The Ascetic Spirituality of

Juan de vila ()
Studies in the History of
Christian Traditions
General Editor
Robert J. Bast
Knoxville, Tennessee

In cooperation with
Henry Chadwick, Cambridge
Scott H. Hendrix, Princeton, New Jersey
Paul C.H. Lim, Nashville, Tennessee
Eric Saak, Liverpool
Brian Tierney, Ithaca, New York
Arjo Vanderjagt, Groningen
John Van Engen, Notre Dame, Indiana

Founding Editor
Heiko A. Oberman

VOLUME 150
 The Ascetic Spirituality of
Juan de vila ()

By
Rady Roldn-Figueroa

LEIDEN BOSTON
2010
Cover Illustration: Pensamiento andariego, from Juan de Rojas, Representaciones de la verdad
vestida, msticas, morales, y alegricas sobre las siete moradas de Santa Teresa de Jess (Madrid:
Antonio Gonzalez de Reyes, 1677), p. 231. Courtesy of Baylor University

This book is printed on acid-free paper.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Roldn-Figueroa, Rady.
The ascetic spirituality of Juan de vila (1499-1569) / by Rady Roldn-Figueroa.
p. cm. (Studies in the history of Christian traditions ; v. 150)
Includes bibliographical references (p. ) and index.
ISBN 978-90-04-19204-1 (hardback : alk. paper)
1. John, of Avila, Saint, 1499?-1569. 2. SpiritualitySpain. 3. AsceticismSpain. 4.
SpiritualityCatholic Church. 5. AsceticismCatholic Church. I. Title. II. Series.

BX1584.R42 2010
248.4'7dc22
2010034930

ISSN 1573-5664
ISBN 978 90 04 19204 1

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 En memoria de mi abuela,
en humilde ofrenda de amor.
Isidra Ruiz Betancourt
( agosto marzo )
 CONTENTS

Preface . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xi
List of Abbreviations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xv

Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Juan de vila and Mental Prayer as the Hallmark of his
Judeoconverso Spirituality . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
Juan de vila in Contemporary Scholarship . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9
Juan de vila and Mental Prayer as a Mark of Holiness . . . . . . . . . . . 15
Outline of the Work. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27

Chapter One. The Spiritual Exercises of Juan de vila: His Rule for
the Clergy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 31
vilas Letter to His Disciple from Crdoba () . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 33
vilas Letter to Master Garca Arias ( [January] ) . . . . . . . . . . 39
The Rule in the Letter to a Priest, post- . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 46
The Rule in the Letter to Fray Luis de Granada of c. . . . . . . . . . 56
Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 57

Chapter Two. The Spiritual Exercises of Juan de vila: His Rule for
the Laity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 59
The Short Rule of Christian Life in the Wider Context of Fray
Luis de Granadas Gua de pecadores (). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 61
Villanuevas Reglas in Relation to vilas Short Rule . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 64
The Short Rule of Christian Life of . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 70
The Posthumous Correction of the Short Rule . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 79
The Fall of Mara de la Visitacin and Juan Dazs Edition of the
Diez documentos . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 82
The Question of Personal Merits in the Revised Edition of the
Short Rule . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 87
Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 88
viii contents

Chapter Three. Juan de vila and the Audi, filia of as a

Manual for Holy Women . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 91
Of Beatas and Religiosas: Women Disciples of Juan de vila . . . . . . 92
The Audi, filia of as a Manual for Holy Women. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 98
The Visions and Experiences of Ana Ponce de Len: A Womans
Experience of Mental Prayer . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 112
Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 116

Chapter Four. Juan de vila and Frequent Communion: Historical

Background . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 117
Frequent Communion in New Testament and Patristic Sources . . 118
Medieval and Scholastic Sources on Frequent Communion . . . . . . 122
Erasmus, the Spanish Erasmians, and Frequent Communion . . . . 132
The Council of Trent on Frequent Communion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 138
The Spanish Debate over Frequent Communion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 141
Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 155

Chapter Five. Juan de vila and Frequent Communion: His

Sermons on the Eucharist . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 157
Juan de vila on Frequent Communion: His Sermon on the
Eighth Day of Corpus Christi, . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 159
The Problem of Annual or Rare Communion: The Protestant
Heresy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 166
Frequent Communion and Spiritual Discipline: vilas Bien
Comulgar . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 172
Frequent Communion, Social Discipline, and vilas Views on
Women . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 182
Frequent Communion, Social Discipline, and vilas Criticism
of the Spanish Grandees . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 190

Chapter Six. Juan de vila and his Ascetic Doctrine of Union with
the Holy Spirit. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 195
Espirituacin, or Union with the Holy Spirit . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 196
Espirituacin: vilas Vision of Moral Reform . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 203

Chapter Seven. Juan de vila and the Spiritual Discipline of Public

Service . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 211
The Spirituality of Public Service in His Sermons . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 212
The Spirituality of Public Service in His Letters . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 221
Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 237
 contents ix

Concluding Remarks: Juan de vila and the Contours of Converso

Spirituality . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 239
Marcel Bataillon and the Definition of Judeoconverso Spirituality 239
Juan de vila: Ascetic Spirituality as Social Practice . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 245

Bibliography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 249

Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 263
 PREFACE

I became interested in Juan de vila shortly after defending my doctoral

dissertation at Boston University on December . With the publi-
cation of this book, I am ready to offer my assessment of this remarkable
character of Spanish Golden Age spirituality. There are several aspects
of his life and career that caught my attention in and that have
remained influential throughout the writing of this book, chief among
them his judeoconverso background. Though scholars have increasingly
identified him as the author of a distinctively judeoconverso spirituality,
there are currently virtually no comprehensive studies of his spirituality
that seriously take into account this important side of Juan de vila. The
only exception is the work of Rafael Arce, San Juan de vila y la reforma
de la Iglesia en Espaa,1 which insists that vilas judeoconverso ances-
try decisively shaped his ideas on institutional reform. Like Arce, at an
early stage of my research I was thinking of vila primarily as a reformer.
Over time I recognized that his reforming impulse was a corollary of his
spirituality. Hence, in this book I focus my attention on Juan de vila as
spiritual advisor and the practice of mental prayer as the core exercise of
his spiritual program.
In this book, I try to reconstruct his spiritual practices from texts
because I am primarily interested in Juan de vilas spiritual exercises
and the theological accounts that he provides of them. Accordingly, there
is much historical theology behind my reconstruction of his spiritual
program and this reflects my own training and background in historical
theology. Nevertheless, its subject required an interdisciplinary approach
and I hope that Hispanists, historians, and systematic theologians will
consequently find something of interest in it.
All translations are mine, unless otherwise noted. For English render-
ings of biblical passages I have relied on the Douay-Rheims text (Chal-
loner revision), therefore I follow the book order of the Latin Vulgate. I
have modernized most, but not all, Spanish quotations for ease of read-
ing.

1 Rafael Arce, San Juan de vila y la reforma de la Iglesia en Espaa (Madrid: Ediciones

Rialp, ).
xii preface

Over the years, I have enjoyed the support and encouragement of a

number of exceptional teachers and mentors. I would like to acknowl-
edge those who introduced me to the study of the Spanish Golden Age, a
period of time that also witnessed the Spanish colonization of my beloved
Puerto Rico. Among them are Fausto Lora and India Bubonis. During
my undergraduate work at the University of Puerto Rico, I benefited
immensely from the scholarship and wisdom of several of its talented fac-
ulty, including Silvia lvarez-Curbelo, Rafael Bernab, Manuel Crdenas
Ruiz, Jos Garriga Pico, Carmen Prez Herrance, and Carlos Rodrguez
Fraticelli. I would never have completed my graduate work in the United
States without the support and encouragement of those involved with the
Hispanic Theological Initiative, currently housed at Princeton Theologi-
cal Seminary. I am grateful to Joanne Rodrguez, Mara Kennedy, Angela
Schoepf, and other members of their staff for their passion and commit-
ment to theological education. Others who have been a great source of
personal inspiration are Justo Gonzlez, Luis Rivera Pagan, Luis Rivera
Rodrguez, Richard Weiss, and Ward Holder. I am forever indebted to
my professors at Boston University, Carter Lindberg and Dana L. Robert.
Several generous summer sabbaticals from Baylor University, a grant
from the University Research Committee, and a Lilly Theological Scholar
Grant awarded by the Association of Theological Schools made possible
the research for and writing of this book. Special thanks are due to David
Whitford, David Garland, and William H. Bellinger for their trust in me
at different moments of my professional career. In addition, I want to rec-
ognize Susan D. Bowlin, Janet E. Jasek, Libby Shockley, Michael W. Skin-
ner, Darryl B. Stuhr, Laura Sumrall, and Beth Tice for their assiduous
assistance in helping me secure books and articles that I needed as part
of my research. A word of appreciation is in order for Anne Schutte who
very kindly read and made comments on some chapters. Finally, I am
grateful to William R. Bowen at the University of Toronto Scarborough
and editor of Renaissance and Reformation/Renaissance et Rforme for
granting me permission to use material in this book that was previously
published in that journal.
There are several people to whom I could have dedicated this book.
Chief among them is my mother, Mercedes Figueroa Ruiz, for her cour-
age and bravery after the untimely death of my father; she did everything
within her reach to raise my sister Ruby and me. My wife and friend,
Kretcha M. Roldan-Rodrguez, and my children, Benjamin Manuel and
Gabriela Rene, justly deserve the dedication not only of this book but
also of the best of my endeavors. However, I have decided to dedicate the
 preface xiii

volume to my grandmother, Isidra Ruiz. She played an important role in

my upbringing and, to use an expression from Juan de vila, from very
early she was my paragon (dechado) of devotion and piety.

Rady Roldn-Figueroa
March
 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

Actas del Congreso Internacional Conferencia Episcopal Espaola.

El maestro vila: actas del Congreso Internacional,
Madrid, noviembre , . Madrid:
Edice, .
Avisos y reglas () Luis Sala Balust, ed. Avisos y reglas cristianas
sobre aquel verso de David: audi, filia. Barcelona:
Juan Flors, .
Conciliorum oecumenicorum decreta Giuseppe Alberigo, et al.
Conciliorum oecumenicorum decreta. rd ed.
Bologna: Instituto per le Scienze Religiose, .
Denzinger Heinrich Denzinger. El magisterio de la Iglesia.
Enchiridion symbolorum definitionum et
declarationum de rebus fidei et morum. Edited by
Peter Hnermann. nd Spanish, th German ed.
Barcelona: Herder, .
Douay-Rheims Douay-Rheims text (Challoner revision).
Epistolario () Primera parte del epistolario espiritual, para todos
estados. Alcal: Juan de Lequerica, .
Latin Vulgate Biblia sacra iuxta vulgatam versionem. Edited by
Roger Gryson. th rev. ed. Stuttgart: Deutsche
Bibelgesellschaft, , .
Obras () Obras del padre maestro Iuan de vila, predicador
en el Andaluzia. Aora de nuevo aadida la vida del
autor, y Las partes que ha de tener un predicador del
euangelio, por el padre Fray Luys de Granada, de la
Orden de Santo Domingo, y unas reglas de bien bivir
del autor. Madrid: P. Madrigal, .
OCFLG Luis de Granada. Obras completas. Edited by lvaro
Huerga. vols. Madrid: Fundacin Universitaria
Espaola, .
OCNEC San Juan de vila, Obras completas, nueva edicin
crtica. Edited by Luis Sala Balust and Francisco
Martn Hernndez. vols. Madrid: Biblioteca de
Autores Cristianos, .
xvi list of abbreviations

PBMJA Jos Luis Martnez Gil. Proceso de beatificacin

del maestro Juan de vila. Madrid: Biblioteca de
Autores Cristianos, .
PG Patrologia Graeca. Edited by J.P. Migne. vols.
Paris, .
PL Patrologia Latina. Edited by J.P. Migne. vols.
Paris, .
Tercera parte () Tercera parte de las obras del p. mtro. de vila,
predicador en Andaluzia. Dirigidas a doa Beatriz
Ramrez de Mendoza, Condesa del Castellar. Esta
tercera parte contiene tratados del santissimo
sacramento de la Eucharistia. Madrid: P. Madrigal,
.
Vidas () Luis Sala Balust. Vidas del padre maestro Juan de
vila. Barcelona: Juan Flors, .
 INTRODUCTION

Juan de vila () was one of the most significant exponents

of Spanish Golden Age spirituality,1 thanks to a variety of involvements
in church and society. His work throughout Andalusia gave rise to the
school of Avilista spirituality,2 a spirituality adopted by both lay men and
women as well as secular and regular members of the clergy who were
inspired by his stress on moral and spiritual formation and were bound
together by the observance of a rigorous program of spiritual discipline.
vilas academic formation at the Universities of Salamanca ()
and Alcal () allowed him to serve as spiritual director to
members of the Andalusian elite. His views were significantly influential
in the second and third periods of the Council of Trent (,
). At home he participated in the founding of several schools
for children and the instruction of clergy, including the Colegio de Santa
Catalina in Granada (), and the University of Baeza ().3
In these pages I will analyze his ascetic spirituality by which I mean
both a regime of exercises aimed at the mortification of the flesh as well
as its discursive justification. The core aspect of his ascetic spirituality
was the methodical practice of mental prayer and along with it, frequent
communion, from which perspective he formulated his critique of Span-
ish society. It was around these core practices that his career evolved and
his ideas matured. His ascetic spirituality represents a well-thought and
articulated response to social prejudice against judeoconversos, which
was also his ancestry, and the attendant stigmatization of the descendants
of converted Jews.

1 For a comprehensive biography see Luis Sala Balust and Francisco Martn Hernn-

dez, Estudio biogrfico, in San Juan de vila, Obras completas, nueva edicin crtica,
hereafter OCNEC, ed., Lus Sala Balust and Francisco Martn Hernndez, vols. (Madrid:
Biblioteca de Autores Cristianos, ), pp. :.
2 Juan de vilas school of spirituality is distinct from the sacerdotal school that

emerged in the town of vila. See Baldomero Jimnez Duque, La escuela sacerdotal de
vila y San Juan de vila, in El maestro vila: actas del Congreso Internacional, Madrid,
noviembre , Conferencia Episcopal Espaola, hereafter Actas del Congreso
Internacional (Madrid: EDICE, ), pp. .
3 See Juan Czar Castaar, Juan de vila en la Universidad de Baeza en el siglo XVII,

in Actas del Congreso Internacional, pp. .

 introduction

Yet in explaining his ascetic spirituality, I argue contrary to the major-

ity opinion, that it is best characterized as negative, that is, that its objec-
tive is not mystical ecstasy but rather mortification of the flesh, or of false
representations of the self. As I will demonstrate, the objective of his neg-
ative asceticism is what he calls anihilacin, and this allowed him to
openly criticize and turn on their head social conventions about race and
social status.

Juan de vila and Mental Prayer

as the Hallmark of his Judeoconverso Spirituality

vilas spirituality can only be understood in light of his judeoconverso

background. His mother, Catalina Xixn, belonged to the lower nobility,
while his father, Alonso de vila, was a descendant of converted Jews,
or New Christians. He, like many other judeoconversos, was the target
of estatutos de limpieza de sangre, or pure-blood statutes,4 legal codes
adopted by different religious and civil entities as early as , after the
massive forced conversions of Jews that followed the pogroms of .5
Pure-blood statutes originated as a reaction to the prosperity and social
mobility experienced by prominent judeoconversos and were meant to
exclude the descendants of Christianized Jews from full participation in
early modern Spanish society. The effectiveness of these codes is now
the object of debate. As Linda Martz has concluded in her study of
judeoconverso families in Toledo, the enforcement of pure-blood statutes
was arbitrary, for wealth and social connections often trumped their
enforcement.6
The statutes, however, were real and Juan de vila was affected by
them at different junctures of his career. For instance, he never gradu-
ated from the University of Salamanca despite several years of study. For
a long time, scholarship attributed this fact to a sudden change of heart
on his part,7 but it is now clear that he could not graduate from Sala-

4 Albert A. Sicroff, Les controverses des status de puret de sang en espagne du XV e au

XVII e sicle (Didier: Paris, ), pp. ; Tefilo F. Ruiz, Spanish Society:

(Harlow: Longman, ), pp. .
5 Norman Roth, Conversos, Inquisition, and the Expulsion of the Jews from Spain

(Madison: The University of Wisconsin Press, ), pp. , here p. .

6 Linda Martz, A Network of Converso Families in Early Modern Toledo: Assimilating a

Minority (Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press, ), pp. , here p. .

7 OCNEC, p. :.
 introduction

manca because the university enforced the estatutos de sangre.8 Likewise,

although he intended to travel from Seville to the New World as a mis-
sionary, he was never allowed to set sail. The argument that his spiritual
gifts came to the attention of the ecclesiastical hierarchy, who persuaded
him to stay in Seville, is commonplace in the literature.9 Here again con-
temporary scholarship has set the record straight demonstrating that he
was forced to stay in Spain due to his blood lineage, or Jewish ancestry.10
A third instance of discrimination is that although the Society of Jesus
recruited many of his disciples as it was spreading throughout Spain in
the s and s, initiatives to recruit vila came to a sudden halt for
the same reason.11
After leaving the University of Salamanca he returned to his familys
household in Almodvar del Campo. He dedicated the next three years to
deep spiritual reflection, living a quasi-eremitical life in the company of
his relatives. He entered the University of Alcal in and completed
his bachelors degree in . He remained in Alcal until , spending
enough time in the city as to assimilate the enthusiasm that many in
the university felt for the figure of Desiderius Erasmus. In fact, we know
that several of Erasmuss works appeared in print in that city in ,
including the Enchiridion militis christiani.
vila was ordained to the priesthood in , and soon thereafter
inaugurated a long career of itinerant preaching, beginning in
to when he was active in Seville and its surrounding areas. His
preaching activity was controversial and not always popular. His sermons
in the town of cija were particularly notorious; his exposition of Jesus
beatitude of the poorBlessed are ye poor, for yours is the kingdom of
God. (Luke :)caused commotion among local landed and wealthy
families.12 He was eventually accused before the Inquisition in ,
arrested in , but absolved the next year. Fray Luis de Granada later

8 See Juan Esquerda Bifet, Introduccin a la doctrina de San Juan de vila (Madrid:

Biblioteca de Autores Cristianos, ), p. n; Sicroff argues that the estatuto de

limpieza of the University of Salamanca was already in place by . See id., Les
controverses, pp. .
9 OCNEC, pp. :.
10 See Esquerda Bifet, Introduccin, p. ; Juan del Ro Martn, El Espritu Santo y la

Iglesia en los escritos de San Juan de vila, Isidorianum (), pp. , here p. .
11 OCNEC, p. :; Sicroff also argues that vila never joined the Jesuits due to his

background. See id., Les controverses, p. .

12 Camilo M. Abad, El proceso de la Inquisicin contra el Bto. Juan de vila. Estudio

crtico a la luz de documentos desconocidos, Miscelnea Comillas (), pp. .

 introduction

summarized some of the charges against him when he wrote that vila
closed the gates of heaven before the rich and wealthy.13
Yet even then his difficulties with the Inquisition were far from over.
The method of mental prayer which he developed during his ministry in
cija was popularly, but erroneously, associated with the alumbrados, a
religious movement that flourished between and particularly
around the city of Toledo.14 The movement was headed by Pedro Ruiz
de Alcaraz, Isabel de la Cruz, and Mara de Cazalla, all of whom, like
Juan de vila, had Jewish ancestry. They were condemned by the Spanish
Inquisition in in an edict the preservation of which has allowed us
to reconstruct their ideas. The alumbrados practiced a form of mental
prayer known as dejamiento and argued that anyone could attain to union
with God through this practice. An auto de fe held in stopped the
spread of the alumbrados.
The practice of dejamiento constituted a direct challenge to the author-
ity of the church because it bypassed its established hierarchy. Item num-
ber ten of the edict illustrates the point well. According to the
inquisitors the alumbrados held that subjects are not accountable to
prelates and that those who are in dejamiento are not accountable to
God.15 According to the alumbrados the practice of mental prayer pro-
vided them with direct access to Gods grace, making the church and
its sacraments utterly irrelevant. Again, according to the inquisitors the
alumbrados insisted that excommunion, fasts, and abstinence bind the
soul that should otherwise be free.16
It was because vilas method of mental prayer resembled the practice
of the alumbrados that he also attracted the ire of their opponents. He
continued to clarify his method in the ensuing decades, and promoted
the practice through letters, sermons, and, in a very important way, as
a spiritual director. He gathered a following in the cities of Granada
where he arrived in and Crdoba, and led a movement among
the secular clergy which some insisted culminated in the creation of a
new religion. However, it is clear that by the fate of the movement
had been sealed and all efforts in that direction had come to nothing. The
decline of his movement coincided with the rise of Juan Martnez Silceo

13 Cerraba a los ricos las puertas del cielo. As quoted by Abad, El proceso de la

Inquisicin, pp. .
14 Antonio Mrquez, Los alumbrados, orgenes y filosofa, (Madrid: Taurus

Ediciones, ).
15 Mrquez, Los alumbrados, p. .
16 Mrquez, Los alumbrados, p. .
 introduction

() as archbishop of Toledo, and with a new wave of estatutos

de limpieza de sangre that were adopted in the region. Many of the letters
that he wrote and that can be dated to this period reveal that he was well
acquainted with the writings of Erasmus, for whom he had nothing but
abstemious admiration.
In the s and s, vila limited the geographic spread of his
activities. Growing health problems forced him to reduce his wander-
ings and spent more time in the village of Montilla where he devoted his
energy to work as confessor and spiritual director, while continuing to
preach. The first edition of his Audi, filia appeared in print in with-
out his express authorization.17 A few years later, in , it was listed
as a prohibited book in the Index of the Spanish Inquisition prepared by
the Inquisitor General, Fernando de Valds (), as an imme-
diate reaction to the discovery of Protestant conventicles in Seville and
Valladolid.18
As unsettling as this experience was, in fact his reputation increased
in some sectors of the Church. He continued preaching and sustained a
lively correspondence. He also composed major statements of ecclesiasti-
cal reform, including the Memorial that he wrote in for Archbishop
Pedro Guerrero and that the prelate took with him to Trent.19 He wrote
a second Memorial in intended to guide the Spanish delegation in
the last period of Council.20 Finally, he wrote his Advertencias al concilio
de Toledo at the request of the bishop of Crdoba, Cristbal de Rojas.
The document was a commentary on the Council of Trent intended to
be used during the synod of Toledo of .21
Towards the end of his life he began preparing the final edition of
the Audi, filia, which continued to focus on mental prayer but presented
the practice in light of the new Tridentine orthodoxy. Unfortunately he
passed away in without bringing his revisions to a conclusion. It was

17 Avisos y reglas christianas para los que dessean servir a dios aprovechando en el

camino espiritual. Compuestas por el maestro vila sobre aquel verso de David. Audi filia
[&] vide [&] inclina aurem tuam . . . (Alcal de Henares: J. de Brocar, ); Sala Balust
and Martn Hernndez, Bibliografa, OCNEC, pp. :il; Henry Kamen, The Spanish
Inquisition: A Historical Revision (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, ),
pp. .
18 Jos Lus G. Novalin, El inquisidor general Fernando de Valds (): Su vida

y su obra, vols. (Oviedo: Universidad de Oviedo, ), here pp. :.

19 OCNEC, pp. :.
20 OCNEC, pp. :.
21 OCNEC, pp. :.
 introduction

up to his disciples to finalize the new edition and to have it published.

The new edition appeared in ; it was among the first of his writings
to be published posthumously.
From early on, his writings enjoyed considerable popularity. The point
is well illustrated by a distinguished history of transmission and reception
of his writing in Spanish as well as in other European languages. The
earliest edition of his works appeared in , accompanied by the first
biography of vila penned by his disciple, the Dominican Fray Luis the
Granada.22 The next biography of Juan de vila appeared in , but by
then many of his works had already been translated and he had acquired
fame throughout Europe.23 By there were already translations of
the version of the Audi, filia into Italian (), French (), and
German ().24 It was the first of his works to appear in English (),
closely followed by his Epistolario (, ).25
In the present work I give close attention to his sermons, though these
were not as widely disseminated as his other writings. The first Spanish
edition of his sermons was published in two volumes, as the third part of
his collected works that Juan Daz began publishing in .26 There is no

22 Obras del Padre Maestro Iuan de vila, predicador en el Andaluzia. Aora de nuevo
aadida la vida del autor, y Las partes que ha de tener un predicador del evangelio, por el
padre fray Luys de Granada, de la Orden de Santo Domingo, y unas reglas de bien biuir
del autor (Madrid: P. Madrigal, ); Sala Balust and Martn Hernndez, Bibliografa,
OCNEC, p. : xlvii.
23 Vida y virtudes del Venerable varn el P. Maestro Juan de vila, Predicador apstolico,

con algunos elogios de la virtudes y vidas de algunos de sus discpulos . . . Por el Licenciado
Luis Muoz (Madrid: Imprenta Real, ); Sala Balust and Martn Hernndez, Bibli-
ografa, OCNEC, p. :lxv.
24 Trattato spirituale sopra il verso, Audi filia, del Salmo, Eructavit Cor Meum. Del r.

p. m. Avila predicatore nella Andalogia, doue si tratta del modo di udire Dio, [&] fuggire
i linguaggi del mondo, della carne, [&] del demonio. Nuovamente tradotto dalla lingua
spagnuola, nella italiana. Per Camillo Camilli (Venice: F. Ziletti, ); Sala Balust and
Martn Hernndez, Bibliografa, OCNEC, p. :.
25 The Audi Filia, Or a Rich Cabinet Full of Spirituall Ievvells. Composed by the Reuerend

Father, Doctour Auila, Translated out of Spanish into English ([Saint-Omer: English Col-
lege Press], ); The Cure of Discomfort. Conteyned in the Spirituall Epistles of Doc-
tour I. de Auila, most Renowned Preacher of Spaine. Most Profitable for all, and Partic-
ularly for Persons in Distresse ([Rouen and Saint-Omer: Printed by John le Coustourier
and the widow of C. Boscard], ). Sala Balust and Martn Hernndez do not mention
the English edition of the Epistolario in their Bibliografa, OCNEC, p. :liv; Cer-
tain Selected Spirituall Epistles Written by that most Reuerend Holy Man Doctor I. de Auila
a most Renowned Preacher of Spaine most Profitable for all Sortes of People, Whoe Seeke
their Saluation (Roen: The widdow of Nicolas Courant, ); Sala Balust and Martn
Hernndez, Bibliografa, OCNEC, p. :li.
26 Tercera parte de las obras del p. mtro. de vila, predicador en Andaluzia. Dirigidas
 introduction

evidence of his sermons being translated into English in the seventeenth

century, and the earliest recorded translations into Italian consist of two
isolated sermons.27 In Spain, however, vilas sermons remained popular,
a fact that is well attested by an uninterrupted history of transmission and
reception. There have been at least ten editions of his sermons, from the
first one published in to the most recent one in . The corpus
of sermons attributed to vila has also expanded over the years. The
edition consisted of sermons: on the Eucharist, five on the
Holy Spirit, and eleven on the Virgin Mary. Since then, especially in the
twentieth century, scholars have discovered and identified an additional
sermons, bringing the corpus of vilas sermons to a total of .
The history of transmission of vilas sermons has placed a permanent
limit on the kinds of readings that can be made of them. In their historical
reconstruction, Sala Balust and Martn Hernndez have identified four
kinds, or forms, of surviving manuscripts.28 These forms account for the
variations among manuscripts. The first form, made up of autographs,
consists of notes and outlines written by vila. A second form consists of
notes taken by vilas disciples while he was preaching. These notes were
read back to vila and corrected according to his indications. A third
form consists of manuscripts that incorporate revisions made by vila
as he prepared to forward the text to some disciple or friend. The last
form of surviving manuscript consists of sermons that vila preached a
second or third time, and in which the original order of ideas at times
appears significantly altered.29 The processes of redaction identified by
Sala Balust and Martn Hernndez account for the transformation of

a doa Beatriz Ramrez de Mendoza, Condesa del Castellar. Esta tercera parte contiene
tratados del santissimo sacramento de la Eucharistia (Madrid: P. Madrigal, ); Terecera
parte . . . Este segundo tomo contiene tratados, los cinco son del Espritu Santo, los
de las festividades de n. Seora y el otro del glorioso s. Ioseph (Madrid: P. Madrigal, );
Sala Balust and Martn Hernndez, Bibliografa, OCNEC, p. : xlvii.
27 Trattati del santissimo sacramento dellEucharistia composti del molto reverendo

padre il maestro Giouanni dAvila predicatore evangelico. Tradotti dal reverendo padre
Francesco Soto . . . Della lingua spagnuola nellitaliana (Roma: C. Vullietti, ); Trattato
del glorioso san Gioseppe sposo della Sacratissima Vergine Maria nostra Signora. Del M.
reverendo padre Giouanni dAvila. Tradotto della spagnuola nella lingua italiana, per il r. p.
Francesco Soto, della Congregazione dellOratorio di Roma (Roma: S. Paolini, ); Sala
Balust and Martn Hernndez, Bibliografa, OCNEC, p. :lix.
28 Luis Sala Balust and Francisco Martn Hernndez, Introduccin, OCNEC, pp. :

xxiiixxxi.
29 Sala Balust and Martn Hernndez, Introduccin, OCNEC, pp. : xxviiixxix;

Ricardo Garca-Villoslada, Coleccin de sermones inditos del Beato Juan de vila,

Miscelnea Comillas (), pp. .
 introduction

many of vilas sermons into spiritual treatises. Indeed, Juan Dazs

edition of vilas sermons refers to them as tratados. The process by which
many of vilas sermons were turned into spiritual treatises might have
been completed before his death in . It is clear, however, that of
them were preserved as spiritual treatises by Juan Daz.
I have also worked closely with his letters. He corresponded exten-
sively with friends and disciples who sought his spiritual guidance. This
is well attested by his Epistolario, which has expanded from the let-
ters included in the edition, to in the fourth volume of
the Nueva edicin crtica. As part of his correspondence, vila effectively
turned many of his sermons into treatises meant to serve as devotional
reading for his addressees.30 The Tratado del amor de Dios is, according
to Sala Balust and Martn Hernandez, the best example of a sermon that
was further refined and elaborated to the point of turning it into a the-
ological treatise in its own right.31 In fact, Ricardo Garca-Villoslada has
referred to vilas letters as long distance sermons (sermones a distan-
cia).32Because it is unclear to what extent his disciples were involved in
shaping the last edition of the Audi, filia, I have devoted my attention to
the edition.
The years leading to his canonization in witnessed a continuous
flow of studies and publications on his life and work.33 Fortunately, the

30 Primera parte del epistolario espiritual, para todos estados (Madrid: P. Cosin, );

Sala Balust and Martn Hernndez, Bibliografa, OCNEC, p. :li; Juan de vila, Episto-
lario, OCNEC, vol. .
31 De la grandeza, y amor de Christo nuestro Redentor, y como deve ser principal materia

de oracin. Sacado de las Obras del V.P. Iuan de vila (Madrid: Impr. Reino, ); Sala
Balust and Martn Hernndez, Bibliografa, OCNEC, p. :lviii; Juan de vila, Tratado
del Amor de Dios, OCNEC, pp. :.
32 Ricardo Garca-Villoslada, ed., Coleccin de sermones inditos, p. .
33 Here it is worth mentioning the publications by Hubert Jedin and Camilo M. Abad.

Jedin addresses the significance of Juan de vilas program of Catholic reform. See id.,
Juan de Avila als Kirchenreformer, Zeitschrift fr Aszese und Mystik (), pp.
. Abad, on the other hand, brought to public light a string of previously unknown
or inaccessible works by Juan de vila. See id., Un tratado indito sobre el sacerdocio,
original del Bto. Juan de vila, Sal Terrae (), pp. , ; id., Un
sermn indito del Bto. Juan de vila. El predicado en la profesin religiosa de la condesa
de Feria, doa Ana Ponce de Len, Sal Terrae (), pp. , ; id.,
Dos memoriales inditos del Bto. Juan de vila para el concilio de Trento, Miscelnea
Comillas (), pp. viixxxvi, ; id., Segundo memorial para Trento del Bto. Juan
de vila. Una copia en El Escorial manejada por Felipe II, Miscelnea Comillas (),
pp. ; id., Ms inditos del Bto. Juan de vila. Una carta autgrafa a don Pedro
Guerrero. Noticias de otros muchos escritos hasta ahora no descubiertos, Miscelnea
Comillas (), pp. ; id., Escritos del Bto. Juan de vila en torno al concilio
de Trento, Maestro vila (), pp. ; id., Escritos del Bto. Juan de vila en
 introduction

impetus has continued in the years since, perhaps reaching a climatic

point with the publication in of the proceedings of the Congreso
internacional () hosted by the Junta Episcopal Pro Doctorado de San
Juan de vila. More is known today about the impact of his missionary
activity and his thought. However, there are still abundant lacunae about
his theology. In fact, in spite of a growing awareness of his importance
in sixteenth-century Spanish spirituality, he has attracted little attention
outside Spain from scholars interested in the careful reconstruction of
his spirituality.34
The present book took shape as a response to the growing interest
in the figure of Juan de vila. Its aim is to examine his ideas, place
them in proper context, and reconstruct the spiritual discipline that
prompted a sensational following in his time. In subsequent chapters, I
describe him as a learned, sophisticated, and yet experienced spiritual
director. He was responsible for a carefully crafted program of spiritual
exercises that revolved around the methodical practice of mental prayer.
Thus, in talking about his ascetic spirituality, I am referring to the
spiritual exercises and overall spiritual discipline that he commended to
his disciples. He articulated a form of negative asceticism that cannot
be merely construed as a purgative stage on the way to mystical union.
Instead, the objective of his ascetic practices was the mortification of
the self, or arriving at what he called self-knowledge. At the same time,
his ascetic spirituality was neither socially detached nor disinterested.
Largely because of his own judeoconverso background he became a sharp
critic of early modern Spanish racialism and rigid social stratification.
His extant writings witness to his rare ability to integrate practical advice,
theological acumen, and social criticism.

Juan de vila in Contemporary Scholarship

One of the contributions of this book is to bring together two bodies

of scholarship that have coexisted largely independently of each other

torno al concilio de Trento, Maestro vila (), pp. ; id., Un acto de contricin
del Bto. Juan de vila (indito), Sal Terrae (), pp. ; id., ltimos inditos
extensos del Bto. Juan de vila, Miscelnea Comillas (), pp. lxii.
34 But see the dissertation by Elizabeth M. Torrance, Style, Themes, and Ideas in the

Works of Juan de vila (Ph.D. dissertation, City University of New York, ); id., San
Juan de Avila: Guide for the Mystical Journey, Studia Mystica . (), pp. .
 introduction

but that have equally shaped our contemporary assessment of Juan de

vila. On the one hand scholars such as Melquades Andrs Martn and
Juan Esquerda Bifet have contributed to the tradition of Avilista scholar-
ship established by Luis Sala Balust and Francisco Martn Hernndez.35
These scholars have worked within a traditional paradigm of sacred his-
tory which allows little room for the study of theological questions in
their interaction with complex social matrixes. Typical of this body of
scholarship is the idea of cristianismo espaol; i.e. the particular brand
of Christianity emerging out of the appropriation of Christian symbols
in the construction of Spanish national identity.36 Cristianismo espaol
is, from this perspective, the proper cultural context for the study of Juan
de vila. In my judgment there is considerable factual truth to the asser-
tion, and accordingly I have decided to place the figure of Juan de vila
in the wider framework of Spanish Golden Age spirituality.37
Traditional themes such as the intellectual and moral formation of the
clergy, mental prayer, and the juxtaposition between the interiority of
religious experience and its ceremonial dimensions are commonplace in
Spanish scholarship.38 These themes are well summarized by Esquerda

35 Melquades Andrs Martn, San Juan de vila. Maestro de Espiritualidad (Madrid:

Biblioteca de Autores Cristianos, ); id., Los Recogidos: Nueva visin de la mstica
espaola (Madrid: Fundacin Universitaria Espaola, ); Esquerda Bifet, Introduccin
a la doctrina de San Juan de vila; id., Diccionario de San Juan de vila (Burgos: Monte
Carmelo, ).
36 See Melquades Andrs Martn, Ensayo sobre el cristianismo espaol (Madrid: Bib-

lioteca de Autores Cristianos, ).

