps. 145:5]. Tolle adiutorem, non inuenio nisi deser-
torem. Desertor Adam, adiutor Christus. ma 1, pp. 561562.
158 Chapter 3

To conclude, martyrology was not at the centre of the Pelagian debate, as is


illustrated by the sermones. However, Augustine seizes the occasion of the
liturgical feasts of martyrs to deliver an anti-Pelagian homily, using the theme
of martyrs to illustrate the priority of Gods all-inclusive grace, particularly in
the struggle against sin. The difference between causa and poena was to be
found explicitly in sermo 283 and implicitly in sermones 299 and 335B. Sermo
299 was delivered during the feast of a martyr at the beginning of the Pelagian
controversy, and Augustine realigns the martyrdom theme to situate it within
an anti-Pelagian discourse. Courageous submission to a martyrs death points
to the unnaturalness of death and our natural aversion to it. Inspired no doubt
by the (anti-Donatist) distinction between causa and poena in relation to true
martyrdom, Augustine establishes a distinction between culpa and poena in
relation to human mortality. Prior to the fall, humanity was free of culpa.
Because of Adams sin, however, this culpa and its ally, death, were passed on
to humanity as a whole in the form of poena. Sermo 335B uses the theme of
martyrdom to engage in an anti-Pelagian discourse on human death. The mar-
tyrs humanity in general are mortal as a (punitive) consequence of the sin
of Adam. Bearing this in mind, Augustine draws attention to the contrast
between Adam and the martyr. The former died because he chose sin, the
latter dies because he refuses sin. The martyrs need for divine grace in this
struggle demonstrates humanitys need for grace in the context of its struggle
against concupiscentia. Augustine concludes by insisting on the basis of
the greatness of the martyrs, who enjoyed enormous respect among his
listeners that our aversion to death is natural, but death itself is unnatural.
The martyrs in this perspective serve as an example and an auctoritas in his
anti-Pelagian analysis of human mortalitas.

s. 335B, 5: At the end of his sermo, Augustine repeats that our (first) death is a consequence
of the sin of the first human being. Parallel to this, he warns that for everyone who sins, this
first (temporary) death which all people must endure will result in a second (permanent)
death. He goes on to argue that physical death is a consequence of the preceding death of the
soul. The death of the soul signifies that people have turned their back on God and their sin
thus leads to (the punishment of) physical death. The soul deserted God of its own free will,
but did not freely desert the flesh. The Lord, by contrast, did not desert the flesh against his
will. He died when He chose to die because He was born when He chose to be born. He died
so that people would no longer be afraid. In our fear of death, we strive to avoid it, giving the
impression that it is avoidable. Augustine advises that we should rather fear what we can in
fact avoid, namely sin. We should not fear death, because we cannot avoid it. He appeals to
the faithful, by way of conclusion, not to rely on their own human capacities (Ier. 17:5) and
urges them to pray that they will not succumb to temptation. We should not put our trust in
ourselves mankind but in the Adiutor.
Martyrs 159

4 General Conclusion

Although Augustine reflected often on the issue of the meaning and the true
cause of martyrdom which he considered to be an expression of divine
grace he does not often specifically mention the topic of grace in the studied
polemical sermones. This seems to be consistent in both the anti-Donatist and
the anti-Pelagian sermones. We also observed that Augustine does not put the
emphasis on the physical death of the martyrs (the martyrs death as such is
not important was a much-repeated anti-Donatist refrain), but on their choice
for eternal life an example which can be imitated by all Christians by fight-
ing, with Gods assistance, against sin and by leading an ethical Christian life.
Another parallel between these two collections of polemical sermones is that
when Augustine preaches on this topic, he most often delivers his sermon dur-
ing the liturgical celebrations of the feasts of martyrs. During the Donatist con-
troversy he seizes these liturgical occasions to explain the difference between
causa and poena, while in the Pelagian controversy he does this to emphasize
that martyrdom is constituted by Gods gratia. The topic of grace is present in
Augustines anti-Donatist homiletic treatment of martyrdom, but in an implicit
way; he stresses instead the causa-poena distinction. While this distinction is
not completely absent in his anti-Pelagian sermones, the emphasis here,
however, is on gratia. Concerning the issue of martyrs and their definition,
one can thus contend that there is a continuity in the anti-Donatist and anti-
Pelagian sermones, and that this continuity can be explained both by the litur-
gical occasion and by their focus on Gods helping grace, implicit in the
anti-Donatist and explicit in the anti-Pelagian sermones.
Chapter 4

Sermones Relating to the Donatist Controversy

As indicated in the introduction of this study, both the sermones ad populum


and the Donatist controversy are frequently neglected in the research of
Augustines thinking on gratia. Most often, the study of Augustines doctrine of
grace is limited to his polemical systematic-dogmatic writings written in
response to the Pelagian controversy. Concisely put, this chapter intends to
ameliorate this negligence by studying the presence and thematization of
grace in his roughly forty sermones with a clear anti-Donatist intent (ss. 3, 4, 10,
33, 37, 4547, 71, 88, 90, 129, 137, 138, 147A, 159B, 162A, 164, 182, 183, 197, 198, 202,
223, 252, 266, 269, 271, 275, 292, 293A, 295, 313E, 327, 340A, 357359, 359B, 360,
360A, 360C, 400).
Augustines involvement in the Donatist controversy (393412) precedes the
Pelagian controversy (412430). Research into the anti-Donatist sermones will
make it possible to determine the extent to which Augustine had already
developed a doctrine of grace in his polemical sermones, prior to the emer-
gence of the Pelagian controversy. This research fills two lacunas. First, the
relationship between divine grace and human freedom in the sermones
preceding the Pelagian controversy has not yet been (extensively) studied.1

1 With the exception of the concise analysis of Pierre-Marie Hombert. P.-M. Hombert,
Augustin, prdicateur de la grce au dbut de son piscopat, in Augustin prdicateur, ed. by
G. Madec, Paris, 1998, pp. 217245.
Homberts article focuses on the presence of the doctrine of grace in Augustines preaching
(sermones, tractatus and especially the enarrationes the examples provided in the present
summary are restricted to the sermones) and its manner of expression in the years 395411.
He asks himself whether there are catechetical-pastoral parallels to be found with Ad
Simplicianum and the Confessiones, in which the main premises of Augustines pre-Pelagian
doctrine of grace are evident. He concludes that, broadly speaking, the doctrine of grace is
present in Augustines preaching between 395 and 412, albeit in summary fashion and in
passing. In contrast to the sermons after 412, however, there is no single homily in this period
that has been devoted in its entirety to the topic. In addition, the references to grace in the
sermons are never theoretical or systematic. In his sermons, Augustine is consistently depen-
dent on and determined by the liturgical scriptural text on which he is offering comment on
grace. This presence is evenly spread throughout the period in question, and does not
become observably more intense after 405, the moment at which Pelagius criticized the Da
quod iubes of the Confessiones in Rome. The content of grace relates in the first instance to
Christ Himself (gratia Christi), as does gratia as the auxilium quotidianum and as the gratia
iustificationis. Significant antitheses are also present: grace-law, grace-nature, grace-merit,

koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2014|doi 10.1163/9789004278646_006


Sermones Relating to the Donatist Controversy 161

Second, while the presence of the theme of grace within the Donatist contro-
versy has been the subject of limited research,2 a thorough analysis of this
theme in the anti-Donatist sermones remains wanting.

Adam-Christ, baptism-concupiscentia, humility-pride, giving-receiving, desire-capacity, and


election-rejection. The Donatist controversy appears to have left its mark on Augustines
early preaching. He accuses the Donatist clergy of behaving as if they owned grace and insists
that the latter belongs to God and God alone. Scripture passages such as Rom. 10:23 and Ier.
17:5, used to counter the Donatists pride, are revisited a few years later as ammunition
against the Pelagians (pp. 218221). Hombert provides an overview of des silences, des brive-
ts, des exgses propres cette priode (pp. 221231). Augustines teaching on the gratuity of
election and on predestination, as developed in Ad Simplicianum, appears, however, not to
have been echoed in his early preaching. While the theme of Jacob and Esau is present in his
sermons, it is not used in relation to the mystery of divine electio. Instead they symbolize the
converted gentes and rejected Israel, or the good and the bad respectively within the one
Church (pp. 221224). The idea that the initium fidei is a grace of God is completely absent in
Augustines early preaching (pp. 224226). Romans 7 is present prior to 412, but the way it is
employed does not in any way anticipate his reflections on it after 417, in s. 30, for example,
or ss. 151154 (pp. 226227). In Ad Simplicianum, Augustine writes about the divine grace that
has a direct influence on our human uoluntas in order to make it good. Augustines homilies
are silent about this divine intervention on the human will, perhaps because it was difficult
to suggest such a thing without appearing to deny free will. Such sensitivity with respect to
free will is typical of the preaching prior to the Pelagian controversy. During the controversy
itself, however, he emphasizes the powerlessness of the human will and our need for Gods
help, an emphasis not found prior to 412 (pp. 227229). The exegesis of a number of biblical
themes such as the profundum crucis, the miraculous catch of fish (153 fishes in total; Ioh.
21:11), and the outpouring of the Holy Spirit into the hearts of the faithful (Rom. 5:5) is given
a specific anti-Pelagian significance after 412 that it did not enjoy prior to that point.
According to Hombert (pp. 231242), similarities between pre- and post-412 gratia preaching
outweigh the differences: La prdication augustinienne antrieure 412 atteste en effet
amplement une riche et importante doctrine de la grce. Si riche et parfois si vigoureuse
dans ses formulations quon serait mme tent de la qualifier d antiplagienne. Mais
tort, car il ne sagit l que des convictions profondes dAugustin. (p. 231.) Hombert observes
that there appears to be no discernible evolution in Augustines thought on the gratuity of
grace (gratia gratis data). This was an element of Augustines conviction from the outset and
is to be found unchanged semper et ubique throughout his writings, including pre-412 and
beyond Ad Simplicianum. Indeed, the continuity of his doctrine of grace is best demon-
strated on the basis of his preaching on its gratuitous character. According to Augustine
before, during and after the Pelagian controversy the underlying reason for this gratuity is
the sinfulness of the human person who deserves to be condemned, and nothing more
(pp. 231234). Along similar lines, the theme of God rewarding his own gifts and not human
merit is prominently present in the early sermons, including ss. 32, 12; 62, 8; Dolbeau 4, 6;
Denis 24, 5 (pp. 234236). The idea that human persons do what is good because God realizes
this within them is also attested prior to 412 (e.g. in s. Frangipane 5, 6; pp. 236238).
162 Chapter 4

In general, scholars have tended to study the presence of gratia in the


Donatist controversy in relation to the topics traditionally associated with
this controversy: ecclesiology, sacramentology and the theology of martyr-
dom.3 Our hypothesis is that while the concept of gratia is not central to the
Donatist controversy, the idea of grace is far from absent: it is Christ and not
the human person who guarantees ecclesial unity, sacramental validity
and the perseverance of martyrs, these being the work of grace. Our primary
question is thus: how and to what extent can we distinguish the presence of a
doctrine of grace in the anti-Donatist sermones? Do Augustines specific

Gods grace comes to the aid of human weakness. This fourth gratia theme is also clearly
evident prior to the Pelagian controversy in sermons such as s. 32, 89. Augustine insists
repeatedly that the exercise of certain virtues is one of the fruits of grace (s. 55, 2; s. 343, 5;
s. Dolbeau 12, 12). In this context, he continuously insists that the martyrs received the help
of God in their martyrdom (ss. Denis 13, 2; 14, 5; 15, 3). (pp. 238241.) Hombert also points out
that other themes are present prior to 412, in addition to the aforementioned four: true free-
dom is received from God as a gift; daily perseverance is a grace, as are the suauitas and the
dulcedo gratiae (p. 242). Hombert concludes (pp. 243245): Sil fallait qualifier la doctrine de
la grce dAugustin antrieurement la controverse plagienne, nous dirions volontiers quil
sagit dune possession tranquille dune doctrine incluant dj lessentiel des thmes qui
seront plus tard dvelopps. [] il ne faut pas stonner si beaucoup de thmes napparaissent
pas avant la controverse plagienne. La raison en est des plus simples: cest que loccasion de
les dvelopper a manqu Augustin. [] Augustin est un pasteur avant tout, cest--dire un
homme dont la parole et les crits rpondent aux ncessits du moment, aux sollicitations
dont il est lobjet, aux besoins de ses fidles, aux vnements, ou encore aux impratifs de la
liturgie. [] Si donc Plage ntait jamais apparu, la thologie augustinienne de la grce en
serait certainement reste ce que nous avons brivement analys: une thologie relative-
ment limite dans ses analyses, quoique bien relle et riche daccents typiques quon ne
trouve pas chez dautres auteurs, cest vident. (p. 244.) Compare P.-M. Hombert, Gloria
gratiae. Se glorifier en Dieu, principe et fin de la thologie augustinienne de la grce, Paris,
1996 (Collection des tudes Augustiniennes, Srie Antiquit, 148), pp. 7884; 108112;
129160.
2 A. Dupont, M.A. Gaumer, Gratia Dei, Gratia Sacramenti. Grace in Augustine of Hippos anti-
Donatist Writings, Ephemerides theologicae lovanienses 86 (2010), pp. 307329; N. Escobar,
Iglesia, donatismo y santidad en la polmica agustiniana, Augustinus 27 (1982), pp. 5577;
P.-M. Hombert, Gloria gratiae, pp. 129158; J. Pelikan, An Augustinian Dilemma: Augustines
Doctrine of Grace versus Augustines Doctrine of the Church? Augustinian Studies 18 (1987),
pp. 129.
3 P. Borgomeo, LEglise de ce temps dans la prdication de Saint Augustin, Paris, 1972; A. Dupont,
Imitatio Christi, Imitatio Stephani; Y. Duval, Loca sanctorum Africae. Le culte des martyrs en
Afrique du IVe au VIIe sicle, Rome, 1982 (Collection de lcole franaise de Rome, 58);
. Lamirande, La situation ecclsiologique des Donatistes daprs saint Augustin; G. Lapointe,
La clbration des martyrs.
Sermones Relating to the Donatist Controversy 163

thoughts on grace play an essential role in the theology he developed to address


this controversy, and to what extent does the content and treatment of
these grace-related thoughts differ from or equate to Augustines later (anti-
Pelagian) vision of grace? We hope that our response to this question will con-
tribute to the recent debate on the (dis)continuity in Augustines thinking on
grace prior to and during the Pelagian controversy, comparing the so-called
early (philosophical) and late (dogmatic-theological) Augustine.4 A study of
the anti-Donatist sermones preceding the Pelagian controversy will thus criti-
cally evaluate the continuity/discontinuity hypotheses.
Because Augustine always considered grace (gratia) in its opposition to sin
(peccatum), the first part of this chapter will give an overview of the theme of
sin in Augustines anti-Donatist sermones. The theme of sin is linked in several
ways with Augustines general anti-Donatist ecclesiology (e.g. the sin of break-
ing ecclesial unity). The second part of this chapter will summarize concisely
the presence of the second main element in Augustines anti-Donatist argu-
mentation, sacramentology, because this theme as will become clear is
intrinsically linked with Augustines treatment of grace in this period. The
third part of this chapter will focus on the presence of the word gratia in the
anti-Donatist sermones. To sum up, the present chapter intends to offer an

4 Proponents of the discontinuity hypothesis: P. Brown, J.P. Burns, K. Flasch, G. Lettieri, A. Sage;
proponents of the continuity hypothesis: N. Cipriani, V.H. Drecoll, A. Dupont, C. Harrison,
P.-M. Hombert, G. Madec, Th.G. Ring. P. Brown, Augustine of Hippo. A Biography, London,
2000; J.P. Burns, The Development of Augustines Doctrine of Operative Grace, Paris, 1980;
N. Cipriani, Laltro Agostino di G. Lettieri, Revue des tudes augustiniennes 48 (2002),
pp. 249265; V.H. Drecoll, Die Entstehung der Gnadenlehre Augustins, Tbingen, 1999
(Beitrge zur historischen Theologie, 109); V.H. Drecoll, Gratia, in Augustinus-Lexikon,
Vol. 3-1/2, ed. by C. Mayer, K.H. Chelius, Basel, 2004, cols. 182242; A. Dupont, Continuity or
Discontinuity in Augustine? Is There an Early Augustine and What Does He Think on Grace?
(Review Article of: Harrison, Carol, Rethinking Augustines Early Theology: An Argument
for Continuity, Oxford, 2006), Ars Disputandi 8 (2008), pp. 6779; K. Flasch, Logik des
Schreckens. Augustinus von Hippo, De diversis quaestionibus ad Simplicianum I 2 (Deutsche
Erstbersetzung von Walter Schfer. Herausgegeben und erklrt von Kurt Flasch. Zweite, ver-
besserte Auflage mit Nachwort), Mainz, 21995 (Excerpta classica, 8); C. Harrison, Rethinking
Augustines Early Theology: An Argument for Continuity, Oxford, 2006; P.-M. Hombert, Gloria
gratiae, 129158; G. Lettieri, Laltro Agostino. Ermeneutica e retorica della grazia dalla crisi alla
metamorfosi del De doctrina christiana, Brescia, 2001; G. Madec, Sur une nouvelle introduc-
tion la pense dAugustin, Revue des tudes augustiniennes 28 (1982), pp. 100111; T.G. Ring,
Bruch oder Entwicklung im Gnadenbegriff Augustins? Kritische Anmerkungen zu K. Flasch,
Logik des Schreckens. Augustinus von Hippo, Die Gnadenlehre von 397, Augustiniana 44
(1994), pp. 31113; A. Sage, Pch originel. Naissance dun dogme, Revue des tudes augusti-
niennes 13 (1967), pp. 211248.
164 Chapter 4

extensive overview of the presence and treatment of the concept gratia and its
relation to sin (both ecclesiological and sacramentological) in Augustines
anti-Donatist sermones.

1 Sin

Augustines anti-Donatist homiletics deal with the topic of sin in several the-
matic ways. He especially rebukes the Donatist claim that sinners should be
banned from the ecclesial community. What is more, he accuses the Donatists
of being sinful themselves, since they have broken ecclesial unity. He particu-
larly reproaches them for the sin of pride.5

a Sinners also Have a Place within the One Church6


Augustine uses several images to express the presence of sinners within the
Church, referring to the mixed nature of the Church: wheat and chaff, Jacob
and Esau, and the mixed flock of the shepherd (sheep and goats), all represent-
ing spiritual and carnal people.
The preacher argues that both wheat and chaff are found within the Church.
Those who are wicked do not spoil what is good within the unity of Gods peo-
ple. Sinners cannot contaminate others, on the conditions that one does not
concur with them and that one resists their sin.7 For the sake of peace, one
must tolerate erring people within the Church.8
Just as Rebecca bore two sons Esau: a hairy one (with sins), and Jacob:
a hairless one (free from sins) the Church blesses two kinds of people.

5 The anti-Donatist sermons also include elements of Augustines more general harmatology.
For example, he states that Christ had mortal flesh, though without sin (s. 45, 5; Hill: 400405,
Rebillard: 408411, Hombert: , Gryson: Lent wohl 408/411). Additionally, in a general way,
Augustine maintains that the essence of sin is disobedience (s. 359B, 6.13. Dolbeau 2. Hill:
404, Rebillard: January 23 404405, Hombert: , Gryson: 23/01/404).
6 The anti-Donatist stress on corpus (per)mixtum can be read in ss. 4; 10; 47; 88; 138; 164; 223.
7 s. 88, 19. (Hill: 400, Rebillard: close to 400, Hombert: around 400, Gryson: around 404.)
Cf. s. 88, 6. Mankind, created in Gods image, received from God the capacity to see Him. Man,
by giving too much importance to the outer eye, neglects the inner eye. Also, Adam, before
the fall, could see God. By sinning, however, he could no longer cope with the divine light.
8 s. 88, 23.
Cf. s. 88, 25. We should guard our heart from evil.
Cf. s. 88, 24. The prophets remained among the people, whether they obeyed or not. The
prophets did not agree with the disobedient, however, but resisted them and prayed for
them.
Sermones Relating to the Donatist Controversy 165

Augustine reproaches the Donatists for being afraid of intermingling (misceri)


with sinners, of being contaminated by contact with sinners within the unity
of the Church, though the Donatists themselves perish because of the sins that
lead to internal heresies and schisms.9 The male goatskins that disguised
Jacobs hands when he obtained the blessing of his father Isaac symbolize his
bearing the sins of others. (Male goats represent sin.) For this reason, all who
take up the sins of others for the sake of ecclesial unity imitate Jacob. Christ,
Himself sinless, also bore the sins of others. There is no falsity in the bearing of
others sins.10 According to Marc. 2:17 (It is not those who are healthy who
need a physician, but those who are sick; I did not come to call the righteous,
but sinners), Christ came to associate with sinners, for the sick need a doctor
(medicus). Jacob killed the male goats, and they were consumed in one body
(cf. Act. 10:13).11 For this reason, Augustine exhorts: do not avoid sinners, love
(amare) them, not as sinners, but as people, and fight their sins, as sick people
have to fight against a fever, on account of a tolerating caritas (as Rebecca did,
cf. I Cor. 13:7, 13:13).12 Isaac gave his son Jacob a kiss of peace. Because of this
peace, Jacob bore the sins of others (Gen. 27:4, 2426; Gen. 27:27).13 There is a
difference between Jacob and Esau, between the two sons of the Church,
between people oriented toward the spiritual and the carnal. This is the dif-
ference between bearing the sins of others and bearing ones own sins (cf. Gen.
27:3335).14 The Church includes bad people, decendents of Esau, since they
are also sons of Rebecca, sons of the one mother that the Church is. They have
the Holy Scriptures and the external sacraments in common with good
Christians. Both the just and the unjust receive the same rain (Matth. 5:45);
however, only the former use it to produce good fruit, the latter produce only
thorns.15 Only the Lord has the authority to separate the chaff from the wheat.
Carnaliter and spiritaliter people are always intermingled. This intermingling
actually has advantages for the spiritaliter people, since they are, according to

9 s. 4, 14. (Hill: before 420, Rebillard: January 22 410419, Hombert: , Gryson: 22/01/403.)
Cf. s. 4, 9. Augustine explains the liberation from Egypt allegorically, cf. infra: 2.
Sacramentology.
Cf. s. 260A. (Denis 8. Hill: 397, Easter Octave, Rebillard: Sunday after Easter? 393405,
Hombert: , Gryson: Sunday after Easter, 400/410.) Donatists have the (outward) baptism,
but not the real fructus.
10 s. 4, 16.
11 s. 4, 19.
12 s. 4, 20.
13 s. 4, 24.
14 s. 4, 27.
15 s. 4, 31.
166 Chapter 4

the blessing of Jacob, served by the carnaliter people.16 The real wheat endures
the chaff, just as Jacob (covered by the male goat skins) bears the sins of oth-
ers.17 Augustine emphasizes in the same sermon that the Church is one, true
and Catholic.18 All who detach themselves from the unity of the Church will
also be internally plagued by divisions. Augustine refers to the many Donatist
parties and fractions.19 In short, the Donatists not only wrongly reject associat-
ing with sinners, but, in creating a schism, they are sinners themselves.
Moreover, it is not the task or right of mankind to decide who sins and who
does not. The shepherd tolerates the mixture within his flock. Only God, and
not man, is allowed to separate good people from bad.20 Augustine reacts in an
explicit way against the Donatists, who themselves profess to make a distinc-
tion between iusti and (filii) mali and claim to be iusti themselves.21 Haeretici
fundamentally act against the testamentum pacis,22 tempting weaker people to
join in sinful acts.23
Besides this use of biblical imagery, Augustine explicitly refers to specific
Scripture passages to argue that sinners should not be excluded from ecclesial
communion, and to explain that the Donatists, by insisting on separation,
actually commit a grave sin themselves.
Augustine preaches that, in contradiction to those who think that one can
be contaminated by the sins of others, the apostle wrote: For each one will
bear his own load (Gal. 6:5). To prevent indifference as a consequence of this
assertion, the apostle at the same time said: bear one anothers burdens []
(Gal. 6:2).24 The burden that one must bear is sin, but the Lord liberates man

16 s. 4, 32.
17 s. 4, 34.
18 s. 4, 32.
19 s. 4, 34.
20 s. 47, 6. (Hill: 414, Rebillard: 401411, Hombert: 407408, Gryson: 407408.)
Cf. s. 47, 1. The Lord liberated man from death. It is, however, difficult to please the Lord
(placeri) in the land of the dead. He can be pleased by supplication to have misericordia
with mankind, to keep man away from sin, to confiteri sins, and to regret them. In this way
man goes through this life hoping for the coming life.
Cf. s. 47, 5. Though God does not yet judge, He does, however, already give warning. God
is patient with sins. He does not yet punish them, causing some to wrongly conclude that
He is not displeased with their sins.
Cf. s. 47, 7: the prayer of Matth. 6:12 is medicine for sin.
21 s. 47, 1718.
22 s. 47, 22. Cf. s. 47, 27 sketches the inner divisions of haeretici.
23 s. 47, 26.
24 s. 164, 3. (Hill: 411, shortly after the council of Carthage, Rebillard: after June 411, Hombert:
, Gryson: end 411.)
Sermones Relating to the Donatist Controversy 167

from this burden by forgiving sins.25 The appeal to not sever communication
with sinners, since their sins are not contagious, contradicts the Donatist belief
in separation. The flock of the Lord is composed of both sheep and goats.26
Augustine appeals for a patient attitude towards the Donatists, remarking:
Who can claim to be without sins? As long as we are sinful, we have to bear
each others burdens.27
The repentant sinner (Luc. 7:3650), who entered the house of the Pharisee
uninvited, was severely sick and sought her medicus.28 The Pharisee ordered
her to leave and refused her touch because he considered himself pure. Impure,
sick and confessa, she approached the Lord, in order to leave pure, healthy and
professa.29 The Pharisee, who thought he had no sins and thus assumed he
had nothing for which he needed to be forgiven had only a little love for the
Lord, less than that of the repentant sinner.30 Christ not only healed people
who were present at the time; He also cured people in the future. Here
Augustine refers to the Donatists, who like the Pharisee, think: do not touch
me because I am pure. Augustine explains that, in the Church, the bad do not
contaminate the good.31
The preacher reminds his listeners that sinners do exist within the Church;
even those who administer the sacraments can sin. Some people believe that