37 Melquades Andrs Martn uses this phrase. See Historia de la mstica de la edad de

oro en Espaa y Amrica (Madrid: Biblioteca de Autores Cristianos, ).

38 Camilo M. Abad is emblematic of the predominant scholarly interest in vilas

pastoral theology and spirituality. See id., La direccin espiritual en los escritos y en
la vida del Bto. Juan de vila, Manresa (), pp. ; id., La espiritualidad de
San Ignacio de Loyola y la del Beato Juan de vila, Manresa (), pp. .
Also emblematic of this enduring interest in the pastoral theology of vila is Melquades
Andrs Martn, who in his history of mysticism during the Spanish Golden Age briefly
sketches vila as the doctor of priestly sanctity (. . . doctor de la santidad sacerdotal
. . .). See id., Historia de la mstica, pp. . Attention, of course, has also been paid to the
Christocentric dimensions of his theology. The work of Manuel Martn de Nicols focuses
on the Christological aspects of vilas ecclesiology. See id., Imgenes sobre la Iglesia en
San Juan de vila, Miscelnea Comillas , no. (), pp. . Ricardo Garca-
Villoslada, on the other hand, has sought to define vilas Paulinism as centered on the
intimate experience of the benefice of Christ (beneficium Christi). See id., El paulinismo
de San Juan de vila, Gregorianum (), pp. . Santiago Cantera Montenegro
has asserted that an important thread of Franciscan influence runs throughout vilas
sermonology. See id., Franciscanismo en el Maestro Juan de vila? Verdad y vida,
revista de las ciencias del espritu , no. (), pp. .
 introduction

Bifet, author of the single most comprehensive study of the spirituality of

Juan de vila.39 His work will continue to be the standard introduction to
the subject for years to come. My own work differs from his perspective in
two crucial ways. First, I give more weight to vilas sermons and letters
as well as to the edition of the Audi, filia, while Esquerda Bifet
considers the posthumous Audi, filia of to be the fuller expression
of vilas theology. He may be correct in that regard, as that opinion is
commonly recognized in the existing scholarship. However, my focus
in this workand this is the second pointcenters primarily on vilas
ascetic exercises, the theological justifications that stand behind them,
and their interaction with sixteenth-century Spanish society. The
edition is not the best source for the kind of questions that I am raising
here. vilas sermons and letters afford us privileged windows into his
ascetic discipline.
An additional way in which the present work departs from existing
scholarship is in the presentation of vilas biblical learning. It is a com-
monplace to single out vila for his Paulinism. For sure his empha-
sis on the certainty of faith can be seen as his personal appropriation of
an Augustinian understanding of Paul. However, vilas comprehensive
engagement with biblical texts is too formidable to be ignored. I suggest
that we think instead about his overall biblical literacy. He is clearly not
ignorant of scholastic distinctions, but his ascetic spirituality cannot be
properly understood without a careful consideration of his biblical exe-
gesis. I have endeavored throughout to pay attention to his reading and
interpretation of biblical texts, and hope that this will be appreciated as
an important contribution of the present work.
Furthermore, the strict paradigm governing the bulk of Spanish schol-
arship on the subject has prevented the exploration of other questions.
In particular, Spanish scholars have rarely, if ever, critically entertained
questions of gender, status, and race in their treatment of vilas theol-
ogy. Indeed, one of the major shortcomings of Avilista scholarship is that
not enough attention has been paid to the social dimensions of Juan de
vilas teachings. While the literature well attests to interest in his char-
acter as a reformer, the scope of vilas reforms has been perceived to
be limited to the institutional aspects of the church. I suggest that the
scope of his reformist impulse was wider than this and broad enough to
include different sectors of Andalusian society. vilas reform program

39 Esquerda Bifet, Introduccin.

 introduction

encompassed families and communities, landlords and peasants, the

learned and the illiterate, men and women, Old and New Christians.
Issues like these have been at the forefront of a different body of schol-
arship, largely shaped by contemporary social history. In fact, studies by
Bilinkoff, Nalle, and Coleman have brought about a major reassessment
of the figure and significance of Juan de vila. Set against the background
of a highly stratified society, the figure of Juan de vila emerges as cham-
pion of a complex array of mainly urban factions.
According to Jodi Bilinkoff in her groundbreaking The Avila of Saint
Teresa, vilas appeal primarily rested in his articulation of a piety and a
reform program that skewed traditional systems of patronagesystems
that secured the privileged position of the landed aristocracy within the
church.40 His Christian humanism placed a premium on the interior-
ity of religious experience over religious ceremonial, moral formation
over spiritual coercion. His reform program was particularly attractive
to the urban poor, but even more so to the non-noble, and yet wealthy,
urban elites who were to an important extent disenfranchised from tra-
ditional structures of power.41 Bilinkoff explains in this way his appeal
to another well-known judeoconverso reformer, namely Teresa de Jess
(). In fact, Teresa de Jess felt unceasing anxiety about her
autobiographical work Libro de la vida (, ). As she noted in her
autobiography, many of her contemporaries warned her that she was liv-
ing in harsh times (tiempos recios).42 Accordingly, in she success-
fully sought and obtained the approval of Juan de vila for her work,
as a solid endorsement of her own person and mission.43 However, for
a time it seemed that vilas backing was to no avail; her autobiography
was seized by the Inquisition in . Eventually, after a long and arduous
process, Fray Luis de Len published the work in .
While Bilinkoff concentrates her attention on the city of vila, Sara
T. Nalle looks at religious reform in the region of Cuenca from to
.44 Nalle argues that Juan de vilas emphasis on mass religious edu-

40 Jodi Bilinkoff, The Avila of Saint Teresa (Ithaca and London: Cornell University
Press, ).
41 Bilinkoff, pp. .
42 Tomas lvarez, Santa Teresa: Obras Completas (Burgos: Editorial Monte Carmelo,

), p. .
43 Juan Esquerda Bifet, Teresa de Jess, in his Diccionario, pp. ; Juan de vila

to Teresa de Jess, Montilla, April , OCNEC, p. :; Juan de vila to Teresa de

Jess, Montilla, September , OCNEC, pp. :.
44 Sara T. Nalle, God in La Mancha: Religious Reform and the People of Cuenca,

(Baltimore and London: The John Hopkins University Press, ).

 introduction

cation in the vernacular language functioned as a cornerstone of the early

phase of the Catholic Reformation in Spain.45 Also, Juan de vila, along
with Bernal Daz de Luco () and Archbishop Pedro Guerrero
(), were responsible for promoting in the Council of Trent
ideas favoring the training of a reformed clergy.46 Juan de vila inspired
the mid-sixteenth century reformers who sought in religious indoctrina-
tion an answer to the pressing needs of an expanding church. According
to Nalle, he believed that instruction in prayer, personal discernment,
and other aspects of the catechism would significantly contribute to the
regeneration of the people.47
The magisterial work of David Coleman builds upon the contributions
of Bilinkoff and Nalle,48 particularly in his sharp delineation of vilas
reform program. Coleman brings into focus the distinctiveness of vilas
reforming genius by providing a contrast between the agendas of Arch-
bishop Gaspar de valos () and of Juan de Dios ().
For Coleman, the reforming efforts of the former in the former Moor-
ish Kingdom of Granada were frustrated by his own authoritarian style.
Gaspar de valoss tenure as archbishop of Granada between and
was characterized by constant litigation between his office and rul-
ing elites of Granadine society, including the ecclesiastical hierarchy.49
Juan de Dioss mission to the poor, on the other hand, while first received
with suspicion, made significant inroads among a wide variety of inter-
est groups within the city of Granada. Juan de Dios, like other reformers
inspired by the figure of Juan de vila, also managed to overcome a rigid
system of patronage that placed significant strains upon charity work,
especially upon the foundation of hospitals for the poor.50

45 Nalle, pp. xiii, .

46 Nalle, pp. .
47 Nalle, p. .
48 David Coleman, Creating Christian Granada: Society and Religious Culture in an

Old-World City, (Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, ); id.,

Moral Formation and Social Control in the Catholic Reformation: The Case of San Juan
de vila, Sixteenth Century Journal (), pp. .
49 Coleman, Creating Christian Granada, pp. .
50 Coleman, Creating Christian Granada, pp. . Juan de Dios embraced a

ministry of hospitality soon after listening to vila. Jos Luis Martnez has dated the
conversion of Juan de Dios to January . Juan de Dios immediately became a devout
follower of vila, joining his circle of disciples. This long term relation was mediated
through letters and personal encounters for close to thirteen years. See Jos Luis Martnez,
San Juan de vila, director espiritual de San Juan de Dios, Salmanticensis (),
pp. .
 introduction

Finally for Coleman, Juan de vila stands out as a reformer for his
ability to contextualize and to adapt the goals and ideals of Christian
humanism to concrete and specific circumstances. According to Cole-
man, vilas appeal in Granada cannot be understood as the successful
implementation of prepackaged ideas that he brought into the commu-
nity from outside. Instead, Coleman argues that vilas ideas on reform
grew in response to local conditions only to reshape local practices.51
Coleman adds that vilas ideas emerged out of a unique combination of
humanist education and practical experience throughout Andalusia.
Bilinkoff, Nalle, and Coleman have deepened our understanding of
vila by allowing us to see his distinctiveness in light of his particular
historical context. I propose here that Juan de vila was not only a
source of inspiration for the kind of reforms introduced by the Council
of Trent, he was also the judeoconverso preacher of Andalusia, whose
apostolic ministry took form in the midst of a highly stratified society,
one dominated by medieval concerns over personal honor and shaped
by racial and religious tensions that were inherited from a not too distant
past. Moreover, in the following chapters I show that Juan de vila
was a much more complex character than other writers have suggested.
For one thing, he was very successful in courting the patronage of the
landed Andalusian nobility. In addition, he could count on a faithful and
dynamic following of lay and religious women.
Another important recent addition to the study of sixteenth-century
Spanish spirituality is the work of Stefania Pastore. In her work,
Il vangelo e la spada, lInquisizione di Castiglia e i suoi critici, Pastore
highlights vilas collaboration with Archbishop Pedro de Guerrero.52
She calls attention to the role judeoconverso disciples played in the fund-
ing of the Jesuit college of Granada. The parallel between the Granadine
institute and the University of Baeza does not elude her, as both insti-
tutions were for a time staffed by judeoconverso clergy. However, vila
himself intervened and advised that the composition of the Granadine
school be changed in order to prevent it from becoming the target of the
Inquisition.53 Her other work, Uneresia spagnola, spiritualit conversa,
alumbradismo e inquisizione (), is even more relevant to the

51 Coleman, Creating Christian Granada, p. .

52 Stefania Pastore, Il vangelo e la spada, lInquisizione di Castiglia e i suoi critici (
) (Rome: Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura, ). I am grateful to Professor Doris
Moreno at the Universidad Autnoma de Barcelona for bringing the work of Pastore to
my attention.
53 Pastore, Il vangelo, pp. .
 introduction

present study.54 She places vila in the broader context of what she calls
spiritualit conversa, and claims that his interest primarily resides in his
extraordinary ability to find the orthodox way, or the closest possible to
orthodoxy, in an evidently heterodox context.55 She also sees him as the
point of reference for a new and different wave of alumbrado spiritual-
ity.56
Contemporary scholarship, then, invites us to engage the figure of Juan
de vila at a deeper level. If Coleman is correct in calling our attention to
vilas creative adaptation and contextualization of reform ideas stem-
ming from the brand of Christian humanism distilled at Alcal, then
one must ask, how did vila contextualize Christian doctrine? What
did different segments of Andalusian society find appealing in his mes-
sage, in his catechism, in his letters, and in his sermons? How did vila
reconstruct Christian doctrine for his audience and for his readership?
What were the metaphors and other rhetorical or literary devices that he
employed? These are some of the questions that I intend to address in this
work.

Juan de vila and Mental Prayer as a Mark of Holiness

Another important contribution of the present work is its recovery of

the image of Juan de vila as spiritual director.57 It is my contention
throughout that the uniqueness of his ascetic spirituality is a direct result
of his service to members of the Andalusian elite in such a capacity. In
his sermons and writings he formulated the theological underpinnings
of the spiritual discipline that he instilled in his disciples. The image of
Juan de vila as preacher is one that has overshadowed that of spiritual
director. In fact, while he has for long been remembered as preacher, he
was from very early known as a spiritual guide. Mental prayer was one
of the distinctive features of his spirituality. In order to reconstruct his
beginnings as spiritual director, I will work from testimony gathered in
the early part of the seventeenth century in support of his beatification

54 Stefania Pastore, Uneresia spagnola. Spiritualit conversa, alumbradismo e inqui-

sizione () (Firenze: Leo S. Olschki Editore, ).

55 Pastore, Uneresia spagnola, pp. , here p. .
56 Pastore, Uneresia spagnola, p. .
57 Francisco Martn Hernndez, San Juan de vila, gua espiritual a travs de sus

cartas, in Actas del Congreso Internacional, pp. ; id., San Juan de vila, director
espiritual de San Juan de Dios, Salmanticensis (), pp. .
 introduction

to one of his earliest extant letters. Such a recovery of vilas image as a

spiritual director is relevant for a proper appreciation of his development
as well as for a correct understanding of the way he balanced practice and
doctrine, or orthopraxis with orthodoxy. Given the theological upheavals
of his time, vila was intensely concerned with the right practice of
mental prayer and he sought to promote it by keeping it bound with right
doctrine.
Juan de vilas practice of methodical mental prayer as well as his
labors in the communication and spread of this exercise left a deep
impression on the minds of his disciples and those around them. It
is among the recollections of his biographers and contemporaries that
we can find clear traces of his development and systematization of a
form of mental prayer and his efforts to popularize this spiritual dis-
cipline. To his early biographers Juan de vila was first and foremost
a preacher. Accordingly, both Fray Luis de Granada and Luis Muoz
emphasized precisely this dimension of his ministry.58 However, Fray
Luis de Granada in his Vida del padre maestro Juan de vila observed
that vila approached his ministry in an exceptional way, outdoing con-
temporary preachers in his zeal and concern for the spiritual formation of
his followers. In his words, vila was not content with moving the hearts
of men to the fear and love of God and the loathing of sin. Instead, he
also composed avisos and spiritual prescriptions against all vices. vilas
practice was contrary to the practices of most contemporary preachers,
who did not provide avisos and particular remedies. In this way, vila
worked assiduously with all the strength of his spirit in order to extricate
men from sin and instruct them, as a teacher of novices, on the road of
virtue.59 Thus, we get a glimpse of vila as the teacher of spirituality; the
spiritual mentor of rich and poor alike and architect of a spirituality that
defied social and ecclesiastical conventions of his time.
vilas devotional program revolved around the exercise of mental
prayer. This much can be gleaned from the sources, among them the
testimony of Father Juan de Vargas. According to Vargaswho was
the secretary of one of the closest disciples of vila, Juan de Villaras
vila was such a friend and accustomed to mental prayer that he
would not undertake matters without first spending hours in prayer. In

58 Luis Sala Balust, Vidas del padre maestro Juan de vila (Barcelona: Juan Flors, ).
59 Luis de Granada, Vida del padre maestro Juan de vila y las partes que ha de tener un
predicador del evangelio, ed. lvaro Huerga, Obras Completas de Fray Luis de Granada,
hereafter OCFLG (Madrid: Fundacin Universitaria Espaola, ), p. :.
 introduction

his lectures to students in Granada, vila is said to have instructed his

students to put prayer before erudition and he indicated that he spent
two hours at night and two hours in the morning before presiding
over mass.60
Vargass comments formed part of his deposition before one of the
fact-finding commissions organized after by the Congregation of
San Pedro Apstol of secular priests. The Congregation took upon itself
the cause of vilas beatification and eventual canonization. With the
blessing and formal authorization of the Archbishop of Toledo, Cardinal-
Infante Fernando de Austria, the Congregation administered a thirty-
eight item questionnaire in eight localities, namely Madrid, Almodvar
del Campo, Crdoba, Granada, Montilla, Jan, Baeza, and Andjar. The
process was concluded in with over one hundred and forty wit-
nesses having participated in it.61
Jernimo de Quintana, founder of the Congregation, was responsible
for drafting the questionnaire.62 Taken as a whole, the questionnaire is a
profile of holiness formed by the post-Tridentine church. The question-
naire included items related to vilas birth, early indications of sanctity,
his attitude towards the divine office, his charity and love towards God,
his vocation for martyrdom, his obedience, chastity, and life in evangel-
ical poverty. Other questions inquired about his zeal for the priesthood,
the benefit of his works and writings, the results of his preaching, the
divine favors and visions that he received, and his miracles in life and
after death. Several questions dealt with his death and the devotion of
the faithful towards his body, burial ground, and relics.
Most of the questions correspond with a universal idea of holiness,
assumed to be recognizable anywhere in Christendom. Some, however,
reflected the particularities of the Spanish context. Thus, the second
question inquired about the lineage of his parents, if they were old
Christians, hidalgos clean of all racial stain from Moors, Jews or from
anyone sentenced by the Holy Office of the Inquisition. The twenty-
eighth question referred to the process of the Inquisition against vila.
Still other questions addressed the distinctive qualities of Juan de vila;

60 Manuel Gmez Ros, Estudio introductorio, in Proceso de beatificacin del maestro

Juan de vila, ed. Jos Luis Martnez Gil, hereafter PBMJA (Madrid: Biblioteca de Autores
Cristianos, ), p. xl.
61 The original manuscript remains lost, but an eighteenth century copy has survived

that preserves countless folk tales and facts about Juan de vila. See Gmez Ros, Estudio
introductorio, pp. xvixxi.
62 Gmez Ros, Estudio introductorio, p. xiv.
 introduction

the fifth question inquired about his studies in Salamanca and at the
University of Alcal, while the twenty-seventh asked about his role in the
foundation of schools throughout Andaluca, among them the University
of Baeza, and the hospital of Juan de Dios in Granada.
The questionnaire also inquired into vilas practice of mental prayer.
Jernimo de Quintana addressed the subject in question eleven:
Si saben cun dado fue a la oracin mental y contemplacin y trato con
Dios que era toda su ocupacin y no la dejaba sino por causa de ejercitar la
caridad con los prjimos, respondiendo a cartas que le venan de diferentes
partes pidindole consejo, y lo mucho que a todos persuada por escrito,
y de palabra a que se ejercitasen [en] este santo ejercicio, y se lo pagaba
nuestro Seor con muchas y particulares mercedes y regalos que en la
oracin recibi y mostr bien este amor que a Dios tena en el ardentsimo
afecto con que deseaba su gloria y alabanza y en la pena tan notable que
tena de la ofensa que contra Dios se hacan [sic].63
Question eleven highlights the significance of mental prayer for his
life and ministry. Quintana narrows down the focus of the question to
three areas of interest. The first one is vilas own practice of mental
prayer, and asks whether they know how adept he was at mental prayer,
contemplation, and dealing with God . . . The other area of interest is
vilas communication of this practice to others, especially by means of
his letters. Finally, it queries about the blessings and gifts which he
received in and during prayer. These areas taken together are seen as
indications of his zeal for the glory and worship of God.
Most of the over one hundred and forty deponents shared the general
view of Fray Luis de Granada and Luis Muoz. They remembered Juan de
vila as an exceptional preacher whose virtues and piety were of heroic
proportions. Accordingly, the great majority of those who provided a
direct answer to question eleven were satisfied with merely affirming
and restating Quintanas wording without adding much of substance.
However, twenty-seven deponents in their answers give details of vilas
practice of mental prayer, and the gifts and blessing he received in prayer.

63 If they know how devoted he was to mental prayer, contemplation, and dealing with

God, which was his entire occupation and he did not abandon it but with the exception
of exercising charity with fellow men, replying to letters which he received from different
places asking him for advice, and how much he persuaded all of them by letter, or by word
to exercise themselves in this holy exercise, and the Lord paid him back with many and
particular mercies and gifts that he received in prayer, and that he demonstrated this love
which he had for God in the passionate affection with which he desired Gods glory and
praise, and the clear sorrow which he had for the offenses that were made against God.
PBNJA, p. .
 introduction

In the town of Montilla at least seven deponents made reference to

vilas practice of praying while kneeling down in front of a crucifix
and holding it with both hands. Seventy-five year-old Gonzalo Cabrera
Chirinos, who asserted he had met vila in his late years, testified that it
was well known that on one occasion vila heard a voice from the crucifix
saying, John your sins are forgiven.64 Others, like Cristbal Luque de
Ayala and Pedro Snchez Harriero, also bore witness to this tradition.65
In the city of Granada, Pedro Curillo de Vaga, chaplain of the Royal
Chapel, testified to a unique tradition related to vilas practice of mental
prayer. Curillo de Vaga reported a folk tale about an incident that took
place in a boarding house where vila stayed for a night after traveling
between towns. According to Curillo de Vaga, vila was praying in his
room when a servant boy inadvertently entered and at once left the
place screaming, calling for his mother, saying, a priest is ablaze. Many
responded to the boys calls for help but when they entered the room
they found vila simply kneeling down and still praying. Thus, they all
assumed that the fire that the boy claimed to have seen was nothing but
the shining of light coming from the saint.66
Other witnesses reported mystical and miraculous incidents that oc-
curred to Juan de vila while he engaged in mental prayer. The layman
Hernando Rodrguez del Campo, from Montilla, claimed to have wit-
nessed in person how Juan de vila levitated while praying.67 Alonso
Palomino, vicar and ecclesiastical judge of Andjar, reported having
heard that Juan de vila had been seen levitating while praying in his
room in the house of the Archbishop of Granada, Don Pedro Guerrero.68
Antn de Castro, a tailor from Montilla, maintained he had seen vila
fall into ecstasies and receive a great many revelations and visions from
God.69 The prior of San Pedro in the city of Baeza, Juan de Cisneros,
remarked that one of these revelations led to the final resolution of the
inquisitorial process against vila in .70 According to Cisneros, a ray
of light surrounded vila while he was presiding over mass before the
Sevillian tribunal of the Inquisition. When he concluded the celebration,
vila, speaking aloud, identified by name those who had testified against

64 PBMJA, p. .
65 PBMJA, pp. , .
66 PBMJA, p. .
67 PBMJA, pp. , here .
68 PBMJA, pp. .
69 PBMJA, pp. , .
70 PBMJA, pp. .
 introduction

him. According to this tradition, he ignored the information before the

miraculous event. For Juan de Cisneros this incident was one of the gifts
and blessings that Juan de vila experienced on account of his practice
of mental prayer.71
Others observed that the practice of mental prayer empowered vila
with remarkable moral strength that allowed him to confront the moral
ills of his day. Thus, Juan de Pealosa Gmez,72 Antn Martn el Rubio,73
Juan Prez Cabello,74 and Pedro Luis de Len,75 all from Montilla,
claimed that Juan de vila was responsible for closing the public mance-
bias, or brothels, in that village and further afield. They all attributed
his reforming zeal to the love for God that he cultivated through mental
prayer. Finally, Juana de San Gregorio, a nun from the convent of Nues-
tra Seora de la Encarnacin of Granada, referred to the case of Mara de
Hoces, former consort of a high-ranking member of the clergy in Cr-
doba.76 Juan de vila, at great personal risk, removed Mara de Hoces
from her situation of concubinage, taking her from Crdoba to Granada.
In the words of Juana de San Gregorio, he would not have done such
good for the souls, nor would he have persevered with the great tasks
that he was faced with, were he not aided by prayer. She also asserted
that without such prayer he would never withstood great dangers as he
had done in the case of Mara de Hoces.77
Lastly, various deponents declared that Juan de vila was well known
for his methodical observance of mental prayer and for his promotion
of spiritual exercises, and that he had drafted written instructions delin-
eating its proper execution. Francisco Jimnez Halao from Montilla tes-
tified to having witnessed Juan de vila inculcate the practice of mental
prayer through his sermons.78 Juan Prez Cabello, a public land surveyor
from Montilla, also claimed to have known vila in person. He noted
that Juan de vila had written instructions specifying the allocation of
time for mental prayer, as well as for sleep, studies, and even canonical
prayer.79

71 PBMJA, pp. .
72 PBMJA, pp. .
73 PBMJA, pp. .
74 PBMJA, p. .
75 PBMJA, p. .
76 PBMJA, p. .
77 PBMJA, pp. .
78 PBMJA, p. .
79 PBMJA, pp. .
 introduction

At least two deponents preserved some of Juan de vilas letters con-

taining instructions regarding the practice of mental prayer. One of them,
Melchora de Jess, also from the convent of Nuestra Seora de la Encar-
nacin of Granada, recalled how during her novitiate Juan de vila used
to write notes of spiritual advice that were meant to be read aloud to the
young novices. In his letters, Juan de vila strongly encouraged the obser-
vance of silence and the practice of mental prayer. Melchora managed to
keep some of these letters, continuing to cherish them and to meditate
upon their content.80 Francisco Yez de Herrera, professor of theology
at the University of Baeza, also referred to three original letters of spiri-
tual instruction from Juan de vila to Diego Prez de Valdivia which he
preserved like relics.81
In sum, the testimony of several deponents who participated in the
early stages of the beatification process of Juan de vila point to his role
in the systematization of the spiritual exercise of mental prayer and his
effort to disseminate the practice. Their responses provide a privileged
vantage point for the recovery of those traditions that developed around
his observance of mental prayer. From them we can gather the following:
First, as a secular priest Juan de vila developed a method of mental
prayer which he combined with other pastoral tasks, such as presiding
over mass and preaching. Second, his method of mental prayer involved
the meticulous organization of time in such a way that he did not end
up neglecting his other pastoral tasks. Third, rather than his practice
of mental prayer being perceived as distracting him from addressing
moral ills of his time, it seemed to be an ongoing source of strength that
empowered him for that task. Finally, he communicated his method of
mental prayer to laity and clergy alike by means of his preaching and his
writing.
The genesis of his ministry as spiritual advisor can be traced back to his
days in cija. It was Fray Domingo de Valtans who introduced him to
several families in the Andalusian town. From to he preached
and catechized in cija and its environs, until he was denounced to the
Sevillian tribunal of the Holy Office. The ensuing process that was opened
against him lasted until July , when the tribunal issued its final
sentence. vila was absolved of all charges, but was strongly admon-
ished to correct certain aspects of his preaching and teaching that the

80 Melchora de Jesss testimony appears as part of her response to question eight,

PBMJA, pp. .
81 PBMJA, pp. .
 introduction

inquisitors considered to be troublesome.82 In fact, the inquisitors re-

buked him for having said in his sermons and elsewhere some proposi-
tions which appeared to sound not too well, giving place to scandal and
rumor.83 What was it that caused such a stir among the inquisitors?
vila was affected by the insidious interventions of the Inquisition at
different points of his career. The process that was opened against him
in represents a negative milestone in his life. His exercise of men-
tal prayer was one of the main sources of concern for those in general
who denounced him and for the inquisitors in particular. His stress on
mental prayer resembled the contemplative practices of the alumbrados
of Toledo, who had been condemned in by the Holy Office. More
recently, Francisca Hernndez and Fray Francisco Ortiz were respectively
detained in March and April by the Inquisition of Toledo.84 The spir-
ituality of Beata Francisca Hernndez and her disciple, Fray Francisco,
did not squarely agree with that of the alumbrados. However, throughout
the inquisitorial process against Ortiz, which lasted until , it became
clear that he also promoted the form of mental prayer associated with
the notion of recogimiento. In Spain this form of mental prayer was best
articulated by Fray Francisco de Osuna in his Third Spiritual Alphabet of
.85 The practice was taken in different theological directions, to the
point that recogimiento came to mean different things to different people.
Hence, the practice of Osuna can properly be called recogimiento, while
that of the alumbrados acquired the meaning of dejamiento.86 Yet, in time
Juan de vila himself saw the need to distance himself from both, the
understanding of Osuna as well as that of the alumbrados. For this rea-
son the topic of silent or mental prayer as well as the practice itself was
suspect in the eyes of the Holy Office.

82 The original inquisitorial process against Juan de vila and related contemporary

documents remain lost. The following discussion is based on Camilo M. Abads edition
of an eighteenth-century abstract in Italian, which he discovered in the archives of the
former Sacred Congregation of Rites, see Abad, El proceso de la Inquisicin. Luis Sala
Balust, as well as other scholars, has relied on the Italian abstract for their reconstructions
of the inquisitorial process against Juan de vila. See Sala Balust, Estudio biogrfico,
OCNEC, p. :n. Sala Balust has documented the existence of the original sixteenth-
century manuscript and its transcription in the eighteenth century, see Sala Balust,
Estudio biogrfico, pp. :.
83 Abad, El proceso de la Inquisicin, p. .
84 See Angela Selke, El Santo Oficio de la Inquisicin: proceso de Fr. Francisco Ortiz

() (Madrid: Ediciones Guadarrama, ).

85 Francisco de Osuna, Tercer abecedario espiritual (Madrid: Biblioteca de Autores

Cristianos, ).
86 Selke, El Santo Oficio, pp. .
 introduction

Nevertheless, Juan de vila remained bound to the spiritual exercise

of mental prayer. While he continued developing the theology of his
ascetic discipline over the years, it was in cija that he first used the
exercise as part of a broader project of spiritual reinvigoration at the
level of the common people and the lower clergy. Interestingly enough,
his ministry in cija did not acquire its due place of prominence in the
narratives of his early biographers. After all, the inquisitorial process
against him remained a source of considerable embarrassment for his
disciples, a stigma to be overcome by different means including the
silencing of its memory. Accordingly, the only known source that can
throw some light on the developments leading to his detention by the
Inquisition of Seville is an eighteenth-century Italian abstract prepared
in Rome at the behest of Pope Benedict XIV (r. ) as part of
the beatification process. The abstract was based on the actual sixteenth-
century documents found at the time in the archives of the Sevillian
tribunal of the Inquisition. It was after careful consideration of this
abstract that on April the Sacred Congregation of Rites issued
a decree instructing those considering the merits of his beatification not
to give undue weight to this incident in the life of Juan de vila.87
The Italian abstract, hence, affords us a limited but instructive view of
Juan de vilas early practice of mental prayer and his efforts to popu-
larize the practice. Among the charges raised against Juan de vila, the
inquisitors questioned him about his teaching concerning mental prayer.
According to one of the charging witnesses, Juan de vila instructed
his disciples to stop repeating the Lords Prayer and the Hail Mary and
instead remove themselves to a corner of the house to contemplate God.
This language is remarkably similar to that used by a certain Olivares, a
member of the lower clergy from Pastrana, who testified in against
the famed alumbrado preacher Pedro Ruiz de Alcaraz. According to Oli-
vares, the mental prayer of recogimiento involved an initial period of
prayer while kneeling down and a later period of prayer while sitting in
some corner [of the house] with eyes shut . . . 88 Yet, Juan de vila replied
to the charge claiming that he never stopped encouraging his listeners to
pray vocal prayers. In fact, he claimed to have purchased many rosaries
with his own resources to give away to his followers, and that he himself
prayed the rosary. However, both publicly and privately he did articulate

87 Sala Balust, Estudio biogrfico, OCNEC, :; Abad, El proceso de la Inquisi-

cin, p. .
88 Selke, El Santo Oficio, p. .
 introduction

that, the proper form of prayer is mental prayer, without downplaying

in this way vocal prayer.89 He also argued that mental prayer is the work
of the intellect. The drafters of the Italian abstract added that through-
out his defense Juan de vila and several witnesses demonstrated that he
never advised against vocal prayer, but that instead he even composed a
devotional book on the subject.90
According to another charge, Juan de vila would celebrate secret
meetings at night. In these meetings his sermons would be followed by a
period of contemplation in the dark, as he would ask the attendants to put
out all lights. Fray Francisco Ortiz, from cija (not to be mistaken with
his namesake from Toledo), testified that having attended two of these
meetings he had heard Juan de vila articulate good and profitable
discourses. He added that after his lectures, they would remain in the
dark for around a quarter of an hour while praying.91
Juan de vilas reply to this charge is illuminating. According to the
Italian abstract, vila explained that during his time in cija he began
teaching the Christian doctrine, i.e. the catechism, to children. He gath-
ered some children at dusk, as it was difficult to gather them earlier dur-
ing the day. Over time some parents also started attending the meeting
and so vila began teaching them the catechism as well. In teaching the
adults he emphatically instructed them to allocate a portion of their time
during the day to meditate upon the passion of the Lord.92 Yet, many of
the adults were concerned about the exercise as they had never done it
before. In response, Juan de vila read to them a station of the Lords
passion and then he had them meditate upon the material he had read.
Sometimes he asked that lights be extinguished or lowered to demon-
strate how this could also be done with little or no light. Eventually, he
was forced to stop this line of instruction as he learned that some of those
in attendance had started rumors that the exercise was an innovation. The
fact that some women started participating in the meetings dissuaded
him altogether from continuing this particular catechetical effort for fear
of allegations of impropriety.93

89 Abad, El proceso de la Inquisicin, pp. , .

90 Abad, El proceso de la Inquisicin, pp. , . As Abad points out there is
no evidence that Juan de vila did compose a work on vocal prayer. See id., El proceso
de la Inquisicin, p. .
91 Abad, El proceso de la Inquisicin, pp. , .
92 Abad, El proceso de la Inquisicin, pp. , .
93 Abad, El proceso de la Inquisicin, pp. , .
 introduction

Thus, the Italian abstract of the inquisitorial process against Juan de

vila allows us to make several observations. First, that Juan de vila
saw the teaching of mental prayer as a fundamental component of his
catechetical effort geared to the laity and lower clergy of cija. His
teaching of the catechism was not limited to the teaching of Christian
doctrine; it also involved teaching how to pray. Second, that while Juan
de vila did not disparage the practice of vocal prayer, he did emphasize
the propriety of silent or mental prayer. Third, that his practice of mental
prayer was conjoined with a meditation on the passion of the Lord.
Finally, in a key difference from Francisco de Osuna and the alumbrados,
we observe that Juan de vila saw mental prayer as a work of the intellect.
For both Osuna and the alumbrados mental prayer required overcoming
all intellectual operation. While these observations have to be qualified
by the limitations of the existing documentary evidenceafter all, they
are based on an eighteenth-century abstract of long lost manuscripts
they are of significant value since they can be corroborated by surviving
evidence of the first order, such as Juan de vilas letters and other
writings.
The best example is the letter to his followers from cija, which dates
back to his imprisonment by the Sevillian tribunal of the Inquisition.94
The letter opens with two quotations, one from Corinthians :,
and the other from Corinthians :. Both quotations appear in the
vernacular. He then presents a brief commentary on these two scriptural
passages, praising the Apostle Paul for his courageous endurance of
persecution on account of Christ. After his words of praise, he turns
to address his disciplesin the plural, Oh, my beloved brethren! He
exhorts his followers to embrace the present situation of dejection
(abatimiento) and asserts that Gods sweet arms are open to receive all
who are wounded in the war that is being fought on Gods behalf. Christ
traversed the way of suffering, he reminded them, and so will those who
follow Christ.95

94 Sala Balust, Introduccin, pp. :xxvxxxviii. As most of his surviving letters, this
onenumber fifty-eight in OCNEC, vol. lacks vital historiographic information such
as date and place of composition and name(s) of addressee or addressees. According to
Sala Balust, it was Ildefonso Romero who in first proposed that Juan de vila had
written this letter during his imprisonment by the Inquisition. See Ildefonso Romero,
Fuego de Cruzado. Estampas de sacerdocio del Maestro Juan de vila, Semblanzas
sacerdotales (), and OCNEC, p. :n*. See letter in Obras (), pp. vr;
OCNEC, pp. :; also reproduced in Andrs Martn, San Juan de vila, pp. .
95 !Oh hermanos mos muy mucho amados! Dios quiere abrir vuestros ojos para

considerar cuantas mercedes nos hace en lo que el mundo piensa que son disfavores, y
 introduction

vila is immediately enraptured into a spiritual soliloquy, in which he

addresses Jesus as Jess Nazareno. Inspired by the popular name of a
common plant found throughout southern Spain, the Muscari neglectum,
also known as muscari or nazareno, he claims that Jesuss surname,
i.e. Nazareno, means blooming (florecido). Hence, it is the scent of
the blooming Jesus, or the crucified Jesus, that lures the many disciples
who follow him and helps them ignore the many labors and suffering
that are required of them.96 The soliloquy continues with Juan de vila
addressing the crucified Christ, expressing lament and sorrow for not
living up to the sufferings of his savior. He even questions the crucified
Christ for calling him to be a preacher of the gospel.
Juan de vila brings the soliloquy to an abrupt end as he candidly
admits to having forgotten his readers and the subject of his letter. Here
he refers to his time with them and his catechetical lectures, saying that
he sees the present persecutions as a test of the lecture which some
five to six years ago we have read to you saying: To suffer! To suffer for
the love of Christ! He exhorts them to be good students and not to
be like children who are reluctant to give evidence of their learning. He
encourages them not to be scared of the threats of those who persecute
you and is moved to compassion due to their blindness for the Gospel
of Christ, which he has preached in their town, is hidden from them.
Citing scriptural passages associated with the passion, he identifies his
despisers with those who betrayed and turned on Jesus, and counsels his
own disciples to treat them with mercy and compassion.97
After these and other words of comfort, Juan de vila advises them
to continue in the truth of Christ, without turning back. Above all he
admonishes them to continue in the exercise of mental prayer:
Usad mucho el callar con la boca hablando con hombres, y hablar mucho
en la oracin en vuestro corazn con Dios, del cual nos ha de venir todo
el bien; y quiere l que venga por la oracin, especialmente pensando la
pasin de Jesucristo nuestro Seor.98

cuan honrados somos en ser deshonrados por buscar la honra de Dios, y cuan alta honra
nos est guardada por el abatimiento presente, y cuan blandos, amorosos y dulces brazos
nos tiene Dios abiertos para recibir a los heridos en la guerra por l, que sin duda exceden
sin comparacin en placer a toda la hiel que los trabajos aqu pueden dar. Obras (),
pp. rv; OCNEC, p. :.
96 !Oh Jess Nazareno, que quiere decir florido, y cun suave es el olor de ti, que

despierta en nosotros deseos eternos y nos hace olvidar los trabajos, mirando por quin
se padecen y con qu galardn se han de pagar! Obras (), p. v; OCNEC, p. :.
97 Namely, Matthew : ff., and Luke : ff.
98 Get used to keep silence with your mouth when speaking to men, but speak
 introduction

Thus, he instructs them to have only few words in daily conversations

but to speak abundantly in prayer, in your heart with God. All good
is to come from God through prayer, especially when thinking of the
passion of Jesus Christ our Lord. His injunction at this point of the letter
is a clear reflection of the discipline which he transmitted to his disciples
and that was now under fire from the inquisitors.
In the remaining lines of the letter he issues a sobering warning. He
cautions them not to take themselves too seriously, since they are not
holier than those who today are in error. There is no assurance of holiness
other than the holy fear of God in which believers are to grow old. He
closes the letter enjoining them to pray on his behalf so that he can
return to them and serve them as before.
Together, the Italian abstract of the sixteenth-century inquisitorial
process against Juan de vila, and his letter from c. , demon-
strate that he was already practicing and teaching a methodical form of
prayer during his ministry in cija. They also show that it was in his role
as spiritual director that he formulated the theological foundations of the
practice. His method of mental prayer was certainly in an embryonic
stage, probably under the influence of Fray Francisco de Osunas writ-
ings on the subject. It is certain, however, that this form of methodical
prayer was mental and that he practiced it in conjunction with medita-
tion on the Lords passion. It was well adapted to the needs of the laity
as it was performed within ones home and on ones own schedule. This
embryonic form of mental prayer evolved over time into two rules that
he drafted for both clergy and laity. The earliest evidence of this evolu-
tion can be dated to around . The process eventually led to the first
edition of the Audi, filia that appeared in .

Outline of the Work

The aim of this book is to trace the development of Juan de vilas ascetic
spirituality in its interaction with sixteenth-century Spanish society. I
see ascetic practices as points of overlap between sacred and secular
realms of history. They are open to manipulation for social-disciplinarian

abundantly in prayer, in your heart with God, from whom all good is to come to us,
and he wants it to come to us through prayer; especially by thinking in the passion of
Jesus Christ our Lord. Obras (), p. v; OCNEC, p. :.
 introduction

purposes, but are not entirely subject to them. vilas ascetic spiritual-
ity cannot be reduced to its social-disciplinarian dimensions; but neither
can these dimensions be ignored. Throughout his career he continued to
reflect on the practice of mental prayer and to strengthen its theological
underpinnings. He also reflected on other ascetic practices, such as fre-
quent communion, and integrated them to his understanding of Spanish
society as a corpus christianum (Christian body). It was this construct
that allowed him to branch out and formulate the social implications of
his spiritual exercises. Nonetheless, one can hardly praise vilas views on
society uncritically. In particular, his positions on women reflect misog-
ynistic attitudes characteristic of his time. In my judgment his construc-
tion of Marian piety offered an alternative to existing societal constrains
on women. At the same time, however, we must not overlook the social-
disciplinarian character of his preaching; his sermons on the feast of Cor-
pus Christi, for example, were quite prejudiced against women, and exm-
plify the social-disciplinarian character of his teaching.
Accordingly, the book is organized around those points of contact or
ascetic practices which Juan de vila explained in a characteristic way.
The first three chapters deal with mental prayer. In the first chapter, I
reconstruct his rule for the clergy on the basis of four letters, including
his letters to Garca Arias and Fray Luis de Granada. The rule brought
together a number of clergymen that collectively constituted vilas sac-
erdotal school. The rule consisted of a daily cycle of spiritual exercises
structured around two periods of mental prayer. Other important traits
were his recommendations on what and when to read, and the proper
relation between vocal and mental prayer. He recommends the study of
the New Testament and Erasmus.
In chapter two, I turn my attention to his rule for the laity, which he
summarized in his Breve regla de vida Christiana () or Short Rule.
The Short Rule followed a similar pattern as the rule for the clergy. Its
simplicity explains the positive reception that it had among lay men and
women. It was drastically altered after his death, appearing again in .
I argue that the alterations were introduced by his disciples in reaction to
the scandal of the Portuguese nun, Mara de la Visitacin.
In chapter three, I discuss the first edition of the Audi, filia ().
I argue that the work served as a handbook for lay and religious holy
women. In the first part of the chapter, I group together all known
women disciples of vila and analyze their background and lives, noting
particularly their noble birth and their tendency to adopt eremitic life
styles. I then treat the outstanding features of the Audi, filia, specifically
 introduction

looking at its teaching on self-knowledge. I conclude by describing the

figure and writings of Ana Ponce de Len, disciple of Juan de vila.
In chapter four I place Juan de vilas doctrine of frequent communion
in its historical-theological context. The chapter is to a large extent a
diachronic study of frequent communion written from the perspective of
sixteenth-century debates over the practice, especially in Spain. It helps to
assess his contribution to the intense sixteenth- and seventeenth-century
debate on frequent communion.
His own treatment of frequent communion I discuss in chapter five.
There, I discuss his Eucharistic sermons, including his sermons on the
feast of Corpus Christi, which are of particular interest as they display
the social-disciplinarian dimension of his ascetic spirituality. One of
the distinguishing marks of his Eucharistic sermons is his language of
limpieza (cleanliness). I examine his use of the term and conclude
that he used it with the clear intention of subverting existing social
conventions associated with limpieza de sangre and pure-blood statutes.
I return to this point in chapter six, discussing his doctrine of union
with the Holy Spirit, or espirituacin. vilas sermons on the Holy Spirit
are remarkable for their consistent stress on the social repercussions of
spiritual regeneration. Conversely, he downplays the importance of social
constructs like hidalgua as well as the moral and spiritual superiority of
old Christians.
Finally, in chapter seven, I explore some of the social dimensions of
his thought in what I describe as his spirituality of public service. He
developed a sophisticated understanding of public service as spiritual
discipline and viewed public service as a proper spiritual vocation for
the laity. I demonstrate how he built his view of public service upon
a Christological analogy in which Christs sacrificial death is seen as a
public service for humanity.
 chapter one

THE SPIRITUAL
EXERCISES OF JUAN DE VILA:
HIS RULE FOR THE CLERGY

While also remembered as an exceptional preacher, Juan de vila ded-

icated his life to the perfection of his spiritual exercises, among them a
methodical form of mental prayer. For this original contibution to the
development of early modern Spanish spirituality, he stands in a unique
position alongside Francisco de Osuna and Ignacio de Loyola. His work
helped lay the foundation for the spirituality of Teresa de Jess and Juan
de la Cruz.
There is, however, a story that remains to be told about the develop-
ment and trajectory of his ascetic spirituality. One of the first chapters of
this story deals with the growth of his rule of spiritual life for the clergy;
another chapter of the same story deals with the growth of his rule of
spiritual life for the laity. Both had their origin in the Andalusian town
of cija, where his ministry began in and was abruptly brought to
a halt by the intervention of the Inquisition in . The rule that was
intended for the laity found definitive expression in the Breve regla de
vida Cristiana, or Short Rule of Christian Life of .1 I shall discuss the
rule for the laity in the following chapter; the present chapter, however,
will focus on his rule for the clergy.
His rule for the clergy is outlined in four letters. Two of them were
composed in the early part of ; one was addressed to an unknown
member of the clergy located in Crdoba, and the other to Garca Arias.2
The dates of the other two letters are uncertain, but they can be hypoth-
esized with a reasonable degree of certainty. Letter number eight, A
un sacerdote, can be dated to after .3 The basic contours of his

1 Breve regla de vida cristiana, OCNEC, pp. :.

2 [A un discpulo], Granada, , OCNEC, :; A un predicador [el Mtro.
Garca Arias, Sacerdote Telogo], Granada, January? , Epistolario (), pp. r
v; OCNEC, pp. :.
3 A un sacerdote, n.p., n.d., Epistolario (), pp. rr; OCNEC, pp. :.
 chapter one

rule for the clergy can also be found in a letter he wrote to Fray Luis de
Granada in or around .4
Scholars have for long recognized the significance of a corpus of
minor or shorter Avilista writings known collectively as avisos (notices)
and/or reglas (rules). In the Nueva edicin crtica of vilas works most
of these shorter writings are collected in volume two, under the rubric of
Escritos menores (Shorter writings).5 Esquerda Bifet captures the existing
scholarly consensus when he describes the avisos as lists or advice for
a sound and robust spirituality.6 His understanding of vilas reglas is
characteristic of the scholarship, including the judgment of the editors
of vilas works. Esquerda Bifet describes the reglas merely as practical
lists typified by their brevity and having no discernible difference from
the avisos.7
While I will discuss these shorter compositions in the next chapter,
here I will demonstrate that vilas use of the term regla (rule) also
had a very specific referent. He used the term in the first three of the
four letters mentioned earlier to describe a very concrete, comprehen-
sive, and detailed program of spiritual exercises that remained exceed-
ingly consistent from to around . Far from being merely a list
of short admonitions, these letters demonstrate that vila had developed
a methodical approach to the ascetic life, which he articulated and com-
municated to his followers by means of letters. Moreover, the chronol-
ogy of these letters coincides with the period in vilas life during which
he was assiduously at work in the formation of a movement of priestly
renovation. The movement acquired institutional form in the schools or
seminaries that he fathered, first in Granada and later in Crdoba.
The four letters containing his rule for the clergy have never before
been grouped together on the basis of their common content. All four
letters are now included in vilas Epistolario, found in volume four of
the Nueva edicin crtica; in contrast to the notices and rules which, as
already indicated, appear in volume two under Escritos menores. Luis Sala
Balust has observed some important parallels between the two letters of
.8 In his biography of Juan de vila, he even recognized the merit
of the letters for the proper understanding of vilas movement

4 A un predicador [Fr. Luis de Granada, OP], n.p., n.d., Epistolario (), pp. r

v; OCNEC, pp. :.
5 OCNEC, pp. :.
6 Esquerda Bifet, Diccionario, p. .
7 Esquerda Bifet, Diccionario, pp. .
8 OCNEC, pp. :; OCNEC, p. :n*.
 his rule for the clergy

of priestly renovation.9 Yet he did not infer from these letters vilas
unequivocal use of the term regla as a descriptor of an actual spiritual
program for the clergy; neither did he observe the persistent consistency
of vilas rule between the years to c. . Melquiades Andrs
Martn, on the other hand, grouped together the two letters of and
the letter to Fray Luis de Granada of c. as representative of vilas
movement of priestly renovation.10 Moreover, he singled out the
letter to an unknown member of the clergy from Crdoba, and argued
that it provides a faithful portrayal of the spirituality that vila instilled in
the members of his school of priests.11 The intricate connections between
these four letters have not been noted before. Furthermore, existing
discussions of them have been largely synchronic, while the diachronic
dimensions of their development have been entirely neglected. The main
contribution of this chapter is therefore to establish the development
of Juan de vilas rule for the clergy. In doing so, I will highlight the
prominent influence of Erasmus of Rotterdam in vilas own conception
of the function of reading in the spiritual life. I will also discuss other
letters and sources that allow us to trace the origins of his rule for the
clergy.

vilas Letter to His Disciple from Crdoba ()

Juan de vila moved to Crdoba shortly after the conclusion of the

inquisitorial process against him. He continued shaping his ministry of
itinerant preaching in the city of Crdoba before moving once again
in , this time to Granada. His reputation for holiness came to the
attention of the Archbishop of Granada, Gaspar de valos (),
who quickly befriended him.12 During the course of , he played a
major role in the foundation of a new school for the training of priests,
the Colegio de Santa Catalina. The new foundation was established under
the auspices of the archbishop and it was meant to serve as a seminary
for the formation of priests in the arts and theology.13

9 OCNEC, p. :.
10 Andrs Martn, San Juan de vila, p. .
11 Andrs Martn, San Juan de vila, p. .
12 For more on Archbishop Gaspar de valos see Coleman, Creating Christian Gra-

nada, pp. .
13 OCNEC, p. :; Francisco Bermdez de Pedraza, Historia eclesistica, principios y

progresos de la ciudad y religin catlica de Granada (Granada: por Andrs de Santiago

 chapter one

Santa Catalina was the first major foundation of this character in

vilas career, but not the last one. Over the years he was involved in
establishing some seventeen similar institutions. Fray Luis de Granada
referred to Santa Catalina as a school of recollected/secluded clergy
(colegio de clrigos recogidos), and according to the seventeenth-cen-
tury historian Francisco Bermdez de Pedraza it initially operated under
the patronage of Mary of Portugal (d. ).14 It was from Granada
that in early Juan de vila wrote his letters to an unknown priest
from Crdoba and to Garcia Aras. These letters reflect vilas context
in Granada and his thinking as he was shaping the new institution.15
They articulate the program of spiritual formation that he intended for
both the seminarians at Santa Catalina and his disciples in Crdoba
and elsewhere. In them we find vilas incipient rule for the clergy: the
constitution for the ascetic life that defined and gave character to his
priestly school.
I begin by discussing his letter to the disciple from Crdoba of early
.16 The addressee was active in the city, and served as confessor to
the nuns of the monastery of Santa Marta. The monastery was part of
the Spanish Order of Saint Jerome. After the introduction and related

[en la Imprenta Real], ), p. ; Vicente de la Fuente, Historia de las universidades,

colegios y dems establecimientos de enseanza en Espaa, vols. (Madrid: Imprenta de la
Viuda Hija de Fuentenebro, ), pp. :; Cndido Mara Ajo Gonzlez
y Sinz de Ziga, Historia de las universidades hispnicas; orgenes y desarrollo desde su
aparicin hasta nuestros das, vols. (Madrid: Editorial La Normal, ), pp. :
; Coleman, Creating Christian Granada, p. ; Arturo Llin Chfer, San Juan de vila
y los arzobispos Santo Toms de Villanueva y San Juan de Ribera, in Actas del Congreso
Internacional, pp. , here p. .
14 OCFLG, p. :; Bermdez de Pedraza, Historia eclesistica, p. .
15 For more on vilas ministry in the city of Granada see Coleman, Creating Christian

Granada, pp. .
16 OCNEC, pp. :. The actual day and month of this letter is unknown. Based

on the content of the letter, and after comparing it to Juan de vilas letter to Garca
Arias of January , I have concluded that the letter to the priest from Crdoba
chronologically antecedes the letter addressed to Garca Arias. It is worth noting that
at the time in Spain the calendar year was reckoned to begin on December. Enrique
Mhartin y Guix observes that in Madrid the earliest municipal record in which the
beginning of the year coincides with January is the libro de acuerdos of . There
is no reason to believe that Juan de vila would have departed from this practice when
writing in the s. I am assuming that Juan de vila wrote his letter to the priest from
Crdoba at some point during the last days of December or during January ,
but before he wrote to Garca Arias. Finally, the editor of the OCNEC is tentative about the
dating of the letter to Garca Arias. It is clear that it was dated on ; however the month
is an editorial approximation. See Enrique Mhartin y Guix, Gua terico-prctica del
escribiente (Madrid: Librera Editorial de Bailly-Bailliere Hijos, ), p. ; Baltasar
 his rule for the clergy

expressions of appreciation, he offers words of advice regarding personal

studies and then provides what he calls a rule for particular matters.
vila recommends that his addressees studies should consist of readings
in three areas: first, the reading and memorization of the New Testament.
He suggests learning Greek, even if minimal, as it will facilitate the
comprehension of the New Testaments writings. For the difficult places
he recommends recourse to Jerome, John Chrysostom, and Erasmus, in
particular the latters Paraphrases. He is cautious about the use of the
Paraphrases, adding the caveat that they should be disregarded whenever
they diverge from the common sense of the other doctors or the use of
the church.17 He is, however, enthusiastic about Erasmuss Annotationes
(Annotationes in Novum Testamentum, ), as they will prove useful in
handling Greek. After the study of the New Testament, he recommends
the study of the books of Proverbs and Ecclesiasticus, followed by the
prophets.18
The other two recommended areas of readings consist of devotional
books and scholastic theology. Bernard of Clairvaux is for vila the
chief devotional author, closely followed by John Cassian. He strongly
encourages the reading of devotional literature in the vernacular, but
does not provide any specific recommendations. As for scholasticism,
vila is clear that work in this area will require formal instruction.
However, he feels that it is necessary to have some acquaintance with
Gabriel Biel, and, to a lesser degree, Cajetans Summula peccatorum.19
After his initial recommendations, vila proceeds to discuss his rule
for the spiritual life.20 The rule is essentially an intensive daily program
of meditation, reading, and mental and vocal prayer. It provides for
physical nourishment, moments of sleep, and periods of service to the
poor and afflicted. vila begins his program in the evening with the
Ave Maria, followed by a moment of reading of a devotional work,
followed by prayer, and meditation. He recommends that time be taken
to meditate upon the transgressions of the day, the moment of death,
and Gods judgment. He indicates that one should think of ones self

Pen, Estudios de cronologa universal (Madrid: Imprenta Nacional, ), pp. ;

R. Dean Ware, Medieval Chronology: Theory and Practice, in Medieval Studies: An
Introduction, ed. James M. Powel (New York: Syracuse University Press, ), pp.
.
17 OCNEC, p. :.
18 OCNEC, p. :.
19 OCNEC, p. :.
20 OCNEC, p. :.
 chapter one

with shame as an evildoer standing before a judge, and thus lower ones
eyes. The objective of this first part of the spiritual program is to come
to recognize oneself as a sinner.21 One should beseech God unceasingly
until God illuminates ones mind, demonstrating that there is nothing
good in even the best work, and that there is nothing in ones self but
sin.22
The first part of the spiritual program should last between one hour
and an hour and a half. It is followed by reading the New Testament, and
taking time to eat. The order and the wording of the ensuing instructions
are of utmost importance. After having dinner one should then pray
vocally for a little while in order to remain awake.23 The short vocal prayer
is followed by an hour of concurrent mental prayer and meditation upon
the passion of the Lord.24 He indicates the distinction between vocal and
mental prayer by using the terms rezar (to pray or to recite) and
orar (to pray) respectively. Moreover, mental prayer is concurrently
combined with meditation on the passion of the Lord. He proceeds to
make the suggestion that a different station of the passion should be
treated each day.
He suggests that one use up to two hours to mediate upon the passion,
and that one incorporate into this meditations the reading of any devo-
tional book dealing with the subject. Then one can take time to sleep.
vila, in uncertain terms, recommends waking up at three oclock in the
morning to resume prayer until six. Then one should get ready for mass,
bringing to mind the meditation on Christs passion of the previous night.
After mass, one should have some time for prayer, study, and eating, fol-
lowed by sleep, if it is necessary. He strongly urges his addressee to use the
afternoon to visit those who are the sick or of those who can be admon-
ished to conversion, or even to go for a stroll through the countryside.
He also advises with equal strength not to use the afternoon for further
studies, for the head cannot take so much prayer and study.25
vila concludes his letter with other words of practical advice. The
addressee should keep notes of important quotations that he comes
across in his reading, and should organize them in alphabetical order.
He should also continue confessing the nuns of Santa Marta, but he

21 OCNEC, p. :.
22 Ibid.
23 Rezar un poquito vocalmente, para quitar en sueo. Ibid.
24 Y orar una hora, y sea de la pasin de nuestro Seor Jesucristo. Ibid.
25 OCNEC, pp. :.
 his rule for the clergy

should be mindful, for healths sake, not to burden himself with too
many confessions. Finally, vila admonishes him to live in the liberty
of children of God, waiting in his blood for the inheritance that Christ
will give us, since he has called and justified us.26
So here we have an outline of the spiritual discipline that vila instilled
in his disciples. It consisted mainly of intensive reading, vocal prayer,
and mental prayer along with meditation. The reading program already
reveals the distinctiveness of his spiritual discipline. Of course, his sug-
gested reading of the New Testament and study of Church Fathers like
Jerome and Chrysostom and luminaries of monasticism such as Cassian
and Bernard can hardly be considered innovative. Benedict of Nursia
himself recommended in his rule the reading of Cassians Conferences.27
However, the recommendation to read Erasmuss Annotationes and Para-
phrases represents a distinguishing trait of vilas spiritual orientation.
In , vila holds in high regard the humanist scholarship of Eras-
mus and is firmly rooted within the spiritual tendencies of Spanish Eras-
mianism, a Catholic humanist movement that at the time was well rep-
resented within the ranks of Spanish elites.28 Moreover, throughout his
career vila retained his characteristic emphasis on the cultivation of the
inner life.
Juan de vilas recommendation to read and study Erasmuss
Annotationes and Paraphrases took place against a background of in-
creasing official suspicion toward Erasmianism. In fact, much of the
discussion in Spain turned precisely around the Paraphrases and the
Annotationes. From to , Diego Lpez de Ziga, who was at
the time located in Rome, sustained an acrimonious pamphletary debate
with Erasmus. At the heart of the debate were Erasmuss Paraphrases
which appeared progressively between and . The detractors
of Erasmus recited Zuigas arguments over and over again during the
assembly of theologians gathered in Valladolid.29 It is clear that
Juan de vila was aware of the criticism articulated by Erasmuss enemies
in Valladolid. As already indicated he warned his friend from Crdoba

26 OCNEC, p. :.
27 Timothy Fry, ed., The Rule of St. Benedict in English (Collegeville: The Liturgical
Press, ), p. [Chapter ].
28 Marcel Bataillon, Erasmo y Espaa: Estudios sobre la historia espiritual del siglo XVI,

trans. Antonio Alatorre, nd ed. (Mexico: Fondo de Cultura Econmica, ), pp.

.
29 Lu Ann Homza, Religious Authority in the Spanish Renaissance (Baltimore and

London: The John Hopkins University Press, ), pp. .

 chapter one

to disregard the Paraphrases whenever they diverge from the common

sense of the other doctors or the use of the church.30 Yet he gave no
similar warning about the Annotationes. It is therefore safe to conclude
that in , contrary to the changing wave of opinion against Erasmus,
Juan de vila believed that reading the biblical works of the Dutch
humanist was not only intellectually useful but also spiritually edifying.
The question of vilas early Erasmian sympathies remains a contro-
versial issue in contemporary scholarship.31 In his preface to the
Spanish translation of his magnum opus, Bataillon admitted that the most
significant lacuna of his rasme et lEspagne was his neglect of Juan de
vila.32 His last Spanish edition did not fare any better in this regard.
It was with good reasons that vila could escape the attention of the
French Hispanist. His disciples systematically purged his work, seeking
to remove all references to Erasmus or any other subject that could lead to
further difficulties with the Inquisition. Fortunately the letter of [Jan-
uary] escaped this process of self-censure. vilas letter of [Jan-
uary] was not included in any of the early collections of his writ-
ings and was only discovered in the twentieth century and published for

30 OCNEC, p. :.
31 Andrs Martn has changed his perspective on this point. In his lectures pub-
lished in under the title San Juan de vila: maestro de espiritualidad (Madrid: Bib-
lioteca de Autores Cristianos) he highlights the sharp contrasts between the spirituality
of Erasmus and that of Juan de vila, but he never denies vilas early sympathy towards
Erasmus. He also argues for the distinctiveness of Spanish Erasmianism as a movement
specifically rooted in the text of the Spanish translation of Erasmuss Enchiridion
militis christiani. He asserts that the translator grossly amplified the original Latin text
adding twice the amount of material found in the original. Accordingly, it is the form of
spirituality found in the Spanish translation of that informed Spanish Erasmianism
and not the spirituality of Erasmus that is found in his Latin corpus. See Andrs Martn,
San Juan de vila, pp. . In his more recent Ensayo sobre el cristianismo espaol
(Madrid: Biblioteca de Autores Cristianos, ), he abandons the thesis advanced in
about the foundational importance of the Spanish translation of the Enchirid-
ion for Spanish Erasmianism. Certainly he continues to assert that the spirituality of the
movement was rooted in the Spanish translation of . However, he gives more atten-
tion to the difficulties of Spanish Erasmianism as a noetic construct, and throughout
questions the scholarship of Marcel Bataillon. He is more interested in downplaying and
even denying Juan de vilas constructive appropriation of Erasmus. For him there is very
minimal evidence in vilas writing that can demonstrate his appropriation of Erasmus.
To his view it comes down to the two letters of in which vila recommended the
reading of Erasmus. Even on this point he likes to emphasize that vila recommends the
reading of Erasmus con cautela. Yet this expression appears on only one of the three
occasions in which vila recommended the reading of Erasmus in the letters. See
Andrs Martn, Ensayo, pp. , .
32 Bataillon, Erasmo y Espaa, pp. xvxvi.
 his rule for the clergy

the first time in .33 Our next document, his letter to Garca Arias,
is another fine example of vilas early Erasmianism. In the end, one of
the remaining questions for contemporary scholarship, and the one I will
continue to elucidate in this work, is related to the long term implications
of vilas early Erasmianism for the development of his own mature spir-
ituality.

Juan de vilas Letter to Master Garca Arias ( [January] )

It was also from Granada that he wrote a letter to Garca Arias on [Jan-
uary] .34 Garca Arias remains a relatively unknown figure in the
mid-sixteenth century Sevillian landscape. He was prior of the convent
of San Isidro in Seville at least as early as . Reginaldus Gonsalvius
Montanus,35 the controversial author of the Inquisitionis artes, and Cipri-
ano de Valera, in his Two Treatises, speak in unambiguous terms about
him.36 They describe him as a hypocrite, who, in spite of the steps he took
to reform the monastery of San Isidro, led his public life in conformity
with the ecclesiastical establishment.37

33 Luis Sala Balust, Hacia una edicin crtica del Epistolario del Maestro vila,

Hispania (), pp. .

34 Epistolario (), pp. rv; OCNEC, pp. :. The editors of OCNEC are

tentative about the date of the letter, suggesting [January] as its proper dating.
35 Reginaldus Gonsalvius Montanus, Sanctae Inquisitionis hispanicae artes (Heidel-

berg: Michael Schirat, ); id., A discouery and playne declaration of sundry subtill prac-
tises of the Holy Inquisition of Spayne (London: John Day, ); id., Der heyliger Hispanis-
cher inquisitie (London: John Day, ). For recent editions see Nicolas Castrillo Ben-
ito, trans., El Reginaldo Montano: Primer libro polmico contra la Inquisicin Espaola
(Madrid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientficas, ), and; Reinaldo Gonzlez
Montes, Artes de la Santa Inquisicin Espaola, trans. Francisco Ruiz de Pablos (Seville:
Editorial MAD, ). For more on Gonsalvius Montanus see B.A. Vermaseren, Who
was Reginaldus Gonsalvius Montanus? Bibliothque dHumanisme et Renaissance .
(), pp. ; Francisco Ruiz de Pablos, Errores antiguos y actuales sobre Gonzlez
Montes, debelador de la Inquisicin espaola, Hispania Sacra (), pp. .
36 Cipriano de Valera, Dos tratados. El primero es del Papa y de su autoridad colegido de

su vida y doctrina, y de lo que los doctores y concilios antiguos y la misma sagrada escritura
ensean. El segundo es de la misa recopilado de los doctores y concilios y de la sagrada
escritura ([London]: Arnold Hatfield, ); id., Two Treatises: The first, of the lives of the
popes, and their doctrine. The second, of the mass (London: John Harrison, ).
37 Fuit hic Arias (quem a cutis et pilorum omnino candore Blancum appellabant)

acutissimo ingenio, quoad licebat in ea aetate, sacrarum literarum cognitione abunde

exculto, vafro tamen, callido, maligno, versipelli. Castrillo Benito, El Reginaldo Mon-
tano, p. ; [O]tros se quedaron: de los cuales muchos perseveraron, y otros cobraron
tanto miedo a la inquisicin, que negaron la verdad: y lo que peor es, fueron perseguidores
 chapter one

The Isidros, or Isidoros, were the observant branch of the Spanish

Order of St Jerome; the convent of Seville was the leading convent of
the observant Hieronymites. According to Gonsalvius Montanus, Gar-
ca Arias was responsible for overturning the divine service of the
monastery, most significantly changing prayer practices.38 He instructed
them that to recite prayers day and night was not to pray to God,39 and
instead taught them that a true knowledge of God and his religion could
only be obtained from Holy Writ.40 Furthermore, he emphasized that to
understand these things a different kind of prayer was needed, a prayer
that comes out of a sense of ones own needs and rises from a true faith
in God.41 He also instituted a sermon service every day between two and
four oclock in the morning.42 He instructed the community to read the
Scriptures, and had a daily lecture from the book of Proverbs. As part of
his reform he introduced stern exercises and a severe discipline, consist-
ing of prolonged fasting, the use of sackcloth, vigils, and sleeping either
standing or lying on the bare ground.43 Gonsalvius Montanus attributed
to him an important role in the conversion of many of the Isidoros to
Protestantism; that is, in spite of his hypocrisy. He later was one of
the monks who was detained and processed by the Inquisition after the
Protestant conventicle of Seville was discovered in . He was found
guilty of heresy and eventually died in the auto de fe of October .44
A careful reading of vilas letter to Garca Arias allows us to see
the latter in a different light. Indeed, Gonsalvius Montanuss description
of Garca Ariass reform program resonates with the rule of spiritual dis-
cipline that vila consigned to his disciple from Crdoba earlier in .

de ellas: como fue el doctor Hernn Rodrguez, y el maestro Garci Arias, que comn-
mente llamaban, el maestro Blanco. Pero Dios hubo misericordia del Blanco, y de lobo
lo hizo Cordero, y as fue con muy gran constancia quemado. Valera, Dos tratados. El
primero es del Papa y de su autoridad, p. .
38 Ut totum institutum plane everteret. Castrillo Benito, El Reginaldo Montano,

p. .
39 Docebat, in choris totos dies noctesque nunc sermone nunc cantu recitare sacras

preces non esse precari Deum. Castrillo Benito, El Reginaldo Montano, p. .

40 Legendas ac praemeditandas esse summo studio sacras literas, ex quibus unis

vera Dei et voluntatis ipsius cognitio, item eius religionis notitia, quae ipsi in primis
probaretur, haberi posset. Castrillo Benito, El Reginaldo Montano, p. .
41 Adhibendas esse ad id obtinendum alias preces, nempe quae ex ipso necessitatis

sensu et ex vera in Deum fide orirentur. Ibid.