25 s. 164, 4.
26 s. 164, 11.
27 s. 164, 15.
Cf. s. 296, 1314. (Hill: 411, feast of Peter and Paul: June 29, 411 (413?), Hombert: , Gryson:
19/06/411, Peter and Paul.) Under the provision of paenitentia, all who wish to return to
the Catholic Church, including the Donatists, are allowed to do so. If somebody wants to
return, this should not be refused. Augustine is disappointed that during his absence, a
Donatist who wanted to return was driven away from the Church.
Cf. s. 360, 1. (Hill: 411, Vigil of Maximianus, a converted Donatist bishop, Rebillard: 411,
Hombert: , Gryson: autumn 407, by bishop Maximinus of Siniti after his conversion from
Donatism to Catholicism, in reply to Augustines s. 360C [Dolbeau 27].)
28 s. 99, 1. (Hill: 411 or 412, Rebillard: 411412, Hombert: Summer 411, Gryson: Summer 411.)
29 s. 99, 2.
Cf. s. 99, 3. The Lord did not only want to cure that woman, but also (the thoughts) of all
people present at that moment in that house.
30 s. 99, 6. The problem with people committing few sins is that they think that this is their
achievement and that they do not need the Lord for this. Augustine exhorts them:
Agnosce ergo gratiam eius, cui debes et quod non admisti. pl 38, col. 598.
Cf. s. 99, 7. The guests considered Christ to be only a man, knowing that a man cannot
forgive sins. The repentant sinner saw something more in Christ, namely his divinity.
For this reason she understood that He was capable of forgiving sins. By believing that
He could forgive sins, she believed that He was God.
31 s. 99, 8.
168 Chapter 4

the oil of the sinner (Ps. 141:5) is the oil of every man, since every man is a liar
(according to Ps. 116:11). For Augustine, however, Christs oil is not the oil of the
sinner, since He was without sins, even when his oil is administered by a sin-
ner.32 The enemy has sown his seeds everywhere. Because sin is even present
in the holy places, for example amongst angels and apostles,33 sin is also pres-
ent in the Church. Augustine points out to the Donatists that they excommu-
nicate sinners, but that they are at the same time themselves sinning through
breaking the unity of the Church.
Augustine also uses plain logic: since nobody is without sin, Christians have
to tolerate sinners within the Church, implying that every Christian must be
tolerated as a sinner. Augustine preaches that people may be both bad and
good at the same time. They are bad because they commit sins, and they are
good because they confess these sins. God never forsakes bad people He is
their medicus.34 Gods healing allows humanitys positive attitude, caritas, to
prevail over the negative, cupiditas. Caritas has to increase in order that cupidi-
tas may disappear.35 In summary, Augustine argues that the Donatists own
sinfulness exemplifies the need for sinners to be tolerated within the Church.

b The Sin of Breaking Ecclesial Unity36


Augustine stresses that Christ ransomed the whole world, and not merely the
Donatist faction. Thus, the Church is not only to be found in one part of the

Cf. s. 99, 9. Man does not forgive sins, but Christ forgives sins through man. The faithful
forgive sins through Christ by his gift of the Holy Spirit, and not on the basis of human
merit. The Holy Spirit, God, forgives and not man. It is as temple of God that man forgives.
32 s. 266, 1. (Hill: 397, Pentecost vigil, Rebillard: Pentecost vigil, May 23 397, Hombert: 403
408, Gryson: Pentecost vigil 403/408.) Cf. infra: 2. Sacramentology.
33 s. 73A, 3. (s. Caillau 2, 5. Hill: 400411, Rebillard: 400410, Hombert: , Gryson: 400410.)
34 s. 90, 3. (Hill: 411412, Rebillard: 411416, Hombert: , Gryson: 411.)
35 s. 90, 6.
Cf. s. 90, 7. Augustine contrasts Adam and Christ.
Attendite genus nostrum: de uno fonte manauimus; et quia ille unus in amaritudinem
uersus est, omnes ex oliua oleaster facti sumus. Venit et gratia. Generauit unus ad peccatum
et ad mortem, tamen unum genus, tamen proximos sibi omnes; tamen non solum similes, sed
etiam cognatos. Venit unus contra unum: contra unum qui sparsit, unus qui colligit. Sic con-
tra unum qui occidit, unus qui uiuificat. Sicut enim in Adam omnes moriuntur, sic in
Christo omnes uiuificabuntur [I Cor. 15:22]. Sed quomodo de illo omnis qui nascitur, mori-
tur: sic in Christo omnis qui credit, uiuificatur. Sed si habeat uestem nuptialem, si inuitetur
seruandus, non separandus. pl 38, cols. 563564.
36 The anti-Donatist stress on unitas (frequently linked with caritas) can be found in ss. 33;
46; 47; 88; 90; 137; 138; 159B; 162A; 164; 202; 266; 269; 271; 313E; 340A; 359; 360C; 400.
Sermones Relating to the Donatist Controversy 169

world, but throughout the whole.37 Opposing the Donatist violation of unity,
he appeals to the allegory of the seamless tunic of Christ (Ioh. 19:2324).38 As
already observed above, in refuting the elitist Donatist strategy of the excom-
munication of sinners, Augustine turns the tables by showing that Donatists,
through creating a schism, are themselves sinful. They sin by breaking with
caritas. Without caritas, prophecy and faith are worthless (I Cor. 12:31).39
A good life cannot be lived without caritas, and those who truly possess caritas
are unable to lead a bad life. Different people receive different gifts from God.40
Since all members are part of one and the same body (the body of Christ), they
always share those God-given gifts with others. Augustine urges his listeners to
love their fellow men as the diverse members of the body love each other in
the body.41 The various members, who each have their own function, share the
same health. In the same way, the members of the body of Christ share the
same caritas. Without health, the members are nothing, just as people are
nothing without caritas. Donatus was not able to retain his health, since he did
not have caritas. Separated from the rest of the body, the member loses the
health of the whole of the body. Donatists contend that they are not cut off, but
rather it is the Catholics who are cut off. Augustine refers this question to God
as judge (in the gospel).42 A sick member which harms the body may some-
times need to be amputated.43 Christ does not say in the gospel that the Church
is limited to Africa, as the Donatists claim. The Church is, according to Christ,
universal, present in the whole world. This brings Augustine to the conclusion
that the branch of the Donatists should be pruned.44

37 s. 159B, 17. (Dolbeau 21. Hill: 404, Rebillard: 403404, Hombert: , Gryson: beginning
December 403.) Cf. infra: 3.a: Non-explicit anti-Donatist grace.
38 s. 159B, 18. Cf. infra: 3.a: Non-explicit anti-Donatist grace.
39 s. 162A, 1. (Denis 19. Hill: 404, Rebillard: 404, Hombert: , Gryson: 404, before June.)
Saul also had the gift of prophecy, however without caritas. Saul became an instrument
that required the touch of the Holy Spirit, but did not need to be cleansed by the Holy Spirit
(s. 162A, 2). God does not cleanse everything He touches. He however touches everything
He cleanses. Saul and Caiaphas were touched, but they were not cleansed. One can have
good gifts, but what is of more importance is using them well; and only a good uoluntas can
make good use of these gifts. There can be no good uoluntas without caritas (s. 162A, 3).
40 s. 162A, 4. Like the apostles, the demons believed in Christ as the Son of God, but they
possess a belief borne of fear (directed to punishment) and not of love (as the apostles,
directed to praemium).
41 s. 162A, 5.
42 s. 162A, 7.
43 s. 162A, 6.
44 s. 162A, 9. The Jews, the natural branches, were broken off, and the Gentiles were grafted
onto the trunk. All who are too superbus, who do not remain in faith, will also be pruned,
170 Chapter 4

More fundamentally, this breaking of the unity of love testifies to Don


atistpride. Augustine reacts against the superbia of Parmenian and Donatus,
through which they destroyed with their African claim (based on Hab. 3:3)45
and their practice of rebaptism46 the unity of the Church.47 Augustine

but whoever does not remain in disbelief will be incorporated. God has the power to graft
a wild olive into a cultivated olive tree. Augustine calls upon the Donatists to let them-
selves again be grafted into the tree of the Church.
s. 162A, 10. Christ intended his Church to be spread all over the world, as is the Catholic
Church, contrary to the Donatist Church, which is limited to Africa. Katholikos means
whole, the whole world.
s. 162A, 11. On Pentecost, the apostles received the Holy Spirit and consequently spoke
many languages. These many languages are present in the Catholic Church but not in the
church of the Donatists.
s. 162A, 12. Catholic Africans are both Catholic and African. In other countries, there are
also schisms and heresies (e.g. Arians, Photinians), cut off from the Catholic tree.
Augustine ends this sermo with an appeal to the Donatists to return to the Catholic
Church, to be grafted in onto the Catholic tree.
45 s. 46, 3941. Hab. 3, 3: Deus ab Africo ueniet, et sanctus de monte umbroso. ccl 41,
pp. 566568.
46 s. 33, 5. (Hill: 405411, Rebillard: 405411, Hombert: 405410, Gryson: 405410.)
Cf. s. 33, 3. Sin is not only what people recognize at first sight as something bad, harmful
or unjust, but also things that seem to be good, but that are not done for eternal rest, but
for a temporary reward.
Cf. s. 138, 5. (Hill: 411412, Rebillard: 411412, Hombert: , Gryson: wohl im Sommer 411.)
Augustine emphasizes the unity of the Church. He furthermore rejects the Donatist
restriction of the Church to Africa (s. 138, 910). Cf. infra: 3.b: Explicit anti-Donatist grace.
47 s. 46, 17. (Hill: 414, Rebillard: 410411, Hombert: 407408, Gryson: 407408.)
Cf. s. 46, 11. God clothed himself with flesh, so He could be flogged. If God allowed his
Son without sin to be flogged, why would He save mankind (only adopted sons) full
with sin from this?
Cf. s. 46, 13. Augustine uses Medicus-terminology, and distinguishes infirmus (weakened)
from aegrotus (sick).
Infirmo ne accidat temptatio et eum frangat timendum est. Languens autem iam cupiditate
aliqua aegrotat, et cupiditate aliqua impeditur ab intranda uia Dei, a subeundo iugo Christi.
Attendite illos homines uolentes bene uiuere, iam statuentes bene uiuere, et minus idoneos
mala pati sicut parati sunt bona facere. Pertinet autem ad christiani firmitatem, non solum
operari quae bona sunt sed et tolerare quae mala sunt. Qui ergo uidentur feruere in operibus
bonis, sed imminentes passiones tolerare nolle aut non posse, infirmi sunt. Qui ergo aliqua
cupiditate mala amatores mundi ab ipsis bonis operibus reuocantur, languidi et aegroti
iacent, quippe qui ipso languore, tamquam sine ullis uiribus, nihil boni possunt operari. ccl
41, p. 540.
The paralysed man, who was brought to Christ through the roof, was sick because of his
cupiditas and was in need of the medicus.
Sermones Relating to the Donatist Controversy 171

however immediately adds that even bad brothers remain brothers.48 Besides
the rupture of unity, Augustine also reproaches the Donatists for the sin of sui-
cide. The Donatists who voluntarily seek their own death do not listen to Christ,
but rather to the devil, who speaks to them as when he tempted Christ to jump
from the temple roof. Donatists are not false Christians; they are rather, put
plainly, not Christians, since they listen to the devil and not to Christs answer to
the devil.49 Augustine links the schismatic pride of the contemporary Donatist
bishops to the pride that caused humanity to fall. A bishop has to be the servant
of his people and should avoid above all the sin of pride. Pride is the beginning,
the root and cause of all sin. Pride caused an angel to fall and turned him into
the devil. The devil passed this pride on to the first man. The devil persuaded
man to disobey the law of God and to enjoy mans own potestas. Man was cre-
ated man, but wanted to be God. Man sought to become what he was not, and
in doing so, he lost what he was. It was not mans human nature that was lost,
but his present and future beatitudo. Humankind lost the place to which they
would have been elevated, deceived by the one who was thrown down from that
place.50 It is precisely on account of such pride that the Donatists have erred.
Their disobedient bishops erred by separating themselves from the Church.
Augustine elaborates on the importance of the unity of the churches through-
out the whole world, and not only those that are located in Africa.51

c The Sin of Pride


The effect of the Donatist superbia is threefold according to Augustine:
Donatists rupture the unity of the Church;52 they put Donatus in Christs place;

48 s. 46, 31.
Cf. s. 46, 32. The sheep need to follow the voice of Christ (on repentance and forgiveness
of sins).
49 Cf. s. 313E, 4. (Guelf. 28, 4. Hill: 410, feast of Cyprian, Rebillard: 14 September 410, Hombert:
, Gryson: feast of Cyprian 14/09/395-396.)
50 s. 340A, 1. (s. Guelf. 32. Hill: 411, bishop ordination, Rebillard: 411, bishop ordination,
Hombert: , Gryson: end 411, bishop ordination.)
51 s. 340A, 11.
The particular and regionalistic ecclesiology of the Donatists is rebuked in ss. 46; 147A;
162A.
52 ss. 46, 17; 340A, 1.11 (cf. supra).
See also s. 271 (Hill: Pentecost 399, Rebillard: Pentecost 393405, Hombert: , Gryson:
Pentecost 393405), which links the Donatists breaking of ecclesial unity with their pride.
See also s. 360C, 45 (Dolbeau 27. Mainz 63. Hill: 406, Rebillard: , Hombert: , Gryson:
automne 407, loccasion du ralliement lglise catholique): as a result of their disease,
the Donatists reject unity, and this disease is pride.
172 Chapter 4

and, by insisting that the holiness of the ministers determines the validity of
the sacraments, they replace God with human capacities.
Augustine compares the Donatists with the thief from Ioh. 10:116 (espe-
cially 12, 10). This Biblical passage deals with the difference between entering
the sheep pen by the door or, like a robber, seeking to enter otherwise through
force. The robbers climbing into the fold by an alternate route is a form of
extolling oneself; it involves pride and not the confession of ones own sinful-
ness. He who enters by the door is the shepherd, Christ. All who imitate Christs
passion, who understand his humilitas, realize that they are not God but man
being weak and sinful and also enter by the door. Augustine calls the faithful
to confess to being sinners just as the publican did (referring to the compari-
son between the publican and the Pharisee from Luc. 18:914). Those who
proudly extol themselves like the Pharisee, who refuse to confess their own
sinfulness, try to enter the fold by another way and stumble.53 Augustine speci-
fies that the thief of Ioh. 10 denotes the party of Donatus, which wants deprae-
dari the sheep of Christ. The Donatists do not enter via Christ (who is the
ianua) and lack humility as a result.54
In the context of preaching on pagan idolatry and pride the pagans take
credit for their merits and venerate creatures instead of the Creator Augustine
discusses the Donatists.55 Christ did not choose kings, senators, philosophers,
or orators, but ordinary, poor, and uneducated fishermen to be his apostles.56
Simon the Magus proudly thought that the Holy Spirit could be bought with
money. Paul, on the contrary, was very humble, refusing to be worshipped
instead of Christ; he did not claim to have contributed in any way to the salva-
tion of the people he wanted to build up in Christ (since Christ accomplishes
salvation entirely on his own).57 Augustine admonishes that hope should be
grounded not in the apostle but in the truth that Paul proclaims. Donatists put

53 s. 137, 4. (Hill: 400405, Rebillard: 408411, Hombert: 410420, Gryson: 410420, rather
412416.)
54 s. 137, 12.
Only the last two paragraphs of s. 159B are explicitly anti-Donatist (cf. supra). The major
part of this sermon is devoted to sin, and especially to its cause, pride. Cf. infra: 3.a: Non-
explicit anti-Donatist grace.
55 s. 197, 1. (s. frag. Dolbeau 26. Compilation of Bede and Florus. Hill: before 400, January 1,
Rebillard: , Hombert: , Gryson: .)
Pagans could have deduced the existence of the Creator and his laws from creation.
However, they did not, but proudly ascribed everything to their own merit instead.
56 s. 197, 2.
57 s. 197, 3.
Sermones Relating to the Donatist Controversy 173

Donatus in Christs place.58 Because Christ speaks through his saints, however,
He must be seen and loved in the saints.59

2 Anti-Donatist Treatment of Baptism and the Administers of


Baptism

Besides ecclesiology (the Donatists breaking of ecclesial unity, Augustines


stressing the unity and universality of the Church, cf. supra), Augustines anti-
Donatist discourse addresses mainly sacramentology, and more specifically
the sacrament of baptism. This is also clearly reflected in his sermones ad
populum.
Augustine first explains that the sacrament of baptism is intended to for-
give sins. Using examples to illustrate that the Old Testament contains figu-
rae of the New Testament, Augustine explains that the journey through the
Red Sea and the subsequent journey through the desert illustrates liberation
from sin through baptism; Christians do not yet live in the promised land,
but in hope (because this current era is the desert period) and in peregrina-
tione longing for their fatherland. Christians have to realize that they have
not as yet reached this fatherland, and that they will still be tempted after
baptism.60
Augustine furthermore applies this notion of the sacrament of baptism as
forgiveness of sins to his refutation of the Donatist schism. The Church does
not refuse any form of repentance and forgives sins in baptism.61 Sins are not
forgiven outside the unity of the Church.62 Only the person who does not
repent of his/her sins (impaenitentia) will not receive the gift of forgiveness.
Maintaining a cor impaenitens against the unity of the Church is blasphemy
against the Holy Spirit. Disrupting the unity of the Church is thus blaspheming

58 s. 197, 4. Cf. s. 198, 45 (Hill: 420425, January 1, Rebillard: , Hombert: , Gryson: 404), a
sermon against pagan idolatry, claiming that the Donatists perversely replaced Christ
with Donatus. Cf. infra: 3.a: Non-explicit anti-Donatist grace.
59 s. 197, 5.
Cf. s. 295, 5. (Hill: 29/06/410, Peter and Paul, Rebillard: 29/06/405-411, Hombert: 400410,
Gryson: 29/06/400-410, Peter and Paul.) Christ did not say to Peter in Ioh. 21:1517 feed
your sheep, but feed my sheep. The sheep belong to Christ. According to Augustine, this
is a reaction against heretics (the Donatists) who call the sheep theirs instead of Christs.
60 s. 4, 9.
61 s. 71, 67. (Hill: 417420, Rebillard: 417?, Hombert: 419420, Gryson: 419420.)
62 s. 71, 28.33.
174 Chapter 4

against the Holy Spirit.63 Because all who are outside the Church are outside
Christ,64 blasphemy against the Holy Spirit is not forgiven.
Even more specifically, Augustine reproaches the Donatists for introducing,
through their practice of rebaptism, an incorrect notion of baptism. The old
man, transgressor of the law, does not sing the new song. Gods grace reconciles
man to God through the forgiveness of sins, and He renews man when he puts
off the old man. Donatist rebaptism does not belong to this new song. The
Donatists have in this way cut themselves off from the Church and from God.
For this reason they are an enemy of love, the love that is the fullness of the law,
of the new song.65 Augustine explains that the Donatists misinterpret the fact
that some Christians who were baptized by John were later baptized again by
the apostles. Augustine points out that Johns baptism was only a temporary
baptism, merely a baptism of the voice (= John) and not of the Word (= Christ).
Heretics (Donatists) used the two different baptisms as an argument for their
practice of rebaptism.66 Their argument was that if it was necessary for the
apostles to baptize again after the baptism of John (the greatest among peo-
ple, cf. Matth. 11:11), it is even more necessary to baptize again after the baptism
of heretics. Augustine replies with a rhetorical question. If one contends that
after the baptism of John, a rebaptism took place, is it then necessary to have a
rebaptism after the baptism by (the heretic) Optatus (of Thamugadi) or by a
drunkard priest?67 Augustine responds to his own question. No, that drunkard
priest administered the baptism of Christ. Baptism as such does not belong to
a sober or a drunken man, but to Christ. The baptism that Paul, Peter, Judas,
and John the Evangelist administered was the baptism of Christ, as distin-
guished from the baptism of John the Baptist, which was a baptism of John the
Baptist. While the baptism of John was preparatory, that of a heretic or a drunk-
ard is not.68 The drunkard and the heretic, when they persevere in their sin, do
not attain access to the kingdom of heaven but remain outside. Nevertheless,
they offer (by administering baptism) entrance to the kingdom. In the case of
the drunkard and the heretic, it is the act of the minister that matters, and not
their personal state. The gift of baptism is exclusively the gift of God.69

63 s. 71, 37.
64 s. 71, 36.
65 s. 33, 5. Cf. infra: 3.b: Explicit anti-Donatist grace.
66 s. 293A, 13. (Hill: 24/06: John the Baptist, Rebillard: 24/06, Hombert: , Gryson: 24/06/407.)
67 s. 293A, 14.
68 s. 293A, 15.
69 s. 293A, 16.
Augustine compares baptism with a military brand mark. Soldiers are branded with the
image of the emperor. A deserter retains the mark with which he originally has been
Sermones Relating to the Donatist Controversy 175

Regarding the sacrament of baptism, Augustine stresses the necessity of


ecclesial unity. The Donatists demonstrate, precisely through the breaking
of this unity, their want of a correct understanding and administration of
baptism. The gift of the ability to speak the languages of all gentes, given to the
disciples at Pentecost, foreshadows the unity of the Church among all peoples.
Previously, every individual present in the Cenacle spoke all languages, now
the unity of the faithful speaks all languages.70 Receiving baptism does not
immediately imply receiving the Holy Spirit. Heretics and schismatics receive
baptism, but not the Spirit. They only receive the Spirit when they choose to
cling to the unity of caritas. Augustine refers to the example of people who
were baptized by others than the apostles, and who only afterwards received
the Spirit, and people, like Cornelius, who first received the Spirit and only
later the sacrament of baptism. These cases illustrate that baptism and the gift
of the Spirit do not coincide there is a difference between baptism and
receiving the Spirit. Augustine endeavours to explain that this gift is a form of
grace and is not the result of human effort.71 In opposition to the Donatists, he
stresses the necessity of ecclesial unity for receiving baptism and that baptism
does not coincide with receiving the Spirit. Addressing the Donatists, he urges:
You have taken Christ upon you by baptism (the form of the sacrament), now
take Him also upon you by imitating his example (love for unity).72 All who
do not enter unity are animalis and do not have the spiritus. One can only be
certain of having the Holy Spirit if one stands, via caritas, in unity.73

branded as soldier. As a deserter, he can be executed because of that brand mark. However,
when he returns to the camp, he can be pardoned. He can be forgiven, but he cannot alter
his brand mark. Donatists also baptise in the name of Christ (brand with the image of the
Lord), however they do not belong to the camp of the Lord; hence they are deserters. Only
by returning is that brand mark valid.
70 s. 269, 1. (Hill: Pentecost 411, Rebillard: Pentecost 411, Hombert: , Gryson: Pentecost
405410.)
71 s. 269, 2. Cur igitur modo sic, modo autem sic, nisi ne aliquid hinc humanae superbiae, sed
totum diuinae gratiae potestatique tribuatur? Haec itaque distinctio inter acceptionem bap-
tismi, et acceptionem Spiritus sancti, satis nos instruit, ne habere hos continuo Spiritum
sanctum putemus, quos habere baptismum non negamus. Quanto magis illos, quos non
solum nulla caritas christianae unitatis armauit. Caritas enim Dei diffusa est in cordibus
nostris [Rom. 5:5]; non utique per nos ipsos, sed sicut sequitur, per Spiritum sanctum qui
datus est nobis [Rom. 5:5]. Quamobrem sicut tunc indicabant adesse Spiritum sanctum in
uno homine linguae omnium gentium; sic eum nunc caritas indicat unitatis omnium gen-
tium. pl 38, col. 1223.
72 s. 269, 3.
73 s. 269, 4.
176 Chapter 4

Augustine, countering the Donatist insistence on a saintly or pure adminis-


tration of the sacraments, elucidates the role and significance of the adminis-
trator of the sacraments. His anti-Donatist sacramentology puts forward that
one always has to take three elements into consideration: a quo datur, cui
datur, per quem datur.74 One should not fear the oil of the sinner (Ps. 141:5),
since the medius minister cannot cut off the beneficium from the largitor. The
fact that the disciples transmitted the Holy Spirit by the laying on of hands
makes clear, according to Augustine, that one has to distinguish the donator
and the ministrator.75 Simon Magus did not understand this. He thought the
gift of the Spirit could be attributed to people. For this reason, he promised
money to the apostles in exchange for the ability to transmit the Holy Spirit
through the laying on of hands. Simon did not understand grace. If he had, he
could have received the Holy Spirit gratis, for free. But because he wished to
buy the Holy Spirit, he did not deserve to be saved by the Spirit.76 Augustine
affirms the fact that the apostles transmitted the Spirit through the laying on of
hands, but insists that they did not receive the Spirit in this way during
Pentecost. Another example of receiving the Holy Spirit without mediation of
human ministratores is the example of the deacon Philip. He baptized the
eunuch, but did not lay hands on him (this he left to the apostles), but the
Spirit nevertheless came freely upon the eunuch, and this to show Simon that
the Spirit is not a gift of men.77 There are also cases when the Spirit came with-
out the laying on of hands.78 During Pentecost the Holy Spirit came upon the
120 disciples without the laying on of hands. The case of centurion Cornelius
confirms this.79 While Peter proclaimed the gospel to Cornelius, the latter,
even before baptism (thus before any laying on of hands), was filled by the
Holy Spirit. Augustine concludes his sermon by saying that the oil that is from
mankind is always bad. Oil that comes from God is, on the contrary, always
good, even when it is administered by an evil man. This also applies to the

74 s. 266, 1. pl 38, col. 1225.


75 s. 266, 1.
76 s. 266, 3. Deinde coepit Spiritus sanctus dari per ministerium apostolorum. Illi manus
imponebant, et ille ueniebat. Sed hoc non erat hominum: non sibi arroget minister plus
quam quod ut minister. Alius est donator, alius ministrator. Hoc quippe testatus est Spiritus,
ne homines sibi arrogarent quod Dei erat. Hinc enim uoluit Simon inflari, qui existimans hoc
hominibus esse tribuendum, pecuniam promisit apostolis, ut et ad ipsius manus impositio-
nem ueniret Spiritus sanctus. Gratiam non nouerat. Nam si gratiam agnosceret, gratis habe-
ret. Ideo quia uoluit emere Spiritum, non meruit redimi abs Spiritu. pl 38, col. 1226.
77 s. 266, 4.
78 s. 266, 5.
79 s. 266, 6.
Sermones Relating to the Donatist Controversy 177

Donatists. The sacraments they receive are good, while they themselves are
evil, as demonstrated by their breaking ecclesial unity.80
Christs baptism by John is an example of humility; Christ was prepared to
be baptized propter humilitatem, non propter iniquitatem.81 Christ was equal to
the Father in nature. He took on what He was not, without losing what He was.
(If John had desired to be considered as identical to Christ, he would have
been guilty of theft.) The fact that Christ, who is God, became man, expresses
more humility than his being baptized by a man. The servant baptizes the
Lord; the voice, the Word; the creature, the Creator; the lamp, the Sun. As the
one who baptized, John did not put himself in the foreground, but subjected
himself to Christs order to baptize Christ, something he initially refused to do.
In this baptism, the Lord praeuidit intended to teach humility as medi-
cine.82 In so doing, Christ preempted Donatist misunderstandings regarding
baptism. The minister who baptizes should not be proud and say, it is I who
baptize. The good tree produces good fruit, the bad tree, bad fruit. According
to the Donatists, the good minister produces good baptized souls, the bad,
bad. Augustine replies by appealing to the example of John and Christ, in
which he who baptizes is lesser than He who is baptized. Here Christ is the
tree, and John, the fruit. The baptizer Ananias is also less significant than the
baptized Paul.83 Heretics, such as the Donatists, claim they come in the name
of Christ, while they do not dare to say that they are Christ, at least not literally.
However, some people pretend through their actions to be Christ, namely
people who baptize in the arrogant assumption that they are Christ. They do
not say this explicitly; if they did so, no one would want to be baptized by
them everyone would avoid them and seek Gods grace. Augustine refutes
those who assert that they themselves baptize (rather than Christ), on the
basis of the argument that only Christ not man justifies, and he argues that
these arrogant people also have to admit this truth.84 Augustine returns to the
comparison between the tree and its fruit. The tree represents the person, the
fruit, the persons actions. Whoever is baptized by a chaste minister is good
fruit, from a good tree. Whoever is baptized by a covertly adulterous minister
is also good, since every person born of God through baptism is a child of
God. This implies that the tree is also good. This good tree is God, and not the

80 s. 266, 7.
81 s. 292, 3. (Hill: John the Baptist 399, Rebillard: 24/06/393-405, Hombert: 402405, Gryson:
24/06/402-405.) pl 38, col. 1321.
82 s. 292, 4.
83 s. 292, 5.
84 s. 292, 6.
178 Chapter 4

adulterous minister.85 The Donatists should listen carefully to John the Baptist
and follow his example. He was humble and referred to the Lord as being
greater than he. He also urged obedience to the Lord, exemplifying humility.
No servant should credit himself with the potestas of the Lord.86

3 Grace

In the two previous sections of this chapter, we observed that Augustine consid-
ers the forgiveness of sins as grace. Grace is therefore present in the anti-
Donatist sermones. In the following section we will examine the manner in
which the concept of gratia is presented and treated. In our examination of the
concept gratia in the anti-Donatist sermones,87 not surprisingly, some references
were found that were related to grace: uerbi gratia,88 exempli gratia,89 gratias
agere,90 Deo gratias.91 We also found gratia in Bible verses quoted by Augustine,
but which lack further elaboration by him on the essential nature of gratia.92
In our discussion of the occurrences of gratia in those of Augustines ser-
mones with an anti-Donatist intent, we distinguish the sermones in which
grace does not function within the specific anti-Donatist discourse, and the

85 s. 292, 7.
86 s. 292, 8.
87 We opted for the following methodology: with the support of the Corpus Augustinianum
Gissense (cag) and the Library of Latin Texts (llt), we established a profile of the word
gratia in the anti-Donatist sermones ad populum. Further research still needs to be done
regarding other specific words (e.g., misericordia, donum) and Scriptural citations (e.g.,
Matth. 6:12, Matth. 9:12, Luc. 18:914, Ioh. 3:5, I Cor. 4:7, Rom. 4:5,), in the Donatist con-
troversy that have a grace meaning for Augustine (and which specifically recur in the
Pelagian controversy).
88 ss. 4, 14; 46, 18; 129, 7; 162A, 2; 162A, 5; 159B, 8; 198, 23; 198, 48.
89 ss. 4, 36; 71, 4; 293A, 8.
90 ss. 46, 4; 46, 31; 71, 38; 183, 15; 198, 32; 198, 35; 198, 45; 198, 58; 266, 6; 293A, 1.
Cf. s. 360. Gratias plantatori tuo, []. pl 39, col. 1598. Thanks to the one who planted
you [].
91 ss. 182, 2; 198, 36; 223, 2; 360; 359B, 5; 198, 7; 313E, 67.
92 S. 37, 29 quotes Prou. 31:30 on a valiant woman: falsae sunt gratiae, et uanae species muli-
eris. Gratia here is used in the meaning of female charm. In illis quid remansit? Falsae
sunt gratiae, et uanae species mulieris [Prou. 31:30]. Quare falsae gratiae et uanae species?
Quia si caritatem non habeam, factus sum aeramentum sonans et cymbalum tinniens, nihil
sum, nihil mihi prodest [I Cor. 13:13]. Falsae ergo sunt gratiae et uanae species mulieris.
Mulier enim sapiens benedicetur. ccl 41, p. 471.
See also ss. 10, 4; 47, 17; 137, 4; 138, 6; 159B, 13; 292, 8, cf. infra.
Sermones Relating to the Donatist Controversy 179

sermones in which it does. To clarify this distinction, a concise summary of the


sermon under discussion will be given in the footnotes.

a Not Explicitly Anti-Donatist


1 Forgiving, Healing, Restoring Grace
The Manicheans use the passage and every spirit that does not confess Jesus is
not from God [] (I Ioh. 4:3) as an argument for accepting two natures, argu-
ing for the existence of a nature besides that of God. Augustine explains that
this is an error:93

It [our rebirth] means that the nature which had been spoiled is being
restored; the nature which had fallen is being lifted up; the nature which
was lying there deformed, is being reformed by grace [gratia].94

Only the Creator, the Trinity, never falls and is imperishable, in contrast to the
creation.95
Augustine explains that Paul was transformed from Saul, the lamb from
the wolf, the apostle from the enemy, the preacher from the persecutor. By
persecuting Christians, Paul was persecuting Christ.96 Christ ordered Ananias

93 s. 182, 3. (Hill: 417, Rebillard: 416417, Hombert: , Gryson: around 417.) The central conten-
tion of sermo 182 is that, in their own specific way, all heresies including Donatism
actually deny that Christ came in the flesh. Gratia is discussed in this sermon where
Augustine envisages the Manicheans.
Sermo 183, 9 (Hill: 417, Rebillard: 416417, Hombert: , Gryson: 417419?) also addresses the
so-called heretical denial of the Incarnation. Augustine distinguishes two sorts of Donatists.
Some Donatists apparently deny that Christ is aequalis to the Father, and as such do not
admit that Christ came in the flesh. Other Donatists are, with regard to the dogma, concor-
dant with orthodox Christology, but deny Christ through their deeds, namely by their
schism (s. 183, 10). Grace is mentioned when Augustine discusses Arian Christology. The
Arians confess that Christ is not equal to the Father. Consequently the Arians do not accept
Christs coming in the flesh. Augustine notices that Christians, contrary to the Arians, should
look for a Son of God from nature and not a son by gratia or an adopted son (s. 183, 5).
94 J.E. Rotelle (ed.), E. Hill (trans., notes), Sermons III.5 (148183), On the New Testament,
Brooklyn-New York, 1992 (The Works of Saint Augustine, A translation for the 21st Century,
III.5), p. 333.
Natura quae corrupta fuerat, reparatur; natura quae lapsa fuerat, erigitur; natura quae
deformis iacebat, gratia reformatur. pl 38, col. 986.
95 s. 182, 3.
96 Sermo 295 discusses the martyrhood of Peter and Paul and reacts here only superficially
against the Donatists; s. 295, 5 reacts against Donatists, who consider the sheep as their
own and not of Christ.
180 Chapter 4

to baptize Paul since Christ considered Paul as a uas electionis (Act. 9:11).
Augustine immediately adds that this is a uas that needed to be filled and then
only with grace: Vas implendum est: unde, nisi gratia?97

2 Grace as Medicine against Pride


Augustine emphasizes that it is not the apostles own merit but the grace of
Christ that makes Paul capable of casting out demons. He clearly rejects all
who proudly praise their own merit, who replace Gods justice with their
own.98 The form of grace expressed in the forgiveness of sins is granted in bap-
tism.99 The forgiveness of sins is described as a gift of grace. A cor impaenitens

97 s. 295, 6. pl 38, col. 1352.


98 s. 71, 3.
Et quoniam dixerat filii uestri in quo eiciunt? [Matth. 12:27], ut ostenderet gratiam in eis
suam, non meritum illorum: aut quomodo potest quisquam, inquit, intrare in domum fortis
et uasa eius diripere, nisi prius alligauerit fortem et sic domum eius diripiet [Matth. 12:29]?
Filii, inquit, uestri, qui uel crediderunt in me, uel adhuc credituri sunt, et eiecturi daemones
non in daemonum principe sed in simplici sanctitate; qui certe uel fuerunt, uel hoc sunt quod
etiam uos estis, id est peccatores atque impii, et ideo in domo diaboli et uasa diaboli: quo-
modo ab illo possent erui, quos praeualente iniquitate fortiter obtinebat, nisi alligaretur
iustitiae meae uinculis, et uasa eius eriperem quae fuerant uasa irae, et ea facerem mea uasa
misericordiae? Hoc est quod etiam beatus apostolus superbis et quasi de suis meritis glorian-
tibus increpans dicit: quis enim te discernit? [I Cor. 4:7]. Hoc est a massa perditionis ex
Adam et a uasis irae quis te discernit? Et ne quisquam diceret iustitia mea, quid enim habes,
inquit, quod non accepisti? [I Cor. 4:7]. Vnde et de se ipso dicit: fuimus enim et nos ali-
quando naturaliter filii irae, sicut et ceteri [Eph. 2:3]. Ergo et ipse uas erat in domo illius
male fortis, cum esset ecclesiae persecutor, blasphemus, iniuriosus, in malitia et inuidia,
sicut fatetur, agens; sed ille qui alligauit fortem, ab eo uas perditionis eripuit et uas electionis
effecit. rb 75 (1965), p. 67.
This fragment of s. 71 seems to be anti-Pelagian in inspiration. S. 71 discusses in general
terms the theological meaning of heresy and schism, without however constantly react-
ing in opposition to a specific heterodoxy. S. 71, 4 states that non-believers can receive the
impression that Christianity is internally divided by heresies and schisms. However, the
kingdom of God is, despite human efforts to divide it, not divided. All who do not distance
themselves from iniquitas, do not belong to that kingdom. The opponents of the kingdom
of God are internally divided: Jews, pagans, Arians, Photinians, Donatists, Maximianists.
The conclusion of this sermon (s. 71, 3637) is that the sin against the Holy Spirit consists
of standing outside the Church, disrupting ecclesial unity, and can as such be considered
anti-Donatist in its intent.
99 s. 71, 6: Manifestum est igitur et a paganis et a Iudaeis et ab haereticis blasphemari Spiritum
sanctum. Numquidnam ergo deserendi sunt et sine ulla spe deputandi, quoniam fixa senten-
tia est: qui uerbum dixerit contra Spiritum sanctum, non ei dimitti, neque in hoc saeculo
neque in futuro; et illi soli existimandi sunt ab huius grauissimi peccati reatu liberari, qui ex
Sermones Relating to the Donatist Controversy 181

runs contrary to this grace: What speaks against this spontaneous, free gift,
against this grace of God, is an unrepentant heart.100 Paenitentia (remorse)
finds forgiveness, but impaenitentia precludes forgiveness.101 This kind of blas-
phemy (impaenitentia) cannot be perceived in a person while this person
lives.102 Whoever perseveres throughout his life in impaenitentia, and who
always opposes the grace of the Spirit ([] aduersus hanc gratiam Spiritus
sancti []103) will not be forgiven.104 Blasphemy against Christ can be for-
given, but blasphemy against the Holy Spirit prevents access to the very source
of forgiveness.105
The root and font of all sins (of human mortality, of suffering, of weakness,
of difficulties, of all human misery) is superbia. Because the Lord recognized
superbia as the cause of all illnesses, He cured mankind by his humilitas (for
this reason He is called saluator, meaning saviour and healer).106 Christs
humility is the therapy against the swelling of superbia. The physician has first

infantia sunt catholici? Nam quicumque uerbo Dei crediderunt, ut catholici fierent, utique
aut ex paganis aut ex Iudaeis aut ex haereticis in gratiam Christi pacemque uenerunt: qui-
bus si non est dimissum quod dixerunt uerbum contra Spiritum sanctum, inaniter promitti-
tur et praedicatur hominibus, ut conuertantur ad Deum et siue in baptismo siue in ecclesiae
pace remissionem accipiant peccatorum. Neque enim dictum est non remittetur ei, nisi in
baptismo, sed non remittetur, inquit, neque in hoc saeculo neque in futuro [Matth. 12:32].
rb 75 (1965), p. 71.
100 s. 71, 20. J.E. Rotelle (ed.), E. Hill (trans., notes), Sermons III.3 (5194), On the New Testament,
Brooklyn-New York, 1991 (The Works of Saint Augustine, A translation for the 21st Century,
III.3), p. 258.
Contra hoc donum gratuitum, contra istam Dei gratiam loquitur cor impaenitens. rb 75
(1965), p. 86.
101 s. 71, 20.
102 s. 71, 21.
103 rb 75 (1965), p. 88.
104 s. 71, 22.
105 s. 71, 23.
Blasphemy against Christ is forgiven: [] id est si paenituerit eum, accipiet per hoc donum
remissionem omnium peccatorum, simul et huius quod uerbum dixit contra filium hominis:
quia peccato ignorantiae siue contumaciae uel cuiuscumque blasphemiae non addidit
peccatum impaenitentiae contra donum Dei et gratiam regenerationis uel reconciliationis,
quae fit in ecclesia Spiritu sancto. rb 75 (1965), p. 90.
Blasphemy against the Holy Spirit is responding with a cor impaenitens against ecclesial
unity (s. 71, 3637, cf. supra).
106 s. 159B, 11.
Sermo 159B, 1718 (Dolbeau 21) criticizes, in passing, the Donatist rupture of the Church
unity. In another passage of the sermon, gratia is mentioned as sketched above, within
the context of Christs humility.
182 Chapter 4

drunk this cup of humility, not because He needed to do so, but to conquer
the hesitation of the patient. Augustine calls his listeners to appreciate, not
despise, the humility of Christ, through which man was restored to health.
Christ came to cure the caput of all diseases and sins: superbia. Once that
superbia is removed, man attains health through humility. Augustine here
quotes I Petr. 5:5: God is opposed to the proud, but gives grace to the humble,
though without elaborating on the idea of grace.107 Man distanced himself
from God by giving in to his own concupiscentia. Even the Jews, who wor-
shipped the one God, became proud. God therefore gave them the command-
ments to demonstrate their weakness of the flesh and the cupiditas, derived
from the first parents, that ruled in them. The law and the commandments that
God gave them were good and holy, revealing to the Jews that they were weak
and proud. They sought to obey the law, but were defeated by their cupiditas.
Previously, they were iniquus, but after the law they were also transgressors.
The introduction of the law caused the committing of evil to become greater;
but as the need for forgiveness grew, the outpouring of grace could become
even greater. Augustine quotes Rom. 5:20: the law came in so that the trans-
gression would increase; but where sin increased, grace abounded all the
more. Augustine does not here further elaborate on the theme of grace.108
Augustine argued vehemently against pagan idolatry, against worshipping
the creatures instead of the Creator.109 Pagan idolatry is an expression of earthly
orientation and an attestation to pride. By accepting the notion of creation,
Augustine claims, pagans were aware of the Creator, but as a result of their
superbia they attributed everything to their own efforts.110 Reacting against
pagan superbia, Augustine emphasizes the humilitas of the Incarnation.111
Christians, in following Christ, should for this reason be humble. Pagans love

107 s. 159B, 13.


108 s. 159B, 14.
109 s. 198, 17.
In the long s. 198 (s. Dolbeau 26, Mainz 62) Donatism occurs only once: Augustine rebukes
the Donatists for replacing Christ with Donatus (s. 198, 45). Cf. J. Scheid, Les rjouis-
sances des calendes de janvier daprs le sermon Dolbeau 26. Nouvelles lumires sur une
fte mal connue, in Augustin prdicateur, ed. by G. Madec, pp. 353365; R. Dodaro,
Christus sacerdos: Augustines preaching against pagan priests in the light of S. Dolbeau
26 and 23, in Augustin prdicateur, ed. by G. Madec, pp. 377393.
This sermon reacts primarily against the pagan accusation that Christians venerated
idols. P. Brown, Augustine and the practice of the imperiti. Qui adorant columnas in eccle-
sia (S. Dolbeau 26.10.232), in Augustin prdicateur, ed. by G. Madec, pp. 367375.
110 s. 198, 2932.
111 s. 198, 6062.
Sermones Relating to the Donatist Controversy 183

the world, but not Christ.112 In this respect, bad Christians resemble pagans.
They do not put Christ at the centre of their lives, but rather are driven by their
own lusts.113 Pagans were not rebuked by Augustine for being pagans, but only
for their in his eyes earthly orientation.114
Augustine highlights the redemptive nature of Christs death on the cross.
Christ took our flesh, and, being himself sinless, He bore our sins. He had no
debt for which to die, but paid what He did not owe in order to cancel our
debt.115 Reacting against pagan superbia, Augustine emphasized the humilitas
of the Incarnation and the salvation that came from that Incarnation.116 Pagans
have a certain spirituality, but because of their pride, it is one without grace.
From the mountain of their pride, they see the patria on another mountain,
but they do not descend through the valley of humility to access it.117 God is
faithful (I Cor. 10:13) [] consolans nos in omnibus et implens gaudio spei bonae,
donec perducat quo ducit uia quam nostrae infirmitati praebere dignatus est.118
Augustines preaching on divine grace was combined with an appeal to lead a
moral life. Christians should avoid sin. In the struggle against the surging waves
of this world, they need good works to pump out the bilge. They should allow
the wounds of daily sins to be cured through the remedies of alms, fasting and
prayer.119 In doing so, they give the pagans the opportunity to come to know
God, to honor Him as He should be honored.120

112 s. 198, 13.8.


113 s. 198, 9.
114 Christians are allowed to have contact with pagans, but they have to make sure to main-
tain a separation of minds (s. 198, 2). Augustine calls on his faithful to grieve, out of com-
passio, over the bad deeds of the pagans and to pray for them (s. 198, 8). Christians have to
arm themselves against the pagans, by praying in the right way, through fasting and alms-
giving, so that the pagans may come to know God and worship Him as He deserves to be
worshipped (s. 198, 58).
115 s. 198, 5. Cf. I Petr. 2:24, Is. 53:412.
116 s. 198, 60.62. Cf. s. 198, 43.
Christ is central. Those who cling to Christ will not be abandoned by hope (s. 198, 60).
Everyone who fears Christ should not be feared by a fellow Christian. Everyone who loves
Christ should be loved in Christ (s. 198, 62). In fasting, Christ should be imitated (s. 198, 6).
117 s. 198, 59.
118 s. 198, 63. Dolbeau, 417. s. 198, 63: Thus he comforts us in all circumstances, and fills us with
the joy of good hope (Wis. 12:19), until he brings us through to the place we are being led to,
by the way which he has in his gracious goodness provided for our weakness. J.E. Rotelle
(ed.), E. Hill (trans., notes), Sermons III.11, Newly Discovered Sermons, Hyde Park-New York,
1997 (The Works of Saint Augustine, A translation for the 21st Century, III.11), p. 228.
119 s. 198, 56.
120 s. 198, 58.
184 Chapter 4

3 The Grace of the Christian Faith Gratia Fidei


For the bishop of Hippo, Gods grace is demonstrated by the conversion of gen-
tes to Christianity. Saluantur autem qui congregantur de gentibus, saluantur
salute fidei, salute spiritali, salute promissorum Dei, salute spei bonae, salute sin-
cerissimae caritatis.121 Christ had to suffer for Gentiles to be converted, to
redeem them, and to enable them to become Christian.122
Augustine explains King Solomons judgement (I Reg. 3:1627) allegori-
cally.123 One of the two women represents the synagogue; she killed her own

Augustine appeals to his hearers to love what was promised (eternal life) and to fear what
was threatened (eternal fire). Whoever lives morally out of fear, is a slave. Whoever does
this with love, is a free person. Fear comes first, caritas only afterwards; it is caritas that
reduces fear to nonexistence. Good deeds are rewarded with a prize, but bad behavior is
punished (s. 198, 4). A house (the Church) contains hired working forces: they look for
temporary advantages in the Church. There are also slaves: they belong to the house more
than those who are hired, but they serve out of fear. Thirdly, there are the sons: these
belong even more to the house and are created from those slaves who serve out of love
rather than out of fear. Martyrs belong to the sons: they rejected the uoluptates omnes
saeculi out of love for Christ (s. 198, 12). Our natural parents, both of them, gave us
our mortality. God and the Church, our Father and our Mother, gave us our immortality
(s. 198, 42). Christ is born as son, and we are sons by adoption (s. 198, 44).
121 s. 198, 2. (F. Dolbeau, Augustin dHippone. Vingt-six sermons au people dAfrique, Paris, 1996,
p. 366.) s. 198, 2: those who are gathered from among the Gentiles are made safe with
the soundness of faith, the soundness of hope, the soundness of the most genuine charity,
a spiritual soundness, the utterly reliable soundness of the promises of God. J.E. Rotelle
(ed.), E. Hill (trans., notes), Sermons III.6 (184-229Z), On the Liturgical Seasons, New
Rochelle-New York, 1993 (The Works of Saint Augustine, A translation for the 21st Century,
III.6), p. 73; E. Hill, Sermons III.11, p. 180.
Parallel to his rejection of pagan idolatry (replacing the Creator with creatures), Augustine
explains that the holy martyrs and angels do not wish to be venerated themselves, but
that they desire that the one whom they revere is venerated, namely God (s. 198, 46). Cf. s.
198, 36. Citation from Rom. 7:2425: Who will set me free from the body of this death?
Thanks be to God through Jesus Christ our Lord! (Quis liberabit de corpore mortis huius,
nisi gratia Dei per Iesum Christum Dominum nostrum.) Dolbeau, p. 394.
The anti-Donatist thesis that martyrdom is not constituted by poena but by the correct
causa is not absent in the anti-Donatist sermones, but is at the same time not prominently
present: ss. 138, 2; 275, 1 (feast martyr Vincentius); 327 (feast some martyrs); 359B, 1617.
This theme functions moreover in sermons that are not specifically anti-Donatist in
intent, but preached on feasts of martyrs (cf. previous chapter of this monograph). Cf. G.
Lapointe, La clbration des martyrs. J. den Boeft, Martyres sunt, sed homines fuerunt.
122 s. 198, 5.
123 s. 10, 1. (Hill: 412, Rebillard: around 412, Hombert: , Gryson: around 412.) Sermo 10 deals
with king Solomons judgement between two women (who were according to Augustine
Sermones Relating to the Donatist Controversy 185

son, namely Christ. The two women live in one house. This means, according
to the preacher, that besides circumcision and uncircumcision, no other
religion exists. Both are prostitutes, are sinners. The replacement of the one
child by the other symbolizes that the Jewish sacrament of circumcision
became meaningless, because the Jews interpreted it in a literal and carnal
way, because they killed Christ (who is the life of all sacraments). The one
woman the Gentiles slept, while the child (circumcision) of the other
woman the Jews was without life. The dead child, thus the dead works of
the law, the darkness of the Jews, is opposed to Christ, to spiritual works, to the
light and life of Christianity. The Church understands spiritual grace and
rejects the carnal works of the law, the dead child of the other woman. The
Church demands a living faith since the righteous live by faith (Rom. 1:17)
faith that she obtained in the name of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit.
For this reason, this woman, the Church, recognizes with certainty her three-
day-old son (three symbolizes the Trinity) and she does not permit him to be
taken away from her.124 The Jews (who mistakenly called themselves Christians)
did not have the gospel, because they could not grasp it spiritually (spiritaliter
tenere). They smothered its spirit, just as the guilty mother did. Augustine here
refers to Jewish Christians who contended that the gospel was granted them
on the basis of their righteousness, clinging to the material/literal obedience to
the Jewish law.

In refuting them the apostle went so far as to say the more they claim
Christian grace as their due, and boast that it is theirs as though by right
of the works of the Law, the less it really belongs to them. For to the one
who works, he says, his wages are not reckoned as grace or favor but as his
due. But to one who does not work, but believes in him who justifies the
wicked, it is faith that is reckoned as justice (Rom. 4:45). And therefore he
does not count among their number those of the Jews who had believed
rightly and were holding fast to a living spiritual grace. He says this rem-
nant of the Jewish people were saved, when the majority of them had

meretrices), without however calling the Donatists by name. Augustines fulminating


against the breaking of ecclesial unity can however be read as anti-Donatist. At the begin-
ning of the sermon Augustine states that the events of the Old Testament represent and
symbolize future events.
124 s. 10, 2. Hac illuminatione, tamquam mane facto, intellegit ecclesia gratiam spiritalem,
repellens a se carnale opus legis, tamquam mortuum alienum; et sibi uindicans uiuam
fidem, quoniam iustus ex fide uiuit [Rom. 1:17], quam in patris et filii et Spiritus sancti
nomine consecuta est, et ideo tamquam triduanum filium certa cognoscit, nec eum sibi eri
patitur. ccl 41, p. 155.
186 Chapter 4

gone to perdition. So therefore at the present time also, he says, a remnant


has been saved, chosen by grace. But if it is by grace it is no longer as a result
of works; otherwise grace would no longer be grace (Rom. 11:56). So those
are excluded from grace who claim the prize of the gospel is theirs by
right, owed and given them for their works. This is like the Synagogue
claiming, It is my son. But she was lying. She too, you see, had received
him, but by sleeping on him, that is, by being proud in her own conceits,
she had killed him. But now this other mother was awake, and under-
stood that it was not through her own merits, since she is a harlot, but
through Gods grace that she had been granted a son, namely the work of
evangelical faith which she longed to nurse in the bosom of her heart. So
that one was using another persons son to acquire human respectability,
this one was preserving a true love for her own.125

The royal judgement prevented the false mother from controlling the grace
given to the true mother, since she was not able to take care of her own grace.
The order to cut the baby in two was not intended to rupture unity, but to test
caritas. If it comes to this kind of trial, in order that Christian grace (gratia) not
be divided (envisaging, without specification, the Donatists), the faithful are
taught to say: Give her the child, but let it live.126 Two women in one house
symbolizes two peoples in one Church: the people of simulatio, insincerity
(the Donatists, however not made explicit), and the people of caritas/dilectio.
Both are prostitutes. This makes clear that none who are converted from
worldly temptation to Gods grace can brag of previous righteousness and mer-
its. That a prostitute commits fornication is her own initiative; that she begets
a son is the work of God.127 God also works through peoples sins. He trans-
forms sin into something good, and this result is not usually what the sinner
originally desired. If the prostitute really wanted to keep the child (and did
not opt for abortion), this is a good consequence (i.e., gift of God) that pro-
ceeds from her sin. This is no longer cupiditas (libido), but is now dilectio.