42 Ibid.
43 Ibid.
44 Juan Gil, Los conversos y la inquisicin sevillana (Sevilla: Universidad de Sevilla y

Fundacin El Monte, ), p. .
 his rule for the clergy

Gonsalvius Montanus mentions that Garca Arias instituted the reading

of the Bible, a sermon in the early hours of the morningbetween two
and four oclock, and a daily lecture from the book of Proverbs. More-
over, he abolished the singing and saying of prayer, which clearly
means that he abolished the use of vocal prayer. The method of prayer
that he instituted in the monastery is described by Gonsalvius Montanus
in terms that resonate with what we already know about vilas min-
istry in cija, from a sense of our own necessities.45 Not only are these
elements present in vilas letter of to his disciple from Crdoba;
most of these elements are also found in vilas letter to Garca Arias
of the same year. Hence, the hypocritical attitude that both Gonsalvius
and Valera perceived in the person of Garca Arias was nothing but a
reflection of his zealous observance of the instructions he had received
years earlier from Juan de vila. In this sense then, Garca Arias was not
a Protestant but a radical member of vilas priestly school.
It appears that vilas letter to Garca Arias was the second, on his part,
in an epistolary exchange that was underway by January . His first
letter to Garca Arias remains lost. However, from his second letter we
can infer that he had written earlier on matters related to a monastic com-
munity. It is clear that the content of the letter was of common knowledge
to a wider audience and that it sparked widespread dissension. The neg-
ative reception of his letter did not discourage him from writing a sec-
ond time in response to Garca Ariass original request.46 From his sec-
ond letter we glean that Garca Arias initially asked him to draft a rule,
providing instruction and direction for the exercise of the spirit. It was
vilas intention to provide a draft of such a rule in this new letter, but
in fact, towards the end of the letter he clearly states that he had time on
this occasion only to gather a few ideas that came to his mind in a hurry,
and he promises that any other items that might come along he will write
down and forward to his friend at a later date.47
vila begins by admonishing his addressee to focus his attention on
his own correction. He calls this the chief exercise; namely, to take his
attention away from amending the life of others and instead to focus on
the task of amending his own self. He instructs that this be done with the

45 Castrillo Benito, El Reginaldo Montano, p. .

46 Puesto que he sabido que mi carta no ha parecido all a todos muy bien, no dejar
de obedecer a la voluntad de vuestra merced, que quiere ser informado de lo que debe
hacer. Epistolario (), p. r; OCNEC, p. :.
47 Epistolario (), pp. rv; OCNEC, p. :.
 chapter one

help of others,48 and then proceeds to provide his rule for the spiritual
life.49 In this section of the letter we find, with few exceptions of interest,
most of the elements of his daily spiritual program that already appeared
in the letter to his disciple from Crdoba. He instructs his reader that
every night he should kneel down to pray the Ave Maria (Hail Mary), the
Confiteor Deo (I confess to almighty God), and the Miserere mei (Psalm
). Then he should confess his iniquities to God, invoking the sacrifice
of the Lords passion. If possible he should remain in a kneeling position
and take a moment of rest after making the sign of the cross; but he may
also sit down on the floor or in a chair.50
As in the previous letter, vila advises a moment of meditation upon
his death and elaborates on the content of such meditation. He exhorts
Garca Arias to medidate from his innermost recess on the passage
of his death.51 He should first imagine his own body lying down, the
departure of his soul from the body, and then his bodys eventual burial
and decomposition. vila advises him to embrace the reality of death and
to think for a moment that he is indeed dead. In this way he can turn his
back on the world, renouncing all love for anything creaturely, including
all love for honor as well as all fear of dishonor. He should imagine that
he is already in the afterlife, living now as immutable in midst of mutable
things.52
Then, he should continue his meditation by bringing to mind the
appearance of his soul before the throne of judgment. He should make a
mental picture of the way in which demons as well as his own conscience
will be accusing him before God. vila instructs him to work hard at this
point of his meditation so that he can actually feel the shame of one who
has been caught red handed. The aim of his meditation is not just to think

48 Epistolario (), p. r; OCNEC, p. :.

49 Y la regla particular que para esto me pide, parece que debe ser sta. Epistolario
(), p. v; OCNEC, p. :.
50 Epistolario (), p. v; OCNEC, p. :.
51 Piense con atencin en el paso de su muerte lo ms entraablemente que pudiere,

como si en ella estuviese, notando particularmente como estar en la cama la candela

en la mano, y todo lo dems que el Seor le diere. Epistolario (), p. v; OCNEC,
pp. :.
52 Y pues esto le ha de venir, haga cuenta que ha venido, y dese por muerto a este

mundo, volvindole de verdad las espaldas, y echando de su corazn toda criatura, y todo
amor de honra, y todo temor de deshonra, y haga cuenta que ya est en el otro mundo,
y viva ac como en una inmutabilidad entre las mudanzas, mirando como ya es todo
pasado, y l, y los que ve estn ya olvidados, y todo se ha ya pasado, as como agua que
corra con zurrido. Epistolario (), p. r; OCNEC, p. :.
 his rule for the clergy

about these things, but actually to feel them. He should then ask God to
reveal to him his own sinful character and the many demerits of his life,
so that he can come to an utter feeling of self-loathing bordering on a
desire of self-annihilation. vila is careful to warn him that the feeling he
is referring to is not self-induced, but that it originates in God, making it
all the more unbearable. vila reiterates that this period of meditation is
meant to move him to feel the reality of his death, his shame at the final
judgment, and the infernal torment of purgatory.53
However, contrary to what he advised in his previous letter, vila
now separates the meditation upon ones own death from the meditation
upon the passion of Christ. While in the other letter vila consigns the
meditation on the passion of Christ to the evening part of the program,
now that part of the program centers exclusively on the meditation upon
ones own death. He also moves the meditation on the passion of Christ
to the early morning.
vila meticulously outlines the remainder of the evening part of the
program. Garca Arias should take time to meditate upon the transgres-
sions of the day. He should pay careful attention to the sins that are closer
in time, rather than those that have taken place in a distant past. It is
imperative that he consider his own sinful inclinations and ask the Lord
to illumine this abysm, as only God has discernment over it. According
to vila, these first two parts of the program ought to last close to two
hours and a half, staring at sundown until around eight in the evening.
vila advises him to eat dinner after concluding this period of prolonged
meditation. Garca Arias is to remain silent during dinner and then begin
a period of vocal prayer immediately afterwards. Vocal prayer is followed
by reading, although this time vila makes no specific recommendations.
Reading is followed by sleep, at which time Garca Arias should again
bring to mind the moment of his death and the burial of the Lord.
vila is unequivocal this time about early-morning prayer. Sleep he
limits to between ten oclock in the evening and three oclock in the
morning, at which point Garca Arias is to wake up and begin anew. After
reciting matins (rece matines), he is to devote his time to meditating
on Christs passion. Every day he is to reflect on one of the stations of the
suffering of the Lord, beginning every Monday with Jesuss arrest and
concluding every Sunday with the resurrection.54 Morning vocal prayer
and meditation on the Lords passion should last for two hours, until five

53 Epistolario (), pp. rr; OCNEC, pp. :.

54 Epistolario (), pp. vr; OCNEC, pp. :.
 chapter one

oclock in the morning. Then vila allows for an hour of sleep, until six
oclock. Before mass Garca Arias is to recite (rezar) prime, tierce, and
sext, and then he is to pray by meditating upon the passion of the Lord.55
The last period of mental prayer, coming after reciting sext, serves as
a preparation for the Eucharistic service by gathering together all the
morning reflections upon the passion, so as to have the passion itself
mentally present during mass. It also provides an unbroken continuum,
allowing one to move from meditation to the actual celebration of the
mass. Thus vila instructs Garca Arias to go and receive Him whose
passion you thought of during the early hours of the morning. Think-
ing, vila continues, of the Lord during mass in the same way you
thought of him during prayer, these two things complement each other.56
Then, vila advises him to rest for at least half an hour immediately after
mass and to give thanks and to delight himself with him who is in his
entrails. He observes that there is no better time than the time during
which the Lord is in our bosom.57
After rest Garca Arias is to study the New Testament without use of
the glossa ordinaria. If some aid is needed, then he recommends the use
of Chrysostom, Erasmus, Nicholas of Lyra, or any other commentator
that explains only the letter.58 In the afternoon he allows for a short
period of rest, or even sleep. Finally, vila strongly advises Arias use
the afternoon for visiting the sick, and reconciling those affected by
contentious situations. Reading to children and young people is another
way in which Garca Arias can invest his time until the evening, at which
time he should once again begin the spiritual program.59
vila adds a series of notes explaining some of the crucial movements
of his program.60 The first one deals with the meditation on the passion of
the Lord. vila admonishes him not to put too much effort into reliving
the suffering of the Lord; he should not force himself to feel what the Lord

55 Y despus rece prima, tercia y sexta. Y pngase en oracin, aparejndose para

la misa, pensando en este profundsimo misterio. Epistolario (), p. r; OCNEC,
p. :.
56 Y considerada su propia indignidad, ir a recibir aquel mismo cuya pasin pens

en la madrugada. Porque, pensando al Seor en la misa de la forma que lo pens en su

oracin, ayudase mucho lo uno a lo otro. Epistolario (), pp. rv; OCNEC, p. :.
57 Porque el ms quieto tiempo de todos es aquel mientras el Seor est en nuestro

pecho. El cual tiempo no se debe gastar en otra cosa, si extrema necesidad o otra cosa no
nos constriese. Epistolario (), p. v; OCNEC, p. :.
58 Epistolario (), p. v; OCNEC, p. :.
59 Epistolario (), p. r; OCNEC, p. :.
60 Epistolario (), pp. vv; OCNEC, pp. :.
 his rule for the clergy

felt in his sufferings. Instead, he is to try to imagine himself as a witness to

the Lords passion. The aim of the meditation on the passion is to prepare
ones self to receive all divinely inspired movements, or influences.
He should be ready, says vila, to receive and welcome any feeling that
the Lord sends his way, be it compassion, or love, or pain, or fear of sins,
or edification of morals, or tears, etc. Even if he receives nothing from
God, he should still consider himself fortunate, for God allowed such a
hideous leper as him to be in his company.61
Reading continues to be important for vila, but as we have just seen,
he now reassigns reading to the time of the late morning, after mass
and before noon. In this way the evening is consecrated to prayer and
meditation, while the morning is also used for studying. In addition
to the reading of the New Testament, vila recommends the use of
devotional literature. This time he suggests the reading of Francisco de
Osunas first part of the Spiritual Alphabet, and the works of Henricus
Herp, Bernard of Clairvaux, and Cassian, among others.62
vila insists on the personal significance of what is received in men-
tal prayer, or meditation. It can be tempting to communicate to others
what God grants to the searching soul in personal intimacy. Neverthe-
less, he is to resist this temptation and rejoice in silence, just like the
married woman keeps in silence that which takes place in bed with her
husband.63 Moreover, what is received in mental prayer belongs to the
will and not to the school of the understanding.64 In another words, this
is mystical and not scholastic theology.
vilas rule, as just seen constitutes a comprehensive and detailed guide
for the spiritual life. His letter to Garca Arias is more elaborate in its
description of the day cycle. Indeed, the detailed character of vilas
descriptions strongly suggests that his elaborate letter to Garca Arias
was written after the less detailed letter to his disciple from Crdoba.
In fact, we can discern a clear progression that supports the notion of
the priority of the letter to the disciple from Crdoba. I have already
indicated the points of continuity and contrast. In its more elaborate
form, vilas rule organizes the daily cycle into three distinctive periods of
activity; evening is consecrated to vocal and mental prayer, with emphasis

61 Epistolario (), p. vv; OCNEC, p. :.

62 Epistolario (), p. vr; OCNEC, p. :.
63 Epistolario (), p. rv; OCNEC, p. :.
64 Y as en toda simplicidad y humildad busque el provecho de su nima, sin querer

hacer escuela del entendimiento, lo que es de la voluntad. Epistolario (), p. r;

OCNEC, p. :.
 chapter one

on personal death; morning is for vocal prayer, meditation upon the

passion, participation in the Eucharistic sacrifice, and studies. Finally, the
afternoon is reserved for service to those in need.
The reference to Erasmus in this letter is highly significant. In their
first edition of vilas letters, Juan Daz and Juan de Villars suppressed
the reference to Erasmus,65 but it now appears in the restored form
of the letter offered by the editors of the Nueva edicin crtica.66 The
suppression of Erasmus is another indication of the efforts of vilas
disciples to disassociate him completely from the figure of the Dutch
humanist. Certainly, this was the price to be paid for the works of their
beloved teacher to be published with the approval of the Inquisition.
The letter to Garca Arias, however, provides additional examples of the
heavy editorial hand of both Daz and Villars. A reference to Henricus
Herp, whose works were also included in Valdess Cathalogus of ,
was suppressed; and so was vilas statement about a married woman
keeping in secret what transpires with her husband in the intimacy of
their bedroom. From a pragmatic perspective it is clear that Villars and
Daz had no other option than this in the face of inquisitorial censure.
Neither can we continue to ignore the long-term consequences of their
actions for the interpretation of vilas spirituality, for in this letter
vila considers Erasmus to be a reliable and trustworthy commentator
on the New Testament.

The Rule in the Letter to a Priest, post-

vila continued his campaign for priestly renewal in the s. In

he took a major role in the restructuring of the University of Baeza,
founded in and active as a center of higher learning until .67 The
next year he returned to Crdoba, where he continued to advocate before

65 El estudiar ser, alzando el corazn al seor, leer el texto sin otra glosa, sino fuere

cuando algo dudare, que entonces puede mirar a Crisstomo, o a Nicolao, o a otro que le
parezca que declara la letra no ms. Epistolario (), p. v.
66 El estudiar ser, alzando el corazn al Seor, leer el texto sin otra glosa, si no fuere

cuando algo dudare, que entonces puede mirar o a Crisstomo, o Nicolao, o a Erasmo, o
a otro que le parezca que declara la letra no ms. OCNEC, p. :.
67 M. Dolores Rincn Gonzlez, Criterios de seleccin en la Universidad de Baeza:

Huarte de San Juan y los planteamientos avilistas: Quod natura non donat, Academia
non praestat, enim vero labor omnia vincit improbus, Elucidario (), pp. ;
OCNEC, p. :. The original physical structure of the university is now part of the sede
Antonio Machado of the Universidad Internacional de Andaluca.
 his rule for the clergy

the city council for the creation of a studio general. In , he made a

permanent home in the city using it as a base for his missionary activity
in the region until , at which time he retired to Montilla.68 It was
during this longer stay that he attempted to create a new religious order
for secular clergy in the city of Crdoba. In the words of the anonymous
author of Casos notables de la ciudad de Crdoba, he gathered around him
twenty of his companions for the beginning of a religion that he wanted
to establish.69 According to Sala Balust, this endeavor must have begun
to take shape sometime in .70
It is reasonable to assume that Juan de vila intended to shape his new
religious order around the rule which he articulated earlier in his letters
of . In fact, letter number eight, A un sacerdote (To a Priest), makes
it clear that Juan de vila had designed a program of spiritual exercises
and that this program had acquired in his mind a fixed form of almost
invariable consistency.71 Just like he did in his letters of , he uses the
term regla to refer to his ascetic program. Moreover, in this letter vila
admonishes his addressee to make his program of spiritual exercises the
first rule of your life.72
The main difficulty standing in the way of a proper assessment of letter
number eight is its lack of dating or references that may help identify the
addressee. The spiritual program set forth in the letter is the same that he
presents in earlier letters. There is, however, an important variation that
may be used to set an approximate dating, or to establish an important
point of chronological reference. In his letter vila instructs his addressee
to celebrate mass every day of the week; on Monday on behalf of souls in
purgatory; Tuesday and Wednesday for whomever he desires. Except that
Fridays, Saturdays, and Sundays, vila directs him to celebrate mass for
the reformation of the morals of the Church.73 The phrase is nowhere
present in his earlier letters and is highly relevant for the approximate
dating of the one in question. Pope Paul III used similar language in his

68 OCNEC, p. :.
69 Sebastin de Escabias, Casos notables de la ciudad de Crdoba (Madrid: Sociedad de
Biblifilos Espaoles, ), p. ; OCNEC, p. :.
70 OCNEC, p. :.
71 A un sacerdote, n.p., n.d., Epistolario (), pp. rr; OCNEC, pp. :.

The numbering of the letter is the same in both editions.

72 Sea, pues, la primera regla de su vida sta . . . Epistolario (), p. v; OCNEC,

p. :.
73 Epistolario (), p. r; OCNEC, p. :.
 chapter one

convocation of the Council of Trent. Among the aims of the general

council listed in his bull Indictionis, the pope mentioned the restoration
of good morals, and the amendment of bad ones (ad bonorum morum
reductionem, emendationem que malorum).74 Hence, vila must have
composed this letter at some point after the convocation of the Council of
Trent in . His personal contact with Archbishop Gaspar de valos
who by was occupying the see of Compostela, as well as with
other Spanish prelates, made it possible for him to be well informed of
developments in the life of the Church.
As I will argue later, it is more likely that he wrote the letter after
the conclusion of the first period of the Council on March .
Just the previous year his friend and companion of studies at Alcal,
Pedro Guerrero, had been consecrated Archbishop of Granada. Guerrero
procured vilas assistance in Granada as early as .75 He attended
the second () and third () periods of the Council
of Trent and it was upon his request that vila wrote his first and second
Memoriales. vilas Memoriales were presented by Archbishop Guerrero
at the second and third periods respectively.
In this letter we find the same rigid and yet calm spiritual discipline of
the earlier letters. However, vila does not begin with the evening cycle of
vocal and mental prayer, reading, and meditation upon ones own death
that is found in his letter to Garca Arias. In this letter vila begins with
the spiritual and mental preparation for the celebration and partaking of
the Eucharistic sacrifice. The early morning period of preparation already
appeared in the structure of the rule that he presented to his disciple from
Crdoba and to Garca Arias. The difference is his detailed description of
the content of the meditation that should transpire before the celebration
of mass.
The new starting point merits close attention for various reasons. First,
it demonstrates that his rule of spiritual life had not yet attained a fixed
textual form. The rule, however, reflects a consistent praxis. His move-
ment is still in the early stages of gestation; thus it has not yet acquired
the kind of maturity that is often coupled with objective expressions such
as written normative codes or rules. Second, the letter introduces a dis-
tinctive aspect of vilas spirituality, what I would like to term his priestly

74 Canones et decreta sacrosancti oecumenici Concilii Tridentini, rd ed. (Leipzig:

B. Tauchnitz, ), p. .
75 See A Don Pedro Guerrero, Montilla, April [], OCNEC, pp. :.
 his rule for the clergy

mysticism. His priestly mysticism is centered on the celebration of the

Eucharistic sacrifice. He takes the doctrine of transubstantiation to its
logical conclusions; after the consecration of the host the priest is effec-
tively handling the body of Christ. The direct contact with the Eucharistic
body is for vila a source of mystical delight leading even to rapture. The
distinctiveness of this form of mysticism rests in its articulation from the
exclusive perspective of the priest. Hence, it is a feature of his spiritual
discipline that could not be extended to either his women religious dis-
ciples nor to his lay followers.
Juan de vila builds upon the motif of the divine Guest, or Husped
divino. The motif is recurrent in his writings, especially in his sermons
on the Holy Spirit, which I will discuss later. In this case, the divine
Guest is Christ himself who will come to inhabit the bosom of the
faithful priest as he first consecrates and later partakes of the consecrated
host. According to vila, the priest must prepare himself in order to be
an adequate abode for such an excellent guest:
Y pues el haber de recibir a un amigo, especialmente si es gran seor, tiene
suspenso y cuidadoso al que lo ha de recibir, cunto ms razn es que del
todo nos ocupe el corazn este husped que aquel da hemos de recibir,
siendo tan alto y tan a nosotros conjunto, que es adorado de ngeles y
hermano nuestro?76
Accordingly, vila exhorts his addressee to take the appropriate steps in
order to be ready for the special occasion. He must take time to recite
his hours and additional time to rest, at least for an hour and a half.
He must carefully consider who he is about to receive and be startled
by the fact that such a hideous worm is to handle his God with such
familiarity.77 He should ask the Lord, Who has brought you to the hands
of such a sinner and once more to exile, to the barn, and to the manger of
Bethlehem?78 vila refers to Luke : to remind his addressee that Peter
felt unfit to be with the Lord in the same vessel; to Matthew :, referring
to the centurion who felt unworthy of receiving the Lord in his house,

76 If hosting a friend, especially if this friend is a great lord, makes the host cautious

and careful, how much more should this host keep our heart busy, since he is so superior
and yet so close to us that he is both worshipped by angels and our brother? Epistolario
(), pp. vr; OCNEC, p. :.
77 Y espntese de que un gusano hediondo haya de tratar tan familiarmente a su Dios.

Epistolario (), p. r; OCNEC, p. :.

78 Seor, quin te ha trado a manos de un tal pecador y otra vez a destierro y portal

y pesebre de Beln? Epistolario (), p. r; OCNEC, p. :.

 chapter one

and other similar stories. By reflecting on them he should learn to fear

time and deed so terrible and to worship such a great Majesty.79
vila suggests that he should think of the consecration of the host
as a copy (traslado) of the work of God the Father. He is tracing or
copying the work of the Eternal Father when he sent his Son to the
virginal womb for the salvation of the world, and of the life and death
of the Lord.80 Now, in the consecrated host, the Lord comes to apply to
us the medicine and riches that he earned on our behalf on the cross.81
After giving thanks for the mystery of the passion and death of the Lord,
he should bring before the divine majesty, in a general way, all the sins
which he has committed throughout his life; giving particular attention
to the passions and weaknesses with which he is afflicted in the present.
Like a sick person, he should come to the Lord as one comes to a medical
doctor and pray for knowledge of his ailments (self-knowledge) and for
their healing.82
After completing this first period of spiritual preparation the priest is
ready to preside over the Eucharistic sacrifice. Thus vila instructs his
addressee, Then you should offer to the eternal Father this sacrifice,
which is his Son.83 The offering of the Eucharistic sacrifice is done on
behalf of those for whom the priest has pastoral responsibilities, and
on behalf of the Catholic Church. He should keep in mind that the
Lord offered himself in the cross for the entire world.84 Accordingly,
he should pray that ministers may have some of that same love so that
they can be like (conforme) the Lord. He should then pray to our Lady,
asking her for the joy that she experienced during the incarnation. He
should also ask her to grant him the grace to well receive and handle the
Lord that she received in her bosom.85 In vilas priestly mysticism, it is
Mary that emerges as the example to be followed. The work of the priest
resembles her own work, and it is she as mediatrix of all graces that can
make the priest capable of this special sacramental task.

79 El Centurin no le osa meter en su casa, y otras semejantes consideraciones, por

las cuales aprenda a temer hora y obra tan terrible y a reverenciar a tan gran Majestad.
Epistolario (), p. r; OCNEC, p. :.
80 Epistolario (), p. r; OCNEC, p. :.
81 Epistolario (), p. v; OCNEC, p. :.
82 Epistolario (), p. v; OCNEC, p. :.
83 Epistolario (), p. v; OCNEC, p. :.
84 Epistolario (), p. v; OCNEC, p. :.
85 Epistolario (), p. v; OCNEC, p. :.
 his rule for the clergy

vila then provides other instructions related to the offering of the

Eucharistic sacrifice. His addressee should pray the rosary, beginning
with the prayer Deus, qui de beatae Mariae Virginis utero [Verbum tuum
. . . ]. The rosary is to be followed by the Veni, Sancte Spiritus, beginning
with the last part of the prayer, Deus, qui corda fidelium. Interestingly,
vila advises the reading of a portion of the Contemptus mundi, specifi-
cally book four, on the blessed sacrament.86 Yet, vila quickly warns his
addressee that if through prayer he is already well gathered (recogido)
with himself and full of devotion he should skip reading altogether.87
A second period of meditation and prayer comes after the celebration
of mass. The second period should last anywhere from half to a full hour.
The priest should express his gratitude to the Lord for granting him
the special favor of coming to such a lowly stable. He should ask for
forgiveness and continue to pray for new graces. vila observes that it
is a good exercise to bring to mind some passage of the gospel in which
the Lord granted some benefice, such as when he healed the leper, or
when the Lord delivered the disciples from the sea tempest. He guides his
addressee to read one of the evangelists at a time, starting from the very
beginning, and to ruminate (rumiar) every day on one passage. Such
daily rumination on the gospels one should couple with supplications to
the Lord, who is inside of us, to make the same favor to our souls; that
is, to come to reside in the soul, just like he resides in the body.88
vila introduces a period of recreation and/or service in between the
second and third periods of intensive meditation, but it is marked by
first setting aside time to eat and to sleep. Afterwards the afternoon can
be used for different activities, including reciting (rezar) of the hours,
reading, and prayer (orar)always keeping in mind that earlier in the day
the priest received the Lord as his guest (husped). Other activities that
can be entertained are physical exercises, work in a garden, or writing;
but one should never allow oneself to get tired for that would put down
the spirit of devotion. Finally, this is also a period of time that can be
used for visitation, for the benefit of the soul.89
The third period of meditation comes in the evening. Here again the
focus of meditation is ones own death and the final judgment. Reading

86 See Thomas Kempis, The Imitation of Christ, trans. Joseph N. Tylenda (New York:

Vintage Books, ), pp. .

87 Epistolario (), p. r; OCNEC, p. :.
88 Epistolario (), p. v; OCNEC, p. :.
89 Epistolario (), p. v; OCNEC, p. :.
 chapter one

and recitation of the hours serves as a preface to this new period of

meditation. At this point vila directs his addressee through a process
of strenuous self-examination. He guides him to consider for a moment
that he is now dead; that his body is in the burial ground and his soul is
before God. vila insists that he should accuse himself of both general
and particular transgressions. The aim of this exercise is to know how
defective we are and to truly know the roots of our passions. For, he says,
without this knowledge the edifice lacks certainty.90
vilas instructions regarding what ought to be read are revealing.
Contrary to his letter to Garcia Arias, vila now advises using the
Glossa ordinaria together with the New Testament. In terms of devotional
literature, vila again recommends the reading of the Contemptus mundi,
and the Moralia of Gregory the Great. Other authors that he recommends
are John Cassian and John Climacus. Reading should be pursued for the
uplifting of the heart, and should not be done to the point of becoming
tired.91
vila closes his letter with a few miscellaneous instructions. Again, his
addressee should meditate (pensar) without getting exhausted, but if he
is facing exhaustion, then he should not hesitate to take time to rest. It is
preferable that he remains in a kneeling position for the full hour or hour
and a half. Otherwise, he should stay in that position until he becomes
tired. It is also preferable that he meditates for two hours or more at
a time. He can rest the mind by paying simple attention to God; for
sometimes the Lord gives us more than when we have worked all night
with our own mind.92 It is well, suggests vila, to sleep on a plank of
wood on Thursdays and Fridays in order to give company to the Lord,
for he suffered in those days.93 Yet a person should never do things out of
his own will but instead make the crucified Christ his mirror (espejo),
endeavoring to conform to him.
Hence, vilas letter number eight, A un sacerdote, exhibits a remark-
able degree of continuity with the letters of . The daily spiritual pro-
gram is still divided into three main parts, although presented in a differ-
ent chronological order. The morning component of the program is one
of preparation for the Eucharist. It consists of vocal prayer and medita-
tion upon the passion of Christ. In this letter, vila reflects more on the

90 Epistolario (), p. r; OCNEC, p. :.

91 Epistolario (), p. v; OCNEC, p. :.
92 Epistolario (), p. r; OCNEC, p. :.
93 Epistolario (), p. r; OCNEC, p. :.
 his rule for the clergy

role and experience of the priest, in what I have termed his priestly mys-
ticism. He also makes explicit reference to the role of Mary as model for
the priest, and as mediator of the graces needed to handle the consecrated
host. The first part of the daily program concludes with reading, prayer,
and rest. The second part of the program takes place in the afternoon. It
is a period of time that can be used for reading, recreation, or service.
The last part occurs during the evening. As night falls, the penitent soul
should focus all attention on the sunset of life. The last part consists of
meditation upon ones own death. Its aim is to achieve a better knowledge
of ones own self as sinner in need of Christs sacrificial death. The period
of several hours of sleep between the evening part and the morning
component, functions as an enactment of death. At dusk the imminence
of death and final judgment dominate the mind of the penitent; at dawn
the hope of a new life through the work of Christ reclaims the penitents
mind.
The letter that we have thus far examined, however, also exhibits
an important departure from the letters. On that ocassionvila
advised Garca Arias to read the New Testament without use of the Glossa
ordinaria. He encouraged the learning of Greek, the use of Erasmuss
Paraphrases and Annotationes, or even some other authority. In contrast,
he now advises the use of the Glossa ordinaria and omits any reference
to Erasmus. What could account for this important change? I can only
speculate that vila wrote the letter after the conclusion of the first
period of the Council of Trent and that he was already aware of the
decrees adopted during the fourth session of the Council regarding the
Scriptures.
In particular, the second decree regarding the Latin Vulgate, its edi-
tion, and the manner of its interpretation condemned all private inter-
pretations of the Scriptures.94 It censured every interpreter who in mat-
ters of faith and morals related to the edification of Christian doctrine,
contort the sacred scriptures according to his own senses, contrary
to the sense of Holy Mother Church and the unanimous consen-
sus of the Fathers.95 It also singled out those printers who, indiscrim-
inately, print the books of the Holy Scriptures with annotations and

94 Decretum secundum: recipitur vulgata editio bibliae praescribiturque modus in-

terpretandi sacram scripturam, in Giuseppe Alberigo, et al. (eds.), Conciliorum oecu-

menicorum decreta, rd ed., hereafter COD (Bologna: Instituto per le Scienze Religiose,
), pp. .
95 [I]n rebus fidei et morum, ad aedificationem doctrinae christianae pertinentium,

sacram scripturam ad suos sensus contorquens [. . .], COD, p. .

 chapter one

commentaries (adnotationes et expositiones) without license and even

without providing either the name of the printer or the author of said
commentaries.96 The new restrictions introduced by Trent effectively dis-
suaded vila from making any recommendations that could be con-
strued as allowing for the private interpretation of Scriptures, or the
employment of unauthorized commentarial resources. Hence, instead of
advising the reading of Scriptures without the Glossa ordinaria, vila
now avoids any unwanted ambiguity by recommending the reading of
the New Testament with its aid.
There were many avenues that would have made it possible for vila to
become acquainted with the decrees of the fourth session of the Council
of Trent. Several of the Spanish theologians at Trent returned to Spain
during and immediately after the interval lasting from the conclusion
of activities in the city of Trent, in March , until the conclusion of
activities in Bologna, in February .97 His own former teacher and
mentor, Domingo de Soto, was professor of theology at the University of
Salamanca from to the year of his death in .98 The Franciscan
preacher, Alonso de Castro, was also at the University of Salamanca.99
Castro was part of the commission of seven bishops, three theologians,
and the general of the Augustinians who examined the questions of the
fourth session of the Council. He also lectured at Trent before his fellow
friars minors on the issue of the translation of the Scriptures. He returned
to Spain in .100 The Dominican, Fray Bartolom Carranza returned
in to the city of Palencia.101 All three of them attended the first
period of Trent as theologians of the emperor.
Among other Spanish bishops and scholars who attended the Council
and returned around the same time was Diego lava Esquivel, the future
Bishop of Crdoba (), who became Bishop of vila upon his

96 COD, p. .
97 Constancio Gutirrez, Espaa en Trento (Valladolid: Consejo Superior de Investi-
gaciones Cientficas, Instituto Jernimo Zurita, ), pp. .
98 For the classic biographical work on Domingo de Soto see Vicente Beltrn de Here-

dia, Domingo de Soto. Estudio biogrfico documentado (Salamanca, y Madrid, );

Alejandro Vidal y Daz, Memoria histrica de la Universidad de Salamanca (Salamanca:
Oliva y Hermano, ), p. ; Gutirrez, Espaa en Trento, pp. .
99 Eloy Bulln y Fernndez, Alfonso de Castro y la ciencia penal (Madrid: Hijos de

M.G. Hernndez, ), p. ; Vidal y Daz, Memoria histrica, p. .

100 Gutirrez, Espaa en Trento, pp. .
101 Bartolom Carranza, Comentarios sobre el Catechismo christiano (), ed. Jos

Ignacio Tellechea Idgoras, st ed. (Madrid: Biblioteca de Autores Cristianos, ), p. ;

Vidal y Daz, Memoria histrica, pp. ; Gutirrez, Espaa en Trento, pp. .
 his rule for the clergy

return in .102 Another important scholar was the humanist Martn

Prez de Ayala, who like vila studied at the University of Alcal. From
to or , he lectured at the University of Granada. He came
to Granada under the auspices of vilas benefactor, Archbishop Gaspar
de Avalos, and there was granted a doctoral degree. From to ,
he lectured on Gabriel Biel. It is plausible to assume that vila and Prez
de Ayala became well acquainted with each other during this time. At
Trent, Prez de Ayala participated in the debates on justification that took
place during . The next year he visited Rome, returned to Trent,
and then left for Augsburg. Upon his return to Spain he was ordained
as Bishop of Guadix, in close proximity to Crdoba, on September
.103 In this way the reforming ideals and concrete decisions of the
first period of the Council of Trent made their way to Spain through
influential clergy who participated in its deliberations.
Thus, it is very likely that Juan de vila became knowledgeable about
the decrees of the fourth session of the Council not too long after, or even
before, the definitive conclusion of the first period in . His change
of attitude towards the Glossa ordinaria can be explained in terms of the
normative decisions adopted by the Council. In fact, an anecdote that was
recorded as part of the seventeenth-century process for vilas beatifica-
tion illuminates this point. In his testimony of January , Frnan
Prez de Torres, presbyter in the city of Crdoba, made reference to a
story he heard from Alonso de Molina.104 Molina was a priest from Cr-
doba and a disciple of Juan de vila. On this occasion Alonso de Molina
described vilas reaction to the decree concerning the translation of the
Scriptures, i.e. the first decree of the fourth session. According to Molina,
as the conclusions of the Council were becoming public Juan de vila
learned that among the decrees there was one that prohibited the sacred
writ in vulgar tongue.105 Moved by the decision of the Council, vila
burned in its entirety a voluminous commentary on the beatitudes which

102 Juan Gmez Bravo, Catlogo de los obispos de Crdoba, y breve noticia histrica de su

iglesia catedral, y obispado, vols. (Crdoba: Juan Rodrguez, ), pp. :; Vidal

y Daz, Memoria histrica, pp. ; Bilinkoff, The vila of Saint Teresa, pp. ;
Gutirrez, Espaa en Trento, pp. .
103 Genaro Navarro Lpez, El arzobispo Martn Prez de Ayala, Boletn del Instituto de

Estudios Giennenses (), pp. ; Juan Higueras Maldonado, Dos humanistas

giennenses: Luis de Carvajal () y Martn Prez de Ayala (), Boletn
del Instituto de Estudios Giennenses : (), pp. ; Vidal y Daz, Memoria
histrica, pp. ; Gutirrez, Espaa en Trento, pp. .
104 PBMJA, pp. .
105 PBMJA, pp. .
 chapter one

he had presumably composed in Castilian. Molina interpreted his mas-

ters action as a display of his obedience to the Church.106 The episode is
revealing as it demonstrates the gradual dissemination of the ideas and
norms of Trent and their impact on Spanish spirituality and popular reli-
giosity. More specifically it demonstrates that the Tridentine decrees did
have an effect on vila and his approach to the Scriptures.

The Rule in the Letter to Fray Luis de Granada of c.

There is one more document that requires examination before I move to

the next chapter. Juan de vila wrote a letter to his friend and disciple
Fray Luis de Granada on the occasion of the latters elevation to the rank
of general preacher.107 The letter is the first one in order of appearance
in vilas Epistolario. Traditionally it has been dated to circa , based
on the year in which the general chapter celebrated in the town of Osuna
granted Granadas new status. The letter is replete with practical advice,
all of it of singular importance. vila is especially keen to draw Granadas
attention to the importance of preaching and its intimate connection to
the practice of the cure of souls.
The letter also contains a passage that reflects vilas rule for the clergy.
In an interesting contrast, however, vila does not use the term regla.
Instead, he uses the phrase general prescriptions or general counsels
(receptas generales).108 He advises Granada that these are prescriptions
that ought to be handed down to those who want to serve the Lord.109
Clearly they are intended for members of the clergy, as they are set
apart from those general counsels that are intended for the laity. He lists
four such general prescriptions for the clergy. The first one is to receive
communion frequently. Although he does not specify the frequency, the
passage suggests that he has daily communion in mind.110 The next piece
of advice is concerned with reading. vila strongly encourages Granada
to instill in the clergy the ideal of becoming friends of reading.111 The

106 Ibid.
107 A un predicador, n.p., n.d., Epistolario (), pp. rv; OCNEC, pp. :.
108 OCNEC, pp. :.
109 Epistolario (), p. r; OCNEC, p. :.
110 La primera, que frecuenten los sacramentos de la confesin y comunin, como es

dicho. Epistolario (), p. r; OCNEC, p. :.

111 Epistolario (), p. v; OCNEC, p. :.
 his rule for the clergy

third counsel is to dedicate time for prayer. vila again organizes prayer
into two distinctive moments, one in the morning and the other in the
evening. Just as in the letters I have already discussed, vila makes the
passion of the Lord the central motif of morning prayer, while ones own
death and judgment is the central motif of evening prayer.112 His final
general counsel is to make time for works of charity.113
In this regard, then, vilas letter to Granada is another documentary
witness to the program of spiritual exercise around which he gathered
his disciples. That he does not use the term regla, but the phrase receptas
generales can be easily explained by the character and intention of the
letter. The main intention of the letter is not to be the first initiation
of a novice into vilas spiritual program. Rather, this letter intends to
communicate some practical advice to someone who is already well
acquainted with vilas asceticism and is now in the position of providing
spiritual guidance to other members of the clergy. Moreover, the letter
reflects that vila has adopted a consistent spiritual practice and has
developed a well articulated set of images and ideas associated with his
spiritual exercises.