125 s. 10, 3. J.E. Rotelle (ed.), E. Hill (trans., notes), M. Pellegrino (intr.), Sermons I (119), On the
Old Testament, Brooklyn-New York, 1990 (The Works of Saint Augustine, A translation for
the 21st Century, III.1), p. 285.
126 s. 10, 4.
127 s. 10, 5.
Meretrices autem fuerunt ambae, quia omnes ex cupiditate saeculi conuertuntur ad gra-
tiam Dei, nec de prioribus iustitae meritis uere potest quisquam gloriari meretrix. Meretrix
autem quod fornicatur ipsius est, quod habet filium Dei est. [] Meretricis ergo filius recte
intellegitur gratia peccatricis. Ex uetere autem turpitudine nouus homo natus indulgentia
peccatorum est. ccl 41, p. 157.
Sermones Relating to the Donatist Controversy 187

In this way, the son of the prostitute represents the grace of the sinner, the
grace through which a new man is born from the old, that is, in other words,
the forgiveness of sins. Caritas and simulatio are both present in the Church.
Caritas gives birth earlier (three days) than simulatio in the Church, in order
that caritas may be recognised by her self-constraint, righteousness and hope
for future things. Simulatio also gives birth, she rejoices for a short period in the
forgiveness of sins, but is suppressed by the slumber of worldly desires through
abandoning the hope for heavenly rewards and by yielding to earthly things, so
that she suffocates in her sleep the forgiveness she gained by believing and
attempts to ascribe to herself the merit of the good works of others.128 When
the (good) mother (caritas) awakes and notices that she has been blamed for
the impietas, which she herself did not commit, and that the simulatio brags
of the spiritual work of grace (spiritali opere gratiae), for which she has
sought, she appeals to the peace-loving judge.129 Augustine again condemns
the breaking of ecclesial unity and explains the meaning of grace. Paul stated
that not he himself, but the grace (gratia) of God accomplished the good work
of the gospel in him. This is also the case with the good prostitute, who can
only consider her sins as her own, while acknowledging the gift of fertility as
coming from God. The good mother is willing to sacrifice her own honour to
avoid breaking the unity (the child). Similutio suffocates the new man that she
as mother received per gratiam donantis, and she lacks the milk of faith.130
Augustine explains the presence of grace in the salvation history of man-
kind, claiming, Gods promises were the foundation of faith for our ancestors,
and Gods gifts are the fulfillment of faith for us.131 The Church was given the

128 s. 10, 6.
129 s. 10, 7. Cf. s. 10, 4: the name Solomon means peaceable king.
130 s. 10, 8.
[] Probata caritas, quae propter salutem paruuli et unitatis firmamentum etiam simula-
tioni honorem cessit, ut amorem tenens complexumque uitalis gratiae, sempiterno piae
matris praemio perfruatur. ccl 41, p. 159.
131 s. 360A, 1 (s. Dolbeau 24. Mainz 60). (Hill: 403, Rebillard: , Hombert: , Gryson: Ausserhalb
von Hippo in der Proconsularis, zwischen 399 und 405; Karthago, 30/6/404?) E. Hill,
Sermons III.11, p. 354. s. 360A, 1: Fidem parentibus nostris Dei promissa fecerunt, fidem nobis
Dei dona impleuerunt. reaug 37 (1991), p. 43; Dolbeau (1996), p. 232.
The fault, the offence, of the pagans is not as grave as that of the Donatists. Pagans do not
believe as a result of their lack of knowledge, while Donatists have all the material sources
necessary to embrace the orthodox faith at their disposal (s. 360A, 5). Sermo 360A was a
call to pagans to be converted, but it was also directed at Donatists. Pagans should not be
angry that there have been developments that they disliked, such as the disappearing of
the pagan cult, since this meant that God was fulfilling his promises.
188 Chapter 4

means to please God. The sins of Christians were forgiven, not because of
their own merit, but as a gift of God.132 In the past, the Jews had grace, while
other nations did not; now the opposite is true. The whole world was bare of
Christians and dry for lack of grace. Only one people, descendants of Abraham,
worshiped God. This people was comprised of many saints, prophets, just men,
and patriarchs our ancestors; in it grace was to be found in the worship of
God, and the merit that deserved a reward, and the hope that looked forward
to receiving this reward.133 And this was one nation among all nations, with the
whole world otherwise being devoid of this grace. In our time, however, that
nation alone has remained in drought for lack of this grace, while the rest of
the world has been well watered.134
According to Augustine, this change between Jews and Gentiles in their
relation to grace could be allegorically read in the Book of Judges, namely in
the signs requested by Gideon. Augustine explains that the signs that were
given were not really applicable to Gideons explicit situation, but that they
foretold the future. The first sign: the woolen fleece (a metaphor for the Jewish
people) was wet with rain, while the threshing floor (a metaphor for the world)
remained dry. This sign indicated metaphorically that the Jews possessed
grace, while all (other) nations were without it. Grace was to be found in the
fleece: faith was not manifest but hidden. Wringing out the fleece symbolized
the suffering and the humility of Christ. Afterwards, the water was tossed
away: they threw away Christ, grace, making it possible for his humility to be
spread further, to all nations. In the second sign given to Gideon, the symbols
were reversed: a dry fleece but wet threshing floor. The Jews no longer had
grace, but the rest of the world did. This faith was not hidden, but openly mani-
fest, proclaimed to and known by all.135

132 s. 360A, 2.
133 This is a significant sentence. Augustine sees patres nostri as belonging to Abrahams
stock according to the flesh (instead of a spiritual belonging) and talks in a rather
Pelagian way about the sancti and iusti of the Jewish people (in the Old Testament,
before Christ). Augustine does not however give further explanation regarding his
assertions.
134 s. 360A, 3. E. Hill, Sermons III.11, p. 355.
s. 360A, 3. Orbis terrarum christianis nudus erat et inopia gratiae siccus erat. Vnus populus
Deum colens, natus ex Abraham stirpe carnis et serie generationis; in quo populo erant multi
sancti, prophetae, iusti, patriarchae, patres nostri; ibi gratia in colendo Deo, et meritum
promerendi et spes accipiendi mercedem. Et haec una gens erat inter omnes gentes, ab hac
gratia uacuo toto orbe terrarum. Ventum est ad nostra tempora: gens illa una ab hac gratia
sicca remansit, et irrigatus est orbis terrarum. reaug 37 (1991), p. 45; Dolbeau (1996), p. 234.
135 s. 360A, 3. Iud. 6:38.
Sermones Relating to the Donatist Controversy 189

4 Assisting Grace Gratia Christi


Calling upon Christ involves, according to Augustine, responding to Christs
grace by performing good works. Quid est autem clamare ad Christum, nisi gra-
tiae Christi congruere bonis operibus? Hoc dico, fratres, ne forte simus strepentes
uocibus, et muti moribus.136 Christ administers temporal sacraments to remind
mankind to seize the eternal realities.137
Augustine explains that Matth. 23:23 (The scribes and Pharisees occupy
the chair of Moses; whatever they say, do it; but whatever they do, dont do it.)
applies to the bad members of the clergy. These bad clerics try to refute the
significance of this scriptural passage. The gratia et misericordia Domini pre-
vents them, however, from succeeding in this attempt.138
Sermo 340A is delivered during the ordination of a bishop.139 Augustine says
it is better for a bishop not to have a wife and child(ren). This specific bishop
decided, in the name of Christ, adiutus gratia Christi,140 not to have children
according to the flesh, but to only have children according to the Spirit; put in
another way, heavenly instead of earthly children, to be together with his flock
co-heirs of Christ instead of having his own earthly heirs.141

b Explicitly Anti-Donatist
1 Christ versus Adam
The preacher explains the parable of the banquet from Matth. 22:114.142 God
organizes two banquets: one for both good and bad people together, and one
for only the good. Both good and bad people were invited to the wedding
banquet of the kings son. Those who refused the invitation were bad, but at
the same time, not all the guests present were good. This incites Augustine
to advise his audience: do not look for bad people outside and tolerate bad

136 s. 88, 12. rb 94 (1984), p. 86. S. 88 is a homily on the Christus Medicus theme.
137 s. 88, 12.
138 s. 137, 7.
Augustine advises that the words of bad clerics may be listened to, but their deeds should
not be imitated. The devil seduces people, not to allow them to rule with him, but to allow
them to share in his convictions. Sermo 137, 4 quotes the Pharisee from Luc. 18:914, saying
Deus, gratias ago tibi, quia non sum sicut publicanus iste [Luc. 18:11]. pl 38, col. 756.
139 s. 340A, 11 (s. Guelf. 32). This sermon is mainly devoted to the topic of the ordination of
this bishop and only deals in passing with the division created by the Donatists.
140 s. 340A, 7. ma 1, p. 569.
141 s. 340A, 7.
142 The discussion of Matth. 22:114 in s. 90 gives Augustine the opportunity to deal with the
theme of caritas in a way that is directed against the Donatists.
190 Chapter 4

people inside.143 Ultimately, there is only one good: God. In reality all people
are bad in one way or another. Even the apostles were not good.144 The same
people are at the same time bad, in that they commit sins and good, in that
they confess them. God does not forsake bad people. He is their medicus.145
The wedding garment plays an important role in this parable:

Explain the wedding garment to us, you will say. There is no doubt at all
that it is a garment which only the good have, those who are to be left at
the banquet, preserved for the banquet to which no bad person has
access, to be brought through to it by the grace of the Lord. They are the
ones who have on the wedding garment.146

The good are distinguished from the bad by the wedding garb, and this is not
baptism, the altar, fasting or doing miracula. Bad people also do these things.
The distinguishing wedding garment is pure caritas. Augustine exhorts: Learn
to love the Lord so that you can love yourself and your neighbour in the correct
way.147 Augustine distinguishes Adam/sin from Christ/grace, saying,

Consider our species, our human race. We have all flowed from one
source; and because that one source turned bitter, we from being an olive
tree have become a wild olive. Grace too came. One man begot us to sin
and to death, and yet as one race, yet as all neighbours to each other, yet
as not only like each other but also as related to each other. One man
came against one man; against one man who scattered came one who
gathered. In the same way, against one man who killed came one man

143 s. 90, 1.
144 s. 90, 2.
145 s. 90, 34. The man not wearing a wedding garment represents a whole class of people.
The servants were only allowed to invite people, and not to judge them. The paterfamilias
himself comes to judge. There are more bad people (chaff) than good (grain). Many are
called, only a few chosen.
146 s. 90, 5. J.E. Rotelle (ed.), E. Hill (trans., notes), Sermons III.3 (5194), On the New Testament,
Brooklyn-New York, 1991 (The Works of Saint Augustine, A translation for the 21st Century,
III.3), p. 450.
Expone, inquies, nobis uestem nuptialem. Procul dubio illa uestis est, quam non habent nisi
boni, in conuiuio relinquendi, seruandi ad conuiuium quo nullus malus accedit, per Domini
gratiam perducendi: ipsi habent uestem nuptialem. pl 38, col. 561.
147 s. 90, 6. This caritas is not the love that creates solidarity between criminals, adherents of
witchcraft, fans of actors, charioteers and hunters. Augustine asks: Put on the garment of
caritas out of respect for the bride and the bridegroom, the Church and Christ.
Sermones Relating to the Donatist Controversy 191

who made alive. For just as in Adam all die, so in Christ shall all be made
alive (I Cor. 15:22). But just as everyone who is born of that man dies,
so too everyone who believes in Christ is made alive but only if he has
on a wedding garment, if he is invited along to be preserved, not to be
separated.148

2 Law versus Grace


Augustine stresses that the Ten Commandments have to be fulfilled through
love (grace). For this reason he considers the Donatists as enemies of this love.
The old man (the Old Testament, in slavery) fulfilled the commandments out
of fear, the new man (the New Testament, in freedom) out of love. The new
man sings with the harp of the ten strings of the Ten Commandments. The old
man the Jews also received the Ten Commandments, but was not able to
fulfil them. The harp was a burden that prevented them from singing. Under
the auspices of the law, they could not fulfil the law. Only under grace, can this
law be fulfilled.149 The new song is the grace of the new covenant. Here a dis-
tinction has to be made with the old man. The old man, the transgressor of the
law, does not sing the new song. Gods grace reconciles mankind to God
through forgiveness of sins, and renews man when he puts away his old nature.
Donatist rebaptism does not belong to this new song.150

148 s. 90, 7. E. Hill, Sermons III.3 (5194), p. 452.


Attendite genus nostrum: de uno fonte manauimus; et quia ille unus in amaritudinem uer-
sus est, omnes ex oliua oleaster facti sumus. Venit et gratia. Generauit unus ad peccatum et
ad mortem, tamen unum genus, tamen proximos sibi omnes; tamen non solum similes, sed
etiam cognatos. Venit unus contra unum: contra unum qui sparsit, unus qui colligit. Sic con-
tra unum qui occidit, unus qui uiuificat. Sicut enim in Adam omnes moriuntur, sic in Christo
omnes uiuificabuntur [I Cor. 15:22]. Sed quomodo de illo omnis qui nascitur, moritur: sic in
Christo omnis qui credit, uiuificatur. Sed si habeat uestem nuptialem, si inuitetur seruandus,
non separandus. pl 38, cols. 563564.
149 s. 33, 1.
Caritas ergo cantat canticum nouum. Nam timor ille seruilis in uettere homine constitutus
potes quidem habere Psalterium decem chordarum, quia et Iudaeis carnalibus data est ipsa
lex decem praeceptorum, sed cantare in illa non potest canticum nouum. Sub lege est enim
et implere non potest legem. Organum ipsum portat, non tractat, et oneratur Psalterio, non
ornatur. Qui autem sub gratia est, non sub lege, ipse implet legem, quia non est ei pondus sed
decus, nec timenti tormentum est sed amanti ornamentum. Spiritu enim dilectionis accen-
sus, iam in Psalterio decem chordarum cantat canticum nouum. ccl 41, p. 413.
150 The Donatists have separated themselves from the Church, which God willed to exist in
every country. One can read this in Ps. 96:1: sing to the Lord a new song; sing to the Lord,
every land. Everybody who refuses to sing with each country, and who does not draw
192 Chapter 4

3 Forgiving Grace
Augustine quotes Cant. 1:7 on the bride (the Church) of the shepherd of the
shepherds, who was first defiled by sin, and was cleansed by the grace of the
shepherd.

Rightly does the beloved of this shepherd of shepherds, his bride, his
beauty, but made beautiful by him, previously so ugly with sin, later
so comely by his pardon and grace, rightly does she address him in
her burning love for him, and say, Where do you graze your flock?
(Cant. 1:7)151

back from the old man, does not sing the new song, does not play on the harp with ten
strings, because they are enemies of caritas, and only this love is the perfection of the law,
contained in the Ten Commandments, which are directed to love for God and fellow man
(s. 33, 5).
Cantemus ergo canticum nouum, psallentes Psalterio decem chordarum. Hoc est canticum
nouum, gratia noui testamenti, quod nos a uetere homine discernit, qui primus factus est de
terra terrenus. De limo enim factus est, et amissa beatitudine in miseriam iure proiectus est,
quoniam praecepti praeuaricator extiterat. Sed quid dicit apud prophetam, qui gratias agit
gratiae Dei per remissionem peccatorum reconcilianti nos Deo, et renouanti praeterita uetus-
tate? Eduxit me, inquit, de lacu miseriae et de luto limi, et posuit super petram pedes meos, et
direxit gressus meos, et inmisit in os meum canticum nouum, hymnum Deo nostro [Ps. 39:3sq.].
Hoc est canticum nouum, quod psallit in Psalterio decem chordarum. Nemo enim laudat Deum,
id est, dicit hymnum, nisi ori suo factis consentiat, Deum et proximum diligendo. ccl 41, p. 415.
151 s. 138, 6.
J.E. Rotelle (ed.), E. Hill (trans., notes), Sermons III.4 (94A-147A), On the New Testament,
Brooklyn-New York, 1992 (The Works of Saint Augustine, A translation for the 21st Century,
III.4), p. 388.
Merito huic pastori pastorum, amata eius, sponsa eius, pulchra eius, sed ab ipso pulchra
facta, prius peccatis foeda, post indulgentia et gratia formosa, loquitur amans et ardens in
eum, et dicit ei, ubi pascis? [Ct. 1:6]. pl 38, col. 766.
Sermo 138 explicitly addresses the Donatists, by stressing both the unity of the Church
(one flock, one shepherd) and the genuine cause of martyrdom. S. 138, 910 reacts explic-
itly against the Donatist claim that the true Church is located only in Africa. Augustine
also deals concisely with the predestined knowledge Christ had regarding the Gentiles
in s. 138, 5: Ergo audite ipsam unitatem uehementius commendatam: habeo, inquit, alias
oues, quae non sunt de hoc ouili [Ioh. 10:16]. Loquebatur enim primo ouili de genere carnis
Israel. Erant autem alii de genere fidei ipsius Israel, et extra erant adhuc, in gentibus erant,
praedestinati, nondum congregati. Hos nouerat qui praedestinauerat: nouerat qui redimere
sanguine suo fuso uenerat. Videbat eos, nondum uidentes eum: nouerat eos, nondum creden-
tes in eum. Habeo, inquit, alias oues, quae non sunt de hoc ouili: quia non sunt de genere
carnis Israel. Sed tamen non erunt extra hoc ouile, quia oportet me eas adducere, ut sit unus
grex et unus pastor [Ioh. 10:16]. pl 38, cols. 765766.
Sermones Relating to the Donatist Controversy 193

4 Unmerited Grace against Pride


Sermo 47 discusses the Biblical theme of drawing a distinction between sheep
and goats.

Only he who was able to predestine and foreknow can tell the sheep
from the goats by predestination and foreknowledge. For the present,
because all are under the sign of Christ, and all have access to the grace of
God, you consider yourself a sheep, while perhaps God knows you for a
goat. But let it be as a sheep that you listen to what you are hearing: Behold
I myself am judging between the strong sheep and between the feeble sheep
(Ez. 34:20).152

At harvest, weeds and corn are separated, as are the good sheep from the bad.
We have to wait for the harvest for this separation to take place. God, and not
man, decides who will be the harvesters and when the harvest will take place.153
Augustine asks the Donatists to confess their imperfection. Even the apostle
Paul admitted in II Cor. 12:89 to being weak and sick. In order not to be puffed
up by the greatness of the revelations he received, he had a stimulus carnis.
When he asked for this to be removed, he received the answer: my grace is
sufficient for you, for power is perfected in weakness (II Cor. 12:89). The
theme of grace is not elaborated on here.154
After the Holy Spirit had come over them, the disciples spoke in several
tongues. This event anticipated that the Church would include all languages.
All tongues (languages) in one person symbolize ecclesial unity. The disciples
proclaimed the gratia Christi.155 The disciples transmitted the Spirit by the
laying on of hands, indicating clearly the distinction between donator and
ministrator. Simon Magus wrongly thought this was due to the disciples own

s. 138, 6: diffusa est gratia in labiis tuis [Ps. 44:3]. pl 38, col. 766. This is a citation from Ps.
45:2, without elaborating on gratia.
152 s. 47, 15. J.E. Rotelle (ed.), E. Hill (trans., notes), Sermons II (2050), On the Old Testament,
Brooklyn-New York, 1990 (The Works of Saint Augustine, A translation for the 21st Century,
III.2), p. 308.
Non scit nisi praedestinatione et praescientia oues et hircos ille solus, qui praedestinare
potuit, qui praescire. Modo quia omnes sub signo Christi sunt et omnes ad gratiam Dei acce-
dunt, ouem te putas, hircum te forte Deus nouit. Sed tamquam ouis audi quod audis: ecce
ego iudico inter ouem fortem, et inter ouem imbecillam [Ez. 34:20]. ccl 41, p. 585.
153 s. 47, 16.
154 s. 47, 17.
Cf. s. 47, 18: Against Donatists who profess to differentiate between iusti and sinners.
155 s. 266, 2: s. 266 thus turns the Pentecost theme into an anti-Donatist discourse.
194 Chapter 4

merit.156 After the pride of Babel, humanity was divided by several languages,
so that they were no longer able to understand each other. By the devout
humility of the faithful, the Church brought unity to the diversity of languages,
introduced the order of one body under one head. Those who do not share in
this gift of the Spirit, the Donatists, hate the grace of peace; they do not value
the bond of unity.157
In order that baptism not be ascribed to human pride, a distinction is made
between receiving baptism and the receiving of the Holy Spirit the latter can-
not be effected by any human stressing even more that the reception of bap-
tism and the Holy Spirit is a grace and not the result of human effort.158

5 Assisting Grace
John was filled with grace in such a way that he greeted the Lord while both
were still in the womb.

Here we have this John, so pre-eminent in grace that, as weve said, he


even greeted the Lord from the womb, not by speaking but by leaping; his
grace in response to God already evident, at a time when his flesh was
still enclosed in flesh; so this John, we find, was not among the Lords
disciples, but we find instead that he, like the Lord, had disciples.159

John was not a disciple of Christ, but just as Christ did, John had disciples, he
taught, he baptized and even baptized Christ. Christ, being God, created John
and existed before John. As man, Christ was born after John. John was a great
man, full of grace, to the degree that of all who have been born of women, no
greater man can be found (Matth. 11:11).

156 s. 266, 3.
157 S. 271 also reads the Pentecostal event in an anti-Donatist way. According to Augustine,
when the Donatists hear this sermon, it does not bring them a reward but only
punishment.
158 s. 269, 2. See above 2: Baptism.
159 s. 292, 2. J.E. Rotelle (ed.), E. Hill (trans., notes), Sermons III.8 (273-305A), On the Saints,
Hyde Park-New York, 1994 (The Works of Saint Augustine, A translation for the 21st
Century, III.8), p. 138.
Ioannes iste tanta excellens gratia, ut quemadmodum dictum est, Dominum etiam ex utero
salutaret, nondum loquendo, sed exsultando; cuius gratia in Deum iam tunc erat aperta,
quando eius caro in carne erat inclusa []. pl 38, col. 1320.
S. 292 is delivered on John the Baptists day of birth, and argues against the Donatists on
baptism, namely that not the minister, but Christ, administers baptism (s. 292, 58, see
above 2: Baptism).
Sermones Relating to the Donatist Controversy 195

So John was indeed a perfect man, and one of such outstanding grace
that the Lord himself said about him, Among those born of women nobody
has arisen greater than John the Baptist (Matth. 11:11).160

By indicating that Christ is greater than John, John (the greatest of all men)
testifies to the divinity of Christ. John denied that he was the Christ, as some
people assumed he was, because of the greatness of Johns grace (eius magnitu-
dinis gratia). By this denial he was able to remain what he was, man. For this
reason Adam fell and lost what he was: he wanted to be what he was not. John
recalled this error of Adam and did not forget it, because he wanted to receive
what Adam lost. John denied being the Messiah in order to remain in commu-
nion with the true Christ.161
Grace is linked with Cyprian, an authority to whom the Donatists appealed.162
Cyprian lived as a person with confidence in dying and died as a person with
confidence of rising again. He pleased God through Gods own gift to him.
Cyprian previously, before his conversion, had only sin in him. This he confessed
in his writings. He did not forget what he had been, to remain grateful to the one
who made him cease from sinning. He won Gods favour by a double grace:
through the way in which he was bishop, and the way in which he was a martyr.
As bishop he held to unity, as martyr he gave an example of confessio.163

160 E. Hill, Sermons III.8 (273-305A), p. 138.


Erat igitur Ioannes homo perfectus quidem, et cuius tanta gratia commendata est, ut ipse
de illo Dominus diceret, in natis mulierum nemo exsurrexit maior Ioanne baptista [Matth.
11:11]. pl 38, cols. 13201321.
161 s. 292, 2.
s. 292, 8. Quanto magnus es, tanto humilia te in omnibus, et coram Deo inuenies gratiam
omnibus, et coram Deo inuenies gratiam [Ecli. 3:20]. The greater you are, humble yourself
all the more in all matters, and you will find grace in Gods presence (Sir. 3:18). This quote
is applied to John the Baptist. The issue of grace is not elaborated on.
162 Sermo 313E is held on the feast of Cyprian, and is explicitly directed against the Donatists;
s. 313E, 27 (s. Guelf. 28) is directed against the Donatists and deals with a variety of top-
ics: Cyprian, unity, and the correct causa for martyrship.
163 s. 313E, 1.
Itaque numero, quos hoc docuit, eminuit beatus Cyprianus: sic uiuens tamquam sciens se
moriturum, et sic moriens tamquam certum habens resurrecturum; gemina gratia commen-
datus Deo, ea utique gratia, quam sumpsit ab illo cui placuit. Placuit autem illi ex dono eius:
quod enim ad ipsum attinebat, unde displiceret habebat, non unde placeret; sed quemadmo-
dum scriptum est, ubi abundauit peccatum, superabundauit gratia [Rom. 5:20]. Ille ipse
ueridicus et uerax martyr seruus Dei, uerax munere Dei, confitetur in scripturis suis, qualis
antea fuisset: non obliuiscitur qualis fuerit, ne ingratus sit ei, per quem talis esse cessauit.
196 Chapter 4

4 Conclusion

Just as in the sermons and tractates concerned with the Pelagian contro-
versy,164 the theme of sin is central in the anti-Donatist sermones. Moreover,
the basic intuitions of Augustines thinking on sin are already in nucleo pres-
ent: (1) everyone except Christ is a sinner (even the apostles); (2) superbia is
both the cause and the most important manifestation of sin, which exists in
the Church as in the world; (3) the law is insufficient to forgive sin and turned
mankind/the Jews from sinners into transgressors; (4) Christ our medicus
bears the sin of the whole of humanity and forgives this sin in baptism; and (5)
the oppositions carnaliter-spiritaliter, law-grace, Adam-Christ are present.
Despite the presence of the core ideas regarding sin in the anti-Donatist ser-
mones, the framework in which they are discussed is clearly different from the
Pelagian controversy. While sin in the Pelagian controversy is mainly discussed
existentially (condition humaine, mortality, and the remaining presence of con-
cupiscentia) and eschatologically (the fall of Adam, original sin, and the com-
ing of Christ), the emphasis in the anti-Donatist sermones seems to be more
ecclesiological and disciplinary (no excommunication, tolerance of sinners in
the Church, the breaking of ecclesial unity as sin). This difference in the frame-
work of content could explain the absence of Augustines doctrine of original
sin in the whole of the anti-Donatist sermones. To sum up, the same basic
notions are to be found in (the sermones of) both controversies, but occur
in a different context, one determined by the specific questions posed by
Augustines respective adversaries.
Sacramentology, for example, is not central in the Pelagian controversy.
Augustines anti-Donatist sacramentology, however, contains elements of his

Gemina ergo gratia commendatur Deo, episcopatu et martyrio. Episcopatus eius defendit et
tenuit unitatem; martyrium eius docuit et impleuit confessionem. ma 1, p. 536.
Sermo 360 is the speech of a converted Donatist. He wants to thank God for his patience
for waiting for him and for his mercy for taking him back into the Church (gratias patien-
tiae et misericordiae Domini Dei nostri). This speech deals mainly on Gods bringing about
of this conversion.
164 For the presence of the topic of sin in anti-Pelagian sermones, see also: A. Dupont, La
presencia de los temas antipelagianos Baptismus Paruulorum y Peccatum Originale en los
Sermones ad Populum de Agustn. Una perspectiva pastoral sobre asuntos doctrinales y
polmicos? Augustinus 55.1 (2010), pp. 109127; A. Dupont, Augustines recourse to 1 Jn
1:89 revisited. The Polemical Roots of an Anti-Pelagian Stronghold, Rivista di Storia del
Cristianesimo (2010), pp. 121; A. Dupont, Augustines Exegesis of 1 Tim. 1:1516 and Rom.
6:1213. A Specific Use of the Scriptures within the Anti-Pelagian Sermones, Zeitschrift fr
die neutestamentliche Wissenschaft und die Kunde der lteren Kirche 101.2 (2010), pp. 119.
Sermones Relating to the Donatist Controversy 197

anti-Pelagian reflections on grace. This has been noted in the sermones ad


populum. In refuting the Donatists, Augustine emphasizes that it is Christ and
not the minister who baptizes, that God (as the Holy Spirit) guarantees the
validity of the sacraments and not he who administers them, that the flock
(the Church) belongs to Christ and not to the bishops, and that neither Donatus
nor the martyrs should take the place of Christ. Augustines anti-Donatist criti-
cism is almost identical to his interpretation of Pelagianism as an overempha-
sis on human capacities, as proudly replacing Gods always-preceding grace.
For this reason Augustines reproaching the Donatists of superbia resembles
the critique he will launch against the Pelagians a few years later. In the anti-
Donatist sacramentology in the sermones studied here, Augustine moreover
explains that baptism brings liberation from sin, however, complete liberation
is reserved for the after-life; that only grace and not the law liberates; and that
baptismal grace is given unmerited and gratuitously. These elements will recur
in Augustines anti-Pelagian discourse on grace. Just as in the case of sin, the
same elements are present in the latter discourse, but in a different framework
of content. Fundamental elements of Augustines anti-Pelagian doctrine of
grace already feature in the anti-Donatist sacramentology deployed in his
sermones.
In the not specifically anti-Donatist sermones that are believed to have been
delivered prior to the Pelagian controversy, a number of gratia-elements have
come to light: Paul is a uas electionis that should be filled with grace (s. 295,
400410); grace and not human merit establishes forgiveness of sins (s. 360A,
403404); and, man is not entitled to consider himself as iustus (s. 47, 407
408). In sermons containing anti-Donatist features situated after the outburst
of the Pelagian controversy, the grace-emphases become stronger: humanity is
sinful, and grace (caritas, dilectio) is for this reason completely undeserved
(s. 10, around 412); the forgiveness of sins is an unmerited grace (s. 71, 417/419-
420); and gratia restores the fallen human nature (s. 182, after 416). Sermo 198
(date under debate) combines the description of grace with an appeal to live
morally, a feature typical of the anti-Pelagian sermones. In our study of the
explicitly anti-Donatist treatment of grace, we observed some grace elements,
clearly dated before the Pelagian controversy, that conform to the doctrine of
grace developed by Augustine in the later controversy: love/grace fulfils the
law and forgives sins (s. 33, 405410); Paul was brought to humility by the stim-
ulus carnis of II Cor. 12:89 (s. 47, 407408); grace is donated gratis (s. 266, dis-
cussion on the date, but with consensus to be dated before the Pelagian
controversy); grace works in John the Baptist (s. 292, discussion on the date,
but with consensus to be dated before 405), in the converted Donatist (s. 360,
411), and in Cyprian (s. 313E, discussion on the date, but with consensus to be
198 Chapter 4

dated before the Pelagian controversy). Sermo 90, a sermon that contrasts
Adam/sin with Christ/grace, is dated in 411 or later. This study of Augustines
anti-Donatist sermones thus confirmed P.-M. Homberts hypothesis: Augustine
preached on grace from the very beginning of his preaching career.
Gratia is thus present in a significant way in the corpus of Augustines anti-
Donatist sermones. The same basic intuitions especially the opposition
between grace and sin, the emphasis on the gratuity of grace, and the warning
against pride are already present, however in a different context of content.
Grace is in the anti-Donatist sermones situated in an ecclesiological and sacra-
mentological framework, while in the Pelagian controversy, this is existential
and eschatological. In this way, this chapter has confirmed what has been pre-
viously established regarding the presence of Augustines thinking on grace in
his anti-Donatist tractates: grace is present, and is so in an ecclesiological, sac-
ramentological, and martyrological way. In conclusion, the study of Augustines
anti-Donatist sermones revealed elements that plead in favour of continuity in
Augustines thinking regarding grace and sin. He did not assign them static
identities, however, but allowed his presentations of sin and grace to develop
and evolve, based on the contextual inputs offered by the specific controver-
sies in which Augustine was active.
General Conclusions

That grace is (continuously) present in Augustines sermons throughout his


career seems to be a self-evident conclusion of this study. After all, Augustine
is the preacher of grace, not without reason. But only after meticulously read-
ing through Augustines sermons has this claim been substantiated. This was
the first objective of our present research. Second, if grace was always present
and was even constantly important, we were able to observe when, why, and
how. Preaching on important liturgical feasts and during the Donatist contro-
versy when Augustine was not yet suspicious of a too great or Pelagian
emphasis on human efforts we found intriguing aspects of his anti-Pelagian
doctrine of grace and also other aspects which complement the latter. We were
able to distinguish the different meanings of grace as Augustine uses it.
It is all-too-evident that Augustine was especially an occasionalist preacher
of grace, both on the side of human responsibilities as on the side of divine
grace. With respect to the human pole, he urges his listeners to imitate the
virgin Mary and the growing Christ on Christmas; on Epiphany, he calls for a
humble faith; on Good Friday, he stresses the importance of following the
example of Christs cross (patience, endurance, humility), and of preferring
the spiritual life above a worldly orientation; during the Easter Vigil, he indi-
cates the need to be vigilant (on the moral level and the level of faith); the
Easter period gives him the occasion to highlight the task of living according to
the sacraments, of imitating Christ, of correctly believing in the two natures of
Christ; Ascension sermons are devoted to the assignment of purification of the
heart and sursum cor (to not long for this world, but for the next) as moral
obligation, and of correctly believing in the dogma of the double nature of
Christ (which is revealed precisely by the content of this feast); Pentecost ser-
mons urge us to live/think in a spiritual way; the feasts of martyrs exhort us to
follow their example (self-sacrifice, patience), and to be oriented to the spiri-
tual above the carnal; while the anti-Donatist sermons ask us to imitate Christs
humility. The divine grace pole is also occasionally specified: on Christmas,
Christs incarnation is explained as a manifestation of Gods grace; Epiphany
indicates the gratia fidei as a distinction between Jews and Gentiles, between
the insufficiency of the Old Testament and the grace of the New Testament;
Good Friday considers Christs cross and the sacraments as attestations of
grace; the Easter Vigil inspires sermons on Christs death as transition from sin
to righteousness; the Easter period in general offers references to baptism and
eucharist as gifts of grace and considers in particular the constant need for
assisting grace both against the temptation of sin after baptism and for living

koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2014|doi 10.1163/9789004278646_007


200 General Conclusions

into our adoption as children of God, for the fulfilling of the law, resurrection,
justification, faith, and ecclesial unity (as gifts of grace); on Ascension, the
bishop of Hippo indicates the purification of the heart and the correct sursum
cor as gifts of grace; Pentecost occasions Augustine to preach about the gifts of
the Spirit and the fulfillment of the law (as opposed to self-righteousness of the
Jews) as manifestations of Gods grace; on the liturgical celebration of martyrs,
Augustine clarifies that their endurance is an example of grace, that God
crowns the merits He previously donated the martyrs, that Cyprians conver-
sion is a manifestation of divine grace; during sermons with an anti-Donatist
intent, he considers pride as the ultimate root of sin (opposed to the humility
of Christs incarnation) and the need of grace for forgiveness and against sins
after baptism which cannot be avoided. Thus grace is clearly present, and
Augustines treatment thereof is determined by the content of the liturgical
feast and its scriptural readings.
Besides the clearly occasionalist colouring of Augustines preaching on
grace, we also observed some strong recurring refrains of grace: Augustine
defines grace sometimes between the lines as always preceding human
efforts, as not based on merit; Christ as such is described as grace (as medicus,
as saluator, etc.); and constantly the divine forgiveness of sins is described as
grace. Additional constant refrains, which also mirror Augustines more
mature or systematic doctrine of grace, we encountered are the following:
the humility of Christ versus the pride/self-righteousness of Adam/Jews/
humanity; the sinless Christ (similitudo carnis peccati) died (in sacrificial ter-
minology) for the sins of humanity, defeating the devil/death by his death;
Christ was conceived in faith without lust/sexuality (He had no peccatum origi-
nale and no personal sins); grace also extends to that assistance against temp-
tation of sin (after forgiveness/baptism linked with praying the Pater Noster,
especially Matth. 6:1213, and doing good works for the forgiveness of postbap-
tismal sins); caritas (necessary for ecclesial unity, the correct faith, to fulfill the
law) is donated by the Holy Spirit; it is impossible to live without sins during
this earthly life. Although also present outside the anti-Pelagian context, the
Pentecost thematisation of the digitus Dei, the opposition law-grace, and the
presentation of the law as littera occidens without the Spirit against all
kinds of self-righteousness have a very particular anti-Pelagian sound.
Our research also observed strong links regarding grace between Augustines
anti-Donatist and anti-Pelagian sermons: the unity of the Church as assign-
ment and grace; the perseverance of martyrs as gift of grace; the claim that
death is not natural but a penal consequence of sin; the need for grace for the
battle against concupiscentia (after baptism); the impossibility of a sinless life
after baptism; the reference to pride as cause of all sins and human mortality;
General Conclusions 201

the opposition sinful humanity/sinless Christ. Other high-grace themes, like


predestination and gratia perseuerantiae, are not frequently present, but cer-
tainly also not completely absent (e.g., the second catch of fishes in Easter
sermons and the perseverance of the martyrs). Grace thus is manifestly pres-
ent, both in a general and in a more specific-technical way.
Our first line of research the presence of grace in Festal-Liturgical ser-
mones can be answered in the affirmative: yes, grace is present, and, although
not frequent, links with both Augustines anti-Donatist implicit and anti-
Pelagian explicit thinking on grace can be observed.
In Augustines sermones around Easter, the issue of the grace of new life in
Christ is prominently present. These sermones are characterized by a triptych:
Christological orthodoxy, doctrine of grace, and ethical anthropology.
Augustine the teacher-preacher explains both for the newly baptized (Easter
season) and for all the faithful (Easter season and Christmas) the core
Christological dogmas. His explanation of the relevant Christological articles
of the creed is occasioned by the content of the specific feast and the scriptural
readings with which it was accompanied. The second part of the triptych is
intrinsically related to Christology, namely a soteriology of grace. God saves
lost humanity in Christ. We have to pray to receive this grace, which does not
result from our own efforts or merits. The third typical feature, essentially
linked to the previous two aspects, is the moral exhortative aspect of these
sermons. We have to do our utmost best to live a Christian life of high standing;
we have to follow and imitate the example of Christ. The stress on ecclesial
and sacramentological unity and on the inadequacy of the law and absolute
necessity of grace detected in a number of sermones could be, respectively,
anti-Donatist or anti-Pelagian in inspiration, but this is nowhere strongly
polemical in style or intention. Augustine apparently wanted to preserve peace
and tranquillity among his flock during the most important period of the
liturgicalcalendar.
The stress on unity and on the inadequacy of the law is greater in the
Pentecost sermones than in the sermons on the Christological feasts. This
could be a result of the specific nature of the liturgical feast, since the Holy
Spirit is considered as the guardian of unity in the Church and as the ultimate
(grace) fulfilment of the law. This does not exclude the possibility of a polemi-
cal reflex on Augustines part, but this is difficult to substantiate. Grace is pres-
ent at these two levels, implicitly in relation to ecclesial unity, and very
obviously when dealing with the relation between the law and grace.
The North-African calendar abounded with feasts of martyrs. The topic of
genuine martyrdom was fiercely debated during the Donatist controversy.
Augustines anti-Donatist reflections on martyrdom come thus to the surface
202 General Conclusions

when he preaches during the liturgical celebration of martyrs and explains the
difference between causa and poena. It has however also been observed that
in martyr sermons delivered after matters with the Donatists were officially
settled, Augustines attention shifts from causa/poena towards the fundament
of martyrdom, namely grace, which is the central focus in the Pelagian
controversy.
The Festal-Liturgical sermones are constructed in a didactic and pedagogi-
cal way and are catechetical in nature, due to the broad audience they address
and due to the liturgical importance of the feasts. Internal differences were
observed in the group of Festal-Liturgical sermones regarding grace, and pos-
sible anti-Donatist or anti-Pelagian influences were indicated, but the latter
were certainly not sufficiently conclusive to be able to draw conclusions on
their possible dating (on the basis of the argument of intellectual growth of
Augustine and this chronology argument can only be used in combination
with other strong chronological indications). Although at times possible anti-
Donatist or anti-Pelagian reflexes could be surmised, these did not assert
themselves in a polemical and aggressive way.
Our second research question investigated the issue of grace in the collec-
tion sermones ad populum with an anti-Donatist intent. The opposition
between divine (gratuitous) grace and human sin (especially the sin of pride)
is, within an ecclesiological and sacramentological framework, clearly attested
in the roughly forty anti-Donatist sermones Augustine delivered. Grace was
thus present in Augustines thinking and preaching well before the beginning
of the Pelagian controversy. As such, no fundamental difference, in relation to
the core grace content, could be discerned between the anti-Donatist and the
anti-Pelagian sermones. The difference is sooner to be found in the explicitness
of the thematization of grace at the centre of debate during the Pelagian
controversy, but not in the Donatist controversy and in the contextual
framework of its thematization: existential/eschatological/soteriological in
the anti-Pelagian discourses and more ecclesiological/martyrological/sacra-
mentological in the anti-Donatist expositions. As such, the treatment of grace
in the anti-Donatist and anti-Pelagian sermones parallels its treatment in the
anti-Donatist and anti-Pelagian systematic treatises. Therefore, we conclude
that the use of grace for dating sermons of Augustine should be kept to a mini-
mum, unless the framework for the grace content of the sermon in question
can be established according to our observation of the manifest differences:
existential/eschatological/soteriological; or, ecclesiological/martyrological/
sacramentological.
My research into Augustines (1) festal and (2) anti-Donatist sermones has
clearly demonstrated that we can speak of (1) continuity between the different
General Conclusions 203

genres of Augustines (sermones) oeuvre and (2) chronological continuity in


general, and in Augustines involvement both in the Donatist and Pelagian
controversies in particular. (1) Despite the fact that the sermones delivered on
important liturgical feasts were not primarily polemical, and (2) that grace was
not explicitly discussed in the Donatist controversy, it is evident that grace was
never far from Augustines thinking and preaching. Although Augustine
addresses the issue of grace in a systematic and in-depth way in his anti-
Pelagian treatises, grace is certainly not absent before or outside of this contro-
versy. I have uncovered new and important evidence in the sermones that
supports the continuity-thesis: grace is already present in the early sermons,
and trust in human capacities did not disappear as Augustine the preacher
grew older.
Our final conclusion can be summarized in one word: continuity. The grace
profile discovered in the studied sermones has clearly demonstrated that we
can speak of a continuity in Augustines involvement both in the Donatist and
Pelagian controversies controversies different in both chronology and in top-
ics of discussion and a continuity between the different genres of Augustines
oeuvre. Despite the fact that the sermones held on important liturgical feasts
were not primarily polemical, and that grace was not explicitly discussed in the
Donatist controversy, it is evident that grace was never far from Augustines
thinking and preaching. Although Augustine will address the issue of grace in
a systematic and in-depth way in his anti-Pelagian endeavours, grace is cer-
tainly not absent before and outside this controversy. The collection of ser-
mons analysed in the present study also offers, in this perspective, continuity
with the previously studied anti-Pelagian sermones, in which grace plays
a prominent role, without however denying human ethical responsibilities.
The Festal-Liturgical and anti-Donatist sermones reveal a pastor deeply con-
cerned with the moral life of his flock, who constantly exhorts them to actively
lead a good life. In the final analysis, to teach the correct faith, to stress divine
grace, and to exhort to an ethical life are thus Augustines three main aims
in preaching.
Bibliography

Augustines sermones ad populum

Sermo 3 Sermo 129 Sermo 183


Sermo 4 Sermo 131 Sermo 184
Sermo 10 Sermo 137 Sermo 185
Sermo 20B Sermo 138 Sermo 186
Sermo 26 Sermo 140 Sermo 187
Sermo 29 Sermo 142 Sermo 188
Sermo 29A Sermo 143 Sermo 189
Sermo 29B Sermo 144 Sermo 190
Sermo 30 Sermo 145 Sermo 191
Sermo 31 Sermo 147A Sermo 192
Sermo 33 Sermo 151 Sermo 193
Sermo 36 Sermo 152 Sermo 194
Sermo 37 Sermo 153 Sermo 195
Sermo 45 Sermo 154 Sermo 196
Sermo 46 Sermo 154A Sermo 196A
Sermo 47 Sermo 155 Sermo 197
Sermo 53A Sermo 156 Sermo 198
Sermo 62 Sermo 158 Sermo 199
Sermo 64 Sermo 159 Sermo 200
Sermo 64A Sermo 159A Sermo 201
Sermo 65 Sermo 159B Sermo 202
Sermo 65A Sermo 160 Sermo 203
Sermo 71 Sermo 162A Sermo 204
Sermo 72A Sermo 163 Sermo 204A
Sermo 88 Sermo 163A Sermo 211
Sermo 90 Sermo 164 Sermo 214
Sermo 94A Sermo 165 Sermo 218
Sermo 96 Sermo 166 Sermo 218A
Sermo 100 Sermo 168 Sermo 218B
Sermo 114 Sermo 169 Sermo 218C
Sermo 115 Sermo 170 Sermo 219
Sermo 116 Sermo 174 Sermo 220
Sermo 125 Sermo 176 Sermo 221
Sermo 125A Sermo 181 Sermo 222
Sermo 128 Sermo 182 Sermo 223
206 Bibliography

Sermo 223A Sermo 230 Sermo 261


Sermo 223B Sermo 231 Sermo 262
Sermo 223C Sermo 232 Sermo 263
Sermo 223D Sermo 233 Sermo 263A
Sermo 223E Sermo 234 Sermo 264
Sermo 223F Sermo 235 Sermo 265
Sermo 223G Sermo 236 Sermo 265A
Sermo 223H Sermo 236A Sermo 265B
Sermo 223I Sermo 237 Sermo 265C
Sermo 223J Sermo 238 Sermo 265D
Sermo 223K Sermo 239 Sermo 265E
Sermo 224 Sermo 240 Sermo 265F
Sermo 225 Sermo 241 Sermo 266
Sermo 226 Sermo 242 Sermo 267
Sermo 227 Sermo 242A Sermo 268
Sermo 228 Sermo 243 Sermo 269
Sermo 228A Sermo 244 Sermo 270
Sermo 228B Sermo 245 Sermo 271
Sermo 229 Sermo 246 Sermo 272
Sermo 229A Sermo 247 Sermo 272A
Sermo 229B Sermo 248 Sermo 272B
Sermo 229C Sermo 249 Sermo 273
Sermo 229D Sermo 250 Sermo 274
Sermo 229E Sermo 251 Sermo 275
Sermo 229F Sermo 252 Sermo 276
Sermo 229G Sermo 252A Sermo 277
Sermo 229H Sermo 253 Sermo 277A
Sermo 229I Sermo 254 Sermo 280
Sermo 229J Sermo 255 Sermo 281
Sermo 229K Sermo 255A Sermo 282
Sermo 229L Sermo 256 Sermo 283
Sermo 229M Sermo 257 Sermo 284
Sermo 229N Sermo 258 Sermo 285
Sermo 229O Sermo 259 Sermo 286
Sermo 229P Sermo 260 Sermo 290
Sermo 229R Sermo 260A Sermo 292
Sermo 229S Sermo 260B Sermo 293
Sermo 229T Sermo 260C Sermo 293A
Sermo 229U Sermo 260D Sermo 294
Sermo 229V Sermo 260E Sermo 295
Bibliography 207

Sermo 297 Sermo 317 Sermo 357


Sermo 299 Sermo 318 Sermo 358
Sermo 299B Sermo 319 Sermo 358A
Sermo 299D Sermo 320 Sermo 359
Sermo 299E Sermo 325 Sermo 359B
Sermo 299F Sermo 326 Sermo 360
Sermo 300 Sermo 327 Sermo 360A
Sermo 301A Sermo 328 Sermo 360C
Sermo 302 Sermo 329 Sermo 363
Sermo 303 Sermo 330 Sermo 365
Sermo 304 Sermo 331 Sermo 368
Sermo 305 Sermo 332 Sermo 369
Sermo 305A Sermo 333 Sermo 370
Sermo 306 Sermo 333B Sermo 371
Sermo 306A Sermo 335 Sermo 372
Sermo 306C Sermo 335A Sermo 373
Sermo 306D Sermo 335B Sermo 374
Sermo 306E Sermo 335C Sermo 375
Sermo 311 Sermo 335D Sermo 375A
Sermo 312 Sermo 335E Sermo 375B
Sermo 313 Sermo 335F Sermo 375C
Sermo 313A Sermo 335G Sermo 376
Sermo 313B Sermo 335H Sermo 376A
Sermo 313C Sermo 335J Sermo 377
Sermo 313E Sermo 340A Sermo 380
Sermo 313G Sermo 344 Sermo 382
Sermo 314 Sermo 345 Sermo 394
Sermo 315 Sermo 348A Sermo 398
Sermo 316 Sermo 351 Sermo 400

Critical Editions of Sermones ad Populum Used in this Monograph

Dolbeau, F., Le sermon 348A de saint Augustin contre Plage. dition du texte int-
gral, Recherches Augustiniennes 28 (1995), pp. 3763. (Reprinted in Dolbeau,
F., Augustin et la prdication en Afrique. Recherches sur divers sermons authentiques,
apocryphes ou anonymes (Collection des tudes Augustiniennes, Srie Antiquit;
179), Institut dtudes Augustiniennes, Paris, 2005, pp. 277298.)
Dolbeau, F., Augustin dHippone. Vingt-Six sermons au peuple dAfrique, Institut dtudes
Augustiniennes, Paris, 1996.
208 Bibliography

Dolbeau, F., Finale indite dun sermon d Augustin (S. Mai 158), extraite dun homli-
aire dOlomouc, Revue des tudes Augustiniennes 44 (1998), 181203. (Reprinted
in Dolbeau, F., Augustin et la prdication en Afrique. Recherches sur divers sermons
authentiques, apocryphes ou anonymes (Collection des tudes Augustiniennes,
Srie Antiquit; 179), Institut dtudes Augustiniennes, Paris, 2005, pp. 241267.)
Dolbeau, F., Un sermon anonyme pour lAscension, refltant la pastorale anti-
donatiste dAugustin, in Augustin et la prdication en Afrique. Recherches sur
divers sermons authentiques, apocryphes ou anonymes, Paris, 2005 (Collection
des tudes augustiniennes. Srie antiquit 179), pp. 317336 (=in Consuetudinis
amor: fragments dhistoire romaine (IIeVIe sicles) offerts Jean-Pierre Callu, ed.
by Franois Chausson, tienne Wolff, Roma, 2003, pp. 231250 [Saggi di storia
antica 19]).
Lambot, C., Sancti Aurelii Augustini, Sermones de Vetere Testamento (Sermones IL)
(Corpus Christianorum, Series Latina; 41, Aurelii Augustini Opera; Pars 11, 1), Brepols,
Turnhout, 1961.
Migne, J.P. (ed.), Patrologia Latina (cursus completus) (pl; 38) (Sancti Aurelii Augustini
Opera Omnia; Tomus 5, Pars 1), Ex Typis Catholicis Migne, Paris, 1841a.
Migne, J.P. (ed.), Patrologia Latina (cursus completus) (pl; 39) (Sancti Aurelii Augustini
Opera Omnia; Tomus 5, Pars 2), Ex Typis Catholicis Migne, Paris, 1841b.
Morin, G. (ed.), Miscellanea Agostiniana 1: Sancti Augustini Sermones post Maurinos
reperti, Tipografia Poliglotta Vaticana, Roma, 1930.
Partoens, G., Le sermon 151 de saint Augustin. Introduction et dition, Revue bndic-
tine 113 (2003a), pp. 1870.
Partoens, G., Le sermon 176 de saint Augustin sur I Tim. 1, 1516, Ps. 94, 2/6 et Lc. 17,
1119. Introduction et dition, Revue des tudes Augustiniennes 49 (2003b),
pp. 85122.
Partoens, G., Le sermon 131 de saint Augustin. Introduction et dition, Augustiniana
54 (2004), pp. 3577.
Partoens, G., Le sermon 163 de saint Augustin. Introduction et dition, Revue bndic-
tine 115 (2005), pp. 251285.
Partoens, G. (ed.), Sancti Aurelii Augustini. Sermones in epistolas apostolicas. Sermones
CLICLVI. Recensuit G. Partoens, Secundum praefationis caput conscripsit J. Lssl
(Corpus Christianorum, Series Latina; 41Ba), Brepols, Turnhout, 2007.
Poque, S. (intr., ed., trad., notes), Augustin dHippone, Sermons pour la Pque (Sources
chrtiennes; 116), Paris 2003 (1966).
Verbraken, P.-P., Le sermon CCXIV de saint Augustin pour la tradition du symbole,
Revue bndictine 72 (1962), pp. 721.
Verbraken, P.-P., Le sermon LXXI de saint Augustin sur le blasphme contre le Saint-
Esprit, Revue bndictine 75 (1965), pp. 54108.
Bibliography 209

Verbraken, P.-P., De Coninck L., Coppieters T Wallant, B., Demeulenaere, R. (eds.),


Sancti Aurelii Augustini. Sermones in Matthaeum. Sermones LILXX (Corpus
Christianorum, Series Latina; 41Aa), Brepols, Turnhout, 2008.

Translations of Sermones ad Populum

German
Drobner, H.R., Fr euch bin ich Bischof: die Predigten Augustins ber das Bischofsamt.
(Sermones 335/K, 339, 340, 340/A, 383 und 396). Eingeleitet und bersetzt von
H.R. Drobner, Augustinus-Verlag,Wrzburg, 1993.
Drobner, H.R., Augustinus von Hippo. Predigten zum Buch Genesis (Sermones
15). Einleitung, Text, bersetzung und Anmerkungen von H.R. Drobner
(Patrologia, Beitrge zum Studium der Kirchenvter; 7), Lang, Frankfurt am Main,
2000.
Drobner, H.R., Augustinus von Hippo. Predigten zu den Bchern Exodus, Knige und Job
(Sermones 612). Einleitung, Text, bersetzung und Anmerkungen von H.R. Drobner
(Patrologia, Beitrge zum Studium der Kirchenvter; 10), Lang, Frankfurt am Main
2003a.
Drobner, H.R., Augustinus von Hippo. Predigten zum Weihnachtsfest (Sermones
184196). Einleitung, Text, bersetzung und Anmerkungen von H.R. Drobner
(Patrologia, Beitrge zum Studium der Kirchenvter; 11), Lang, Frankfurt am
Main, 2003b.
Drobner, H.R., Augustinus von Hippo. Augustinus von Hippo, Predigten zu Kirch- und
Bischofsweihe (Sermones 336340/A). Einleitung, Text, bersetzung und Anmerkungen
von H.R. Drobner (Patrologia, Beitrge zum Studium der Kirchenvter; 9), Lang,
Frankfurt am Main, 2003c.
Drobner, H.R., Augustinus von Hippo. Predigten zum Buch der Sprche und Jesus Sirach
(Sermones 3541). Einleitung, Text, bersetzung und Anmerkungen von H.R. Drobner
(Patrologia, Beitrge zum Studium der Kirchenvter; 13), Lang, Frankfurt am Main,
2004.
Drobner, H.R., Augustinus von Hippo. Predigten zum sterlichen triduum (Sermones
218229/D). Einleitung, Text, bersetzung und Anmerkungen von H.R. Drobner
(Patrologia, Beitrge zum Studium der Kirchenvter; 14), Lang, Frankfurt am Main,
2006.
Drobner, H.R., Augustinus von Hippo. Predigten zum Markusevangelium (Sermones
94/A97). Einleitung, Text, bersetzung und Anmerkungen von H.R. Drobner
(Patrologia, Beitrge zum Studium der Kirchenvter; 19), Lang, Frankfurt am
Main, 2007.
210 Bibliography

English
Rotelle, J.E. (ed.), Hill, E. (trans., notes), Pellegrino, M. (intr.), Sermons 3/1 (119), on the
Old Testament (The Works of Saint Augustine, a Translation for the 21st Century;
3/1), New City Press, Brooklyn/New York, 1990a.
Rotelle, J.E. (ed.), Hill, E. (trans., notes), Sermons 3/2 (2050), on the Old Testament (The
Works of Saint Augustine, a Translation for the 21st Century; 3/2), New City Press,
Brooklyn/New York, 1990b.
Rotelle, J.E. (ed.), Hill, E. (trans., notes), Sermons 3/3 (5194), on the New Testament (The
Works of Saint Augustine, a Translation for the 21st Century; 3/3), New City Press,
Brooklyn/New York, 1991.
Rotelle, J.E. (ed.), Hill, E. (trans., notes), Sermons 3/4 (94A147A), on the New Testament
(The Works of Saint Augustine, a Translation for the 21st Century; 3/4), New City
Press, Brooklyn/New York, 1992a.
Rotelle, J.E. (ed.), Hill, E. (trans., notes), Sermons 3/5 (148183), on the New Testament
(The Works of Saint Augustine, a Translation for the 21st Century; 3/5), New City
Press, Brooklyn/New York, 1992b.
Rotelle, J.E. (ed.), Hill, E. (trans., notes), Sermons 3/6 (184229Z), on the Liturgical
Seasons (The Works of Saint Augustine, a Translation for the 21st Century; 3/6), New
City Press, New Rochelle/New York 1993a.
Rotelle, J.E. (ed.), Hill, E. (trans., notes), Sermons 3/7 (230272B), on the Liturgical
Seasons (The Works of Saint Augustine, a Translation for the 21st Century; 3/7), New
City Press, New Rochelle/New York, 1993b.
Rotelle, J.E. (ed.), Hill, E. (trans., notes), Sermons 3/8 (273305A), on the Saints (The
Works of Saint Augustine, a Translation for the 21st Century; 3/8), New City Press,
Hyde Park/New York, 1994a.
Rotelle, J.E. (ed.), Hill, E. (trans., notes), Sermons 3/9 (306340A), on the Saints (The
Works of Saint Augustine, a Translation for the 21st Century; 3/9), New City Press,
Hyde Park/New York, 1994b.
Rotelle, J.E. (ed.), Hill, E. (trans., notes), Sermons 3/10 (341400), on Various Subjects (The
Works of Saint Augustine, a Translation for the 21st Century; 3/10), New City Press,
Hyde Park/New York, 1995.
Rotelle, J.E. (ed.), Hill, E. (trans., notes), Sermons 3/11, Newly Discovered Sermons (The
Works of Saint Augustine, a Translation for the 21st Century; 3/11), New City Press,
Hyde Park/New York, 1997.