Conclusion

vilas letters of , his post- Letter to a Priest (A un sacerdote),

and his circa letter to Fray Luis de Granada clearly demonstrate
that he had developed a rule of spiritual life for the clergy. Contemporary
sources indicate that vila intended in this period to organize a religious
movement for secular priests, an initiative that reached its climax in .
He used the city of Crdoba as the center of his activities. It is reasonable
to assume that he intended to shape his new movement around the rule
that he had articulated in his letters, a rule that was a well-structured
program of spiritual exercises.
vilas movement did not acquire solid institutional form. The climatic
year of coincided with the beginning of the Toledan archiepiscopacy
of Cardinal Juan Martnez Silceo, which ran from to . On
July , Martnez Silceo adopted a estatuto de limpieza prohibiting
any descendent of Jews, moors, and heretics from receiving a benefice

112 Epistolario (), pp. vr; OCNEC, pp. :.

113 Epistolario (), p. r; OCNEC, p. :.
 chapter one

from the cathedral or any of its dependencies.114 His desire to enforce the
statute led him to a confrontation with the Society of Jesus, against which
he issued a new edict in .115 In addition, Pope Julius III approved a
similar estatuto de limpieza for the diocese of Jaenwhich encompass
the town of Baeza, and therefore the University of Baezain .116 In
Crdoba the cathedral chapter had already adopted an estatuto in
that was confirmed by Pope Paul IV in .117 It is very likely that these
developments may have dissuaded Juan de vila from moving forward
with the formalization of his renewal movement of the secular clergy.118
In the following chapters I will demonstrate how his spiritual theology
was an outgrowth of his spiritual exercises and how it interacted with
Spanish Erasmianism and other threads of Spanish spirituality.

114 Rafael Jos R. de Espona, El cardenal Silceo, prncipe espaol de la contra-

reforma, Anales de la Fundacin Francisco Elas de Tejada (), pp. ; Sicroff,
Les controverses, pp. .
115 Isabella Ianuzzi, Mentalidad inquisitorial y jesuitas: el enfrentamiento entre el

Cardenal Silceo y la Compaa de Jess, Cuadernos de historia moderna (),

pp. .
116 Francisco J. Martnez Rojas, La iglesia de Jan durante los siglos XVIXVII: entre

las reformas y la decadencia, in Historia de las dicesis de Crdoba y Jan, ed. Manuel
Nieto Cumplido (Madrid: Biblioteca de Autores Cristianos, ), pp. , here
p. .
117 Sicroff, Les controverses, pp. ; Juan Gmez Bravo, Catlogo de los obispos

de Crdoba, y breve noticia histrica de su iglesia catedral, y obispado (Crdoba: Juan

Rodrguez, ), pp. .
118 See the interesting article by Alexander Samson in which he interprets the

estatuto of Toledo as an anti-aristocratic initiative intended to bypass and undermine

the networks of patronage and privilege associated with the hereditary nobility. See id.,
The adelantamiento of Cazorla, converso Culture and Toledo Cathedral Chapters
estatuto de limpieza de sangre, Bulletin of Spanish Studies . (), pp. , here
p. . As I will discuss later, Juan de vilas extensive ties to the nobility may have made
him a perfect target.
 chapter two

THE SPIRITUAL
EXERCISES OF JUAN DE VILA:
HIS RULE FOR THE LAITY

Parallel to his efforts with the secular clergy, vila kept a pastoral eye
on the needs and spiritual aspirations of the laity. He inherited late-
medieval conventions predicated upon an ideal understanding of soci-
ety as corpus christianum.1 These conventions dictated laity and clergy
as having distinctive states (estados) that, like different parts of the
human body, fulfill different functions but are nevertheless equally nec-
essary for the whole (cf. Cor :).2 However, a characteristic
feature of vilas spirituality was his embracing openness towards the
laity.
Although our present knowledge of the organic growth of vilas
ascetic theology does not allow us to pinpoint with precision which
developed first, his rule for the clergy or his rule for the laity, the exist-
ing documentary evidence allows us to conclude that vila had by
already drafted a consistent program of spiritual exercises and that in the
s this program became the center of an incipient, but frustrated, reli-
gious order. We have already noted that vilas ascetic practices began
taking shape during his ministry in cija from to . Further-
more, his role as spiritual director of Sancha Carillo, who was at the
time and still is his most celebrated lay disciple, began around this same

1 Juan de vila held a traditional view of the corpus christianum that played an
enormous influence in his ascetic spirituality. He gives expression to this idea in his letter
to the village of Utrera. Here is a revealing fragment of his letter, Y todos generalmente
guardad la unidad del corazn, que Cristo or al Padre diciendo: Quiero, Padre, que sean
una cosa, as como t y yo somos una cosa (cf. Jn ,). No haya divisinque es cosa
del infiernoentre los llamados a la santa cristiandad que se llama reino de Dios; no
traigan pleito los que son hijos de paz; no haya maldiciones entre los que esperan poseer
el reino de Dios por una bendicin; no haya envidias entre los que son miembros de un
cuerpo, entre los cuales el uno se goza del bien del otro y se entristece del mal[.] OCNEC,
pp. :, here .
2 See Fray Luis de Granadas short exposition, De las obligaciones de los estados, in

id., Gua de pecadores (texto primitivo), OCFLG, pp. :.

 chapter two

period.3 It was for Sancha Carillo that he wrote his Avisos y reglas Cris-
tianas, the first edition of the Audi, filia. Moreover, since she died in
it is clear that at least a first draft of the work was already available in
manuscript long before its printing in . vilas program for the laity,
therefore, may have predated his program for the clergy.
Given our current knowledge we cannot hypothesize precisely the
order in which these two rules developed. Nevertheless, they are inti-
mately interconnected and their similarities and differences do nothing
but highlight vilas elaboration of a single program for the spiritual life
based on the practice of mental prayer. vila first put in practice his
method of mental prayer during his ministry in cija. He then articulated
both rules, accommodating the practice of mental prayer to the corre-
sponding needs of the lay and religious states respectively. In this sense,
the rules can be seen as twin expressions of the same ascetic impulse
rooted in the exercise of mental prayer.
In contrast to his rule for the clergy, vilas rule for the laity was
published during his lifetime. It appeared in print for the first time in
, in the same volume of the Audi, filia, under the title of Breve
regla de vida Cristiana (Short Rule of Christian Life).4 It also appeared
in Fray Luis de Granadas Gua de pecadores of (Lisbon), and in the
Antwerp edition of .5 In that same year, , the General Inquisitor
Fernando de Valds included both vilas Audi, filia and Granadas Gua
de pecadores, in his Cathalogus of prohibited books.6

3The dramatic conversion and tragic death of Sancha Carrillo made her the object
of admiration during her lifetime, inspiring after her death the writing of various hagio-
graphic works. The most significant among them, although not the most extensive, was
the account of her life written by her brother, Pedro Fernndez de Crdoba, La vida de
doa Sancha Carillo, hija de don Luis Carrillo de Crdoba y de doa Luisa de Aguilar, in
Juan de vila, Avisos y reglas Cristianas sobre aquel verso de David: Audi, filia, ed. Luis
Sala Balust (Barcelona: Juan Flors, ), pp. .
4 Avisos y reglas (), pp. ; OCNEC, pp. :.
5 OCFLG, pp. :; OCNEC, pp. :.
6 Real Academia Espaola, Tres ndices expurgatorios de la Inquisicin Espaola en el

siglo XVI (Madrid: Editorial Castalia, ). It was not too long after the publication of the
Cathalogus that Fray Luis de Granadas Gua de pecadores was vindicated by the Council
of Trent. Thanks to the intervention of the Portuguese ambassador, Fernando Martnez
Mascarenhas, a commission of theologians concluded on December that the work
was beyond reproach, and, instead, extremely beneficial for the cultivation of piety: Qui,
postquam accurate illos perlegerunt et diligenter omnia quae in illis continentur expen-
derunt, Nos certiores fecerunt libros illos, tam primam quam secundam partem, non
modo ab omni haeresis atque impietatis significatione quam longissime abesse et nihil
contineri quod pias aures aliqua ratione offendere posset, sed utilissimos esse ut fidelium
animos in peccatorum odium incitarent, ad pietatis studia allicerent Deumque summe
 his rule for the laity

Valdss inquisitorial prohibition of both the Audi, filia and the Short
Rule had long term consequences that not even vila himself could
have had anticipated. The first editors of vilas collected works altered
both writings in order to avoid further inquisitorial interventions. In the
case of the Audi, filia the extent of the involvement of vilas disciples
in the final version of is still an open question. Nevertheless, the
subsequent editorial history of the Short Rule makes evident the degree
of involvement of his disciples in the alteration of his writings. Thus, the
Short Rule of Christian Life was altogether dropped in the edition of
the Audi, filia. It reemerged some fourteen years later as part of the
collection of his writings. It had, however, been significantly altered and
now appeared under the title Diez documentos.7 The Short Rule did not
appear again in its integrity until , when Luis Sala Balust published
the original text together with the edition of the Audi, filia.8 It
now appears in the second volume of the New Critical Edition of vilas
works.9
In what follows, I will discuss the contours of vilas plan for the ascetic
life of the laity. I will begin with a discussion of the place of the Short Rule
in Fray Luis de Granadas Gua de pecadores. I will also discuss a text by
Fray Toms de Villanueva that Fray Luis de Granada included alongside
that of vila, and will compare them. Then, I will chronicle the changes
that vilas disciples made to the Short Rule.

The Short Rule of Christian Life in the Wider Context

of Fray Luis de Granadas Gua de pecadores ()

In his preface to the first volume of Gua de pecadores (Lisboa, ),

Fray Luis de Granada adopts a tripartite structure to explain the end

diligendum, quod divinae legis finis est, inflammarent. Jos I. Tellechea, Aprobacin
por el Concilio de Trento de la obra de fray Luis de Granada ( diciembre ), in Fray
Luis de Granada: su obra y su tiempo, ed. Antonio Garca del Moral, and Urbano Alonso
del Campo, vols (Granada: Universidad de Granada, ), pp. , here pp.
.
7 Los diez documentos que se siguen que dio el mismo padre maestro vila a otra

persona, in Obras del Padre Maestro Iuan de vila, predicador en el Andaluzia. Ahora de
nuevo aadida la Vida del Autor, y las partes que ha de tener un predicador del Euangelio,
por el padre fray Luys de Granada, de la Orden de Santo Domingo, y unas reglas de bien
bivir del Autor (Madrid: P. Madrigal, ), pp. vv.
8 Obras (), pp. vv.
9 OCNEC, pp. :.
 chapter two

of Christian doctrine. Drawing on Aquinass exposition of Aristotles

Nicomachean Ethics he argues that the telos of Christian doctrine is the
making of a truly good and virtuous person.10 Three steps are required
to achieve this goal. First, the will has to be won over and persuaded
so that it may want to live well. Second, the will has to be taught what
ought to be done. And third, the will has to be instructed about how
to reach the strength that is necessary in order to live the good life. He
argues that it is this last point that differentiates Christianity from all
worldly philosophies. Only Christian doctrine points the will in the right
direction, and only the Holy Spirit can empower the Christian to be a
truly good and virtuous person.
Accordingly, he reminds us that Christian doctrine directs the will
by providing three aids for the perfection of virtues. First, the articles
of faith persuade the faithful to live the good life. The commandments,
on the other hand, teach them how to live the good life by instructing
what needs to be done and what needs to be avoided. Finally, the sacra-
ments come to their aid with the spirit and grace that they communi-
cate to them by virtue of the passion of Christ. He also mentions prayer
in connection to the sacraments. In fact these two, the sacraments and
prayer, work together in a conjoined manner. The virtue of the sacra-
ments is to confer grace, but the function (oficio) of prayer is to ask for
grace.11
Consequently, the first volume of the Gua de pecadores is organized
into three parts. Each part corresponds to one of the aids that Christian
doctrine provides for the perfection of virtues. According to this schema,
the means necessary for obtaining grace, namely sacraments and prayer,
are supposed to be addressed in the last part of the work. And in fact he
does begin to address this question in the anticipated place, but does not
get to deal with prayer as such at this point of the first volume of the Gua
de pecadores. Instead he writes about martyrdom and praises the martyrs

10 Luis de Granada, Al lector, in Gua de pecadores, OCFLG, pp. :; for a discus-

sion of the spread of Aristotles moral philosophy in Spain during the late medieval/early
modern period see Anthony Pagden, The Diffusion of Aristotles Moral Philosophy in
Spain c. c. , Traditio (), pp. ; on Fray Luis de Granadas mon-
umental work on rhetoric see Felix Herrero Salgado, La Rhetorica ecclesiastica de fray
Luis de Granada y las retricas cristianas del Siglo de Oro, in Fray Luis de Granada: su
obra y su tiempo, pp. .
11 OCFLG, p. :.
 his rule for the laity

as examples of Christian virtue.12 He deals extensively with prayer only in

the second volume of the Gua de pecadores, which did not appear until
the next year.
Nevertheless, he is determined to address the means to obtain grace
in one way or another. He clearly admits that he has not given due con-
sideration to the topic at hand, but indicates that in order to overcome
this shortcoming he has included a series of documents that will com-
pensate for this deficiency.13 It is here that he places Juan de vilas Short
Rule of Christian Life14 alongside Fray Toms de Villanuevas Breve regla
de vida cristiana15 and Constantino Ponce de la Fuentes El sermn de
Christo nuestro redemptor en el Monte and Suma de doctrina cristiana.16
These selections are meant to assist the laity in learning more about how
to obtain the strength that is needed to do away with vices and to embrace
the virtuous life. The last selection that he includes is for the clergy,
namely a Spanish version of Girolamo Savonarolas letter to Maddalena
Pico della Mirandola.17
What is the function of Juan de vilas Short Rule as part of Fray
Luis de Granadas overall presentation in the first volume of the Gua de
pecadores? Alvaro Huerga has argued that these textsvilas Short Rule,
Villanuevas Breve regla, the fragmentary portions of Ponce de la Fuentes
catechetical works, and Savonarolas letterserve as mere appendices to
the main text.18 That is, if at all they are only loosely connected to the
main text. Yet, it is manifestly evident that these texts are connected
in a more intimate way to the main work and that they seamlessly fall
within the overall structure of Fray Luis de Granadas Gua de pecadores.
Indeed, the running thematic thread of all these texts, especially of the
first three selections, is that they address the question of how one can
obtain the strength that is needed to embrace the good life. Villanuevas
and vilas reglas are intended to give structure to the spiritual life and
specifically to facilitate the life of prayer. The selections from Ponce de
la Fuentes writings are commentaries and original translations of New

12 OCFLG, pp. :.
13 OCFLG, p. :.
14 OCFLG, pp. :.
15 OCFLG, pp. :.
16 OCFLG, pp. .
17 Tamar Herzig, Savonarolas Women: Visions and Reform in Renaissance Italy (Chica-

go: University of Chicago Press, ), p. .

18 OCFLG, p. :.
 chapter two

Testament passages dealing with the Lord and prayer.19 In this way, most
of Granadas selections illuminate the meaning of prayer as the practice
of asking. Accordingly, the function of these texts is to help indicate
the means to obtain the spirit and grace that makes living the good life
possible.

Villanuevas Reglas in Relation to vilas Short Rule

Fray Toms de Villanueva () joined the Augustinians in ,

after studying at the University of Alcal between and . He had
a remarkable career through the ranks of the Augustinians, becoming
archbishop of Valencia in . It was his work among the Moriscos of
Valencia that earned him the respect of his contemporaries, and eventual
canonization in . Of singular importance among the reforms that he
introduced throughout Valencia was his improvement of the system of
beneficence and aid to the poor.20
His Breve regla de vida cristiana and vilas Short Rule belong to
the same genre of devotional literature. In general, these rules, also
known as avisos or documentos, were short compositions originally
intended for a lay readership that for the most part could not read
Latin. Accordingly, the reglas or avisos were written in the vernacular.
Although they were originally meant to circulate in manuscript form,
many of them were later incorporated into larger works. Above all, they
were meant to provide quick, succinct, but trustworthy guidance in topics
related to the life of the spirit. In spite of their ephemerality, these avisos
are very important sources for the study of early modern Spanish lay
piety as they help us reconstruct the variety of spiritual exercises and
disciplinary regimes that characterized each school of spirituality. They
also provide us with a privileged window to early modern techniques of

19 On Ponce de la Fuente see Mara Paz Aspe Ansa, Constantino Ponce de la Fuente: el

hombre y su lenguaje (Madrid: Fundacin Universitaria Espaola, ).

20 See Thomae a Villanova, Opera omnia, vols (Manila: Amigos del Pas, );

Toms de Villanueva, Obras de Santo Toms de Villanueva: sermones de la Virgen y obras

castellanas, ed. Santos Santamarta (Madrid: La Editorial Catlica, ); Francisco de
Quevedo, Vida de Santo Toms de Villanueva, ed. Rafael Lazcano (Madrid: Editorial
Revista Agustiniana, ); Llin Chfer, San Juan de vila y los arzobispos, in Actas
del Congreso Internacional, pp. .
 his rule for the laity

spiritual guidance. Through them we can see the spiritual guide directing
the mind of the novice and indicating what is important in terms of
spiritual practices.
vila himself is known to have authored several of these rules. In
fact, the editors of the Nueva edicin crtica included eleven documents
fitting this mold under the rubric of Reglas de Espritu, including the
Short Rule and its later much transformed version Diez documentos.21 The
topics they address and their schematic structure reveals the practical
character of these avisos. Most of them are organized into sets of
numbered maxims or principles of conduct. For instance, two of these
rules deal with the topic of humility; one of them lists five degrees
of humility (Cinco grados de humildad), while the other lists twelve
(Otros doce grados de humildad). Another aviso addresses the topic of
temptation and lists twelve rules meant to guide one in overcoming it
(Doce reglas para los que son combatidos de tentaciones).22
Fray Luis de Granada also composed several of this short rules or
avisos. The first volume of his Gua de pecadores incorporates a number
of these smaller compositions, interspaced within the larger framework
of the book. Chapter eight,De los remedios particulares contra los
viciosand chapter thirteenDe las obligaciones de los estadosare
two of the short rules that have to a large extent retained their original
form and that could very easily circulate independently of the larger
work.23
As indicated, Villanuevas Breve regla also falls within the same form of
devotional literature. As such, and because it fulfils an analogous func-
tion to that of vilas Short Rule in the overall structure of the Gua de
pecadores, it deserves close attention. Its teachings about spiritual disci-
pline and the practice of prayer provide us with a very useful point of
reference to better understand the distinctiveness of vilas ascetic pro-
gram for the laity. Fray Luis de Granada introduces Villanuevas Breve
regla as a short rule of Christian life.24 Ultimately, it is an ascetic pro-
gram consisting of nine injunctions meant to guide the lay practitioner
through the life of recogimiento.

21 OCNEC, pp. :.
22 Ibid.
23 OCFLG, pp. :, :; other examples can be found, see for instance

Francisco de Borja, Avisos espirituales, in Tratados espirituales, ed. Candido de Dal-

mases (Barcelona: Juan Flors, ), pp. .
24 OCFLG, p. :.
 chapter two

Fray Luis de Granada adopted a shorter version of Villanuevas Breve

regla. The longer version of the document, although it may also indeed
be a later edition, is known as Modo breve de servir a nuestro Seor en
diez reglas. It consists of ten injunctions and a summary.25 Herminio de
Paz Castao and Alvaro Huerga, editors of Fray Luis de Granadas Gua
de pecadores (texto primitivo), suggest that Villanuevas Breve regla and
Modo breve are the same document.26 However, the differences between
them are so many and marked that they warrant treating the documents
as more than just different versions. In fact, these two documents are
examples of the genre that I have just described of short reglas, or avisos
of spiritual life. Accordingly, I limit the ensuing discussion to the Breve
regla that Granada appropriated for his work.
Villanuevas Regla breve begins with an introductory statement that
sets the tone for the document. According to Villanueva the main aim
of the ascetic life is the purification of the soul. For that reason he calls
for an active effort to clean the soul of all impurities. One should be
entirely devoted to having a conscience clean of all kind of mortal and
venial sins. This purity, argues Villanueva, is the foundation of all
good; it gives assurance to the conscience and assures salvation. He
suggests that all of our care and study ought to be directed to this
end.27 After his brief introduction, Villanueva proceeds to outline his
program for the laity. The outline is organized into severaleight to
nineshort pieces of advice delineating what he obviously considers to
be essential spiritual practices. Highly indicative of Villanuevas approach
to the spiritual guidance of the laity, his first regla or advice is broad and
general in scope, lacks specificity, and is not very concerned with detail.
Interestingly, he begins by providing a synthetic description of the
spiritual life. He calls it the closure (clausura) and gathering (recogi-
miento) of the body and the senses. His articulation is fascinating as it
unmistakably captures the ascetic desire to master the appetites of the
body as well as the wild wanderings of the mind. The question that has to
be raised is: how, according to Villanueva, does the lay person enclose
the body and gather the senses? His first regla or advice suggests that
he does not have a well thought, and well-structured program of ascetic

25 Villanueva, Obras, pp. .

26 OCFLG, p. :n.
27 Esta pureza es el primer fundamento de todo bien, por la cual se asegura la

consciencia y la salvacin, y en sta se ha de emplear todo nuestro cuidado y estudio.

OCFLG, p. :.
 his rule for the laity

practices that can help the pious achieve the spiritual mastery of the
body and the senses. He proceeds to list practices such as abstaining
from worldly conversations and from vain and unfruitful visits. He also
instructs the lay person to be continually occupied in good deeds, to clean
the soul with the broom of confession and frequent communion. As
for meditative practices he advises that one should take account at night
of everything that transpired during the day and that one should ask the
Lord for grace with tears and great longing. One should also ask for other
things in this same way. He concludes this advice by indicating that no
one should rest until having obtained from God this virtue, which is
necessary for the abstaining from all mortal sin.28
His next rule is significantly more detailed and explicit. It recommends
obedience to God. For Villanueva, obedience to God begins with resign-
ing oneself and everything that one may have to God. One must subject
oneself to God in such a way, that if one knew his will and of what he is
best served and pleased, then one would do it and put it for a deed, even
if one was hindered by the entire world.29 Villanueva calls this form of
obedience general, and he sees it as the end and fulfillment of all jus-
tice.
Villanueva dedicates his next advice to commending prayer. He uses
the language of conversation to describe prayer, suggesting that one
converse with God frequently in a solitary place, that one open up
before God ones guts (entraas) and spill before God ones own heart
with lively and gutsy (entraables) words. The right attitude of prayer
consists of reverence and respect, for this is the place of creatures before
the creator. In prayer one has to uncover before God all ones faults and
grumble over ones own lukewarmness and negligence, always keeping
in mind Gods gifts, benefices, mercies, love, goodness, and the glory
that God has promised. For Villanueva prayer is more about listening
than about talking (razonando con l ms oyendo que hablando).
He indicates that to achieve this it is enough to gather or recollect
(recogerse) oneself in prayer, especially in the mornings. One can enter
into prayer through different doors, among them contrition and sorrow
over ones sins. Alternatively, one may enter prayer through the door of
gratitude for Gods benefices or even through meditation on the sacred
passion. One should be grateful for any benefice obtained in this way

28 OCFLG, p. :.
29 OCFLG, p. :.
 chapter two

through prayer so that one may receive it again. Finally, Villanueva

affirms that underlying the longing of any kind of spiritual wealth is this
familiarity with God.30
The next regla is related to the use of time. That eternity depends
on the present moment (Momentum unde pendet aeternitas) is Vil-
lanuevas mantra and general advice about the stewardship of time. Al-
ways be busy in God, he insists, using the day in to listen to mass, and
masses, if there is opportunity, and listen to them with devotion. More-
over, one should make time for vocal prayer as well as to converse with
God in private. There should be time for spiritual reading, especially of
the lives of the saints and their virtues. One should also make time for
deep meditation upon ones sins, or upon the passion, or the deception
of mortals and the brevity and fallacy of this life together with the eternity
of the next. Furthermore, one should try to inject variety into the prac-
tice of these exercises, so that they may not cause tedium or disgust
(hasto).31
According to Villanueva, one should also make time for active works
(obras activas). Among them he mentions visiting hospitals and the
sick. Villanueva pays careful attention to this last form of active work.
He instructs that one should take care of the sick, healing them and
giving them everything that is necessary with charity, serving Christ in
each one of them. He also includes other kinds of active works, which
might otherwise seem easy to dismiss as inconsequential for the spiritual
life, among them hand labor for churches and altars, such as tilling
or sewing. Finally, he encourages finding time to speak with a spiritual
guide. He indicates approvingly that this is also a licit and holy form of
entertainment.32
In his next rule Villanueva advises embracing the contemplative life
without abandoning the active. Echoing the previous advice, he indi-
cates that there is time for everything, implying that the lay person can
pursue both the active and contemplative life. Almsgiving should not be
neglected, nor should love of the poor. One should be mindful at all times
to give to God anything above and beyond what is necessary for daily sus-
tenance.33

30 OCFLG, p. :.
31 OCFLG, p. :.
32 OCFLG, p. :.
33 OCFLG, pp. :.
 his rule for the laity

His subsequent advice is a cautionary word against neglecting ones

health. One should not pursue harsh physical disciplines when one is
sick, as they lead only to further physical deterioration. It is enough
to patiently suffer ones illnesses, and then, as soon as God restores
good health, one can with moderation carry the cross of penance. In
the meantime one should devote ones energy to the perfecting of the
spiritual virtues such as charity, humility, patience, meekness, peace
of heart, joy in the Holy Spirit, contempt of ones self and the world,
withdrawal (recogimiento), and chastity, for none of these get in the way
of ones physical recovery.34
Villanueva goes on to recommend that in order to please God one
should break (romper) with the world. One should turn away from
worldly conversations if one is to truly converse with God. Likewise, in
order to have the benefit of the spiritual delights, one has to abandon all
corporal joys and pastimes. Forget who you are, indicates Villanueva,
and take yourself as a slave of Jesus Christ. He emphatically calls one
to stay away from all vanity and the fulfillment of honor. One should
do that which is due to the service of the eternal God, and then one
will be able to disdain everything else. The realities of eternal glory and
eternal punishment should never leave our minds. He closes this rule
by encouraging the lay person to be firm and constant in every new
enterprise, and never to be lukewarm and lazy.35
His last rules are shorter and even more succinct than the preceding.
Number eight warns that one should not be overly attached to creatures.
Love should be for God above all things, and on account of God. Hearts
should at all times be free and available for God. Next, he addresses heads
of households. He warns them to make sure that all subjects (sbditos)
live well, and that they be well treated. He concludes the compilation by
exhorting the lay person to avoid having many opinions. Instead, one
should settle in a life style (asiente en un estilo de vida), and follow
it.36
Villanuevas Breve regla conveys the particular emphasis of his spiritual
discipline. For the most part the description of the daily program of
spiritual exercises is very general. His use of the language of recogimiento

34 OCFLG, p. :.
35 OCFLG, p. :.
36 OCFLG, p. :.
 chapter two

and the opening phrase of the Breve regla (Closure and gathering of the
body and the senses) bring to mind Fray Francisco de Osuna and his
articulation of the idea of recogimiento in his Tercer alfabeto espiritual.
Villanueva, however, does not indicate the hours of prayer or how vocal
and mental prayer ought to relate one to the other as part of a comprehen-
sive ascetic program. He conceives prayer as a conversation with God,
and makes an implicit distinction between prayer as mental prayer and
prayer as vocal prayer. For him there are various doors to mental
prayer, and he does not seem to prefer one over another. Finally, and in
contrast to Juan de vila, he does not conceive of reading as a spiritual
discipline.
The emphasis of Villanuevas Breve regla lies elsewhere, namely in the
importance that he gives to the care of the sick and the poor. It is in
the areas of service to the sick and attention to the needs of the poor
that Villanueva gives more specific and detailed descriptions of what
these spiritual exercises entail. Thus, he keenly calls attention to the use
of time and he emphasizes that active works should not be neglected.
He demands that people visit hospitals, care for the sick, give alms, and
attend to the needs of all members of the household. Certainly all of these
are traditional themes in ascetic literature, and so is prayer. Villanueva in
this brief piece of advice for the laity does not pay as close attention to
prayer as to the exercises related to charity. Again the contrast with Juan
de vilas Short Rule is revealing for one thing that stands above all others
in vilas Short Rule is his attention to detail and his careful organization
of time, making room for practices like mental and vocal prayer, service
and works of charity, and even reading. Perhaps the beauty of vilas Short
Rule is that it expresses so much about the configuration of the spiritual
life in so little space.

The Short Rule of Christian Life of

The Short Rule summarizes the core of vilas ascetic program for the laity
before his second brush with the Spanish Inquisition in , when his
first edition of Audi, filia was included in the Cathalogus. He originally
wrote his Avisos y reglas Cristianas, as the Audi, filia was originally
entitled, thinking of the spiritual needs of one of his early disciples,
Sancha Carillo. vila must have composed the Short Rule around the
time he dedicated the Audi, filia to Luis Puertocarrero, Count of Palma.
Sala Balust has dated this second draft of the work to around to
 his rule for the laity

.37 In this sense the story of the Short Rule is intimately connected
with the story of Avisos y reglas Cristianas and I deal with the latter in the
next chapter. Meanwhile, however, I will have to make references to the
early editorial history of Avisos y reglas Cristianas in order to place the
Short Rule in its proper historical context.
Because of his focus on the needs of lay people, many of the central
aspects of the rule for the secular clergy, such as the specifics of the
reading program, were displaced in the Short Rule. That is, reading
remained an important spiritual exercise to vila yet he accommodated
his recommendations to the needs and capacities of each state. He also
continued to cultivate mental prayer and emphasized this form of prayer
over vocal prayer in his recommendations for the laity. His organization
of the day into three clearly demarcated periods of spiritual activity also
made its way to the Short Rule of .
The Short Rule is organized into ten avisos or reglas. The first aviso
outlines the basic program of prayer. It is the same arrangement found in
his rule for the clergy. Hence, in his first aviso vila writes about prayer
in the following terms:
Lo primero que debe hacer el que desea agradar a nuestro Seor, es
tener dos ratos buenos entre da y noche diputados para oracin. El de
la maana, para pensar en el misterio de la pasin, y el de la noche, para
acordarse de la muerte [.]38

His characterization of mental prayer deserves close attention. He says

one should reserve two moments for prayer every day. He consecrates
evening and morning prayer to, respectively, meditation upon ones own
death and the passion of Christ. Clearly, this is an area in which he does
not make distinctions between clergy and laity. In the morning one is to
think (pensar) on the mystery of the passion, while in the evening one
is to remember, or bring to mind (acordarse) ones own death, and
he emphasizes the latter saying such reflection should be done slowly
and with care, realizing that one will be held accountable for every idle
word.
In the next rule, he directs attention to an exercise of introspective
self-regulation. He advises that one should at all times entertain a good

37 Sala Balust, Avisos y reglas cristianas (), p. .

38 The first thing that must be done by anyone who desires to be pleasing to the Lord
is to have two good moments between day and night dedicated to prayer. The morning
is for thinking about the mystery of the passion, and the evening is for bringing to mind
our death[.] OCNEC, p. :.
 chapter two

thought, for in this way the devil will always find ones mind occu-
pied.One should be mindful that God is always watching and so be dili-
gent and walk with reverence before such a great Lord, always full of joy
at the realization of the glory of Gods majesty.39
vila recalls the patriarchs of the Old Testament and their demeanor
before an omnipresent God. As evidence he adduces a biblical expres-
sion, which he translates to Spanish: Vive el Seor delante de quien
estoy ( Kings :).40 According to vila, this verse reveals that the
Israelites always endeavored to honor God, realizing that they were at
all times before God. He uses another biblical statement, from the book
of Jeremiah, to affirm that God is present everywhere: Yo hincho el cielo
y la tierra (Jeremiah :).41 vila concludes that it is imperative that
the soul should worship God, for God is everywhere as powerful and
wise and glorious as in heaven. In this way, no creature should move us
to offend God.
In the third rule he commends frequent (a menudo) confession
and communion.42 He indicates that this is the way to imitate the prim-
itive church in which, he says, the faithful had communion every eighth
day. Currently, he continues, the church has only a vague memory of this
practice. It is preserved in the blessed bread (pan bendito) that is dis-
played and offered to the faithful every Sunday with the giving of the
peace. This bread is a reminder that it was humanitys coldness of heart
that led to the giving of the blessed bread to the faithful instead of the
holy sacrament itself, as it was previously done, and is pointed out in
many histories.43
vilas argument is similar to that provided by Sicard of Cremona
(c. ) and later by William Durand (c. ). The Bishop
of Cremona said that the giving of the panis benedictum, or eulogia, was
one of three substitutes adopted by the church as a remedy to the wan-
ing practice of frequent communion; the other two were the kiss of peace
and the prayer over the people.44 Durand in his Rationale divinorum offi-

39 OCNEC, pp. :.
40 As the Lord liveth the God of Israel, in whose sight I stand. Kings :, Douay-
Rheims; OCNEC, p. :.
41 Do not I fill heaven and earth, saith the Lord? Jeremiah :, Douay-Rheims;