Italian
Bellini, P., Cruciani, F., Tarulli, V. (trad., note), Pellegrino, M. (intr.), SantAgostino,
Discorsi 1 (150) sul Vecchio Testamento (Nuova biblioteca agostiniana, Opere di
santAgostino, Edizione latino-italiana; 3, 29), Citt Nuova, Roma, 1979.
Bibliography 211

Bellini, P., Cruciani, F., Tarulli, V. (trad., note), SantAgostino, Discorsi 4,2 (230272B) su i
tempi liturgici (Nuova biblioteca agostiniana, Opere di santAgostino, Edizione
latino-italiana; 3, 32, 2), Citt Nuova, Roma, 1984a.
Bellini, P., Cruciani, F., Tarulli, V. (trad., note), SantAgostino, Discorsi 4,1 (184229V) su i
tempi liturgici (Nuova biblioteca agostiniana, Opere di santAgostino, Edizione
latino-italiana; 3, 32, 1), Citt Nuova, Roma, 1984b.
Carrozzi, L. (trad., note), SantAgostino, Discorsi 2,1 (5185) sul Nuovo Testamento (Nuova
biblioteca agostiniana, Opere di santAgostino, Edizione latino-italiana; 3, 30, 1),
Citt Nuova, Roma, 1982.
Carrozzi, L. (trad., note), SantAgostino, Discorsi 2,2 (86116) sul Nuovo Testamento
(Nuova biblioteca agostiniana, Opere di santAgostino, Edizione latino-italiana; 3,
30, 2), Citt Nuova, Roma, 1983.
Recchia, M. (trad., note), SantAgostino, Discorsi 3,1 (117150) sul Nuovo Testamento
(Nuova biblioteca agostiniana, Opere di santAgostino, Edizione latino-italiana; 3,
31, 1), Citt Nuova, Roma, 1990a.
Recchia, M. (trad., note), SantAgostino, Discorsi 3,2 (151183) sul Nuovo Testamento
(Nuova biblioteca agostiniana, Opere di santAgostino, Edizione latino-italiana; 3,
31, 2), Citt Nuova, Roma, 1990b.
Recchia, M. (trad., note), Quacquarelli, A. (intr.), SantAgostino, Discorsi 5 (273340A)
su i santi (Nuova biblioteca agostiniana, Opere di santAgostino, Edizione latino-
italiana; 3, 33), Citt Nuova, Roma, 1986.
Paronetto, V., Quartiroli, A.M. (trad., note), SantAgostino, Discorsi 6 (341400) su argo-
menti vari (Nuova biblioteca agostiniana, Opere di santAgostino, Edizione latino-
italiana; 3, 34), Citt Nuova, Roma, 1989.
Tarulli, V. (trad., note), Dolbeau, F. (intr., note), SantAgostino, Discorsi nuovi.
Supplemento 1 (Dolbeau 120) (Nuova biblioteca agostiniana, Opere di santAgostino,
Edizione latino-italiana; 3, 35, 1), Citt Nuova, Roma, 2001.
Tarulli, V. (trad., note), Dolbeau, F. (note), SantAgostino, Discorsi nuovi. Supplemento 2
(Dolbeau 2131; Etaix 45) (Nuova biblioteca agostiniana, Opere di santAgostino,
Edizione latino-italiana; 3, 35, 2), Citt Nuova, Roma, 2002.

Spanish
Fuertes Lanero, M. (trad.), Campelo, M.M. (ed.), San Agustn, Sermones (1) (150)
(Biblioteca de autores cristianos, Obras completas de San Agustn; 7), Biblioteca de
autores cristianos, Madrid, 1981.
Cilleruelo, L., Campelo, M.M., Moran, C., De Luis, P. (trad.), San Agustn, Sermones
(2) Sobre los Evangelios Sinpticos (51116) (Biblioteca de autores cristianos,
Obras completas de San Agustn; 10), Biblioteca de autores cristianos, Madrid,
1983.
212 Bibliography

Del Fueyo, A., De Luis, P. (trad.), De Luis, P. (notas), San Agustn, Sermones (3) (117183):
Evangelio de San Juan. Hechos de los Apstoles y Cartas (Biblioteca de autores cristia-
nos, Obras completas de San Agustn; 23), Biblioteca de autores cristianos, Madrid,
1983.
De Luis Vizcano, P. (trad., notas), San Agustn, Sermones (4) (184272B): Sermones sobre
los tiempos litrgicos (Biblioteca de autores cristianos, Obras completas de San
Agustn; 24), Biblioteca de autores cristianos, Madrid, 1983.
De Luis Vizcano, P. (trad., notas), San Agustn, Sermones (5) (273338): Sermones sobre
los mrtires (Biblioteca de autores cristianos, Obras completas de San Agustn; 25),
Biblioteca de autores cristianos, Madrid, 1984.
De Luis Vizcano, P. (trad., notas), San Agustn, Sermones (6) (339396): Sermones sobre
diversos temas (Biblioteca de autores cristianos, Obras completas de San Agustn;
26), Biblioteca de autores cristianos, Madrid, 1985.

Studies
Andreae, S., Die Verheiung des Parakleten nach der Exegese des hl. Augustinus, Roma,
1960 (Excerpta ex dissertatione Pont. Univ. Greg. Romae).
Aumonier, E., La Passion du Christ dans la prdication de saint Augustin, Roma, 1983
(Excerpta ex dissertatione ad Doctoratum in Facultate Theologiae Pontificae
Universitatis Gregorianae).
Ayres, L., Spiritus Amborum: Augustine and Pro-Nicene Pneumatology, Augustinian
Studies 39/2 (2008), pp. 207221.
Barcellona, F.S., I donatisti, lEpifania e i magi secondo Ps. Agostino, sermone Caillau
Saint-Yves II 38, Studi e materiali di storia delle religioni 50 (1984), pp. 518.
Barnes, M.R., Augustines Last Pneumatology, Augustinian Studies 39/2 (2008),
pp. 223234.
Baus, K., Ostern in der Verkndigung des heiligen Augustinus, in Paschatis Sollemnia.
Studien zu Osterfeier und Osterfrmmigkeit, ed. by Fischer, B., Wagner, J., Basel/
Freiburg/Wien, 1959, pp. 5767.
Bentivegna, G., Effusion du Saint-Esprit et dons charismatiques. Le tmoignage de saint
Augustin, Nouan-le-Fuzelier, 1992 (Collection Chemin Neuf).
Berrouard, M.-F., La Pque, in Homlies sur lvangile de saint Jean LVLXXIX, ed. by
Berrouard, M.-F., Paris, 1993a (Bibliothque augustinienne. Oeuvres de saint
Augustin. Srie 9, 74A), pp. 401403.
Berrouard, M.-F., LAscension du Christ, esprance des chrtiens, in Homlies sur
lvangile de saint Jean lv-lxxix, ed. by Berrouard, M.-F. (introd., trad., notes), Paris,
1993b (Bibliothque augustinienne. Oeuvres de saint Augustin, 74A), pp. 468469.
Berrouard, M.-F., Les deux donations visibles du Saint-Esprit, au soir de Pques et au
matin de la Pentecte, in Homlies sur lvangile de saint Jean LVLXXIX, ed. by
Berrouard, M.-F. (introd., trad., notes), Paris, 1993c (Bibliothque augustinienne
uvres de saint Augustin, 74A), pp. 453456.
Bibliography 213

Bizzozero, A., Il mistero pasquale di Ges Cristo e lesistenza credente nei Sermones di
Agostino, Frankfurt am Main/Berlin/Bern/Bruxelles/New York/Oxford/Wien, 2010
(Patrologia, Beitrge zum Studium der Kirchenvter, 23).
Bonfrate, G., Pasqua e Pentecoste nei Padri da Ireneo ad Agostino, in Dizionario di
spiritualit biblico-patristica, Vol. 50: Pasqua e Pentecoste nei Padri della Chiesa, ed.
by Panimolle, S.A., Roma, 2008, pp. 79194.
Borgomeo, P., LEglise de ce temps dans la prdication de Saint Augustin, Paris, 1972.
Borst, A., Der Turmbau von Babel. Geschichte der Meinungen ber Ursprung und Vielfalt
der Sprachen und Vlker, Bd. II, Teil 1, Stuttgart, 1958.
Botte, B., Les origines de la Noel et de lEpiphanie. tude historique, Louvain, 1932 (Textes
et tudes Liturgiques, Vol. 1).
Bouhot, J.-P., La lecture liturgique des Eptres Catholiques daprs les sermons
dAugustin, in La lecture liturgique des Eptres Catholiques dans lEglise ancienne, ed.
by Amphoux, Ch.-B., Bouhot, J.-P., Lausanne, 1996 (Histoire du texte biblique, 1),
pp. 269281.
Brown, P., Augustine and the practice of the imperiti. Qui adorant columnas in ecclesia
(S. Dolbeau 26.10.232), in Augustin prdicateur, ed. by Madec, G., Paris, 1998,
pp. 367375.
Brown, P., Augustine of Hippo. A Biography, London, 2000.
Burns, J.P., The Development of Augustines Doctrine of Operative Grace, Paris, 1980.
Burns, J.P., Christ and the Holy Spirit in Augustines Theology of Baptism, in
Augustine. From Rhetor to Theologian, ed. by McWilliam, J., Waterloo, Ontario, 1992,
pp. 161171.
Burns, J.P., The Eucharist as the Foundation of Christian Unity in North African
Theology, Augustinian Studies 32/1 (2001), pp. 123.
Cabi, R., La Pentecte. Lvolution de la Cinquantaine pascale au cours des cinq premiers
sicles, Tournai, 1965 (Bibliothque de liturgie).
Cabrol, F., Ascension (fte), Dictionnaire dArchologie Chrtienne et de Liturgie 12
(1907), cols. 29342943.
Callewaert, C., La dure et le caractre du Carme ancien dans lEglise latine, Sacris
Erudiri (1940), pp. 449560.
Campelo, M.M., Instalados en la teologa de Pentecosts. Pobreza agustiniana, La
Ciudad de Dios 200 (1987a), pp. 311332.
Campelo, M.M., Teologa de Pentecosts en san Augustn, Estudio Agustiniano 22
(1987b), pp. 351.
Cipriani, N., Laltro Agostino di G. Lettieri, Revue des tudes augustiniennes 48 (2002),
pp. 249265.
Colpe, C., Himmelfahrt, Reallexikon fr Antike und Christentum 15 (1989), cols.
212219.
Corbin, M., Il nous a donn sa mort en gage. Le mystre pascal chez saint Augustin,
La Maison-Dieu 232 (2002), pp. 3574.
214 Bibliography

da Cagliari, F., Cristo glorificato datore di Spirito Santo nel pensiero di S. Agostino e di
S. Cirillo Alessandrino, Abbatia S. Mariae Gryptaeferratae (Sardinia), 1961.
Dalmais, I.-H., Pques (Rsonances spirituelles du mystre pascal), in Dictionnaire
de spiritualit, ascetique et mystique, Vol. 12, ed. by Viller, M., Paris, 1983, cols.
171182.
Danilou, J., La symbolisme des quarante jours, La Maison-Dieu 31 (1952),
pp. 1933.
Dassmann, E., Jenseitsfahrt, Reallexikon fr Antike und Christentum 17 (1995), cols.
448457.
de Durand, M.G., Pentecte johannique et Pentecte lucanienne chez certains Pres,
Bulletin de littrature ecclsiastique 79 (1978), pp. 97126.
de Gaiffier, B., La lecture des Actes des martyrs dans la prire liturgique en occident,
Analecta Bollandiana 72 (1954), pp. 134166.
de Vooght, P., La notion philosophique du miracle chez saint Augustin, Recherches de
Thologie Ancienne et Mdivale 10 (1938), pp. 317343.
de Vooght, P., La thologie du miracle selon saint Augustin, Recherches de Thologie
Ancienne et Mdivale 11 (1939), pp. 197222.
den Boeft, J., Martyres sunt, sed homines fuerunt. Augustine on Martyrdom, in
Fructus Centesimus, Mlanges offerts Gerard J.M. Bartelink loccasion de son
soixante-cinquime anniversaire, ed. by Bastiaensen, A.A.R., Hilhorst, A., Kneepkens,
C.H., Steenbrugge/Dordrecht, 1989 (Instrumenta Patristica, 29), pp. 115124.
Dideberg, D., Les lectures liturgiques de la semaine pascale (Tr. I, prol.), in Homlies
sur la premire pitre de saint Jean, ed. by Mountain, J.W., transl. by Lemouzy, J., ann.
and introd. by Dideberg, D., Paris, 2008 (Bibliothque augustinienne. Oeuvres de
saint Augustin. Srie 9, 76), pp. 435436.
Dodaro, R., Christus sacerdos: Augustines preaching against pagan priests in the
light of S. Dolbeau 26 and 23, in Augustin prdicateur, ed. by Madec, G., Paris, 1998,
pp. 377393.
Drecoll, V.H., Die Entstehung der Gnadenlehre Augustins, Tbingen, 1999 (Beitrge zur
historischen Theologie, 109).
Drecoll, V.H., Gratia, in Augustinus-Lexikon, Vol. 31/2, ed. by Mayer, C., Chelius,
K.H., Basel, 2004, cols. 182242.
Drobner, H.R., Person-Exegese und Christologie bei Augustin. Zur Herkunft der Formel
una persona, Leiden, 1986 (Philosophia Patrum, 8).
Drobner, H.R., Die sterliche Eucharistie bei Augustinus, in Surrexit Dominus vere.
Die Gegenwart des Auferstandenen in seiner Kirche. Fr Erzbischof Dr. Johannes
Joachim Degenhardt im Auftrag der Theologischen Fakultt Paderborn, ed. by Ernst,
J., Leimgruber, S., Paderborn, 1995, pp. 159171.
Drobner, H.R., Christmas in Hippo. Mystical Celebration and Catechesis, Augustinian
Studies 35 (2004a), pp. 5572.
Bibliography 215

Drobner, H.R., The Chronology of Augustines Sermones ad populum III. On Christmas


Day, Augustinian Studies 35 (2004b), pp. 4353.
Drobner, H.R. (ed.), Augustinus von Hippo, Predigten zum sterlichen Triduum (Sermones
218229D). Einleitung, Text, bersetzung und Anmerkungen, Frankfurt am Main u.a.,
2006 (Patrologia. Beitrge zum Studium der Kirchenvter, 16).
Dupont, A., Imitatio Christi, Imitatio Stephani. Augustines Thinking on Martyrdom.
The Case Study of Augustines Sermons on the Protomartyr Stephanus, Augustiniana
56/12 (2006), pp. 2961.
Dupont, A., Continuity or Discontinuity in Augustine? Is There an Early Augustine
and What Does He Think on Grace? (Review Article of: Harrison, Carol, Rethinking
Augustines Early Theology: An Argument for Continuity, Oxford, 2006), Ars
Disputandi 8 (2008a), pp. 6779.
Dupont, A., The Relation between Pagani, Gentes and Infideles in Augustines Sermones
ad Populum: A Case Study of Augustines Doctrine of Grace, Augustiniana 58/12
(2008b), pp. 95126.
Dupont, A., Gratia Fidei in the Anti-Pelagian Sermones ad Populum. Sermones 143 and
144: the Rare Appearance of John 16, 711, in Ministerium Sermonis. Philological,
Historical and Theological Studies on Augustines Sermones ad Populum, ed. by
Partoens, G., Dupont, A., Lamberigts, M., Turnhout, 2009 (Instrumenta Patristica et
Mediaevalia, 53), pp. 157197.
Dupont, A., Augustines Anti-Pelagian Interpretation of Two Martyr Sermons.
Sermones 299 and 335B on the Unnaturalness of Human Death, in Martyrdom and
Persecution in Late Antique Christianity (100700 ad). Essays in Honour of Boudewijn
Dehandschutter on the Occasion of His Retirement as Professor of Greek and Oriental
Patrology at the Faculty of Theology of the K.U. Leuven, ed. by Leemans, J., Leuven,
2010a (Bibliotheca Ephemeridum Theologicarum Lovaniensium, 241), pp. 87102.
Dupont, A., Augustines Exegesis of 1 Tim. 1, 1516 and Rom. 6, 1213. A Specific Use of
the Scriptures within the Anti-Pelagian Sermones, Zeitschrift fr die neutestamentli-
che Wissenschaft und die Kunde der lteren Kirche 101/2 (2010b), pp. 119.
Dupont, A., Augustines Recourse to 1Jn 1, 89 Revisited. The Polemical Roots of an
Anti-Pelagian Stronghold, Rivista di Storia del Cristianesimo (2010c), pp. 121.
Dupont, A., La presencia de los temas antipelagianos Baptismus Paruulorum y
Peccatum Originale en los Sermones ad Populum de Agustn. Una perspectiva pas-
toral sobre asuntos doctrinales y polmicos? Augustinus 55/1 (2010d), pp. 109127.
Dupont, A., Gaumer, M.A., Gratia Dei, Gratia Sacramenti. Grace in Augustine of
Hippos anti-Donatist Writings, Ephemerides theologicae lovanienses 86 (2010e),
pp. 307329.
Dupont, A., Sermones 29 and 29A on Ps. 117, 1 (118, 1). Two Early Carthaginian Sermones
on the Meaning of Confessio during the Vigil of Pentecost? in In Search of Truth.
Augustine, Manichaeism and Other Gnosticism. Studies for Johannes van Oort at
216 Bibliography

Sixty, ed. by Van den Berg, J.A., Kotz, A., Nicklas, T., Scopello, M., Leiden, 2011 (Nag
Hammadi and Manichean Studies, 74), pp. 7595.
Dupont, A., Gratia in Augustines Sermones ad Populum During the Pelagian Controversy.
Do Different Contexts Furnish Different Insights? Leiden Boston, 2013 (Brills Series
in Church History, 89).
Duval, Y., Loca sanctorum Africae. Le culte des martyrs en Afrique du IVe au VIIe sicle,
Rome, 1982 (Collection de lcole franaise de Rome, 58).
Eijkenboom, P.C.J., Het Christus-Medicus-Motief in de preken van Sint Augustinus,
Assen, 1960.
Escobar, N., Iglesia, donatismo y santidad en la polmica agustiniana, Augustinus 27
(1982), pp. 5577.
Ferraro, G., Lo Spirito Santo nei Discorsi di santAgostino per i tempi liturgici,
Teresianum 55 (2004), pp. 336 & 325363.
Flasch, K., Logik des Schreckens. Augustinus von Hippo, De diversis quaestionibus ad
Simplicianum I 2 (Deutsche Erstbersetzung von Walter Schfer. Herausgegeben
und erklrt von Kurt Flasch. Zweite, verbesserte Auflage mit Nachwort), Mainz, 1995
(Excerpta classica, 8).
Franz, E., Totus Christus. Studien ber Christus und die Kirche bei Augustin, Bonn, 1956
(Inaug. Diss. Rheinische Friedrich Wilhems-Universitt Bonn, Evangelisch-
Theologische Fakultt).
Gaillard, J., Nol, memoria ou mystre? La Maison-Dieu 59 (1959), pp. 3759.
Geerlings, W., Christus exemplum. Studien zur Christologie und Christusverkndigung
Augustins, Tbingen, 1978 (Tbinger Theologische Studien, 13).
Geerlings, W., Ascensio Christi, in Augustinus-Lexikon, Vol. I, 3, ed. by Mayer,
C., Chelius, K.H., Basel, 1988, cols. 475479, col. 475.
Gerber, Ch.T., The Spirit of Augustines Early Theology, Farnham/Burlington, 2011
(Ashgate Studies in Philosophy & Theology in Late Antiquity).
Gioia, L., The theological epistemology of Augustines De Trinitate, Oxford, 2008 (Oxford
theological monographs).
Grossi, V., Baptismus, in Augustinus-Lexikon, Vol. 13/4, ed. by Mayer, C., Chelius,
K.H., Basel, 1990, cols. 583591.
Gryson, R., Fischer, B., Frede, H.J., Rpertoire gnral des auteurs ecclsiastiques Latins
de lAntiquit et du Haut moyen ge. 5e dition mise jour du Verzeichnis der Sigel fr
Kirchenschriftsteller, Freiburg, 2007 (Vetus Latina, Die Reste der altlateinischen
Bibel, 1/1).
Habitzky, A. (trans.) and Zumkeller, A. (introd., com.), Aurelius Augustinus. Der christ-
liche Kampf und die christliche Lebensweise, Wrzburg, 1961.
Harrison, C., Rethinking Augustines Early Theology: An Argument for Continuity,
Oxford, 2006.
Bibliography 217

Hombert, P.-M., Gloria gratiae. Se glorifier en Dieu, principe et fin de la thologie augus-
tinienne de la grce, Paris, 1996 (Collection des tudes Augustiniennes, Srie
Antiquit, 148).
Hombert, P.-M., Augustin, prdicateur de la grce au dbut de son piscopat, in
Augustin prdicateur, ed. by Madec, G., Paris, 1998, pp. 217245.
Hombert, P.-M., Lexgse augustinienne de Io. 3, 13 entre orient et occident, in
LEsegesi dei Padri Latini. Dalle origini a Gregorio Magno. XXVIII Incontro di studiosi
dellantichit cristiana. Roma, 68 maggio 1999, Roma, 2000a (Studia Ephemerides
Augustinianum, 68), Vol. I, pp. 335361.
Hombert, P.-M., Nouvelles recherches de chronologie augustinienne, Paris, 2000b
(Collection des tudes Augustiniennes, Srie Antiquit, 163).
Hoondert, P.-M., Les sermons de saint Augustin pour le jour de la Pentecte,
Augustiniana 46/34 (1996), pp. 291310.
Hudon, G., Le mystre de Nol dans le temps de lEglise daprs saint Augustin, La
Maison-Dieu 59 (1959), pp. 6084.
Jones, D.J., Christus Sacerdos in the Preaching of St. Augustine: Christ and Christian
Identity, Frankfurt am Main, 2004 (Patrologia, Beitrge zum Studium der
Kirchenvter, 14).
Jounel, P., La nuit pascale II. La Tradition de lEglise, La Maison-Dieu 67 (1961a),
pp. 123144.
Jounel, P., Le dimanche et le temps de Pques. II. La Tradition de lEglise, La Maison-
Dieu 67 (1961b), pp. 163182.
Karfkov, L., Merita nostra dona sunt eius. Die Pneumatologie und Gnadenlehre
nach Augustinus von Hippo, De Trinitate, in Der Heilige Geist im Leben der Kirche.
Forscher aus dem Osten und Westen Europas an den Quellen des gemeinsamen
Glaubens, ed. by De Andia, Y., Hofrichter, P.L., Innsbruck-Wien 2005 (Pro Oriente,
29), pp. 217228.
Klckener, M., Celebrare, celebratio, in Augustinus-Lexikon, Vol. 15/6, ed. by Mayer,
C., Chelius, K.H., Basel, 1992, cols. 828834.
Klckener, M., Die Bedeutung der neu entdeckten Augustinus-Predigten (Sermones
Dolbeau) fr die liturgiegeschichtliche Forschung, in Augustin Prdicateur (395
411) (Actes du Colloque International de Chantilly, 57 septembre 1996), ed. by Madec,
G., Paris, 1996, pp. 129170.
Klckener, M., Epiphania, in Augustinus-Lexikon, Vol. 25/6, ed. by Mayer, C., Chelius,
K.H., Basel, 2001, cols. 861865.
Kretschmar, G., Himmelfahrt und Pfingsten, Zeitschrift fr Kirchengeschichte, 66
(1954/1955), pp. 209253.
Kunzelmann, A., Die Chronologie der Sermones des Hl. Augustinus, in Miscellanea
Agostiniana, Vol. 2: Studi Agostiniani, Roma, 1931, pp. 417520.
218 Bibliography