OCNEC, p. :.
42 OCNEC, p. :.
43 OCNEC, p. :.
44 Contra hunc primae institutionis defectum triplex est remedium. Primum est pacis

osculum ideoque in gallicana ecclesia datur in omni Missa nisi defunctorum; secundum
est panis benedictus, qui eulogia dicitur, qui quia in Quadragesima propter abstinentiam
 his rule for the laity

ciorum (c. / ) calls the blessed bread the substitute of the holy
communion (sancte communionis vicarius), as it is offered in place of
the daily, or frequent, partaking of communion (in loco cotidiane com-
munionis).45 So also Nicholas of Cusas explanation of the blessed bread
in his Contra Bohemos of anticipates vilas argument on behalf
of frequent communion. As a result of the coming to an end of the
rigor of the primitive church, argues Cusa, even those who were unfit
to partake of communion were admitted to the eulogia. Only those who
were excommunicated were totally excluded from receiving the blessed
bread or any other token of peace and church unity.46 The third rule
summarizes a central aspect of vilas ascetic spirituality. His empha-
sis on frequent communion was not commonly accepted in Spain dur-
ing this period. In fact, it was a controversial subject. It also helps set
apart his theology from the radical Erasmianism of Juan and Alfonso de
Valds.
In the next rule he warns about the difficulties that are concomitant
with the spiritual life.47 He points out that eternal salvation requires hard
work, frequent scorn, and persecution. vila construes the spiritual life as
a form of imitation of Christ. Just as Christ was scorned and persecuted,
so will be those who follow him as disciples. They should not be deterred

dari non debuit, institutum est tertium remedium, sc. Oratio super populum, cui praedic-
itur: Inclinate capita vestra Deo. Sicard, Mitrale, III, chap. , as cited in Nicholas Gihr,
The Holy Sacrifice of the Mass: Dogmatically, Liturgically, and Ascetically Explained, vols.
(St Louis and London: B. Herder Book Co., ), p. :n.
45 Et pro communione, que singulis diebus dominicis fieri solebat, daretur in diebus

dominicis panis benedictus, sancte communionis uicarius, qui et eulogia dicitur. Sed
in loco cotidiane communionis, in Quadragesima dicitur in fine misse oratio super
populum cui predicitur: Humiliate capita uestra Deo. Rationale IV, LIII, ; William
Durand, Rationale divinorum officiorum, ed. A. Davril and T.M. Thibodeau (Turnholti:
Brepols Editores Pontificii, ), pp. ; Alessio Aurelio Pelliccia, The Polity of
the Christian Church of Early, Mediaeval, and Modern Times, trans. J.C. Bellett (London:
J. Masters, ), p. ; Timothy M. Thibodeau, Enigmata Figurarum: Biblical Exegesis
and Liturgical Exposition in Durands Rationale, Harvard Theological Review : (),
pp. ; id., William Durand: Compilator Rationalis, Ecclesia Orans (), pp.
.
46 Una autem ecclesia non habebat nisi unum sacerdotem, et cessauit rigor primi-

tiue ecclesie. Nam, ut dicit Dyonisius, post euangelium omnes qui non fuerunt parati
ad perceptionem Eucaristie expellebantur ab ecclesia. Unde post hoc fuerunt etiam non
dispositi admissi ad communionem orationis, et tales ad communionem pacis, eulogio-
rum et benedictionis finalis admittebantur. Nicholas of Cusa, Writings on Church and
Reform, trans. Thomas M. Izbicki (Cambridge and London: Harvard University Press,
), pp. .
47 OCNEC, p. :.
 chapter two

from continuing with their exercises, or from making progress in their

discipline, but rather to be encouraged by the example of Christ and the
saints.
As in his letter of to Garca Aras, vila again advises that one
should avoid judging others and instead focus ones attention on self-
correction: Be it the fifth to always place your sight upon your own faults
and stop gazing over those of others.48 He quotes Matthew : to indicate
that one ought to consider only ones own defects. He also quotes Gregory
the Great and in so doing exhorts his readers to practice compassion
towards others. He calls compassion the true mark of holiness, and urges
people to correct others with charity.
I have already indicated how the two periods of prayer found in his
rule for the clergy are now integrated into the rule for the laity. The third
period, dedicated to service of the sick and broken, is also instituted in
the Short Rule. Indeed, the sixth item of the Rule reads as follows: Be it
the sixth to work as much as you can in doing some charity each day to
your neighbor.49 He punctuates this aviso by calling the faithful to pray
for the church on a daily basis. In this way, vila provides an overarching
organization of the day.
In his next point he writes about the gift of perseverance. He believes
that one should always beseech God for this gift. He quotes Matthew
:, again in a Spanish rendering: el que perseverare hasta el fin ser
salvo.50 Both Catholics and Protestants hotly debated the doctrine of
perseverance in the sixteenth century. In particular, John Calvin in his
commentary on Romans criticized the late medieval position epit-
omized by Jean Gerson (). Calvin reacted against the asser-
tion that the believer cannot be absolutely certain about salvation, and
that the believer can only entertain a probable certainty about salvation,51
by stressing throughout his writings that the elect are assured of their
salvation in Christ.52 The Protestant position was anathematized in the

48 OCNEC, p. :.
49 OCNEC, p. :.
50 OCNEC, p. :.
51 Hobbins Daniel, Authorship and Publicity Before Print: Jean Gerson and the Transfor-

mation of Late Medieval Learning (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, );

M.W.F. Stone, The Origins of Probabilism in Late Scholastic Moral Thought: A Prole-
gomenon to Further Study, Recherches de thologie et philosophie mdivales ():
pp. .
52 For a comprehensive discussion of Calvins doctrine see Randall C. Zachman,

The Assurance of Faith: Conscience in the Theology of Martin Luther and John Calvin
(Louisville: Westminster John Knox Press, ).
 his rule for the laity

sixth session of the Council of Trent (), which called it the vain and
ungodly confidence of the heretics.53
vila is faithful to Catholic teaching in his understanding of persever-
ance. He asserts that the eyes of the believer must be fixed upon death,
for if the believer does not continue to live in virtue till his or her death,
then all past labors are rendered void. Accordingly, the believer should
quit gazing over good works that are already done, and start contemplat-
ing those that remain to be done. The gift of perseverance is Gods gift of
grace coming to the aid of the believer so that the believer may continue
to make progress towards salvation. The believer should be fearful that
he or she not be one of those of whom the Lord said their charity would
become cold on account of the proliferation of evil. In fact, vila warns,
many have already abandoned the good exercises that they had started.
They are like Lots wife, who upon departing from Sodom turned around
and became a statue of salt. They too experience the same fate as their
souls are hardened against the good, and made to hunger after evil.54
The next rule addresses the perennial problem of the spiritual life,
namely the absence of God. Juan de la Cruz will later use his now famous
phrase to describe it as the dark night of the soul. In the spiritual liter-
ature of the period the term that was often used to describe these peri-
ods of spiritual distancing from God was sequedad, a dry spell. Here
vila introduces another distinctive note of his spirituality, namely his
negative asceticism. He instructs that one should do everything for the
glory of God and not for ones own consolation (consuelo) or advan-
tage (provecho). In this way even if the soul is dry (seca) and in dis-
comfort it is possible to continue with holy exercises, with which God
is glorified and served.55
He quotes Corinthians : to assert that the ascetic life is pursued
for the glory of God and not for personal advantage. He provides a
Spanish rendering of the passage in question: Ahora comis o bebis
o hagis otra cualquier cosa, todo lo haced para la gloria de Dios.56 He
reasons that if as Paul says natural works such as eating and drinking
should be done for the glory of God, then how much more should one
do other works, like prayer, for the same end. Doing spiritual exercises

53 Concilium Tridentinum, COD, p. .

54 OCNEC, p. :.
55 OCNEC, p. :.
56 OCNEC, p. :.
 chapter two

for the glory of God and not for personal solace or benefit prevents the
kind of disconsolation that overcomes many as they experience sequedad,
or the spiritual dry spell. Many abandon their spiritual exercises when
they are overwhelmed by periods of divine abandonment. Instead, the
experience of sequedad should be used to increase diligence, and to
be even more watchful. There should be more self examination to dis-
cern if there is any sin that has caused the Lord to leave them dis-
consolate in that way. Often, he argues, disconsolation is nothing but
the result of things such as pride, murmuring, or even vain conversa-
tions.57
vilas insistence that the spiritual exercises, mainly prayer, should be
undertaken principally for the glory of God is important. Interpreters
of early modern Spanish spirituality have often seen Spanish asceticism
as being intimately connected to mysticism. In fact, it is often seen as
the entry point for the mystical experience, or as a form of Jacobs ladder
leading to the beatific vision.58 According to vila, though, the ascetic life
has a different end. That end is always and at all times the same; namely,
rendering glory to God. Hence, the ascetic life is not contingent upon
the mystical experience as its raison detre. In his historical context the
novelty and originality, or lack thereof, of this point is irrelevant. It is
highly significant in a different sense as he stresses this point in order to
distance himself and his movement from the alumbrados or accusations
of alumbradismo.
As vila observed in the previous aviso, bad associations are harmful
to the spiritual life. Accordingly, in the next one he recommends avoid-
ing all evil associations and vain conversations. He quotes Psalm :,
Bernard, and Jerome, to stress this point. Muttering and grumbling is
pernicious, and to pay attention to it is even worse. Vain conversations
should be avoided at all costs, but when they cannot be avoided a stern
and unyielding face will discourage some from being distracted from the
spiritual life.59
The last point of his Short Rule is of utmost interest, not least because
it is a perfect example of his theological distinctiveness. vila insists that
all trust be placed in the merits of Christ and none in personal merits.

57 OCNEC, p. :.
58 Cf. Felipe B. Pedraza and Milagros Rodrguez, Manual de literatura espaola (Pam-
plona: Cnlit Ediciones, ), pp. :; see Pedro Sainz Rodrguez, Espiritualidad
espaola (Madrid: Rialp, ), pp. .
59 OCNEC, p. :.
 his rule for the laity

There should be no consideration of ones own labors, but only of the

death and passion of the redeemer. For without him, all our labors come
to naught.60
He then elaborates on the meaning of his proposition. He argues that,
the worth of our labor originates from the merits of Christ, and from the
grace that through him is given to us.61 vila is clearly downplaying the
worth of personal merits in order to emphasize the absolute worth of the
merits of Christ. Hence he indicates that one should avoid all pride and
conceit, for under close scrutiny all our labors are only a muddle with
a thousand imperfections. In fact, one should be continually asking for
forgiveness on account of our deeds rather than expect a reward for the
substance of our labors. He is making an important distinction when
he refers to the substanceof works, or of labors (la substancia de las
obras). What he means is that our works may appear to be righteous,
but in fact they are not. All the works that we present before God are so
lukewarm, so irreverent, and so muddled with imperfections, that it is
very clear God accepts them [only] for the sake of the love of his only
Son.62
It is therefore not clear what if any worth works have. It appears as if
vila, in his efforts to assert the need to place all trust in the merits of
Christ, has undermined the importance of personal merit. He has even
questioned the possibility of receiving rewards on their account. vila
is, on the one hand, betrayed by the brevity of his statement, a brevity
imposed by the genre that is serving as his medium of expression. On the
other hand, he presents a position on personal merits that is consistent
throughout his writings and sermons and is part of his judeoconverso
criticism of the old Christian religious establishment. As we will see later
in his sermons, he advocates for an understanding of personal merit
in which merit is confused with personal worth as defined by societal
norms.
vilas construction of the doctrine of personal merit stands in stark
contrast to the conclusions of the Council of Trent. In reaction to the
claims of Protestantism, the Council affirmed the import of works for
salvation. Thus, in its Decree on Justification, of January , the Council
sought to confirm the worth of personal merit for those who are justified.
It asserted that eternal life is offered both as a grace stemming from

60 OCNEC, pp. :.
61 OCNEC, p. :.
62 OCNEC, p. :.
 chapter two

the promise made by God through Christ, and as reward granted by

God for the good works and merits of the saints. It further declared
that the strength that Jesus infuses into the justified always antecedes, is
concomitant with, and follows their good works (antecedit, comitatur,
et subsequitur). Hence, nothing is wanting in the good works of the
justified and they are always pleasing to God. The decree concluded that
it is perfectly fine to assert that the justified have verily merited eternal
life by the works they have done in God.63
In order to further clarify the worth of personal merit, the Council
also addressed the question under the Canons on Justification. The
twenty-fifth canon rejected the assertion that the just man sins in every
good work at least venially, and even mortally.64 The following canon
condemned the notion that the just ought not to expect an eternal reward
from God for the good works they do in God. In short, the Council clearly
intended to safeguard the worth of personal merit as indicative of human
cooperation with God in the process of salvation.
It is therefore understandable that vilas assertions could be problem-
atic for some of his readers, especially those who were aware of the find-
ings of the Council. Such was the case of the calificadores of the Inqui-
sition. His declaration that one should not expect a reward for the sub-
stance of our labor countered the Councils Decree on Justification. For-
mulations like the one in question are an indication of the pre-Tridentine
dating of the Short Rule. vila was, moreover, not too distant from Tri-
dentine teaching. He continued in his last aviso to assert that every good
labor be presented to God, praying for forgiveness for all irreverence, and
trusting that God will accept every good labor on account of Gods love
for the Lord. In this way, he concluded, one should live humbly and con-
fident, for the true way to heaven is to do good works, and not to be
presumptuous, but to put ones trust in Christ.65 It becomes manifest,
then, that his intention was to prevent pride creeping in on account of
personal merit. Instead, he was teaching humility and trust in Christ as
an ascetic discipline.
The overall thrust of the Short Rule was orthodox and Catholic. When
compared to Fray Tomas de Villanuevas Regla breve, vilas Short Rule
stands out for its careful structure and fine theological points. It cer-
tainly integrated doctrinal instruction, spiritual guidance, and encour-

63 Concilium Tridentinum, COD, p. .

64 Concilium Tridentinum, COD, p. .
65 OCNEC, p. :.
 his rule for the laity

agement with a carefully structured plan of spiritual exercises. There is no

doubt that by the standards of such short treatises encompassed within
the genre of the avisos or reglas the Short Rule introduced the reader to a
holistic map of the spiritual life. However, it was not Tridentine; a fact that
drew the attention of the Inquisition, with the result that Valds included
the Short Rule in his Cathalogus of . Perhaps more surprising, how-
ever, is the fact that vilas disciples endeavored to correct the Short
Rule in order to remove all elements that may have appeared question-
able. They also added other features that would have made the school
acceptable to the Spanish church and society, and it is therefore to the
Diez documentos of that we now turn.

The Posthumous Correction of the Short Rule

Juan de Villars, personal secretary of Juan de vila, and Juan Daz,

disciple and nephew of the saint, were responsible for the early editions
of his works. They played an unparalleled role in shaping his canon of
writings and the full weight of their editorial hand remains to be assessed.
However, the Short Rule constitutes a prime example of their efforts to
keep vilas school of spirituality alive and free of suspicion. By
there had already appeared four re-editions of the version of the
Audi, filia and none of them included the Short Rule.
For a long time, the disciples/editors of the writings of Juan de vila
endeavored to suppress the Short Rule. By the time it appeared again in
the collection of it was greatly transformed,66 more precisely it was
corrected, if not purged, of all elements that betrayed an understanding of
justification that was not Tridentine. Among other changes the elimina-
tion of points seven and eight, respectively dealing with the gift of perse-
verance and the value of good works, is highly significant. Also the tenth
point, dealing with the insufficiency of human merits, was severely trun-
cated. A new aviso, number six, holds the key for the dating of the new
edition. Just like the elimination of the name of Erasmus from vilas cor-
respondence with Garcia Aras, vilas disciples now wanted to distance
themselves from his early, pre-, ascetic spirituality and wanted to
address new emerging situations.

66 Obras (), pp. vv; OCNEC, pp. :.

 chapter two

The new version of the Short Rule preserved much of the daily spiritual
discipline instituted by vila. As its new title suggests it kept the original
organization into ten reglas or avisos. The two original periods of prayer,
which appeared together in the Short Rule under the first aviso, are now
separated into two different avisos, number two and three respectively.
The period of service to the poor and afflicted is summarized under
aviso number nine. The new edition openly calls for frequent confession
and communion in aviso number four. There is no reference to the
blessed bread and the emphasis is now on confession. Accordingly, the
organization of daily and weekly activities remains almost intact.
The new edition opened with an introduction that referred to the
Trinity. It paraphrased the former aviso number eight of the Short Rule,
which was dropped in the version. In the text, aviso num-
ber eight was intended to dispel associations with the alumbrados or
similar types that turned the mystical experience into the end of the
ascetic life. The new introduction now asserted that all things should
be done for the glory of the divine Trinity, and the original concern
with the misplacement of motivations for the ascetic life is no longer
present.67
The edition introduces a concern not reflected in the doc-
ument. The problem is no longer that the faithful may have the wrong
motivation for embracing the ascetic life. Instead, a new situation appears
to have developed as part of the background. The editors are no longer
mortified by the alumbrados or the possibility that the heritage of their
priestly school may continue to be tainted by the shadow of alum-
bradismo. Instead, the editors are now worried about the effect of high
profile scandals upon the prestige of their ascetic way.
The edition retains the original warning against becoming too
involved in the lives of others. Aviso number five of the new edition sum-
marizes this point,68 and another admonition quickly follows cautioning
them not to hope and trust in any other than Christ. The new edition
quotes Hebrews :, to the effect that we should keep looking to Jesus,
the author and finisher of faith. The quotation from Hebrews is quickly
followed by another one, this time from Matthew :. The line from
Matthew throws light on the new situation. According to the edi-

67 Obras (), pp. vr; OCNEC, pp. :.

68 Obras (), p. r; pp. .
 his rule for the laity

tion the redeemer foretold that false prophets would arise before the day
of judgment ( . . . que se han de levantar falsos profetas antes del juicio
. . . ).69
In fact, aviso number six warns that the faithful should not look to
anyone but Christ so that they may not be shaken by public scandals.
It indicates that the commandments and counsels of Christ should be
regarded as truthful at all times. In this way, no fall of a person that
appears to be good (cada ninguna de persona que parezca buena) may
become a stumbling block. The fear is that such scandals may dissuade
the faithful from practicing the spiritual exercises. Instead, it urges one
not to be discouraged by anything that one may see. One has to be
firmly convinced that when someone falls it is not due to the practice
of recollection or gathering (recogimiento), nor to the practice of
prayer. To the contrary the fall stems from pride (soberbia). The fall
of false prophets should serve as an exhortation to be humble and not to
abandon the good that was started.70
Obviously, from the perspective of the editors of Diez documentos,
someone who had had a public image of holiness had fallen into disre-
pute. A very important component of this semblance of holiness was the
practice of recogimiento and prayer. The fear reflected in the text is that
the scandal would discourage those who are involved in truly pious spir-
itual exercises from continuing in their practice and that an inquisitorial
backlash may follow. The aim of the new version then was to encourage
the faithful and to exhort them to continue in the life of prayer, in spite
of the scandal.
Whose fall could have inspired the inclusion of this warning in the
new edition of the Short Rule? Juan de vila was praised by many for his
discernment of spirits. In fact he earned this reputation on account of a
scandal that took place in Crdoba in the s. A nun of the convent of
Santa Isabel, Magdalena de la Cruz, had earned the regard of the whole
city for her piety and holiness. The famed Archbishop of Sevilla, Alonso
Manrique, held her in very high esteem and so did the Empress, Isabela
de Portugal. Juan de vila never displayed any respect for her celebrated
holiness. As it turns out, Magdalena de la Cruz soon fell into disrepute,
and was arrested by the Holy Office on st January . The intervention

69 Obras (), pp. rv; OCNEC, p. :.

70 Obras (), p. v; OCNEC, p. :.
 chapter two

of the Inquisition may have tarnished her image, but vilas prudent
circumspection earned him greater respect.71
So we might invoke the episode of Magdalena to explain the new
warning against false prophets. We do well to remember, however, that
her downfall took place in , while the first edition of the Short Rule
appeared in , in two separate publications. In the Short Rule did
not make reference to fallen prophets. The revised edition containing the
warning against false prophets did not appear until . Hence, the case
of Magdalena has to be ruled out when seeking to explain the warning
about scandals. It is obvious, then, that the tone and content of aviso
number six is unusual and that it merits careful consideration. In what
follows, I will endeavor to reconstruct the very likely historical scenario
behind the peculiar warnings contained in Diez documentos.

The Fall of Mara de la Visitacin and Juan

Dazs Edition of the Diez documentos

As already indicated, the new edition of the Short Rule appeared in

under the title Diez documentos and as part of the Obras del Padre
Maestro Juan de vila, predicador en el Andaluzia. The single volume
collection contained the Epistolario, which was previously published
in , and the Audi, filia. In addition to unas reglas de bien bivir
para todos estados, which included the Diez avisos, the anthology was
complemented with Fray Luis de Granadas life of Juan de vila, the Vida
del Padre Maestro Juan de vila. Granadas biographical work was thus
published for the first time in as part of the Obras.
It is clear that by June , Fray Luis de Granada had already
finished writing his work on Juan de vila. He stated so in unambiguous
terms in his letter to Juan Daz, which he signed on that date. The
same letter makes it plain that by that date Juan Daz was already in
possession of the manuscript. What is more, it appears that Juan Daz
was endeavoring to find a patron to finance the printing of the volume
and that Granada recommended that he consider the Society of Jesus.72
Juan Daz continued to make progress towards the publication of the
volume throughout . The volume was approved by the censor of

71 OCNEC, :.
72 OCFLG, pp. :.
 his rule for the laity

the Consejo Real, Fray Bernabe de Xea on December . In the

Aprobacin, the censor makes reference only to the works that had
previously appeared in print, i.e. Audi, filia and the Epistolario, and
Fray Luis de Granadas Vida. He did not mention the miscellaneous
works that eventually appeared as part of the volume, among them Diez
documentos.73 The printing of the book, however, was not completed until
fall . The royal privilege, signed by the clerk Juan Vazquez, was dated
October , and Miguel de Ondara avala, who was responsible
for setting the price of the book (the tasa), dated his appraisal on
October .74 This chronology allows us to conclude that a printed
copy of the book was already available by the end of October .
Juan Daz prepared his edition of Diez documentos in the course of
. This text appeared for the first time in that year, and there is no
earlier witness to it in any of the surviving manuscripts.75 Aviso number
six was an entirely new item added to the new edition of the Short Rule,
and so it is very likely that it was drafted in the course of . If we
recall, its main concern are false prophets, people who appear to be good
for their practice of recogimiento and prayer, and who have fallen into
disrepute. Although having an apocalyptic tone (it contains the motif of
the day of judgment), it was clearly animated by a desire to encourage
the faithful still to embrace the ascetic life and to warn them not to be
discouraged by scandals.
The year was a difficult one for Spain particularly because of for
the disaster of the Armada Invencible. The Armada, consisting of nearly
ships, sailed from Lisbon in May . However, by the month of
August its calamitous fate was sealed. During that same month another
drama was unfolding, also in the city of Lisbon. On August ,
Albert VII, cardinal archduke of Austria, and at the time Philip IIs
viceroy over Portugal, instituted an inquisitorial process against Mara de
la Visitacin. Shortly after becoming an orphan, she had in entered
the Dominican monastery of Nossa Senhora Anunciada, or la Anunciada
as it is best known in the Spanish sources, located in Lisbon. She made her
religious profession in and in she was elected as prioress of the
monastery. The next year, on March , she claimed to have received

73 Obras (), p. []r.

74 Obras (), pp. []r v.
75 Jos Sola, Nota bibliogrfica. Cdices, estudios, vidas, iconografa y ediciones de

las Obras del Beato vila, Manresa (), pp. .

 chapter two

the stigmata of Christ. For the next three years she grew in popularity
throughout Portugal and Spain, as she continued to claim that she had
visions and other mystical experiences.76
At the time, and in fact since , Portugal and Spain were united
under the sovereign rule of Philip II. By early , Mara de la Vis-
itacins piety and virtue made her well-liked among the sailors and other
personnel associated with the Armada that were stationed in Lisbon.
Indeed, she enjoyed the full support of the crown. Of the religious and
spiritual luminaries of the period only Juan de la Cruz is credited with
approaching her reputation for holiness with skepticism. Cardinal Albert
of Austria and Fray Luis de Granada were themselves eager and enthusi-
astic believers of her sanctity and miracles.
However, already by the end of there were doubts about her
honesty. Several of her coreligionists questioned her integrity and their
doubts made their way to their superiors and eventually to the Inquisi-
tion. In November a commission including Fray Luis de Granada exam-
ined her, and later that same month Fray Sixto Fabri de Luca, Master
General of the Dominicans, arrived in Lisbon to carry out his own inves-
tigation.77 A few months earlier, on May and while in Madrid,
the Master General had temporarily suspended her as prioress pending
his full investigation.78 By spring , Mara had been cleared of practi-
cally all official inquiries or accusations made by her religious order. Fray
Sixto Fabri issued special orders for the monastery on April ,79
silencing her opponents and instructing her to be more circumspect in
publicizing her mystical experiences.
Her fate was bound to change in the following months. Certainly, her
public image had already been affected. Many of the nuns in her convent
came from a noble background with connections to both Portuguese and
Spanish aristocracy. In fact, Fray Luis de Granadas correspondence on
the subject reveals that there were already weighty allegations against

76 Alvaro Huerga, La vida seudomstica y el proceso inquisitorial de Sor Mara de la

Visitacin (la monja de Lisboa), Hispania sacra (), pp. ; Luis de Granada,
Historia de Sor Mara de la Visitacin y Sermn de las cadas pblicas, ed. Bernardo Velado
Graa (Barcelona: Juan Flors, ); Andrew W. Keitt, Inventing the Sacred: Imposture,
Inquisition, and the Boundaries of the Supernatural in Golden Age Spain (Leiden and
Boston: Brill, ), p. .
77 Huerga, La vida, pp. .
78 Huerga, La vida, p. .
79 Huerga, La vida, p. n.
 his rule for the laity

her circulating among the high ranking Spanish clergy. In his letter of
February to the Archbishop of Valencia, Juan de Ribera, he refers
to a lengthy relacin that the archbishop has read and that questions
her integrity.80 In fact Fray Luis feels personally threatened by such
allegations against her. As he put it:
Yo, seor, procuro de abrir mucho los ojos para ver las cosas de esta
religiosa, por lo que me intereso en ello. Porque si ello pareciere tal cual ah
se pinta, yo y cuanto tengo escrito cincuenta aos ha, quedo desacreditado:
y as miro este negocio como cosa propia.81
The tone of his letter to Archbishop Ribera is telling. He feels that his
entire career as a religious and a writer is on the line. In response, he
has crafted a lengthy apologia defending the character of the miracles
associated with her. He even recruited the aid of the Archbishop in a
propaganda campaign meant to restore the image of the Portuguese nun
and her alleged miracles. In his letters to Ribera of May and May
, Granada provides instructions for the printing of his own apology,
a relacion addressed to Pope Gregory XIII, and a portrait of the nun and
her bleeding sores.82 The portrait itself was surrounded with controversy
as earlier that year the Dominican General had ordered that a similar
picture printed in Toledo be removed from circulation.83
In spite of his efforts, the public image of the nun continued to dete-
riorate within Spain. In his letter of May , he tries again to quell
the concerns of the Archbishop of Valencia. It appears now that a par-
ticular priest has approached the Archbishop with damaging informa-
tion about Mara. He encourages the Archbishop to read his apology and

80 Pena me ha dado la que Vuestra Seora habr recibido con esta relacin de las

faltas de esta religiosa que me escribe. Y sera menester una larga apologa para responder
bastantemente a estos captulos. Y si no fuera Vuestra Seora y el celo que tiene de la
gloria de nuestro Seor, no gastara tiempo en responder a ellos. OCFLG, pp. :
, here p. .
81 I, dear sir, endeavor to keep my eyes wide open in order to observe this nuns affairs,

since I am interested in them. For if things were as they are portrayed there [i.e. the
relacion], I and everything that I have written in the last fifty years will be discredited;
hence, I look upon this affair as my own. OCFLG, p. :.
82 OCFLG, pp. .
83 Despus ac se me han ofrecido otras cosas que sirven mucho para el mismo fin, y

sobre todo esto fue necesario imprimirse la figura de sus llagas, para obviar a un disparate
que se hizo en Toledo, imprimiendo de muy mala manera estas llagas, por donde nuestro
General manda a todos los perlados de Espaa, de nuestra Orden, que las recojan, por
ser cosa muy disforme. Fray Luis de Granada, OCFLG, p. :.
 chapter two

other related documents. He hopes that in this way any doubts that the
Archbishop may still entertain in relation to what he heard from a certain
priest may be entirely dispelled.84
As Cardinal Albert opened the inquisitorial process against Mara de
la Visitacin in early August , Fray Luis continued to be as militant as
ever. He wrote that same month to the Lisbon inquisitors advocating on
behalf of her and the veracity of all miracles associated with her. Again he
made reference to his apology, his Vida of the nun, and other documents.
The tone of his letter was as confident as ever.
However, by August the image and reputation of Sor Mara was
damaged beyond repair. The failure of the Armada incited some Por-
tuguese nobles in their opposition against Philip IIs reign. Mara appears
to have given way to the nationalist frenzy, and so became politically
vulnerable and the object of inquisitorial scrutiny. The interrogation of
witnesses began on August .85 By mid October, Mara de la Vis-
itacin recanted all her claims. Within months, perhaps in November or
early December, Granada composed his Sermn de las cadas pblicas,
bemoaning her treachery. His grieving heart never recovered and is very
likely that the ordeal caused his death on New Years Eve .
The recantation was the final blow to her reputation. She was sen-
tenced by the Inquisition on December and removed to the
monastery of Abrantes. Nevertheless, it is evident that there were already
lingering doubts about her, both in Portugal and Spain. As demonstrated,
Fray Luis de Granada saw himself as having to address the concerns of
the Archbishop of Valencia, who was otherwise friendly to her cause. The
fact that Fray Luis mentioned in his letters a relacion against her and that
he alluded to a priest who spoke against her to the Archbishop illustrates
the extent of the mounting skepticism against her. Also, his writing activ-
ity, which included instructions for a printing campaign on her behalf at
least in Valencia, reveals that the state of her public image in Spain was
already critically damaged by May .
Juan Daz was certainly aware of developments taking place in Lisbon
during and for he was in correspondence with Fray Luis de
Granada and had received advice from him about possible sources of
financing for the printing of Juan de vilas collected works. He asked
Fray Luis to write a Vida of Juan de vila, and he supplied the Dominican

84 OCFLG, p. :.
85 Huerga, La vida, p. .
 his rule for the laity

with documents related to vilas life and ministry. Ultimately, he was

responsible for the publication of Fray Luiss Vida of Juan de vila.
Juan Daz had other import connections to Lisbon that made him
particularly aware of developments in the port city. He dedicated the
volume of Juan de vilas works to Cardinal Albert of Austria, who,
as we have seen, was Philip IIs regent in Portugal. He also signed his
dedication as chaplain of the Cardinal. Albert was the one who, after
having been a staunch supporter, ended up instituting the inquisitorial
process against Mara de la Visitacin on August . The Cardinals
action against her took place a little over two months before Miguel de
Ondara avala signed the royal privilege for the printing of vilas works
on October . Hence, Juan Daz had enough time to assimilate
the extent of the crisis and to incorporate a word of caution about false
prophets in a document primarily directed to the laity.
This explains yet another intriguing trait of aviso number six, namely
its apocalyptic tone. Aviso number six sustains that there shall rise false
prophets before the judgment.86 The apocalyptic tone, which was entirely
missing in the version of the document, corresponds neatly with the
disaster of the Armada. The fall of Mara de la Visitacin, coming
on the heels of the terrible failure of what was to all intents undertaken
as a religious crusade, was interpreted as a clear sign of the end of time.

The Question of Personal Merits in the

Revised Edition of the Short Rule

Rule number ten is the last section of Diez documentos to be discussed

in this chapter. In the edition of , as that of , rule number ten
deals with the topic of personal merits. The Short rule of reflected a
pre-Tridentine understanding of personal merits, one not refined in light
of the confessional controversies of the period. vila does not outright
reject the role of personal merits in the attainment eternal salvation
yet his intention in the document is clearly to stress the central
importance of Christs merits over personal merits.
The Council of Trent addressed the question of merits in its first
period. Doctrinal ambiguity on this point became less acceptable soon
after. The Council asserted that while salvation is by Gods grace, personal

86 Obras (), p. v; OCNEC, p. :.

 chapter two

merits are indispensable for salvation. Accordingly, it was of paramount

importance for Juan Daz to edit vilas works and make them agree with
Tridentine orthodoxy as he prepared them for the press. Rule number
ten was one of the rules that were heavily edited for publication in .
In fact the long statement of was reduced in to little over two
sentences.
The merits of Christ continue to form the center of the new version
of rule number ten. Quoting Isaiah , it asserts that personal works are
similar to filthy clothes (paos manchados). Accordingly, all trust and
hope has to be placed on the works and merits of Jesus Christ, for it is
only on account of the love of the eternal Father for his Son that one
will receive mercy in this life and glory in the next. With the book of
Acts it concludes that there is salvation in no one else (no hay por otro
salud). Accordingly he is the mediator of all prayers.87
In its new edition, rule number ten represents a significantly attenu-
ated form of vilas original criticism of vain trust in personal merits. His
original distinction between the substance of works and their appear-
ance is lost. His assertion that the worth of personal merits is founded
exclusively on the merits of Christ is also gone. The brevity of the new
passage echoes the elements of popular piety found in vilas works, but
it is only a dim image of his original position.

Conclusion

The story of the eclipse of vilas original ascetic spirituality is one that
is not limited to the editorial history of the Short Rule. Censorship by
the Holy Office, his own organic development as ascetic writer, and the
postmortem censorship of his works by his closest disciples makes it
cogent to speak about Juan de vilas early and later ascetic spiritu-
ality. His early ascetic spirituality is best characterized as one informed
by Catholic Humanism, in particular Spanish Erasmianism. It represents
a genuinely judeoconverso program of moral and ecclesiastical reform.
The later ascetic spirituality has to be subdivided into two separate
moments. The first is vilas own personal maturation and adaptation
to the canons of Tridentine orthodoxy. vila must have experienced this
transition between (the closing of the first session of the Council of

87 Le debe tomar por medianero en sus oraciones. Obras (), p. rv; OCNEC,

p. :.
 his rule for the laity

Trent) and (the publication of the Cathalogus of prohibited books).

The second moment prompted his closest disciples to Tridentize as far as
possible the remainder of his written corpus. In the next chapter I will
turn my attention to vilas most important work of ascetic spirituality,
the Audi, filia.
 chapter three

JUAN DE VILA AND THE AUDI, FILIA OF

1556 AS A MANUAL FOR HOLY WOMEN

Luis Muoz, the seventeenth-century hagiographer, dedicates the sec-

ond book of his Vida of Juan de vila to showcase the careers of his most
eminent disciples.1 He listed over twenty-eight religious men, including
Fray Luis de Granada, who demonstrated through their lives the holi-
ness of their teacher and mentor. While Muoz included some of vilas
women disciples, he clearly highlighted their male counterparts as the
worthy successors of the Apostle of Andalusia. To this day scholars con-
tinue writing about the priestly school of vila, in an ambiguous refer-
ence to the reform movement(s) centered on the city of vila, and/or the
man bearing the same name. In either case, the priestly school has been
exclusively conceived around its masculine religious exponents. Bilinkof
has ably argued the continuity between Juan de vilas reform program
and that of the reformer of the Discalced Carmelites, Teresa de Jess. In
fact, he gathered around him numerous women who experienced dra-
matic, and even fateful, changes as a consequence of his teachings and
ascetic discipline. These women formed part of a distinctively Avilista
school of holy women. Without them our understanding of vila and his
movement of spiritual renewal remains thoroughly incomplete.
Fortunately, it is still possible for us to group together some of vilas
closest women disciples and identify the modalities of religious life that
they followed. In the Vidas authored by Granada and Muoz, as well
as in other sources, we find references to at least thirteen women who
were vilas disciples. These devout followers of the saint were: Constanza
de vila, Sancha Carrillo, Leonor de Crdoba, Mara de Cristo, Teresa
Enrquez, Mara de Hoces, Leonor de Inestrosa, Francisca de Mendoza,
Mara de Mendoza, Isabel Pacheco (Isabel de los ngeles Pacheco),
Mara Pacheco, Beata Paz, and Ana Ponce de Len (Ana de la Cruz).
vila also sustained frequent correspondence with many other women

1 Luis Muoz, Vida y virtudes del venerable varn el padre maestro Juan de vila

(Madrid: Imprenta Real, ); reference is here made to the edition found in Vidas
(), pp. .
 chapter three

whose identities are now lost. In addition, in the Congregation

of San Pedro Apstol gathered information that illustrates the enduring
devotion that many religious women in Granada and Montilla still had
for the saint.2
The realization of vilas appeal among noble Andalusian women helps
us place his Audi, filia in the right perspective. The work was com-
posed as a manual or handbook for religious women. It was originally
written for Sancha Carrillo, but after her untimely death vila continued
improving the work and gave it its final character as a womens hand-
book for the spiritual life. Juan de vila drew upon the medieval tradition
of the Speculum virginum in his effort to craft a spiritual handbook that
would lead his women disciples through the discipline of self-knowledge.
Hence, even if the work was published without his authorization it has to
be given due priority over the second edition which appeared in print
posthumously.

Of Beatas and Religiosas: Women Disciples of Juan de vila

Many of vilas women disciples came from a noble background; a few

came from some of the most prestigious families in Spain. For instance,
Sancha Carrillo (c. ), one of his best-known disciples, was the
daughter of Luis Fernndez de Crdoba and Luisa de Aguilar Hinestrosa,
marquises of Guadalczar. According to her brother, Pedro Fernndez de
Crdoba, she became a hermit when she was around fifteen or sixteen
years old. Before her conversion, however, she had been hand-picked to
be one of the companions of Empress Isabel, at the court of Charles V.3
Ana Ponce de Len () married Pedro Fernndez de Crdoba
y Figueroa, fourth count of Feria.4 Her husband came from the powerful
house of Aguilar, and his mother, Catalina Fernndez de Crdoba y
Aguilar was marchioness of the ancestral family. Anas father was Rodrigo
Ponce de Len, duke of Arcos. Mara Mendoza (c. ), took

2PBMJA, pp. , .
3Pedro Fernndez de Crdoba, Vida de doa Sancha Carrillo, hija de don Luis Carrillo
de Crdoba y de doa Luisa de Aguilar . . . Cosas que le pasaron a doa Sancha con nuestro
Seor en el discurso de su vida y sobre cmo comenz a servirle, in Avisos y reglas (),
pp. , here p. .
4 Alfonso de Figueroa y Melgar, Doa Ana Ponce de Len, condesa de Feria, Revista

de estudios extremeos . (), pp. .

 the audi, filia of as a manual for holy women

vila as her confessor in , when she was eighteen.5 Her father, Luis
Hurtado de Mendoza y Pacheco, was Marquis of Mondjar and President
of the Consejo Real of Castille.6 Her cousin, Francisca de Mendoza, also
adopted the spiritual discipline of vilas school.7 Franciscas father was
Bernardino de Mendoza (), captain general of the galleys of
Spain.8
vilas sway with the women of a select group of Andalusian families
is impressive. Another case in point was Isabel Pacheco. Isabel was the
youngest daughter of Pedro Fernndez de Crdoba y Aguilar, first mar-
quis of Priego, and Elvira Enrquez.9 She was the aunt of Pedro Fernn-
dez de Crdoba y Figueroa, fourth count of Feria, and husband of Ana
Ponce de Len. Isabel as well as her sisters, Mara and Teresa, had vila
as their confessor.10 Anas own daughter and heir of the state of Aguilar,
Catalina, was a devout pupil of the saint.11 Finally, Leonor de Inestrosa
(or Henestrosa), became an adept practitioner of vilas spiritual exer-
cises. Her husband, Tello de Aguilar the blind, was regidor of cija.12
Together they were vilas patrons during his early ministry in the city.13
Leonor exchanged letters with Juan de vila. She was related to Sancha
Carrillos mother, Luisa de Aguilar de Henestrosa.
His reach was not limited to women of the Andalusian elite. Mara
de Hoces was a woman who lived in concubinage with a high ranking
member of the clergy in Crdoba. According to Granada, she and her
children were economically dependent on the cleric and he counted her
among women whose poverty kept them captive to sin.14 However, she
abandoned the powerful cleric after hearing a sermon in which vila
proclaimed: Death is in the pot. Death is in the pot from which you

5 V. Snchez Ruz, Una hija espiritual del Maestro vila, Manresa (), pp.
.
6 Luis Vilar y Pascual, Diccionario histrico, genealgico y herldico de las familias

ilustres de la monarqua espaola (Madrid: D.F. Snchez cargo de Agustino Espinosa,

), pp. :.
7 Snchez Ruz, Una hija espiritual, p. .
8 Manuel Juan Diana, Capitanes ilustres y revista de libros militares (Madrid: J. Anto-

nio Ortigosa, ), pp. ; Martn Fernndez de Navarrete, Biblioteca martima es-

paola, vols. (Madrid: Viuda de Calero, ), pp. :.
9 Vilar y Pascual, Diccionario histrico (), p. :.
10 Muoz, Vida y virtudes, in Vidas (), p. .
11 Muoz, Vida y virtudes, in Vidas (), pp. .
12 Vilar y Pascual, Diccionario histrico (), p. :.
13 Granada, Vida, OCFLG, p. :.
14 Granada, Vida, OCFLG, p. :.
 chapter three

eat.15 vila helped her escape the reach of the cleric and even arranged
for an escort of armed men to accompany them on their way to Granada.
According to one of the witnesses who testified in the seventeenth-
century beatification process, Mara de Hoces lived a holy life with her
children in Granada until the clerics death made it possible for her to
return to Crdoba.16
Several of vilas women disciples became beatas, or lay holy women.
At the time most women who decided to become beatas did so because
they lacked the dowry that would allow them to enter a convent. That was
certainly not the case with many of vilas disciples. Instead, he report-
edly advised them not to enter a religious convent, and instead adopt an
eremitic lifestyle. Their decision to live in isolation and prolonged volun-
tary confinement must be considered a distinctive practice related to the
spirituality of their confessor and spiritual director. A few examples will
help illustrate this point.
Pedro Fernndez de Crdoba in his eyewitness account of the life
and occurrences of Sancha Carrillo described the piety and spiritual
discipline of his sister. According to his account, Sancha experienced a
drastic change of heart after confessing with vila. She returned home
with her parents and entered her room, where she stayed for several
hours. When she reappeared she had cut short her hair and was dressed
in black. In the ensuing days she took a vow of chastity and asked her
parents to prepare a room for her where she could practice her devotions.
According to Pedro, she never left her room but to attend the sermon
and mass. Upon her return she would immediately enter the room,
closing the door behind her. She never left her door open and even
her parents were anguished because they could not talk to her. On one
occasion she replied to their requests for conversation saying that she was
already buried and that they knew they shouldnt talk with the dead. She
was always alone in her room, never admitting even a servant or a young
companion.17
Leonor de Crdoba and Mara Mendoza are two additional examples
of the eremitic tendencies of vilas women disciples. Leonor heard vila
preaching in the city of Crdoba, around . On a particular occasion
he preached about virgins and the excellence of the virginal state. She
was so impressed by the sermon that she commuted her parentss plans to

15 Granada, Vida, OCFLG, p. :.

16 PBMJA, p. .
17 Fernndez de Crdoba, Vida, in Avisos y reglas (), p. .
 the audi, filia of as a manual for holy women

have her marry a promising young noble. She took a vow of chastity and
resolved to stay with her parents. She was twenty-four at the time. Muoz
described her cloistered life (encerramiento) as remarkable (raro).
Though her health was poor she reached the age of eighty.18 According to
Cristbal de Castros account, Mara Mendoza took a vow of chastity at
the age of twenty-two.19 She had considered entering a convent, but vila
advised her to stay at home with her parents.20
Our final example is of Mara de Posada who became a beata under
vilas spiritual direction. She was already married and had children
when she heard him preaching at the iglesia de los Mrtires, in Granada.
Muoz described her as a mujer de medio estado, or a woman of the
moderate means. She was terribly affected by vilas preaching. Upon
her return home she got rid of all her makeup (aderezo de rostro) and
eventually convinced her husband to live like brothers, or in abstinence.
After her husbands death she increased the harshness of her discipline,
depriving herself of sleep and resting at night upon hard wood.21
vilas women disciples adopted unusually harsh disciplines, in some
cases resulting in their premature deaths. Sancha Carrillo died in
at the age of twenty-four.22 Francisca de Mendoza died when she was
twenty-two,23 and Catalina Fernndez de Mendoza was twenty-seven at
the time of her death.24 Juan de Dios lamented the death of Francisca,
appreciating the good doctrine that she taught.25 Though others lived
longer, they too died as a direct consequence of their discipline. Thus,
Mara de Mendoza died on August , at the age of fifty-four, after
twenty-two days of intensive spiritual exercises.26 In contrast, Constanza
de vila died when she was eighty-eight27 and, as already noted, Leonor
de Crdoba also died as an octogenarian.

18 Muoz, Vida y virtudes, in Vidas (), pp. .

19 Castro penned a short life of Mara as part of his manuscript history of the Society of
Jesuss Colegio Complutense, Historia del Colegio Complutense de la Compaa de Jess.
See Snchez Ruz, Una hija espiritual, p. .
20 Ibid., pp. .
21 Muoz, Vida y virtudes, in Vidas (), p. .
22 Martn de Roa, Vida y maravillosas virtudes de doa Sancha Carrillo: hija de los

marqueses de Guadalczar (Madrid: Tipografa Catlica, ), p. .

23 Snchez Ruz, Una hija espiritual, p. .
24 Muoz, Vida y virtudes, in Vidas (), p. .
25 Juan de Dios, Segunda carta a la Duquesa de Sesa, in Jos Luis Martnez Gil, San

Juan de Dios, fundador de la Fraternidad Hospitalaria (Madrid: Biblioteca de Autores

Cristianos, ), pp. .
26 Snchez Ruz, Una hija espiritual, p. .
27 Muoz, Vida y virtudes, in Vidas (), p. .
 chapter three

The discipline followed by these beatas was consistent with vilas

teaching on self-knowledge and mental prayer, as articulated in his rule
for the laity. The best example is that of Sancha Carrillo. According
to her brothers eyewitness accounts she used to have very little sleep.
At the head of her bed she had two dozen spiritual books, which
she used to read as part of her spiritual exercises. She used the night
for reading and mental prayer, sleeping only three to four hours at
a time. The harsh treatment of the body that Sancha and her coreli-
gionists practiced does not reflect the actual teaching of vila as con-
tained in his rule for the laity or in the Audi, filia. Perhaps the women
embraced forms of self-mutilation as a reaction to vilas preaching
directed at womenas I will discuss later in this work. Sancha herself
wore a belt of thorns so tight around her body that, according to her
brother, it made her scream every time she sneezed. When she died they
found wounds in her body wide enough to insert a finger.28 Mara de
Mendoza was harassed by family and friends who wanted her to aban-
don her ascetic life and to marry. At one point she considered muti-
lating her face in order that men would find her repulsive. She soon
changed her mind when she recognized that the idea probably came
from the devil.29 Catalina Fernndez de Crdoba, daughter of Ana Ponce
de Len, wore a belt of thorns under her daily attire, even while mar-
ried.30
Some of vilas women disciples, nevertheless, entered convents and
became nuns. Ana Ponce de Len took vila as her confessor while in
Zafra, in . Her life was marked by tragedy. Her first born, Lorenzo,
died shortly after baptism in . In her husband also passed
away after an agonizing illness that lasted three years. She was alone with
her daughter Catalina when she sought spiritual refuge at the convent
of Santa Clara in Montilla. In she had a series of visions, one of
the Lord and the other two of St Francis and St Clare, which propelled
her to take the habit the next year. It appears that vila had originally
discouraged her from entering a convent. He eventually came around
and gave her his blessing in face of opposition by relatives, specially her
mother-in-law, the Marchioness of Priego and Aguilar. Ana Ponce de
Len was, by all accounts, a learned woman who could read Latin. She

28 Fernndez de Crdoba, Vida, in Avisos y reglas (), p. .

29 Snchez Ruz, Una hija espiritual, p. .
30 Muoz, Vida y virtudes, in Vidas (), p. .
 the audi, filia of as a manual for holy women

adopted the name of Ana de la Cruz and wrote down her visions and
experiences.31 Her writings, which remain largely ignored, constitute an
important expression of Avilista ascetic spirituality.
In addition to Ana Ponce de Len, Muoz mentions two more reli-
gious women who confessed with vila. One of them was Isabel Pacheco,
or Isabel de los ngeles Pacheco. Isabel was the aunt of Pedro Fernn-
dez de Crdoba, Anas husband. She was abbess of the convent of Santa
Clara in Montilla.32 The other one was the Discalced Carmelite, Mara
de Cristo. She played an important role in Teresa de Jesss reform of the
Carmelites, joining the order in , and being prioress in the convent
of St Joseph of vila from around to . In , she co-founded,
with Ana de Jess and Antonia del Espritu Santo, the Discalced convent
of St Joseph of Granada. Under the direction of Fray Gernimo Gracian
de la Madre de Dios, Ana de Jess wrote an account of the events lead-
ing to the foundation of Granada in which Mara de Cristo is mentioned.
The account appeared as a postscript in early editions of Teresa de Jesss
Libro de las fundaciones.33
Therefore, it is clear that Juan de vila gathered around him an impres-
sive cluster of holy women. Most of them came from the social elite of
Andalusian society, although he also attracted followers from humble
backgrounds. His work with lay women is significant, as well as the fact
that several of his disciples embraced either an eremitic or conventual
lifestyle. Taken together these facts reveal important information about
the character of his spiritual discipline. First, he was relatively successful
in developing a spiritual discipline sufficiently adapted to the needs of
the laity. The spiritual exercises included in the rule for the laity were
structured well enough to accommodate the exigencies of life in the
world. In this way lay women who lived with the social responsibilities of

31 On the life of Ana Ponce de Len see Muoz, Vida y virtudes, in Vidas (),

pp. ; Figueroa y Melgar, Doa Ana Ponce de Len, pp. .

32 Muoz, Vida y virtudes, in Vidas (), p. ; Vilar y Pascual, Diccionario histrico

(), p. :; Pedro Suarez, Historia del obispado de Guadix y Baza (Madrid: Antonio
Romn, ), p. .
33 Muoz, Vida y virtudes, in Vidas (), p. ; Ana de Jess, Fundacin del

convento de san Josef de Granada, in Obras de Santa Teresa de Jess (Barcelona: Librera
Religiosa, ), pp. :; Mara del Pilar Manero Sorolla, Ana de Jess: cronista de la
Fundacin del Carmen de Granada, in De historia, lingsticas, retricas y poticas. Actas
AIH Irvine-, ed. Juan Villegas Morales (Irvine: University of California Press, ),
pp. :.
 chapter three

marriage and family, among others, were able to practice vilas disci-
plined approach to mental prayer. However, and this is the second obser-
vation, when complemented with other forms of ascetic exercises, vilas
method of mental prayer required too much from lay practitioners. The
tendency of all holy women who gathered around vila was to increase
the intensity of their devotional life, in terms of both the amount of
time devoted to their pious exercises and the range of exercises that they
practiced. After a certain point of intensity, they had to choose between
eremitic life and life in a convent as their only options.

The Audi, filia of as a Manual for Holy Women

How did vila direct the spiritual life of those disciples who intensified
their devotion and zeal in the observance of mental prayer? Through his
sermons he promoted the practice of frequent communion and vocal
prayer as doorways to the richer depths of mental prayer. He also used
letters to encourage and motivate his disciples in their arduous efforts.
Yet, how did he guide them in their daily observance of the practice?
Specifically, how did he manage to control or regulate their practices
once they were in the privacy of their rooms or cells, as his own rule
called for? The Short Rule offered a succinct outline of his method of
mental prayer. It may have proved to be insufficient as practitioners grew
in their commitment and confronted new experiences or considered
alternative practices. Moreover, as confessor he had privileged access to
self-disclosed information about the intimate ascetic life of his disciples.
Confession may not have been enough from the perspective of anxious
practitioners of mental prayer at a time in which their discipline could
be construed as alumbradismo. In what follows I argue that Juan de vila
initially wrote and subsequently revised his Audi, filia as a response to
precisely this set of circumstances.
The publishing history of the Audi, filia provides us with a useful
chronological frame of reference. It is generally agreed that Juan de vila
wrote an early form of the Audi, filia for his young disciple Sancha
Carrillo. The dating of this early form of the work must be placed at some
point between the conclusion of the inquisitorial process against
himand the year in which Sancha Carrillo passed away. A more
extensive form of the work appeared in print in , this is the version
that was included in the Index of . Following the arguments of Sala
Balust, we can assume that the edition had already acquired its final
 the audi, filia of as a manual for holy women

form at some point between and .34 The work simply does not
reflect the teachings on justification that were adopted during the first
period of the Council of Trent. It is not clear why the work was not printed
earlier, or why vila would write a dedicatory epistle if he was not ready
to have it committed to print. Juan de vila never denied his paternity
of the edition, but he did regret that it was published without his
express permission, in the prologue of the posthumously published
edition asking his readers to disregard the earlier printed version of the
work.35
vilas prologues to the and editions demonstrate the inti-
mate connection of the Audi, filia and the school of holy women gathered
around him. In the dedicatory epistle to Luis de Puertocarrero, Count of
Palma, he describes the original version of the work as short and cur-
sory; the intended reader, he argues, was learned and could understand
such brevity. The version of the work which he now presents to the Count
is more extensive and intended for a larger readership: in this way,
he indicates, anyone, even beginners, can easily understand it.36 While
throughout the work he addresses a young woman (doncella), frequent
references to the coenobitic life reinforce the view that this version was
no longer intended for only a lay readership.
His words written at some point in the mid-s stand in line with
his prologue to the edition. The prologue, which he wrote ten years
earlier, reveals that he made his revisions thinking of those women of a
quality similar to Sancha Carillo who need to be strengthened in their
heart with confidence.37 Hence, it is evident that once again in
the year in which he wrote the second prefacehe has a largely feminine
readership in mind. Based on his prefaces it can be surmised that the
version behind the edition of the Audi, filia grew in popularity

34 Sala Balust, Avisos y reglas cristianas (), p. .

35 Sala Balust, Avisos y reglas cristianas (), pp. .
36 Y lo que primero iba brevemente dicho y casi por seas (porque la persona a quien

se escribi era muy enseada y en pocas palabras entenda mucho), ahora, pues, para
todos, va copiosa y llanamente declarado, para que cualquiera, por principiante que sea,
lo pueda fcilmente entender. Audi, filia (), OCNEC, pp. :.
37 Tambin me pareci avisarte de que, como este libro fue escripto a aquella religiosa

doncella que dije, la cual, y las de su calidad, han menester ms esforzarlas el corazn
con confianza que atemorizarlas con rigor, as va enderezando ms a lo primero que a
lo segundo; ms si la disposicin de tu nima pide ms rigor de justicia que blandura de
misericordia, toma de aqu lo que hallares que te conviene, y deja lo otro para otros que
lo habrn menester. Audi, filia (), OCNEC, p. :.
 chapter three

among lay and religious women close to vilas circle.38 After its inclusion
in the Index, he decided to revise the text so that it would continue
to be suitable for women practitioners of his method of mental prayer.
The result was the volume published posthumously by his disciples in
, with its extensive and major modifications.
vila wrote the Audi, filia as a manual for lay and religious women. In
doing so he drew from ancient and well established readings of Psalm
. The verse in question is number ten (Psalm : in the Vulgate
enumeration): audi filia et vide et inclina aurem tuam et obliviscere
populum tuum et domum patris tui.39 The passage was commented on
by Church Fathers like Ambrose, Jerome, and Augustine.40 The twelfth
century Speculum virginum used Psalm : as its cornerstone. The
dialogue between a spiritual mentor, Peregrinus, and a nun, Theodora
explored the true meaning of virginity as spiritual vocation. The Specu-
lum virginum was used in the formation of religious women through
the twelfth to the early part of the sixteenth century.41 The tradition
was already known in the Iberian Peninsula by the thirteenth century.
A manuscript copy of the Speculum virginum was produced in Len in
.42
Perhaps of greater importance was the use of Psalm : in relation to
mental prayer. Francisco de Osuna commented on Psalm : in his Ter-
cer abecedario espiritual of . In the eleventh treatise Osuna explained
mental prayer as memory of God. There are memories that hinder rec-
ollection. He likened these memories to those of the Israelites after their

38 On the conditions leading to a growing interest among women for works by spiritual

directors like vilas Audi, filia see Gillian T.W. Ahlgren, Negotiating Sanctity: Holy
Women in Sixteenth-Century Spain, Church History . (), pp. , here
pp. .
39 Hearken, O daughter, and see, and incline thy ear: and forget thy people and thy

fathers house. And the king shall greatly desire thy beauty. Psalm :a, Douay-
Rheims.
40 See David G. Hunter, The Virgin, the Bride, and the Church: Reading Psalm in

Ambrose, Jerome, and Augustine, Church History . (), pp. .

41 Constant J. Mews, Virginity, Theology, and Pedagogy in the Speculum virginum,

in Listen, Daughter: The Speculum virginum and the Formation of Religious Women in the
Middle Ages, ed. Constant J. Mews (New York: Palgrave, ), pp. .
42 Elena E. Rodrguez Daz, Indicios codicolgicos para la datacin de los manu-

scritos gticos castellanos, Historia, instituciones, documentos (), pp. ,

here p. n; but Pinder dates the same manuscript, Biblioteca Nacional MS , to
. See Janice M. Pinder, The Cloister and the Garden, in Mews, Listen, Daughter,
p. n.
 the audi, filia of as a manual for holy women

departure from Egypt. They never vacated the image of Egypt from their
mind. The Israelites were always ready to resurrect the memory of Egypt
and yearned to turn back. Instead, he offered the advice found in Psalm
: forget your people and your fathers house. He argued that to forget
your fathers house was to forget the devil and to vacate the mind of all
devilish distractions. Without this exercise the mind would continue to
be populated by the images of the world and recollection would not be
possible.43
Building upon these readings of Psalm :, vila composed a hand-
book describing his method of mental prayer. Of course, there were many
other inspiring sources behind the Audi, filia, as we can see, for example,
from the frequent references to, and quotations from, Athanasiuss Life of
Saint Anthony and the writings of Jerome and Augustine. He structured
the work in the form of a commentary on Psalm :, not a dialogue,
a commentary in six parts, based on his division of verse ten and part
of eleven: Audi, filia; Et vide; Et inclina aurem tua; Et obliviscere popu-
lum tuum; Et domum patris tui; Et concupiscet Rex decorem tuum. He
dealt with several themes in his manual. The Audi, filia has traditionally
attracted scholars for its treatment of justification by faith, and in that
regard the edition of the Audi, filia was pre-Tridentine. Neverthe-
less, throughout his career vila continued to hold his view of justifica-
tion by faith, especially his criticism of societal misappropriations of the
Catholic teaching on personal merit.
Here, however, I want to highlight several themes found in the Audi,
filia that have been unnoticed. In a very important way the Audi, filia
is the end result of a cumulative process began during his ministry in
cija, and carried on in his rules for the clergy and laity. Hence, it is easy
to see that the main focus of the work is the methodological practice
of mental prayer. In the Audi, filia he guides the practitioner through
the stages of preparation and consummation of the knowledge of God
and knowledge of self. His brand of Christian Socratism has received
some formal attention by scholars, and I shall discuss it in due course.
However, in vila we find a very interesting combination of Christian
Socratism along with his handling of culture-specific notions of lineage
(linaje) and beauty (hermosura). These three elements are interrelated
as he sees the practice of mental prayer as the doorway to the realization

43 Francisco de Osuna, Tercer abecedario espiritual, ed. Saturnino Lpez Santidrin

(Madrid: Biblioteca de Autores Cristianos, ), p. .

 chapter three

of knowledge of God and knowledge of self, and these in turn help the
practitioner overcome or at least see beyond culture-specific notions of
status and social esteem.
The concept of Christian Socratism was coined by the French medie-
valist Etienne Gilson. In his Gifford Lectures (), Gilson argued
that the idea of the imago dei found in Genesis : colored the Chris-
tian reception of the Socratic problem of self-knowledge. He asserted that
common to all schools of medieval philosophy was their handling of the
problem of self-knowledge in light of the imago dei. In this way, philo-
sophical speculation of the period freely moved from humanity to God.
The overarching assumption was that the human soul can avail itself of its
divine resemblance in order to attain to God. From the fruitful marriage
between the Socratic dictum, know thyself, and the Judeo-Christian
idea of the imago dei was born what he called Christian Socratism.
The notion of Christian Socratism has ever since been used in more
or less fruitful ways in intellectual history. For instance Bernard McGinn
used it in his study of the twelfth-century Cistercian, Isaac of Stella,
and Calvin scholars have explored the problem of knowledge of self
and knowledge of God along the lines drawn by Gilson.44 It was Robert
Ricard who examined the tradition in Spanish spiritual literature of
the Golden Age. In Notas y materias para el estudio del socratismo
cristiano, he successfully demonstrated the prevalence of the theme of
self-knowledge (conocimiento propio) in spiritual literature of the
period. The tone of his conclusions was a far cry from the optimism
with which he opened his quest. While it was evident that a consid-
erable number of Spanish authors made reference to self-knowledge in
their writings, it also became clear that the notion itself was lacking spe-
cific content. That is, there was little consistency among Spanish writ-
ers in terms of the depth and breadth which they consigned to self-
knowledge.45
In Juan de vila, however, the problem of knowledge of self and
knowledge of God is resolved in the practice of mental prayer. The
methodical and disciplined exercise of mental prayer is the path to the
encounter between human and divine. He does not conceive mental

44 Bernard McGinn, The Golden Chain: A Study in the Theological Anthropology of

Isaac of Stella (Washington: Cistercian Publications, ), pp. ; See Dennis

E. Tamburello, Union with Christ: John Calvin and the Mysticism of St. Bernard (Louisville:
Westminster John Knox Press, ).
45 Robert Ricard, Estudios de literatura religiosa espaola, trans. Manuel Muoz Corts

(Madrid: Editorial Gredos, ), pp. , here p. .

 the audi, filia of as a manual for holy women

prayer, or the other ascetic practices that surround it, as a precondition

for the mystical experience. To the contrary, in vilas negative asceticism
to know oneself as creature and God as creator, and both as joined by
the bond of Gods love, is the sufficient end of mental prayer. He was
worried by what he considered to be the abuses of mental prayer and
sought to harness the discipline by keeping its focus on the attainment of
knowledge of self and knowledge of God.
He lays the foundation for the practice of mental prayer in the first
division of the Audi, filia. His negative ascetic precludes that mental
prayer be pursued in order to experience special gifts from God. He
intimates that in desiring these special gifts (consuelos) the faithful may
in fact be heeding to the voice of the devil, and not listening to God.
He lists two remedies specially intended to avoid the confusion. First, he
recommends the practice of prayer even if it is done without devotion,
insisting that the offerings of the faithful do not acquire their worth from
the passion with which they are performed. Instead, such offerings are
worthy on account of love, and love, according to vila, is offering the
will in subjection to God. To do Gods will is to love God, and this must
be done with or without passion. God must be obeyed even when efforts
are not rewarded with special gifts.46 Accordingly, the other remedy is
that the will be conformed to God. One must not be subject to special
gifts, consolations, passions, or the like; but only to the will of God. To
be subject to consolations is to be subject to changes in mood and to
mistakenly listen to the voice of the devil.47
He then discusses mental prayer under the second phrase of verse ten,
et vide.48 He clarifies that though the phrase et vide, in a primary sense,
pertains to what can be seen with the eyes of the flesh, more importantly
it relates to what can be seen with the eyes of the soul. Et videi is a call to
gaze with the eyes of the soul upon the things of God. The proper order
to look upon the things of God is to first consider the self, then God, and

46 E si falta la devocin, no te penes, pues no se miden nuestros servicios por

devocin, mas por amor; y el amor no es devocin tierna, ms un ofrecimiento de

voluntad a lo que Dios quiere que hagamos y padezcamos, tengamos voluntad o no, y
si algunos, que parece dejan el mundo por servir a Dios, dejasen tambin la desordenada
codicia de los devotos sentimientos del nima, como dejan la codicia de los bienes
temporales, viviran ms alegres de lo que viven, y no hallara el demonio codicia en
que asir, como en cabellos, con sus engaos, y lastimarles con ellos. OCNEC, p. :.
47 OCNEC, p. :.
48 OCNEC, pp. :.
 chapter three

then the neighbor. God cannot be known without propio conocimiento,

and neither can the neighbor be properly known without knowledge of
self and knowledge of God.49
The way to attain to knowledge of self is through the methodical
practice of mental prayer. In contrast to his rules for the clergy and the
laity, vila here advises the adoption of eremitic practices. Be enemy of
to see and be seen, he admonishes his young disciple. In the Audi, filia
recollection (recogimiento) means both to close the senses, but also to
live the life of a recluse. He reminds the young woman that virginity is not
an end in itself, but that it is an aid to serve God freely. Moreover, to enjoy
the fruits of virginity she must endeavor to avoid worldly occupations by
spending as much time as possible enclosed in her oratory, and going out
as little as possible.50
The pattern after which he organizes the day is similar to that found in
the rule for the clergy and the Short Rule (). A novelty here is his well
developed spirituality of reading. She is to gather herself in the oratory at
least two times every day; once in the morning to meditate on the passion
of Christ, and again in the evening to meditate on the exercise of self
knowledge. The evening exercise begins with the reading of a selection
from a book of good doctrine. Reading is meant to fulfill two main
objectives: to serve as a mirror in which to assess the contour of the soul,
and to provide the soul with delicious food that can strengthen it for the
road ahead. Reading should not be done with grief, hastening through
the pages, but elevating the heart to God in supplication, asking God to
speak to the heart with his living voice. To read is to read externally, for
only God can give the true sense of what is been read.51 He invites her
to be attentive and to listen for Gods voice in the midst of those words
that she can only read in their exterior. Moreover, she is to read with what
vila calls a mildly rested attention (mediana descansada atencin),
not captive to the words but free to elevate her mind to the Lord.52
He assures her that this method of reading will have a direct bearing
on her spiritual life. Reading in this way she will avoid getting tired
and she will also receive the living sense of the words, sometimes
causing repentance, sometimes giving confidence. It will also give her
understanding about many other things, even if she reads only a few lines.

49 OCNEC, p. :.
50 OCNEC, pp. :.
51 OCNEC, p. :.
52 Ibid.
 the audi, filia of as a manual for holy women

There will be moments in which it is pertinent to stop reading in order

to think upon what she has just read, and then return to her reading. He
explains that in this fashion reading and prayer complement each other.53
The evening exercise follows the same arrangement found in the rule
for the clergy and the Short Rule. The focus of meditation is the moment
of death leading to the decay of the body and the elevation of the soul to
God for judgment. Nevertheless, he provides some detailed descriptions
that are lacking in other documents. She should be kneeling during her
prayer, but more importantly she should begin her evening exercise with
vocal prayer. He specifies that she should not spend too much time in
vocal prayer, otherwise she may become tired or her devotion may run
dry. Neither is she to abandon the practice altogether, for it strengthens
her in her piety and it is a way to honor God for the gift of speech. She
should pray vocally interceding for those with whom she has a special
bond of obligation and for the Church. At the very least she should make
two prayers, one to the Virgin, and the other to the passion of Christ.54
Thereafter she is to cease vocal prayer and enter deep within her, and
imagine that she is before God.
There are two objectives to the meditation on death. First, it is to
facilitate daily self-scrutiny. She should bring before God not only her
past sins but also her daily sins. He does not want her to fall into
desperation. He insists that the purpose of daily self-scrutiny is to gather
spiritual strength that can bolster her Christian resolve. He calls it a
sober knowledge (sosegado conocimiento) of ones own faults, and
reminds her that it is meant to cause both shame and resolve.55 Yet he
also wants her to take account of her good deeds. He warns her to be
humble, and to credit her good works to God, but adds that nevertheless
they should not pass unnoticed.56
At this point vila turns to the most philosophical aspect of his meth-
od of mental prayer. It is his treatment of being (ser), good being (bien
ser), and blessed being (bienaventurado ser), distinctions that are the
finest points to be considered during mental prayer, the pinnacle of the
exercise. In an Augustinian tone he indicates that in order to appreciate
being, she has first to reflect on non-being. For after all, at the very
beginning this is what she was, an abyss of nothingness and privation of

53 Ibid.
54 OCNEC, p. :.
55 OCNEC, p. :.
56 OCNEC, p. :.
 chapter three

all goods.57 It was the power of God that brought her out of nothingness
and gave her true and real being. She should think about God who is
being that is (ser que es), power, life, and complete goodness. He enjoins
her to look deeply and unceasingly into her being until she finds its
ultimate foundation, the being of God. He describes the being that is as
firm in the highest degree, indifferent, not founded upon another, but the
foundation of all others. The being that is will continue to sustain her
so that she does not fall back into the abyss of nothingness. She should
worship God as origin of her being, love God as her benefactor, and call
God: My virtue, in which I am sustained.58
His treatment of good being is quite sophisticated. Just like being,
good being is also the gracious gift of God. He bases his point in an
analogy between nothingness and the sinner. Just like nothingness lacks
being, so does the sinner lacks goodness before God. He contends that
bad being (mal ser) is worse than not being (no ser). The social
implications are significant and he makes them explicit. The sinner, as
much status and wealth as he might have, without Gods grace he is
taken for nothing before God.59 Accordingly, without Gods grace she is
nothing. He insists that this is an important aspect of self knowledge. She
owes her goodness to God, just as she owes her existence to the creator.
His view of good being prompts him to discuss the freedom of the
will. She is not to think that she has no participation in good works.
Drawing on Corinthians :For we are Gods coadjutorshe argues
that God is the one who moves and gently makes the free will work
and be Gods helper.60 God entices (incitndole) the will to freely give
its consent in good works. That is how humanity does good works, by
consenting to Gods will. It is Jesus Christ, moreover, who works in a
primary way producing the good work and helping the free will so that
it may also produce it. Moreover, the glory for both is Christs.
The operation of the free will under Gods grace is relevant for the
practice of mental prayer and the search for self knowledge. She is not to
scrutinize her good works trying to discern what is due to the operation
of her free will and what is due to the operation of Gods grace. Instead,
with eyes shut she is to govern herself by faith, and give glory to God
for every good work. He quotes Corinthians : to discourage her

57 OCNEC, p. :.
58 Ibid.
59 OCNEC, p. :.
60 OCNEC, p. :.
 the audi, filia of as a manual for holy women

from thinking that she can attribute any good work or part of it to
herself.61 Even the good use of her free will in regards to salvation is
to be seen as Gods gift, for it has come down from heaven on account
of Gods predestination. He explains that Gods predestination is Gods
determination ab eterno to save her.62 vila here betrays not only his
Paulinism, for which he is best known, but also the great influence of
Augustine, whom he quotes extensively.63
The question of predestination is also relevant to his treatment of
blessed being. At the end of her evening meditation she should arrive at
a form of thorough self denial. Accordingly, as she meditates she should
also think that just like God raised her from nothingness, and through
grace God delivered her from sin, so also God through predestination
has prevented her from falling back to sin. She should be humble and
grateful to God for she is in dire need at all times. She has to be aware that
she is dependent upon God, and that she, so to speak, depends on Gods
mercy, just like the Psalmist proclaimed: My lots are in thy hands.64
According to vila, by lots David means Gods grace, or Gods eternal
predestination. These lots are given by God out of his goodness to
those he wills, according to his just but hidden will.65
By the end of the evening exercise she should already have arrived
at what vila elsewhere calls annihilation (anihilacin). In his short
Tratado de anihilacin he defines this as coming to a knowledge of who
one is.66 Hence, anihilacin was his technical term for self-knowledge.67
The evening exerciseas also described in his Tratadoleads to the total
destruction of ideas about the self that are inconsistent with absolute
dependence upon God. Self, good self, and blessed self are abso-
lutely grounded upon God. In her meditation she should strive to see
this and to reject, or destroy, all other ideas or images that can represent
the self in a different way, as for instance grounded on personal merits,
gender, status, or wealth. vilas asceticism cannot simply be regarded as

61 Not that we are sufficient to think any thing of ourselves, as of ourselves: but our

sufficiency is from God. Corinthians :, Douay-Rheims.