La Bonnardire, A.-M., Les Enarrationes in Psalmos prches par saint Augustin


loccasion de ftes de martyrs, Recherches Augustiniennes 7 (1971), pp. 73103.
Lafitte, J., Pardon des offenses et amour des ennemis dans Les Sermones de Saint
Augustin, Anthropotes 16 (2000), pp. 69103.
Lambot, C., Les sermons de saint Augustin pour les ftes des martyrs, Analecta
Bollandiana 67 (1949), pp. 249266.
Lambot, C., Les sermons de saint Augustin pour les ftes de Pques. Liturgie et
archologie, Revue bndictine 79 (1969), pp. 148172 (Revue des sciences religieuses
30 (1956), pp. 230240).
Lamirande, ., Lannonce de lunit dans luniversalit. Un aspect de la thologie
augustinienne de la Pentecte, Spiritus Cahiers de spiritualit missionnaire 19
(1964), pp. 157174.
Lamirande, ., La situation ecclsiologique des Donatistes daprs saint Augustin,
Ottawa, 1972.
Lamirande, ., Ecclesia, in Augustinus-Lexikon, Vol. 15/6, ed. by Mayer, C., Chelius,
K.H., Basel, 2001, cols. 687720.
Lancel, S., La tardive acceptation du miracle, in Saint Augustin, ed. by Lancel, S., Paris,
1999, pp. 648658.
Lapointe, G., La clbration des martyrs en Afrique daprs les sermons de Saint Augustin,
Montral, 1972 (Cahiers de Communaut Chrtienne, 8).
Lawler, Th.C. (trans., notes, ed.), St. Augustine, Sermons for Christmas and
Epiphany, Maryland/London, 1952 (Ancient Christian Writers, 15), pp. 319:
Introduction.
Leclercq, H., Epiphanie, in Dictionnaire darchologie chrtienne et de liturgie, Vol. 5/9,
ed. by Cabrol, F., Paris, 1922, cols. 198202.
Leclercq, H., Nativit de Jsus, in Dictionnaire darchologie chrtienne et de liturgie,
Vol. 12/23, ed. by Cabrol, F., Paris, 1935, cols. 905958.
Lemari, J., Epiphanie, in Dictionnaire de spiritualit, ascetique et mystique, Vol. 27, ed.
by Viller, M., Paris, 1959, cols. 863879.
Lettieri, G., Laltro Agostino. Ermeneutica e retorica della grazia dalla crisi alla metamor
fosi del De doctrina christiana, Brescia, 2001.
MacMullen, R., The Preachers Audience (ad 350400), Journal of Theological Studies
n.s. 40 (1989), pp. 503511.
Madec, G., Sur une nouvelle introduction la pense dAugustin, Revue des tudes
augustiniennes 28 (1982), pp. 100111.
Malone, E.E., The Monk and the Martyr: The Monk as the Successor of the
Martyr, Washington, d.c., 1950 (Catholic University of America, Studies in
Antiquity, 12).
Marafioti, D., Lex. A. Theological Aspects, in Augustinus-Lexikon, Vol. 35/6, ed. by
Mayer, C., Chelius, K.H., Basel, 2008, cols. 932943.
Bibliography 219

Margoni-Kgler, M., Die Perikopen im Gottesdienst bei Augustinus. Ein Beitrag zur
Erforschung der liturgischen Schriftlesung in der frhen Kirche, Wien, 2010
(sterreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften. Philosophisch-historische Klasse.
Sitzungsberichte, 810) (Verffentlichungen der Kommission zur Herausgabe des
Corpus der lateinischen Kirchenvter, 29).
Mariucci, T., La lingua dello Spirito. Il vincolo cristiano dellunit-carit, in Meditazioni
agostiniane. Antologia di studi e testi, ed. by Id., Rome, 1991 (Collana Itinerari
Spirituali. Nuova Serie), pp. 3144.
Marrevee, W.H., The Ascension of Christ in the Works of St. Augustine, Ottawa,
1967.
Mayer, C., Confessio, confiteri, in Augustinus-Lexikon, Vol. 17/8, ed. by Mayer,
C., Chelius, K.H., Basel, 1994, cols. 11221134.
Mayer, C.P., Attende Stephanum conservum tuum (Serm. 317, 2, 3). Sinn und Wert der
Mrtyrerverehrung nach den Stephanuspredigten Augustins, in Fructus Centesimus,
Mlanges offerts Gerard J.M. Bartelink loccasion de son soixante-cinquime anni-
versaire, ed. by Bastiaensen, A.A.R., Hilhorst, A., Kneepkens, C.H., Steenbrugge/
Dordrecht, 1989 (Instrumenta Patristica, 29), pp. 217237.
Mayer, C.P., Ostern bei Augustinus, Cor unum 60 (2002), pp. 125.
Mechlinsky, L., Der modus proferendi in Augustins sermones ad populum, Paderborn/
Mnchen/Wien/Zrich, 2004 (Studien zur Geschichte und Kultur des Altertums,
Neue Folge, Reihe 1, Band 23).
Mohrmann, Ch., Sint Augustinus. Preken voor het volk handelende over de Heilige Schrift
en het eigene van de tijd, Utrecht, 1948 (Monumenta Christiana, 1).
Mohrmann, Ch., Pascha, Passio, Transitus, in Etudes sur le latin des chrtiens, Vol. 1, ed.
by Mohrmann, Ch., Roma, 1958a (Storia e letteratura, 65), pp. 205222 (Ephemerides
Liturgicae, 66 (1952), pp. 3752).
Mohrmann, Ch., Epiphania, in Etudes sur le latin des chrtiens, Vol. 1, ed. by Mohrmann,
Ch., Roma, 1958b, pp. 245275.
Mohrmann, Ch., Weihnachtspredigten des hl. Augustinus, Wiener humanistische
Bltter 4 (1961), pp. 117.
Moss, C.R., The Other Christs: Imitating Jesus in Ancient Christian Ideologies of
Martyrdom, Oxford/New York, 2010.
Oroz Reta, J., La retrica en los Sermones de S. Agustn, Madrid, 1963 (Coleccin
Augustinus, 7).
Paciorek, P., LAdoration des Mages (Matth. 2, 112) dans la tradition patristique et au
Moyen ge jusquau XIIe sicle, Augustiniana 50 (2000), pp. 85140.
Partoens, G., Le traitement du texte Paulinien dans les sermons 151156, in Sancti
Aurelii Augustini. Sermones in epistolas apostolicas. Sermones CLICLVI. Recensuit
G. Partoens, Secundum praefationis caput conscripsit J. Lssl, ed. by Partoens,
G., Turnhout, 2007 (Corpus Christianorum, Series Latina, 41Ba).
220 Bibliography

Pelikan, J., An Augustinian Dilemma: Augustines Doctrine of Grace versus Augustines


Doctrine of the Church? Augustinian Studies 18 (1987), pp. 129.
Pellegrino, M., Chiesa e martirio in SantAgostino, in Ricerche Patristiche 1, ed. by
Pellegrino, M., Torino, 1982a, pp. 597633.
Pellegrino, M., Cristo e il martire nel pensiero di SantAgostino, in Ricerche Patristiche
1, ed. by Pellegrino, M., Torino, 1982b, pp. 635668.
Pellegrino, M., Linflusso di S. Agostino su S. Leone Magno nei Sermoni sul Natale e
sullEpifania, in Ricerche Patristiche (19381980), Vol. 1, ed. by Pellegrino, M., Turin,
1982, pp. 163194.
Pellegrino, M., Sursum cor nelle opere di santAgostino, in Ricerche Patristiche, Vol. I,
Torino, 1982, pp. 261288.
Pontet, M., Lexgse de S. Augustin prdicateur, Paris, 1946 (Thologie, 7).
Poque, S., Les lectures liturgiques de loctave pascale Hippone daprs les traits de
S. Augustin sur la premire Eptre de s. Jean, Revue bndictine 74 (1964),
pp. 217241.
Poque, S., Le langage symbolique dans la prdication dAugustin dHippone. Images
hroiques, Paris, 1984.
Poque, S., Saint Augustin, Jsus-Christ mort et ressuscit pour nous. Introduction et tra-
duction de S. Poque, Paris, 1986 (Foi Vivante, 214).
Poque, S. (ed.), Augustin dHippone, Sermons pour la Pque. Introduction, texte critique,
traduction et notes de S. Poque, Paris, 2003 (ib. 1966) (Sources chrtiennes, 116).
Rebillard, ., In hora mortis. Evolution de la pastorale chrtienne de la mort aux IVe et
Ve sicles, Rome, 1994 (Bibliothque des coles Franaises dAthnes et de
Rome, 283).
Rebillard, ., Interaction between the Preacher and His Audience: The Case-Study of
Augustines Preaching on Death, Studia Patristica 31 (1997), pp. 8696.
Rebillard, ., Sermones, in Augustine through the Ages. An Encyclopedia, ed. by
Fitzgerald, A.D., Grand Rapids/Cambridge, 1999, pp. 773792.
Ring, T.G., Bruch oder Entwicklung im Gnadenbegriff Augustins? Kritische
Anmerkungen zu K. Flasch, Logik des Schreckens. Augustinus von Hippo, Die
Gnadenlehre von 397, Augustiniana 44 (1994), pp. 31113.
Roetzer, W., Des heiligen Augustinus Schriften als liturgie-geschichtliche Quelle,
Mnchen, 1930.
Rotelle, J.E. (ed.) and Hill, E. (trans., notes), Sermons IXI, New York, 19901997 (The
Works of Saint Augustine, A translation for the 21st Century, IXI).
Roth, A., Pascha und Hinbergang durch Glaube, Hoffnung und Liebe (Augustinus,
Brief 55 an Januarius), in Mlanges offerts Mademoiselle Christine Mohrmann.
Nouveau recueil offert par ses anciens lves, Engels, L.J., Hoppenbrouwers, H.W.F.M.,
and Vermeulen, A.J., Utrecht-Anvers, 1973, pp. 96107.
Bibliography 221

Rouillard, Ph., Les sermons de Nol de saint Augustin, La vie spirituelle 101 (1959),
pp. 479492.
Rousseau, Ph., The preachers audience: a More Optimistic View, in Ancient
History in a Modern University, Vol. 2, ed. by Hillard, T.W., Kearsley, R.A., Nixon,
C.E.V., Nobbs, A.M., Sydney, 1998, pp. 391400.
Sage, A., Pch originel. Naissance dun dogme, Revue des tudes augustiniennes 13
(1967), pp. 211248.
Saxer, V., Morts, martyrs, reliques en Afrique chrtienne aux premiers sicles. Les
tmoignages de Tertullien, Cyprien et Augustin la lumire de larchologie africaine,
Paris, 1980a.
Saxer, V. (ed., trad., notes), Saint Augustin. Lanne liturgique. Sermons choisis, traduc-
tion et annotation, Paris, 1980b (Les Pres dans la Foi).
Saxer, V., Cocchini, F., Pentecoste, Dizionario patristico e di antichit cristiane 2 (1983),
pp. 27512753.
Scheid, J., Les rjouissances des calendes de janvier daprs le sermon Dolbeau 26.
Nouvelles lumires sur une fte mal connue, in Augustin prdicateur, ed. by Madec,
G., Paris, 1998, pp. 353365.
Schnitzler, F., Zur Theologie der Verkndigung in den Predigten des hl. Augstinus,
Freiburg, 1968 (Untersuchungen zur Theologie der Seelsorge, 24).
Schumacher, W.A., Spiritus and spiritualis. A Study in the Sermons of Saint Augustine,
Mundelein 1957 (Pontificia Fac. Theol. Sem. S. Mariae ad Lacum, Diss. ad Lauream, 28).
Stoop, J.A.A., Die Pinksterprediking van Augustinus, Kerk en Eredienst 7 (1952),
pp. 6772.
Straw, C., Martyrdom, in Augustine through the Ages. An Encyclopedia, ed. by
Fitzgerald, A.D., Grand Rapids/Cambridge, 1999, pp. 538542.
Studer, B., Zum Triduum sacrum bei Augustinus von Hippo, in La celebrazione del
triduo pasquale. Anamnesis e mimesis. Atti del III Congresso internat. di Liturgia, ed.
by Scicolone, I., Roma, 1990, pp. 273286.
Studer, B., Zur Pneumatologie des Augustinus von Hippo (De Trinitate 15,17,27-50),
Augustinianum 35 (1995), pp. 567583.
TeSelle, E., Holy Spirit, in Augustine through the Ages. An Encyclopedia, ed. by
Fitzgerald, A.D., Grand Rapids/Cambridge, 1999, pp. 434437.
Tholen, I., Die Donatisten in den Predigten Augustins. Kommunikationslinien des Bishofs
von Hippo mit seinen Predigthrern, Berlin, 2010.
Tilley, M.A., Baptism, in Augustine through the Ages. An Encyclopedia, ed. by Fitzgerald,
A.D., Grand Rapids/Cambridge, 1999, pp. 8492.
van Bavel, T.J., Recherches sur la christologie de Saint Augustin. Lhumain et le divin dans
le Christ daprs Saint Augustin, Fribourg, 1954 (Paradosis, tudes de littrature et de
thologie ancienne, 10).
222 Bibliography

van Bavel, T.J., The Cult of the Martyrs in St. Augustine. Theology versus Popular
Religion? in Martyrium in Multidisciplinary Perspective, Memorial Louis Reekmans,
ed. by Lamberigts, M., Van Deun, P., Leuven, 1995 (Bibliotheca Ephemeridum
Theologicarum Lovaniensium, 117), pp. 351361.
van Bavel, T.J., Church, in Augustine through the Ages. An Encyclopedia, ed. by
Fitzgerald, A.D., Grand Rapids/Cambridge, 1999, pp. 169176.
van der Meer, F., Augustine the Bishop: The Life and Work of a Father of the Church,
London, 1961.
van Houtryve, D.I., Le mystre de Nol et des Pres, Les Questions liturgiques et parois-
siales 33 (1952), pp. 237247.
van Reisen, H., Waait de wind nog waarheen zij wil? Augustinus verkondiging op het
Pinksterfeest, De Eerste Dag 22 (1999), 48.
Verhees, J.J., God in beweging. Een onderzoek naar de pneumatologie van Augustinus,
Wageningen, 1968.
Viciano, A., Titoli soterici di Cristo nei Sermones di san Agostino, in Atti del Congresso
internazionale su san Agostino nel XVI centenario della conversione, Roma sett. 1986,
Vol. 2, Roma, 1987 (Studia Ephemeridis Augustinianum, 25), pp. 323336.
von Campenhausen, H.F., Die Idee des Martyriums in der alten Kirche, Gttingen, 1936.
Wilken, R.L., Spiritus Sanctus secundum Scripturas Sanctas. Exegetical Considerations
of Augustine on the Holy Spirit, Augustinian Studies 31 (2000), 118.
Willis, G.C., St. Augustines Lectionary, London, 1962 (Alcuin Club Collection, 44).
Zwinggi, A., Die Osternacht bei Augustinus, Liturgisches Jahrbuch 20 (1970a),
pp. 410.
Zwinggi, A., Die Perikopenordnungen der Osterwoche in Hippo und die Chronologie
der Predigten des hl. Augustinus, Augustiniana 20 (1970b), pp. 534.
Index of Scriptural Quotes

Genesis Psalms
Gen.1 30, 51 Ps.3:4 18n
Gen.1:34 41 Ps.3:8(9) 157
Gen.1:31 94, 104 Ps.12:7 112n
Gen.2:2 104 Ps.18 12, 23
Gen.3:4 155n Ps.18:2 23
Gen.2333 29 Ps.19:5 80
Gen.27:4, 2426 165 Ps.21 31n
Gen.27:27 165 Ps.23 66n
Gen.27:3335 165 Ps.26 29
Ps.31 96n
Exodus Ps.32 96n
Ex.7:22 116 Ps.33:3 151
Ex.8:19 112, 114, 114n, 118 Ps.35 29
Ex.12:310 117 Ps.36:6 40n
Ex.15 30, 31 Ps.38:12 95n
Ex.20:8 113 Ps.39:3sq 192n
Ex.20:18 119 Ps.39:11 95n
Ex.31:18 106, 112n, 118, 119 Ps.40:12 36
Ps.41 30, 31n
Ps.41:4 96n
Deuteronomy Ps.42 29
Deut.9:10 117 Ps.44:3 193n
Ps.45:2 193n
Joshua Ps.50 29
Ios.5:2 58n Ps.50:3 70
Ps.50:5 96n
I Kings Ps.50:11 96n
I Reg.3:1627 184 Ps.50:14 134
I Reg.17:816 29 Ps.51:3 96n
Ps.51:9 96n
Ps.56 66n
2 Kings Ps.68:18 85
II Reg.4:837 29
Ps.70:120 122n
Ps.82:6 63
Tobit Ps.84 12, 18, 120
Tob.2:1 103, 113, 133 Ps.84:12 12, 18n, 20n
Tob.2:1f 90n Ps.85:1112 17n
Ps.87:6 57n
Ps.90:1 68
Judith
Ps.95 12
Iud.19 102n, 113
Ps.96 66, 66n
Ps.97:9 79
Proverbs Ps.109:9 95n
Prou.3:12 95n Ps.103:9 95n
Prou.31:30 178n Ps.104:24 95n
224 index of Scriptural Quotes

Ps.115 30 Is.53:7 52n, 112, 112n, 117, 118n


Ps.116:11 168 Is.58:110/11 [-14] 29
Ps.117 30, 90n Is.60:16 23
Ps.117:1 93, 93n, 109
Ps.118:67 95n
Ps.118:106 20n
Jeremiah
Ier.17:5 79, 158n, 161n
Ps.118:107 20n
Ier.31:3133 118
Ps.118:108 20n
Ier.31:3134 121
Ps.118:1 93, 93n, 94, 109
Ps.119:67 95n
Ps.119:96 102n Ezekiel
Ps.140 90n Ez.34:20 193, 193n
Ps.140:34 96n
Ps.140:5 109n
Ps.141:34 96n Daniel
Ps.141:5 102, 108, 109, 126, Dan.13 31n
168, 176 Dan.3 30
Ps.145 157
Ps.145:5 157n Habakkuk
Ps.146 30 Hab.3:3 170, 170n
Ps.146:34 157

Matthew
Ecclesiastes Matth.1:1825 12
Ecli.3:20 195n Matth.2:12 23
Matth.2:111 23
Matth.2:12 28n
Song of Songs
Matth.2:118 23
Cant.1:7 192
Matth.3:16 133
Cant.4:5 133
Matth.4:6 114
Matth.5 139n
Wisdom Matth.5:8 68
Wis.12:19 183n Math.5:15 121
Matth.5:17 104, 104n, 119, 121
Matth.5: [43-]466:1[-4] 30
Sirach Matth.5:45 165
Sir.3:18 195n
Matth.6:5/715 29
Sir.25:24 154
Matth.6:515 30
Sir.39:1516 94
Matth.6:12 61, 69, 86n, 166n,
178n
Isaiah Matth.6:1213 200, 149
Is.2 30 Matth.6:13 61
Is.7 12 Matth.9:12 178n
Is.11:23 104, 105, 113 Matth.9:[14?] 90n
Is.14:1314 147 Matth.9:17 90n
Is.43:24 27n Matth.10 139n
Is.43:25 28n Matth.11:11 174, 194, 195, 195n
Is.43:25sq. 28n Matth.11:25 94n
Is.43:26 28n Matth.11:2830 105n
Is.53:412 183n Matth.12:24 114n
index of Scriptural Quotes 225

Matth.12:27 180n Luc.18:914 172, 178n


Matth.12:28 106, 112, 113, 114n, 115, Luc.18:11 189n
115n, 116, 118, 119 Luc.24:1346 30
Matth.12:29 180n Luc.24:36(?)53 66n
Matth.12:32 181n Luc.24:37 83n
Matth.16:1316 76 Luc.24:3839 77
Matth.16:2223 107 Luc.24:39 68n
Matth.18:2325 29 Luc.24:46 78
Matth.19 139n Luc.24:49 97n
Matth.20:110 51
Matth.20:2, 910, 13 112n
Matth.22 81
John
Jn.1 30
Matth.22:114 189, 189n
Ioh.1:1 52n, 68
Matth.22:3740 68, 74, 136
Ioh.1:5 68n
Matth.23:23 189
Ioh.1:114 30
Matth.23:8 107
Ioh.1:14 68
Matth.25:35 70
Ioh.1:118 12
Matth.26:39 153n
Ioh.1:29 52n
Matth.26:64 76
Ioh.1:51 76
Matth.27:40 70n
Ioh.2:19 68n
Matth.28 30
Ioh.3:5 178n
Matth.28:1620 66n
Ioh.3:13 70, 71, 76, 84
Matth.28:20 86
Ioh.3:16 76
Ioh.3:27 79
Mark Ioh.4:1314 133
Marc.2:17 165 Ioh.4:24 75
Marc.2:22 98 Ioh.5:118 29
Marc.10:8 71 Ioh.5:19 68n
Marc.10:45 80 Ioh.5:24 33n
Marc.14:34 68n, 76, 77, 84, 157 Ioh.5:3135 150
Marc.16:[19-]15[-20] 30 Ioh.6:51 76
Marc.16:16 61n Ioh.6:55 29
Ioh.7:39 97, 115, 115n, 134, 136
Luke Ioh.8:311 106
Luc.2:138 12 Ioh.8:31sq. 20n
Luc.2 12 Ioh.9 29
Luc.2:14 18n Ioh.10 172
Luc.5 49 Ioh.10:116 150, 172
Luc.5:17 104 Ioh.10:1116 144, 144n
Luc.5:17 108n, 126 Ioh.10:16 74, 192n
Luc.6:3738 29 Ioh.10:30 68n, 76, 78, 84
Luc.7:3650 167 Ioh.13:1 33n
Luc.8:46 53n Ioh.13:34 102n
Luc.10:21 94n Ioh.14:2528 84
Luc.11:20 106, 111, 112, 113, 114n, Ioh.14:(?-)2528(-?) 66n
115, 116, 118, 119, 130 Ioh.14:28 76
Luc.11:41 69, 86n Ioh.14:30 78n, 94n
Luc.13:1017 29 Ioh.14:31 78n
Luc.13:34 74 Ioh.15:26 136
226 index of Scriptural Quotes

Ioh.15:2627 135 Act.10:4448 102


Ioh.16:7 98 Act.13:3637 79
Ioh.16:711 121n Act.14:15 147
Ioh.16:13 133 Act.14:18 147
Ioh.19:2324 169
Ioh.20:?-17-? 66n Romans
Ioh.20:17 30 Rom.1:17 185, 185n
Ioh.20:22 74, 97n, 134, 136 Rom.2:15 118n
Ioh.20:29 70 Rom.3:23 27n
Ioh.20 30 Rom.4:45 185
Ioh.21 49 Rom.4:5 178n
Ioh.21:611 104, 112n Rom.4:15 104n
Ioh.21:11 133 Rom.4:25 57n, 114, 115n
Ioh.21:1517 30, 114, 173n Rom.5:111 12
Ioh.21:18 154, 157 Rom.5:15 12
Rom 5:1 18n
Acts of the Apostles Rom5:1sq. 18n
Act.1 66 Rom.5:5 20, 74, 85, 91, 98n, 102n,
Act.1:18 132 104, 117, 122, 122n, 124n,
Act.1:111 66n 125, 130, 161n, 175n
Act.1:126 133 Rom 5:67 56
Act.1:4 97n, 125 Rom.5:12 154
Act.1:5 134, 135 Rom.5:20 146n, 195n, 182
Act.1:6 73 Rom.6 31n
Act.1:7 74 Rom 6:23 57n
Act.1:79 79 Rom.7 161n
Act.1:8 74, 136 Rom.7:7 151
Act.1:11 78, 80 Rom.7:18 20n
Act.2:14 97n, 117, 119, 135 Rom.7:22 20n
Act.2:111 132, 133 Rom.7:23 20n
Act.2:113 132 Rom.7:24 20, 20n, 130
Act.2:115[?] 90n Rom.7:2425 184n
Act.2:141[47] 30 Rom.8:12 118
Act.2:2 133 Rom.8:111 118
Act.2:3 135 Rom.8:2 118
Act.2:4 99 Rom.8:3 19, 22, 47n, 55, 87, 88
Act2:13 90n, 98 Rom.8:9 102n
Act.2:1517 134 Rom.8:1217 119
Act.2:3741 136 Rom.8:15 119
Act.3:1213 147 Rom.8:17 80
Act.4:32 97 Rom.10:23 161n
Act.8:1417 102 Rom.11:56 186
Act.8:18 134 Rom.13:910 102n
Act.8:2629 102 Rom.13:10 117, 130
Act.9:4 70
Act.9:11 180 I Corinthians
Act.10:915 106, 107, 109n I Cor.1:31 18n
Act.10:13 165 I Cor.2:8 70
Act.10:28 107 I Cor.2:12 98n
index of Scriptural Quotes 227

I Cor.2:14 102n Eph.2:1420 23


I Cor.4:7 74, 85, 152, 153, 178n, 180n Eph.2:14 18n, 20n
I Cor.8:1, 104n 107 Eph.4:23 133
I Cor.10:4 58n Eph.4:4 100
Eph.4:8 85, 86n
I Cor.10:13 183 Eph.5:3132 71
I Cor.10:17 97
I Cor.11:7 80 Philippians
I Cor.11:29 109n, 126 Phil.2:68 12
I Cor.12:3 98n Phil.2:67 76, 80
I Cor.12:12 70 Phil.2:711 79
I Cor.12:13 102n Phil.2:7 79
I Cor.12:31 169n Phil.2:78 80
I Cor.13:18a 29
I Cor.13:13 165, 178n
I Cor.13:3 150n Colossians
I Cor.13:7 165 Col.2:3 68n
I Cor.15 66n Col.3:1fsq. 66n
I Cor.15:10 68 Col.3:12 70, 77
I Cor.15:2122 156
I Cor.15:22 168, 191, 191n II Timothy
I Cor.15:5356 153n II Tim.2:25 52n
I Cor.15:53sq. 61n II Tim.3:5 102n, 113
I Cor.15:54 61n II Tim.3:12 139n
I Cor.15:55 61n II Tim.4:68 153
I Cor.16:8 132, 134
Titus
II Corinthians Tit.3:5 69
II Cor.1:22 123, 124n
II Cor.3:3 106, 118, 119, 130
II Cor.3:6 104, 104n, 120, 121, 122n James
II Cor.3:7 121 Iac.4:6 107
II Cor.3:17 117, 117n
II Cor.5 29 I Peter
II Cor.5:4 153n I Petr.2:21 102n
II Cor.12:89 193, 197 I Petr.2:22 94n
I Petr.2:24 183n
Galatians I Petr.5:5 107, 182
Gal.3:16 71
Gal.3:2122 104n
Gal.3:29 71
I John
I Ioh.2:89 29
Gal.4:837 29
I Ioh.2:1516 157
Gal.5:6 91, 104n, 117
I Ioh.3:16 139n
Gal.5:17 20n
I Ioh.4:3 179
Gal.6:2 166
I Ioh.4:20 74
Gal.6:5 166
I Ioh.5:20 76
Ephesians
Eph.2:3 180n Apocalypse
Eph.2:1122 23 Apoc.5:114 66n
Index to the Works of Augustine

Index to Augustines Sermons

Sermo 34, 126n, 143, 143n, 160 Sermo 12529, 148, 149n
Sermo 44, 126n, 141n, 144n, 143, 147, Sermo 125A126n, 148
147n, 160, 164n, 165n, 166n Sermo 128124n, 126n, 140n, 141n, 148,
Sermo 1010, 126n, 143, 144n, 160, 164n, 149n, 150n
178n, 184n, 185n, 186n, 187n, 197 Sermo 1294, 126n, 143, 160, 178n
Sermo 20B141, 141n Sermo 131126n, 148, 149n
Sermo 26126n, 148, 149n Sermo 1374, 126n, 143, 143n, 144n, 148,
Sermo 293, 90, 93, 93n, 94n, 95n, 96n, 150, 150n, 160, 168n, 172n, 178n, 189n
109, 110, 127, 135 Sermo 1384, 126n, 140n, 143, 143n, 144,
Sermo 29A3, 90, 93, 93n, 94n, 95n, 144n, 160, 164n, 168n, 170n, 178n, 192n, 193n
96n, 109, 127 Sermo 1403, 7, 12n, 14n, 17n, 87
Sermo 29B3, 90, 93, 93n, 94n, 95n, 96n, Sermo 142126n, 148
109, 110, 127, 128, 136 Sermo 143121n, 126n, 148, 149n
Sermo 30126n, 148, 149n Sermo 144121n, 126n, 148, 149n
Sermo 31141n Sermo 145124n, 126n, 148, 149n
Sermo 334, 126n, 143, 143n, 144n, 160, Sermo 147A4, 126n, 143, 143n, 144n, 160
168n, 170n, 174n, 191n, 192n, 197 Sermo 151119, 126n, 148, 149n
Sermo 374, 126n, 141n, 143, 143n, 160, 178n Sermo 152119, 126n, 148, 149n
Sermo 454, 126n, 143, 160, 164n Sermo 153119, 126n, 148, 149n
Sermo 464, 126n, 143, 143n, 160, 168n, Sermo 154119, 126n, 148, 149n
170n, 171n, 178n Sermo 154A119, 126n, 148, 149n
Sermo 474, 126n, 143, 143n, 144n, 160, Sermo 155118, 118n, 119, 119n, 126n,
164n, 166n, 168n, 178n, 193, 193n, 197 148, 149n
Sermo 53A140n Sermo 156119, 119n, 124n, 126n, 148, 149n
Sermo 62141n, 161n Sermo 158126n, 148, 149, 149n, 150n
Sermo 64141n Sermo: 159126n, 141n, 148, 150, 150n
Sermo 64A141n Sermo: 159A141n
Sermo 65141n Sermo 159B4, 126n, 143, 143n, 160, 168n,
Sermo 65A141n 169n, 172n, 178n, 181n, 182n
Sermo 714, 126n, 135, 143, 148, 149n, 160, Sermo 160126n, 148
173n, 174n, 178n, 180n, 181n, 197 Sermo 162A99n, 126n, 143, 143n, 160,
Sermo 72A126n, 148, 149n 168n, 169n, 170n, 178n
Sermo 884, 126n, 143, 143n, 144n, 160, Sermo 163148, 149n
164n, 168n, 189n Sermo 1644, 126n, 143,143n, 144n,
Sermo 904, 126n, 143, 143n, 144n, 145n, 160,164n, 166n, 167n, 168n
160, 168n, 190n, 191n, 198 Sermo 165126n, 148, 149n
Sermo 94A140n, 141n Sermo 166126n, 148, 149n
Sermo 96141n Sermo 168126n, 148, 152n
Sermo 100126n, 148, 149n Sermo 169126n, 140n, 148, 150, 149n, 150n
Sermo 114126n, 148 Sermo 170126n, 148, 149n
Sermo 115126n, 148, 149n Sermo 174126n, 141n, 148, 149n
Sermo 116141n Sermo 176126n, 148, 149n
Index to the works of Augustine 229

Sermo 181126n, 148, 149n Sermo 223A3, 7, 38n, 41, 41n


Sermo 1824, 126n, 143, 160, 178n, 179n, 197 Sermo 223B3, 7, 38n, 39n, 40n
Sermo 1834, 126n, 143, 148, 160, 178n, 179n Sermo 223C3, 7, 38n, 40n
Sermo 1843, 7, 11, 12, 14n, 15n, 17n, 19n, Sermo 223D3, 7, 38n
22n, 87 Sermo 223E3, 7, 38n, 39n, 40n
Sermo 1853, 7, 11, 12, 12n, 13n, 14n, 17n, Sermo 223F3, 38n, 39n, 40n
18n, 19n, 87 Sermo 223G3, 7, 38n, 39n, 40n
Sermo 1863, 7, 11, 10, 12, 12n, 13n, 14n, Sermo 223H3, 7, 38n, 39n
15n, 16n Sermo 223I3, 7, 35, 38n, 39n, 40n
Sermo 1873, 7, 10, 11,12, 12n, 13n, 14n, Sermo 223J3, 7, 38n
15n, 16n, Sermo 223K3, 7, 38n
Sermo 1883, 7, 10, 11, 12n, 13n, 15n, 16n, Sermo 2243, 7, 35, 41n, 48n, 61n, 63n
17n, 87 Sermo 2253, 7, 41n, 48n, 55n, 88
Sermo 1897, 10, 11, 12, 12n, 13n, 14n, 15n, Sermo 2263, 7, 41n, 47n, 55n
17n, 19n, 87 Sermo 2273, 7, 33n, 35n, 41n, 45n, 63n,
Sermo 1903, 7, 10, 11, 12, 12n, 13n, 15n, 22n 88, 136
Sermo 1913, 7, 11, 12, 12n, 13n, 15n, 16n Sermo 2283, 7, 41n, 48n, 136
Sermo 1923, 7, 10, 11, 12, 12n, 13n, 15n, 16n, Sermo 228A3, 7, 41n, 47n
19n, 87 Sermo 228B3, 7, 35n, 41n, 46n, 47n, 55n,
Sermo 1933, 7, 12, 12n, 13n, 15n, 20n, 87, 64n, 88
126n, 148, 149n Sermo 2293, 7, 32n, 42n, 45n, 46n, 50n,
Sermo 1943, 7, 10, 12, 12n, 13n, 15n, 16n 63n, 64n, 88
Sermo 1953, 7, 10, 12, 12n, 13n, 15n, 20n, 87 Sermo 229A3, 7, 35n, 42n, 46n, 63n, 88
Sermo 1963, 7, 11, 12, 12n, 13n, 14n, 15n, Sermo 229B3, 7, 42n
16n, 17n, 21n, 87 Sermo 229C3, 7, 42n, 56n
Sermo 196A3, 12, 13n, 15n Sermo 229D3, 7, 42n, 58n, 60, 60n, 88
Sermo 1974, 126n, 143, 160, 172n, 173n Sermo 229E3, 7, 42n, 47n, 56n, 60n, 88
Sermo 1984, 126n, 141n, 143, 147, 160 Sermo 229F3, 7, 42n, 64n, 57n, 88
Sermo 1993, 7, 23, 24n, 25n, 87 Sermo 229G3, 7, 42n, 63n
Sermo 2003, 7, 23, 24n, 25n Sermo 229H3, 7, 42n, 55n, 88
Sermo 2013, 7, 23, 24n, 25n Sermo 229I3, 7, 42n, 54n, 56n, 136
Sermo 2023, 4, 7, 23, 24n, 25n, 126n, 143, Sermo 229J3, 7, 42n, 54n, 64n
143n, 160, 168n Sermo 229K3, 7, 42n, 53n
Sermo 2033, 7, 23, 24n, 25n, 87 Sermo 229L3, 7, 42n, 53n
Sermo 2043, 7, 23, 24n Sermo 229M3, 7, 42n
Sermo 204A3, 7, 23, 24n Sermo 229N3, 7, 42n, 52n
Sermo 21129, 149n Sermo 229O3, 7, 42n, 48n, 52n, 63n
Sermo 21411n, 126n, 148, 149n Sermo 229P3, 7, 42n, 52n, 53n, 88
Sermo 2183, 7, 35, 35n, 36n, 37n, 87 Sermo 229R3, 7, 42n, 51n
Sermo 218A3, 7, 35, 35n, 36n Sermo 229S3, 7, 42n, 51n, 61n
Sermo 218B3, 7, 35, 35n, 36n, 37n Sermo 229T3, 7, 42n, 51n, 61n
Sermo 218C3, 7, 35, 35n, 36n, 37n Sermo 229U3, 7, 43n, 51n
Sermo 2193, 7, 37n, 38n, 39n, 40n Sermo 229V3, 7, 43n, 51n
Sermo 2203, 7, 37n, 38n, 40n Sermo 2303, 7, 43n
Sermo 2213, 7, 37n, 38n, 40n, 41n Sermo 2313, 7, 33n, 43n, 57n, 88
Sermo 2223, 7, 37n, 39n, 40n Sermo 2323, 7, 33n, 56n, 88
Sermo 2233, 4, 7, 10, 31n, 38n, 41n, 126n, Sermo 2333, 7, 43n, 58n, 60n, 88
143, 144n, 160, 164n, 178n Sermo 2343, 7, 43n, 64n
230 Index to the works of Augustine

Sermo 2353, 7, 43n Sermo 2653, 7, 66n, 73, 73n, 74n, 75n, 83,
Sermo 2363, 7, 43n, 60n, 64n 83n, 84n, 85n, 136
Sermo 236A3, 7, 43n Sermo 265A3, 7, 66n, 75, 75n, 76n, 82n,
Sermo 2373, 7, 33n, 43n, 54n, 56n, 84, 84n, 85n, 86n, 89
59n, 88 Sermo 265B3, 7, 76, 76n, 77n, 82n, 84n,
Sermo 2387, 43n, 54n 85n, 89
Sermo 2393, 7, 43n Sermo 265C3, 7, 77, 77n, 81n
Sermo 2403,7, 43n, 58n, 88 Sermo 265D3, 7, 66n, 77, 77n, 78n, 79n,
Sermo 2413, 7, 43n, 54n 82n, 83n, 84, 84n, 85n, 86n, 89
Sermo 2423, 7, 43n, 54n, 65n Sermo 265E3, 7, 66n, 79n, 80n, 82n, 83,
Sermo 242A3, 7, 43n, 54n, 56n, 62n, 88 84n, 85n
Sermo 2433, 7, 43n, 53n Sermo 265F3, 7, 80, 80n, 84n, 89
Sermo 2443, 7, 44n, 53n Sermo 2663, 4, 90, 90n, 91n, 93, 97n, 98n,
Sermo 2453, 7, 44n, 53n 99n, 102, 102n, 103n, 106n, 107n, 108, 108n,
Sermo 2463, 7, 33n, 44n, 53n, 55n, 63n 109n, 110, 123, 126, 126n, 127, 128, 136, 143,
Sermo 2473, 7, 44n, 54n 143n, 144n, 160, 168n, 176n, 177n, 178n, 193n,
Sermo 2483, 7, 44n, 49n, 63n, 50n, 88 194n, 197
Sermo 2493,7, 44n, 50n, 88 Sermo 2673, 90, 90n, 91n, 92, 93, 97n,
Sermo 2503,7, 33n, 44n, 49n, 50n, 63n, 98n, 99n, 100n, 103n, 106n, 108n, 123, 124,
88, 126n, 148, 149n 125, 126, 127, 129
Sermo 2513, 7, 44n, 50n, 88 Sermo 2683, 90, 90n, 91n, 92, 93, 97n,
Sermo 2523, 4, 7, 31n, 44n, 50n, 51n, 88, 99n, 100n, 101n, 102n, 103n, 108n, 109n, 123,
126n, 143, 143n, 144n, 160 124n, 125, 126, 127, 129
Sermo 252A3, 7, 44n, 50n, 63n, 88 Sermo 2693, 4, 90, 91n, 90n, 92, 93, 97n,
Sermo 2533, 7, 33n, 44n, 52n 99n, 100n, 101n, 102n, 107n, 108n, 123, 125,
Sermo 2543, 7, 32n, 44n, 64n 126, 126n, 127, 129, 143, 143n, 144n, 160, 168n,
Sermo 2553, 7, 44n, 59n, 61n, 88, 124n 175n, 194n
Sermo 255A3, 7, 44n Sermo 2703, 90, 90n, 91n, 92, 93,
Sermo 2563, 7, 64n 97n, 98n, 99n, 101n, 103n, 104, 104n,
Sermo 2573, 7, 33n, 44n 105n, 106, 106n, 107n, 108n, 110, 120,
Sermo 2583, 7, 33n, 44n, 47n, 63n, 143n 121, 121n, 122, 125, 126, 126n, 127, 129, 136,
Sermo 2593, 7, 44n, 51n, 55n, 88, 136 148, 149n
Sermo 2603, 7, 44n, 47n, 48n Sermo 2714, 90, 91n, 90n, 92, 93, 97n,
Sermo 260A3, 7, 44n, 47n, 48n, 165n 99n, 101n, 108n, 124, 125, 126, 126n, 127, 129,
Sermo 260B3, 7, 45n, 48n, 49n, 63n 143, 143n, 160, 168n, 194n
Sermo 260C3, 7, 45n, 48n, 62n, 136 Sermo 2723, 7, 35n, 45n, 47n, 88, 90, 93,
Sermo 260D3, 7, 45n, 65n, 126n, 96, 108n, 110, 126, 127, 129, 141n
148, 149n Sermo 272A3, 90, 93, 96, 97, 108n, 110,
Sermo 260E3, 7, 45n, 141n 127, 129
Sermo 2613, 7, 66n, 68, 68n, 69n, 81n, Sermo 272B3, 90, 90n, 91n, 92, 93, 97n,
82n, 84n, 85n, 86n, 89 98n, 99n, 103n, 104, 104n, 105n, 106, 106n,
Sermo 2623, 7, 66n, 69, 69n, 82n, 107n, 110, 112n, 113, 120, 121, 121n, 125, 126,
85n, 89 126n, 127, 130, 136, 148, 149n
Sermo 2633, 7, 66n, 69, 70n, 81n, 84n, Sermo 2733
85n, 86n, 89 Sermo 2743, 141n
Sermo 263A3, 7, 66n, 70, 70n, 71n, 81n, Sermo 2753, 4, 126n, 140n, 141n, 143, 144,
82n, 84n, 85n, 86n, 89 144n, 145n, 160
Sermo 2643, 7, 66n, 71, 72n, 73n, 81n, 82n, Sermo 2763, 100n, 141n
83, 84n, 85n, 89 Sermo 2773, 141n
Index to the works of Augustine 231

Sermo 277A3, 141n Sermo 3183, 141n, 142n, 143n


Sermo 2803, 141n Sermo 3193, 140n
Sermo 2813, 141n Sermo 3203, 7, 45n
Sermo 2823, 141n Sermo 3253, 140n, 141n
Sermo 2833, 126n, 141n, 148, 151, 151n, Sermo 3263, 141n
152n, 158 Sermo 3273, 4, 126n, 140n, 143, 145,
Sermo 2843, 141n 145n, 160
Sermo 2853, 140n, 141n Sermo 3283, 140n, 141n
Sermo 2863, 141n Sermo 3293, 141n
Sermo 2903, 10, 126n, 148, 150n Sermo 3303, 141n
Sermo 2923, 4, 126n, 143, 144n, 160, 177n, Sermo 3313, 140n, 141n
178n, 194n, 195n, 197 Sermo 3323, 141n
Sermo 2933, 126n, 148 Sermo 3333, 126n, 141n, 148, 152, 152n
Sermo 293A4, 126n, 143, 160, 174n, 178n Sermo 333B3, 152
Sermo 2943, 126n, 148, 149n Sermo 3353, 140n, 141n
Sermo 2953, 4, 126n, 147, 147n, 160, 173n, Sermo 335A3, 140n, 141n
179n, 180n, 197 Sermo 335B3, 126n, 148, 155, 155n, 156n,
Sermo 2973, 141n 157n, 158, 158n
Sermo 2993, 124n, 126n, 141n, 148, 152, Sermo 335C3, 140n, 141n
153n, 154n, 155n, 158 Sermo 335D3, 141n
Sermo 299B3, 141n Sermo 335E3, 141n
Sermo 299D3, 141n Sermo 335F3, 141n
Sermo 299E3, 141n Sermo 335G3, 140n, 141n
Sermo 299F3, 140n Sermo 335H3, 141n
Sermo 3003, 140n Sermo 335J3, 141n
Sermo 301A3, 141n Sermo 340A3, 4, 126n, 143, 143n, 160,
Sermo 3023, 141n 168n, 171n, 189, 189n
Sermo 3033, 141n Sermo 344141n
Sermo 3043, 140n, 141n Sermo 345141n
Sermo 3053, 141n Sermo 348A126n, 148, 149n
Sermo 305A3, 141n Sermo 351126n, 141n, 148, 149n
Sermo 3063, 140n, 141n Sermo 3574, 126n, 136, 143, 143n, 160
Sermo 306A3, 140n Sermo 3584, 126n, 143, 143n, 160
Sermo 306C3, 141n Sermo 358A4, 126n, 143, 160
Sermo 306D3, 141n Sermo 3594, 126n, 143, 143n, 160
Sermo 306E3, 141n Sermo 3604, 126n, 143, 160, 167n, 178n,
Sermo 3113, 140n, 141n 196n, 197
Sermo 3123, 141n Sermo 360A4, 126n, 143, 143n, 160, 197
Sermo 3133, 141 Sermo 360C4, 126n, 143, 143n, 160,
Sermo 313A3, 141n 168n, 171n
Sermo 313B3, 140n, 141n Sermo 363148, 124n, 126n, 149n
Sermo 313C3, 141n Sermo 365126n, 148, 149n
Sermo 313E3, 126n, 143, 143n, 146, 146n, Sermo 368141n
140n, 160, 168n, 171n, 178n, 195n, 197 Sermo 3693, 7, 12n, 13n, 14n, 15n, 16n,
Sermo 313G3, 141n 21n, 87
Sermo 3143, 141n, 142n Sermo 3703, 7, 11, 12, 12n, 13n, 15n, 16n,
Sermo 3153, 141n, 142n 17n, 87
Sermo 3163, 141n Sermo 3717, 13n, 15n, 16n, 17n, 21n, 87
Sermo 3173, 142n Sermo 3727, 13n, 15n, 18n, 21n, 87
232 Index to the works of Augustine

Sermo 3733, 7, 23, 24n, 25n, 26n, 87 Sermo 376A7, 45n, 47n, 48n
Sermo 3743, 7, 23, 24n, 25n, 26n, 27n, Sermo 3777, 80, 80n, 81n, 82n,
28n, 87 84n, 89
Sermo 3753, 7, 23, 24n Sermo 380140n
Sermo 375A7, 45n, 56n Sermo 382141n
Sermo 375B7, 45n, 59n, 88, 141n Sermo 394141n
Sermo 375C7, 45n, 53n, 55n, 88 Sermo 398141n
Sermo 3767, 45n, 54n Sermo 4004, 126n, 143, 143n, 160, 168n

Index to Other Works of Augustine

Ad catholicos fratres134 De Trinitate133


Ad Cresconium grammaticum partis De uera religione120
Donati134
Ad Simplicianum122n, 160n, 161n Enarratio in Psalmum 2132n
Enarratio in Psalmum 45135
Confessiones93n, 124n, 160n Enarratio in Psalmum 90114, 135
Contra Adimantum93n Enarratio in Psalmum 11793n-94n
Contra duas epistulas Enarratio in Psalmum 132135
pelagianorum122n, 124n Enarratio in Psalmum 138135
Contra epistulam manichaei quam uocant Epistula 36134
fundamenti97n, 132 Epistula 559, 33, 111, 112, 134
Contra Faustum manicheum110, 121n, Epistula 145122
122n, 133 Epistula 199134
Contra Felicem manicheum133, 138n Epistula 265134
Contra litteras Petiliani134 Epistula 268135
Expositio quarundam propositionum ex
De agone christiano71n, 132 epistula apostoli ad Romanos120
De catechizandis rudibus112 Expositio epistulae ad Galatas120
De ciuitate Dei116
De consensu euangelistarum134 In epistulam Iohannis ad Parthos135
De doctrina christiana1, 133 In Iohannis euangelium tractatus98n,
De gratia Christi et de peccato 135
originali121n, 122n
De natura et gratia121n Quaestiones in
De praedestinatione sanctorum121n, 134 Heptateuchum116
De sermone domini in monte132 Quaestionum libri Septem116, 116n, 134
De spiritu et littera116, 116n, 117n, 118n,
121, 122n, 124n, 130 Speculum134
Index to Modern Authors

Aumonier, E.32, 32n 169n, 171n, 172n, 181n, 182n, 183n, 184n,
Ayres, L.92n 187n, 188n
Drecoll, V.H.120, 120n, 121n, 122n, 163n
Barcellona, F.S.22n Drobner, H.R.8n, 9, 10, 10n, 11, 11n, 12n,
Barnes, M.R.91n 13n, 14n, 33, 33n, 34, 34n, 35n, 71n, 89, 128
Baus, K.31, 32n Dupont, A.2n, 21n, 93n, 121n, 127, 128,
Bentivegna, G.91n 139n, 142n, 162n, 163n, 196n
Berrouard, M.-F.30n, 67n, 98n Duval, Y.162n
Beuron (=Fischer, B.)127, 128, 129,
130, 131 Eijkenboom, P.C.J.7n
Bishop, W.C.12n
Bizzozero, A.30, 30n, 67, 67n, 91n, 98n, Ferraro, G.90n, 100n, 106n
99n, 101n, 103n, 106n, 124n Fischer, B.13n, 130, 131
Bonfrate, G.91n, 103n, 105n Fitzgerald, A.D.13n
Bori, P.C.129131 Flasch, K.163n
Borgomeo, A.162n Frank, H.31n, 32n
Borst, A.108n Franz, E.8n
Botte, B.9n Frede, H.J.13n, 130
Bouhot, J.-P.7n, 130, 131
Brown, P.163n, 182n Gaillard, J.9n
Burns, J.P.97n, 101n, 163n Gaumer, M.162n
Geerlings, W.66, 66n, 88
Cabi, R.66n, 96n Gerber, Ch.T.92n
Cabrol, F.66n Gioia, L.92n
Callewaert, C.31n Gryson, R.12n, 13n, 24n, 35n, 37n, 38n,
Campelo, M.M.91n 41n, 42n, 43n, 44n, 45n, 67n, 69n, 70n, 72n,
Chelius, K.H.9n, 93n 73n, 75n, 76n, 77n, 79n, 80n, 81n, 112n, 118n,
Cipriani, N.163n 119n, 124n, 127, 128, 129, 130, 142n, 144n,
Cocchini, F.92n 145n, 146n, 147n, 149n, 150n, 151n, 152n,
Colpe, C.66n 155n, 164n, 165n, 166n, 167n, 168n, 169n,
Corbin, M.32n 170n, 171n, 172n, 173n, 174n, 175n, 177n,
179n, 184n, 187n
da Cagliari, F.91n
Dalmais, I.-H.31n Habitzky, A.71n
Danilou, J.103n Harrison, C.163n
Dassmann, E.67n Hill, E.12n, 13n, 14n, 24n, 35n, 37n,
de Bruyne128, 131 38n, 41n, 42n, 43n, 44n, 45n, 67n, 69n,
de Durand, M.G.98n 70n, 72n, 73n, 79n, 80n, 81n, 97n, 99n,
de Gaiffier, B.140n 100n, 104n, 105n, 107n, 112n, 118n, 119n,
de Vooght, P.139n 124n, 127, 128, 129, 130, 131, 142n, 144n,
den Boeft, J.139n, 140, 140n 145n, 146n, 147n, 149n , 150n, 151n, 152n,
Dideberg, D.29, 29n 155n, 164n, 165n, 166n, 167n, 168n, 169n,
Dodaro, R.182n 170n, 171n, 172n, 173n, 174n, 175n, 177n,
Dolbeau, F.83n, 124n, 128, 130, 145n, 179n, 184n, 187n
147n, 150n, 151n, 161n, 162n, 164n, 167n, Hillard, T.W.8n
234 Index to Modern Authors

Hombert, P.-M.13n, 35n, 41n, 42n, 43n, Nixon, C.E.V.8n


71n, 72n, 73n, 77n, 112n, 128, 131, 144n, 147n, Nobbs, A.M.8n
150n, 152n, 155n, 160n, 161n, 162n, 163n,
164n, 165n, 166n, 167n, 168n, 169n, 170n, Oroz Reta, J.8n
171n, 172n, 173n, 174n, 175n, 177n, 179n, 184n,
187n, 198n Paciorek, P.22n, 23n
Hoondert, P.-M.66n, 90n, 92, 92n, 93, Partoens, G.118n, 119n, 124n, 126n
110n, 121, 123, 125127 Pellegrino, M.23n, 67, 67n, 137n, 138n
Hudon, G.9n, 11n, 12n Perler, O.127, 128, 129, 130, 132
Pontet, M.101n, 104n, 108n
Jones, D.J.8n Poque, S.29, 29n, 30, 31n, 32, 33n, 66,
Jounel, P.31n 66n, 96n, 105n, 106n, 129, 132

Karfkov, L.92 Rebillard, .8n, 12n, 13n, 24n, 35n, 37n,


Kearsley, R.A.8n 38n, 41n, 42n, 43n, 44n, 45n, 67n, 68n, 69n,
Klckener, M.7n, 9n, 22n, 23, 23n, 128 70n, 72n, 73n, 75n, 76n, 77n, 79n, 80n, 81n,
Kretschmar, G.105n 112n, 118n, 119n, 124n, 127, 128, 129, 130, 131,
Kunzelmann, A.13n, 24n, 35n, 37n, 38n, 142n, 144n, 145n, 146n, 147n, 149n, 150n,
41n, 42n, 43n, 44n, 45n, 68n, 70n, 72n, 73n, 151n, 152n, 153n, 154n, 155n, 164n, 165n,
75n, 76n, 77n, 125, 127, 128, 129, 130, 131 166n, 167n, 168n, 169n, 170n, 171n, 172n,
173n, 174n, 175n, 177n, 179n, 184n, 187n
La Bonnardire , A.-M.129, 130131, 139n, Ring, T.G.163n
140n Roetzer, W.7n, 12n
Lafitte, J.142n Roth, A.31n
Lambot, C.29, 29n, 124n, 127, 128, 130131, Rouillard, Ph.9, 9n, 10, 10n, 11n, 12, 12n
139n Rousseau, Ph.8n
Lamirande, E.91n, 98n, 101n, 108n, 143n, 162
Lancel, S.139n Sage, A.163n
Lapointe, G.7n, 139, 139n, 140, 140n, 184n Saxer, V.12, 12n, 23, 23n, 29, 29n, 66, 66n,
Lawler, Th.C.22n 90n, 92n, 96n, 137n, 139n, 140n
Leclercq, H.9n, 22n Scheid, J.182n
Lemari, J.22n, 23n Schningh, F.129
Lettieri, G.163n Schnitzler, F.7n, 90n, 129, 132
Schrama, M.12n
MacMullen, R.8n Schumacher, W.A.92n, 97n, 98n, 105n
Madec, G.128, 163n, 182n Stoop, J.A.A.91n, 109n
Malone, E.E.142n Straw, C.138n, 139n, 141n, 143n
Marafioti, D.121, 121n, 122n Studer, B.31n, 92n
Margoni-Kgler, M.12, 12n, 23, 23n, 29,
29n, 30n, 66, 66n, 90n, 140n TeSelle, E.92n
Mariucci, T.91n, 101n Tholen, I.143n
Marrevee, W.H.66, 66n, 67n, 88
Mayer, C.9n, 93n, 139n, 142n van Bavel, T.J.8n, 13n, 71n, 101n, 137n,
Mayer, C.P.91n, 96n, 139n 138n-139n, 153n, 154n
Mechlinsky, L.8n, 109n, 126n, 128 van der Meer, F.137n
Mohrmann, Ch.11, 11n, 23n, 30n, 96n, 129 van Houtryve, D.I.10n
Monceaux, P.128, 129, 132 van Reisen, H.91n
Moss, C.R.138n Vanzan, P.91n
Index To Modern Authors 235

Verbraken, P.-P.127, 128, 129, 130, 131 Wilken, R.I.92n


Verhees, J.J.92n, 98n, 101n, Willis, G.C.7n, 12n, 29, 29n, 66, 66n, 90n,
104n, 108n 140n
Verschoren, M.118n
Viciano, A.8n Zumkeller, A.71n
von Campenhausen, H.138, 138n Zwinggi, A.29, 29n, 30, 31, 31n, 127, 128,
129, 130, 132