62 OCNEC, p. :.
63 Augustine, Sermo XCIX, PL :; Sermo CCX, PL :; OCNEC,

p. :.
64 Psalm :, Psalm :, by the Vulgate enumeration.
65 OCNEC, p. :.
66 OCNEC, pp. :, here p. :.
67 For a discussion of aniquilacin and its place in Golden Age Spanish spirituality see

Melquades Andrs Martn, Los recogidos, pp. , . Here I want to outline the
social implications of aniquilacin, a consideration that is missing in Andrs Martn.
 chapter three

a purgative stage leading to the mystical experience. Instead, his asceti-

cism has to be qualified as negative asceticism and so one concludes
that it aims at the realization of self knowledge.
vilas treatment of the morning exercise is succinct. He does not go
beyond what we have already seen in his rule for the clergy and the Short
Rule, and so it is reasonable to conclude that of the two exercises he was
mainly interested in the evening exercise of self knowledge, or anihi-
lacin. He does return later to discuss the consequences of annihilation
for several areas of her disciples life, two of which are particularly ger-
mane to this work. One of them is social status, the other is social esteem.
The consequences of annihilation for social status he sets forth in his
commentary on the fourth phrase in Psalm :: Et obliviscere popu-
lum tuum. vilas treatment is carefully constructed around Augustines
De civitate Dei. For, as San Augustine says, two loves made two cities, he
remarks.68 The earthly city is built upon the love of ones own self, even to
the point of despising God. The heavenly city, on the other hand, is built
upon the love of God, even to the point of despising ones own self.69 In
this way the phrase, et obliviscere populum tuum, means to forget the
earthly city, which vila also calls Egypt, Babylon, Sodom, and Edom. He
instructs his disciple to forget her people and her fathers house. Maiden,
forget therefore your people, he says in resounding tone, and be like
another Melchizedek without father or mother, nor lineage whatsoever
(cf. Genesis :).70
He proceeds later to explain what he calls the vanity of lineage, which
he claims has blinded many. He relies on a creationist view of the origin
of the soul to argue that the only thing she has really received from her
parents is her flesh, which was conceived in sin. Also because of her
parents she was born under Gods wrath, on account of original sin. From
God, on the other hand, she has received her soul which God created
clean and pristine and it is now stained by the sinfulness of the flesh.71
Hence, God creates all souls, but the flesh is inherited from humanity;
the flesh is for shame and fear. Here vila quotes Isaiah :, Cry. And
I said: What shall I cry? All flesh is grass, and all the glory thereof as the
flower of the held.72 Clearly for vila, this command to cry (da voces)

68 OCNEC, p. :.
69 Ibid.
70 OCNEC, p. :.
71 OCNEC, p. :.
72 OCNEC, p. :.
 the audi, filia of as a manual for holy women

is the imperative behind his preaching. He comments accordingly: Cries

are commanded by God, and yet they are not heard by the deaf who
want to glory more in the filth that the flesh brought them, than in the
highness that by the Holy Spirit is conferred upon them.73 He warns her
not to be blinded by lineage. God does not love her for her lineage but
because of her baptism. Through her first birth she inherited the wealth
of her parents, but also their congenital sinfulness. Through her second
birth, however, she became a sibling of Christ, an inheritor of heaven,
has received the Holy Spirit as gift, and is expecting to see God face to
face. He concludes by calling her to forget her people by forgetting her
lineage.74
In his sermons vila discusses the delusion of social status in a way
that would appeal to any young noble woman. In his sermon on the
feast of the Nativity of the Virgin, Esto es honra: ser del linaje espiritual
de Jesucristo, he rails against hereditary status.75 He queries why the
lineage of Jesus Christ is recorded in the Liber generationis Iesu Christi
found in Matthew . He asks, What does God have to do with lineage?
He quickly adds, according to the flesh, as you should be aware.76 He
argues that the lineage of Christ had to be recorded for two reasons: for
the edification of faith and for the edification of customs (costumbres).
Nevertheless, the point of his sermon is the importance of belonging to
the lineage of Christ spiritually, through regeneration by the Holy Spirit.
It is also by the work of the Holy Spirit that the faithful are counted as part
of the lineage of the Virgin. Then he concludes: This is to be an hidalgo,
the one who is of the lineage of Christ, that one is an honorable hidalgo.77
On such an important festival he wants to remind his audience that the
proper emulation of the Virgin requires forgetting lineage, forgetting the
fathers house, and honoring the true lineage of Christ.
Lastly, in the Audi, filia vila is also critical of notions of social esteem.
In his commentary on the first phrase of Psalm : he discusses how
anihilation, or self knowledge, changes the way one thinks of beauty.78
According to vila, the statement, et concupiscet Rex decorem tuum,

73 Voces manda dar Dios, y an no las oyen los sordos, los cuales ms se quieren

gloriar de la suciedad, que de la carne trajeron, que en la alteza que por el Espritu Santo
les es concedida. OCNEC, p. :.
74 Ibid.
75 OCNEC, pp. :.
76 OCNEC, p. :.
77 OCNEC, p. :.
78 OCNEC, pp. :.
 chapter three

encapsulates the heavenly reward of the consecrated virgin: her prize

is that God will desire her beauty.79 Thus, vila endeavors to explain
the kind of beauty that God desires. It is certainly not bodily beauty.
Indeed, that beauty can be harmful to those who have it, as well as to
those who covet it. His teaching on physical beauty is, not surprisingly,
quite negative. It is of course along the lines of his negative asceticism.
Moreover, it can be easily seen how his teaching on physical beauty could
lead to tragic ends like that of young Sancha Carrillo.
He brings to her attention three examples or models (dechados) of
spiritual beauty. The first one is the virgin Asella, mentioned by Jerome
in a letter to Marcella, c. . The example of Asella is intended to
strengthen her so that she will not take the dignity of her vocation as an
indignity, or the honor of her virginity as dishonorable.80 vila quotes in
Spanish translation an extensive passage from the letter. The letter praises
the many ascetic virtues of Asella and remarks that her piety drew praise
from the people of Rome, a place in which to be humble is taken for
misery. Her qualities were such that the good celebrated her and the bad
did not come close to defaming her.81 Up to this point he quotes Jeromes
letter. Then he explains that Asella is a model for the exterior life, but for
the interior life the only suitable example is Christ nailed to the cross.
As a virgin, his young reader is to grow in likeness to Christ through her
spiritual marriage.82
Moreover, in a very special sense the Virgin is another paragon to be
followed. She is the Virgin of virgins (Virgen de virgenes), protector

79 vila translates the Latin decorus as hermoso, which is best rendered into English as

beautiful.
80 OCNEC, p. :.
81 Sola vitae suae aequalitate promeruit, ut in Urbe pompae, lasciviae, deliciarum, in

qua humilem esse miseria est, et boni eam praedicent, et mali detrahere non audeant.
Viduae eam imitentur et virgines, maritae colant, noxiae timeant, suspiciant Sacerdotes.
Jerome, Epistola XXIV. Ad eamdem Marcellam, De laudibus Asellae, PL :.
82 The Latin text of Jeromes letter and the Spanish translation included in the

(Barcelona, Juan Flors) and (Madrid, Biblioteca de Autores Cristianos) editions of

the Audi, filia are different. In the respective modern editions prepared by Sala Balust the
following closing lines are represented as part of the original letter, but they are in fact
not part of the Latin text: Esta es el dechado que debis de mirar para lo de fuera, que,
para lo de dentro, no hay sino Jesucristo, puesto en la cruz. Al cual tanto ms os debis
conformar cuanto tenis nombre de mayor unin con l, que es casamiento. OCNEC,
p. :; Avisos y reglas (), p. . Moreover, because the term dechado expresses
the theme of the exemplariness of Asella, as in vilas introduction of the letter, we can
conclude that these are in reality vilas words.
 the audi, filia of as a manual for holy women

(amparadora) of virgins.83 Mary bore fruit and yet kept the flower of
her cleanliness (limpieza). In the same way, virgins bear spiritual fruits
and keep the perfection (entereza) of their bodies. Indeed, the heavenly
husband, namely Christ, is not like the earthly husbands. The latter take
away the beauty and integrity of their spouses but Christ preserves
beauty and loves cleanliness. Oh, vila continues, how much sorrow
does virginity avert, and how much care and restlessness! The sorrows
of marriage are only natural, but also made worst by the poor quality of
husbands. To follow the path of the Virgin Mary means that she will have
many children in the Spirit.84
The last example of spiritual beauty is Christ. The core of vilas
treatment of Christ as paragon of beauty is a lengthy exposition of the
Ecce homo, or Pilates words according to the Vulgate translation of
John :.85 While it constitutes the last section of the Audi, filia, it in
fact belongs to the morning exercise.86 His exposition is interlaced with
commentaries on other biblical passages, and references to Augustine. He
tries to explain the seeming contradiction that the redeemer of the world
should have been announced to the multitudes by such a sinner as Pilate,
when he said, Behold the man. However, the true announcers of Christ
are those who imitate Christ and announce with their actions to the
world, Behold the man.87 He calls his young disciple to look into the
face of your Christ, and to check your life against his.88 After doing this
she should recognize herself to be ugly (fea) and Christ to be beautiful.
In an interesting play on words based on the imago Dei of Genesis ,
he contends that Christ put on our ugly likeness (semejanza) in order
to destroy it and give us his beautiful image (imagen).89 Here again
we are confronted with vilas concept of anihilacin. The ugly image
is destroyed and replaced with a new image, crafted after the beauty of
Christ.

83 OCNEC, p. :.
84 OCNEC, p. :.
85 Exiit ergo Iesus portans spineam coronam et purpureum vestimentum et dicit eis

ecce homo. Latin Vulgate, p. ; (Jesus therefore came forth, bearing the crown of
thorns and the purple garment.) And he saith to them: Behold the man. Douay-Rheims.
86 OCNEC, pp. :.
87 OCNEC, p. :.
88 OCNEC, p. :.
89 Ibid.
 chapter three

I have just stated several ideas that are present in the Audi, filia and
I have argued their potential significance for his women disciples. How-
ever, is it possible to get a sense of how the Audi, filia was actually read
by them? I think it is possible to get quite a good idea of the reception
of the Audi, filia among his women disciples. Thanks to the surviving
writings of Ana Poance de Len we are able to partially reconstruct how
vilas method of mental prayer was apropriated by one of his prominent
disciples.

The Visions and Experiences of Ana Ponce de

Len: A Womans Experience of Mental Prayer

Ana Ponce de Len wrote several accounts of her visions and experiences
that constitute the only known examples of a womans direct reception of
vilas method of mental prayer. She wrote them independently for her
confessors, Juan de vila, with whom she had already established a close
relation since , and Juan de Villaras, another disciple of vila. The
reader will recall that it was precisely around that vila completed
the revised version of the Audi, filia that appeared in print in . Anas
accounts have sadly received very little, if any, attention. In fact, they
deserve careful consideration on their own. Here, I will discuss them in
order to demonstrate her acquaintance with the method of mental prayer
that vila prescribed in the Audi, filia.
The Jesuit hagiographer, Martn de Roa (), published selec-
tions of Anas accounts in his Vida de doa Ana Ponce de Len, which
he finished writing before June .90 Roa used a now lost narrative of
Anas life written by Juan de vila, and manuscripts in the possession of
Villaras. He incorporated a number of Anas writings in his narration of
her life as illustrations of her devotion and piety. Among the fragments
that he included are six first-person accounts of her visions and experi-
ences during the practice of mental prayer.91 He also preserved a letter to

90 Martn de Roa, Vida de doa Ana Ponce de Len condesa de Feria, monja en Santa

Clara de Montilla (Seville: Alonso Rodrguez Gamarra, ). Roas Vida of Ana Ponce
de Len is the second part of a single volume that opens with his Vida of Sancha Carrillo.
See Martn de Roa, Vida i maravillosas virtudes de doa Sancha Carrillo (Seville: Alonso
Rodrguez Gamarra, ). The Vida de doa Ana Ponce de Len, begins on page fifty-
one.
91 Roa, Vida de doa Ana Ponce de Len, pp. vv, rv; rv, rr, v

v, r.
 the audi, filia of as a manual for holy women

Mara de Jess, prioress of the Discalced Carmelite convent of Crdoba,

dated on the last day of February .92
Ana Ponce de Len wrote her accounts at different points in her life.
It appears that she wrote two of them before becoming a nun at the
convent of Santa Clara in . She wrote the other four after, and thus,
she wrote them as Ana de la Cruz. Roa placed them at different turns
in her life, but his arrangement was determined partially on the basis
of their rhetorical use. The first and second accounts seem to be part
of a single document written at least three years after she met vila.93
She wrote the third one shortly after the death of her husband in ,
and alludes to his death in the document.94 Of her six accounts, only
one can be properly described as relating an actual vision. The other
five are descriptions of her experiences during mental prayer. Together
these accounts are crucial for the reconstruction of the practice of mental
prayer.
The first account presented in Roas Vida is also the most complete
and insightful.95 The account is organized into a series of Mostrome
(He showed me); a pattern shared with the remaining four accounts.
Each Mostrome explains an idea or mental image that she entertains
during mental prayer. It seems that she has organized the material in
chronological order. Thus, the account consists of a succession of these
units with very little connection among them, other than the assumption
of a temporal flow between them. Her reflections can be very abstract
and they reflect a considerable degree of theological sophistication. For
instance, she meditates upon the mystery of the incarnation as well as the
relation between nature and grace. On the other hand, her considerations
can also be very graphic as when in the first account she relates a vision
of a vast sea of blood, in which sins are drowned.96
The first account also reflects how she views her relation with Juan de
vila. She explains how God showed her that she should have greater
recollection (recogimiento). For this purpose God sent vila to her, so
that he would teach her the way of recollection. She specifically mentions
that vila taught her how the soul should be walled in the heart
(encerrada en su corazn), and that the soul should die to all worldly

92 Roa, Vida de doa Ana Ponce de Len, p. r.

93 Roa, Vida de doa Ana Ponce de Len, pp. vv, rv.
94 Roa, Vida de doa Ana Ponce de Len, pp. rv.
95 Roa, Vida de doa Ana Ponce de Len, pp. vv.
96 Mostrome un gran mar de sangre, donde se ahogan los pecados, y la gana que tiene

de perdonarme. Roa, Vida de doa Ana Ponce de Len, p. r.

 chapter three

affections (morir a todos los amores del mundo).97 It also appears that
she was tormented by an irreconcilable fear of hell.98 Here too, vila
assured her that salvation is available to those who repent and avail
themselves of the sacraments. Many are lost, he told her, precisely because
of their reluctance to do these things.99
It is also easy to see from Roas account how vilas method of mental
prayer could be so appealing to lay women. Roa narrates how she decided
to pursue a life of recollection even as a married woman. She wanted to
serve the poor, and God showed her that she ought to love the poor as
she loved her husband. God also showed her that she should continue to
deepen her life of recollection while she was still married.100 Accordingly,
God also showed her that she should pray twice daily.101 She heeded
Gods command and she received many graces from God, in spite of her
married state, as she herself remarks. She even had a vision of Christ
opening wide his arms for her.102
Her accounts reflect the characteristic teachings of vila. For instance,
she articulates that through mental prayer she arrives at self-knowledge.
As she begins to pray she perceives the eyes of the Lord inside her

97 Mostrome nuestro Seor, que tuviese mas recogimiento, y me envi al maestro

vila que me lo ensease, y mostrase de la manera que haba de andar el nima encerrada
en su corazn, y morir a todos los amores del mundo. Roa, Vida de doa Ana Ponce de
Len, p. vr.
98 [Roa: Le dijo su confesor que cuando entrase a rezar en su oratorio, hincase las

rodillas, y pidiese a Dios limosna con el corazn.] Lo hice as [Roa: escribe ella] y me
libr su Majestad de una tentacin que me afliga contra la fe. Roa, Vida de doa Ana
Ponce de Len, p. v.
99 Y me espantaba y dije al padre maestro vila, cmo es posible irse hombre al

infierno, teniendo Dios tanta misericordia? Y me respondi que porque eran los hombres
malos y pecaban, y no se queran arrepentir, ni tomar el remedio que Dios les haba dado
en los sacramentos. Roa, Vida de doa Ana Ponce de Len, p. v.
100 Quera servir a nuestro seor con mi estado de casada, en los pobres, y otras buenas

obras, y me ense su Majestad que si quera hacer esto como deba, que haba de amar
tanto a cada pobre, y tener tanta compasin de l, como del Conde. Y que lo que l
principalmente quera de m era mi corazn, y mi amor suelto de todas las cosas, y que
solo l viese, y mirase. Roa, Vida de doa Ana Ponce de Len, p. r.
101 Aqu me mostr ms el recogimiento que mi anima deba tener. Y le tena muy

presente a ella, dndoseme muy por padre, y muy amador, y mostrando contentamiento
de que fuese a estar y tratar con l dos veces al da. Roa, Vida de doa Ana Ponce de Len,
p. r.
102 Y en este estado de casada, en que me puso, me ha hecho sealadas mercedes. Hasta

que por su encendido amor se me manifest particularsimamente abriendo sus brazos

sobre m ensendome el entraable amor que me tiene, y como muri por m, y que
estaba mi vida libre, y en su mano del [sic]. Porque todo cuanto deba pag y cuanto l
tiene es mo y mas su corazn. Roa, Vida de doa Ana Ponce de Len, p. r.
 the audi, filia of as a manual for holy women

soul, showing her how present the Lord is to her thoughts and works.
So, she receives from the Lord trust (confianza) in the forgiveness
of her sins, as well as knowledge of who God is, and who I am.103
According to the conclusion of the first account, she enthusiastically
appreciated Gods graces because of the resolution she acquired in her
heart regarding the knowledge of God and of herself. In addition, in
her meditations she delves extensively into death, the decaying body,
and the souls appearance before the Lord for judgmentthe central
motif of vilas prescription for the evening exercise. However, she points
out that in her evening prayer she meditates on the passion of Christ,
while bringing to mind all her trespasses, and taking refuge in the Vir-
gin.104
It is evident that she reads spiritual books, or catechetical materials, as
an aid to the practice of mental prayer. Among the topics of her medi-
tations she alludes to the Ten Commandments and the commandments
of the Church. The Lord earnestly showed me, she remarks, to think
of his commandments in order to know Gods heart and nature through
them. She continues, And the Lord showed me how thoroughly they
would be fulfilled, as well as those of the Church.105 The Ten Command-
ments and the commandments of the Church are topics that appear reg-
ularly in catechetical and devotional literature of the period. Hence, one
can imagine her reading a catechetical work in preparation for mental
prayer, as prescribed by vila. In fact, she closes the fifth account with an
unambiguous reference to this practice: The Lord gave me this feeling
while reading the commandment.106
Finally, her accounts reveal her search for annihilation as understood
by vila. The point is made particularly clear in the fifth account, which
is an extended reflection on self-knowledge. Here she explains that to
know herself is to know that everything good in her comes from God
and that in herself she is lowly and poor. God gave her knowledge of
her life, but initially she did not understand and took herself for more

103 Y me dio confianza del perdn de mis pecados, y conocimiento de quien es, y quien

soy yo. Y le traa yo continuamente tan presente que lo hallaba y conoca en todo. Roa,
Vida de doa Ana Ponce de Len, p. v.
104 Roa, Vida de doa Ana Ponce de Len, p. v.
105 Roa, Vida de doa Ana Ponce de Len, p. v.
106 Roa, Vida de doa Ana Ponce de Len, p. v.
 chapter three

than she actually was.107 By his mercy, she proclaims, God has given
me to clearly know what I am, and for how much I am, and what I have
from the Lord, my God and my great mercy.108 Moreover, she confirms
that God has given her special gifts precisely when she is in this state of
self-knowledge and that she is to remain there in order to continue to
enjoy them.109
Therefore, in her writings Ana Ponce de Len left a witness to the cen-
tral principle of Juan de vilas method of mental prayer. The aim of men-
tal prayer is to attain knowledge of self and knowledge of God. One can-
not ignore, however, the damaging implications of the self-deprecating
elements of this spiritual practice. The method of annihilation which
vila instilled upon his disciples was one that could in the end have detri-
mental effects on his own spiritual advisees, especially his women disci-
ples, as illustrated by the life of Sancha Carrillo.

Conclusion

Juan de vila gathered around him an impressive number of women

disciples. His best known work, the Audi, filia, was originally intended
for Sancha Carrillo. The work, but especially the method of mental prayer
that it prescribed, continued to be an important source of inspiration
for lay women. Some of the characteristic teachings of this method were
the search for annihilation, the use of reading as an aid for meditation,
and the organization of the day around two periods of mental prayer.
Ana Ponce de Len practiced this form of mental prayer and her extant
writings describe her practice. In what follows, I turn my attention to
vilas treatment of frequent communion as another of his distinctive
spiritual disciplines.

107 Me mostro tambin su poder en abajar cosa tan soberbia como mi corazn estaba

por no conocerme. Me dio conocimiento de toda mi vida, y lo que me haba sufrido mi

gran flaqueza, y poquedad, y bajeza, y pequeez, y mi mala inclinacin. Y no lo entenda
yo, ni tena por quien soy, sino en mejor cuenta. Roa, Vida de doa Ana Ponce de Len,
p. v.
108 Roa, Vida de doa Ana Ponce de Len, p. r.
109 Ibid.
 chapter four

JUAN DE VILA AND FREQUENT

COMMUNION: HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

A distinguishing aspect of Juan de vilas ascetic spirituality was his

emphasis on frequent communion. In his time there was no universal
consensus regarding the practice of receiving the Eucharist on a daily
or even weekly basis, and the practice remained controversial in Spain
for most of vilas lifetime. Yet, vila became an ardent advocate of
frequent communion and his reforming zeal on this point had long
lasting implications.
A comprehensive exposition of the history of frequent communion
in Western Christianity is clearly beyond the limits of the present work.1
Nevertheless, it is crucial to place Juan de vilas contribution on this sub-
ject within proper historical perspective. Moreover, as I surveyed a selec-
tion of sixteenth-century Spanish catechetical and devotional literature it
became clear to me that a series of patristic and medieval texts played an
important role in shaping the sixteenth-century Spanish debate over fre-
quent communion. Hence, I concluded that it is crucial to identify these
texts and disentangle their respective histories before we can properly
asses Juan de vilas position. It is also important to keep in mind that the
essential question facing Juan de vila and other reformers of the period
was the frequency with which the laity, not the clergy, could receive the
Eucharist.

1 For more see Bertrand de Margerie, Theological and Pastoral Reflections on the

History of Frequent Communion, in The Veneration and Administration of the Eucharist,

ed. and trans. CIEL UK (Southampton: The Saint Austin Press, ), pp. ;
Joseph Duhr, Communion Frquente, in Dictionnaire de spiritualit asctique et mys-
tique, ed. Charles Baumgartner (Paris: Beauchesne, ), pp. :; Joseph
Nicholas Stadler, Frequent Holy Communion: A Historical Synopsis and a Commentary
(Washington: The Catholic University of America Press, ); Peter Brown, De frequenti
communione in ecclesia occidentali usque ad annum c. (Rome: Pontifical Gregorian
University, ).
 chapter four

Frequent Communion in New Testament and Patristic Sources

It is widely thought that the celebration of the Eucharist was frequent

in the primitive church. However, it is not clear what kind of frequency
New Testament communities observed. In the New Testament, texts
such as Acts : seem to suggest that the Eucharist was celebrated
every first day of the week. Yet these texts do not necessarily reflect the
norm in early Christianity. In the second century, Justin Martyr (c.
c. ) describes weekly worship meetings consisting of, among other
things, the celebration of the Eucharist.2 By the third century Cyprian
(d. ) in his Liber de oratione dominica refers to the celebration of the
Eucharist as a daily event (quotidie) and intimates that nonparticipation
is tantamount to separation from the body of Christ.3
Ambroses De sacramentis became a very influential text in the sub-
sequent history of frequent communion in the West. Like the relevant
section in Cyprians Liber de oratione dominica, Ambrose (c. )
addresses the frequency of the Eucharist in a brief comment on the
Lords Prayer, specifically upon the supplication give us this day our daily
bread.4 Ambrose questions the practice of receiving the Eucharist once
a year. In a memorable dictum he concludes, Receive daily, that which
benefits you daily (Accipe quotidie, quod quotidie tibi prosit). He con-
tinues with an exhortation to live life every day in such a way as to be
worthy of receiving the Eucharist every day.5 Drawing upon the biblical
image of Job and his daily sacrifices on behalf of his children, Ambrose
argues that whoever does not merit receiving it daily does not merit

2 See Justin Martyr, The First Apology, in Ante-Nicene Fathers, ed. Alexander Roberts

(New York: Charles Scribners Sons, ), p. :; Brown, De frequenti communione,

pp. .
3 Hunc autem panem dari nobis quotidie postulamus, ne qui in Christo sumus et

Eucharistiam quotidie ad cibum salutis accipimus, intercedente aliquo graviore delicto,

dum abstenti et non communicantes a coelesti pane prohibemur, a Chrisi corpore sepa-
remur. Cyprian of Carthage, Liber de oratione Dominica, PL :; Brown, De frequenti
communione, pp. .
4 Panem nostrum quotidianum da nobis hodie. Ambrose, De Sacramentis libri sex,

PL :.
5 Si quotidianus est panis, cur post annum illum sumis, quemadmodum Graeci in

Oriente facere consuerunt. Accipe quotidie, quod quotidie tibi prosit. Sic vive, ut quo-
tidie merearis accipere. Qui non meretur quotidie accipere, non meretur post annum
accipere. Ambrose, De Sacramentis libri sex, PL :; Brown, De frequenti commu-
nione, p. .
 frequent communion: historical background

receiving it once a year.6 Hence, Ambrose emphasizes the daily reception

of the Eucharist while binding it to moral worthiness.
By the end of the patristic period, however, there is clearly no consen-
sus among Christians about the frequency with which the laity should
receive the Eucharist. Jerome (c. ) in his letter to Lucinius of
Baetica (c. ) observes that it was a well documented practice for
the churches in Rome and Spain to receive the Eucharist every day. To
Luciniuss question about whether he should observe that practice or
not, or if he should fast accordingly, Jerome replies by advising him to
observe the traditions that have been handed down by previous genera-
tions, as long as they are not contrary to the faith. He further asserts that
the practice of one church does not invalidate the practice of another. As
for receiving the Eucharist every day, Jerome suggests Lucinius could do
so without any misgivings and without fearing Jeromes disapproval.7
Jeromes letter to Lucinius played an important role in sixteenth-
century debates over frequent communion in Spain, and his approving
reference to the celebration of daily communion in Hispania provided
support for those who like Juan de vila lamented the paucity of lay
participation in the Eucharist. Augustine of Hippo (), though,
was received with ambivalence. In fact, in several key writings Augustine
himself seems to be of two minds on the question. In his reply to Januar-
ius, Augustine suggests that the practices of either receiving the Eucharist
daily, or with some other frequency, are equally valid. Augustine follows a
similar argument to the one Jerome made, as he asserts the importance of
traditions that are handed down by previous generations and the validity
of practices that vary from place to place. He observes that some partake

6 Qui non meretur quotidie accipere, non meretur post annum accipere. Quomodo
Job sanctus pro filiis suis offerebat quotidie sacrificium ne forte aliquid vel in corde, vel
in sermone peccassent? Ambrose, De Sacramentis libri sex, PL :.
7 De Sabbato quod quaeris, utrum jejunandum sit: et de Eucharistia, an accipienda

quotidie, quod Romanae Ecclesiae et Hispaniae observare perhibentur, scripsit quidem et

Hippolytus vir disertissimus; et carptim diversi Scriptores e variis auctoribus edidere. Sed
ego illud breviter te admonendum puto, traditiones Ecclesiasticas (praesertim quae fidei
non officiant) ita observandas, ut a majoribus traditae sunt; nec aliorum consuetudinem,
aliorum contrario more subverti. Atque utinam omni tempore jejunare possimus, quod in
Actibus Apostolorum diebus Pentecostes et die Dominico, Apostolum Paulum, et cum eo
credentes fecisse legimus (Acts :). Nec tamen Manichaeae haereseos accusandi
sunt, cum carnalis cibus praeferri non debuerit spirituali. Eucharistiam quoque absque
condemnatione nostri, et pungente conscientia, sember accipere, et Psalmistam audire
dicentem: Gustate et videte, quoniam suavis est Dominus (Psalm .), et cum eo canere:
Eructavit cor meum verbum bonum (Psalm .). Jerome, Ad Lucinium (Epistola LXXI),
PL :; Brown, De frequenti communione, pp. .
 chapter four

daily of the body and blood of Christ, but others do so only on Saturday
and the Lords Day, and still others receive it only on the latter.8 In his let-
ter Augustine continues writing with evenhandedness about the variety
of practices known to him, giving priority to unity in the bond of peace.
In general what he highlights is the importance of honoring the sacra-
ment. Accordingly he concludes that, he honors it who dares not take it
every day, and he honors it that dares not pass it over any day.9
It is also abundantly clear that Augustine endorsed daily communion.
In his Sermon LVIII on the Lords Prayer (Matthew :), he calls the
Eucharist the daily bread (panem quotidianum) and comments that
it is good for believers to receive the daily bread that is so necessary.10
The Eucharist is daily food (quotidianum cibum); because of the
need for daily sustenance the believer has to be in constant prayer and
mindful of living so that there is no separation from the altar.11 In his
Sermon LVII, Augustine reminds us that the Eucharist stands for the
unity of the church, and this is precisely part of the spiritual sustenance
imparted every day.12 Finally, in Sermon CCXXVII Augustine insists that
the baptized ought to receive the Eucharist daily.13
For Augustine the daily bread is the daily communion, but it is also
the daily word of God. Augustine recognized the multivalent character
of the dominical petition, give us this day our daily bread. Hence in

8 Alia vero quae per loca terrarum regionesque variantur, sicuti est quod alii jejunant

sabbato, alii non; alii quotidie communicant corpori et sanguini Domini, alii certis diebus
accipiunt; alibi nullus dies praetermittitur, quo non offeratur, alibi sabbato tantum et
dominico, alibi tantum dominico. Augustine, Ad inquisitiones Januarii liber primus, seu
epistola LIV, PL :; translation found in Philip Schaff, ed., The Confessions and Letters
of St. Augustin (Buffalo: The Christian Literature Company, ), pp. , here
p. ; Brown, De frequenti communione, pp. .
9 Nam et ille honorando non audet quotidie sumere, et ille honorando non audet

ullo die praetermittere. Augustine, Ad inquisitiones Januarii, PL :.

10 Intelligitur etiam hoc valde bene, Panem nostrum quotidianum da nobis hodie,

Eucharistiam tuam, quotidianum cibum. Norunt enim fideles quid accipiant, et bonum
est eis accipere panem quotidianum huic tempori necessarium. Augustine, Sermo LVIII,
Item in Matthaei caput VI, , de oratione Dominica, ad Competentes, PL :.
11 Sic vivamus, ut ab altari tuo non separemur. Augustine, Sermo LVIII, Item in

Matthaei caput VI, , de oratione Dominica, ad Competentes, PL :.

12 Ergo Eucharistia panis noster quotidianus est: sed sic accipiamus illum, ut non

solum ventre, sed et mente reficiamur. Virtus enim ipsa quae ibi intelligitur, unitas
est, ut redacti in corpus ejus, effecti membra ejus, simus quod accipimus. Augustine,
Sermo LVII. Rursum in Matthaei caput VI, , de oratione Dominica, ad Competentes,
PL :; Brown, De frequenti communione, p. .
13 Debetis scire quid accepistis, quid accepturi estis, quid quotidie accipere debeatis.

Augustine, Sermo CCXXVII. In die Paschae, IV. Ad infantes, de sacramentis, PL :;

Brown, De frequenti communione, p. .
 frequent communion: historical background

Sermon LVIII, he calls the daily bread the word of God that is every
day laid open before the faithful.14 In Sermon LVII, he is even more
general; the words that he is preaching are the daily bread and the daily
readings that are heard in church are also the daily bread. Even the
hymns that are heard and sung can be considered the bread of the Lords
Prayer.15 Accordingly, he considered the daily bread as being both the
daily Eucharist, the daily preaching of the word of God, and the daily
worship of God.
Yet, in Sermon LVI he identifies the daily bread of the Lords Prayer
almost exclusively with the word of God. God gives this bread to both
those who praise and those who blaspheme God. Certainly, those who
dont repent face condemnation; but God nevertheless offers this daily
bread to all.16 Accordingly, Augustine asks, What then is this bread, and
why is it daily?17 He replies unequivocally, the bread is the word of
God, which is disbursed [erogatur] to us every day.18 Augustine reasons
that to those who labor in the vineyard two things are owed: one is
daily sustenance, the other is the reward (merces). The daily sustenance
that God dispenses to the laborers is food (cibus), and this food for
Augustine is the word of God; the reward is eternal life. The Church
always disburses (erogatur) the word of God.19 Sermon LVI, hence,
is a very good illustration of Augustines two minds on the question of
frequent communion. Here, the daily bread of the Lords Prayer appears
predominantly as the word of God, and not the Eucharist.
Augustines influence in later debates over daily communion was unin-
tended, however. That is, he shaped the debate to a large extent not by
what he actually wrote, but by what was attributed to him as author. The

14 Et verbum Dei quod quotidie vobis aperitur, et quodam modo frangitur, panis

quotidianus est. Augustine, Sermo LVIII, PL :.

15 Et quod vobis tracto, panis quotidianus est: et quod in Ecclesia lectiones quotidie

auditis, panis quotidianus est: et quod hymnos auditis et dictis, panis quotidianus est.
Augustine, Sermo LVII, PL :.
16 Sed istum panem, charissimi, quo venter impletur, quo caro quotidie reficitur;

istum ergo panem videtis Deum dare, non solum laudatoribus suis, sed etiam blasphema-
toribus, qui facit solem suum oriri super bonos et malos, et pluit super justos et injustos
(Matth. :). Laudas, pascit te: blasphemas, pascit te. Ut poenitentiam agas, exspectat te:
sed si non te mutaveris, damnat te. Augustine, Sermo LVI. De Evangelio Matthaei, cap.
VI, , de oratione Dominica, ad Competentes, PL :.
17 Quis est iste panis? et quare dicitur quotidianus? Augustine, Sermo LVI, PL :.
18 Ipse est sermo Dei, qui nobis quotidie erogatur. Augustine, Sermo LVI, PL :.
19 Cibus noster quotidianus in hac terra, sermo Dei est, qui semper erogatur Ecclesiis:

merces nostra post laborem vita aeterna nominatur. Augustine, Sermo LVI, PL :.
 chapter four

work of Gennadius of Massilia (d. c. ), De ecclesiasticis dogmatibus

was long considered to have been the work of Augustine by medieval
scholars like Peter Lombard. Perhaps on account of the authority of
Lombard, or of Thomas Aquinass commentary on the Sentences, Spanish
devotional and catechetical authorssuch as Ignacio de Loyola, and the
Dominicans, Archbishop Bartolom Carranza de Miranda and Juan de
la Cruzalso regarded the work to be Augustines.
Gennadiuss is a more sober view on the frequency of communion. It is
clearly a modification of Augustines position, and it further emphasizes
the importance of personal moral worthiness. In a passage that was
later quoted at length by Lombard, although attributing it to Augustine,
Gennadius declares, I neither praise nor condemn the daily reception
of the Eucharist.20 However, he goes on to indicate that he urges and
encourages everyone to take communion every Lords Day.21 He warns
that those whose mind is set on sin should not take the Eucharist, for in
that case the mind would be greatly burdened.22 He continues to indicate
the importance of confession and public penance before partaking of
the Eucharist, especially in cases of mortal sin. Thus, Gennadius moves
away from daily communion and warns of the dangers of receiving the
Eucharist lightly and without proper spiritual preparation. Furthermore,
for him the Eucharist should be received frequently, but preferably only
on the Lords Day.

Medieval and Scholastic Sources on Frequent Communion

Daily communion continued to be the ideal held by many clerics during

the medieval period. Thus the Carolingian theologian Paschasius Rad-
bertus (c. c. ), was also of the opinion that the Eucharistic sac-
rifice should be offered daily: And therefore because every day we slip
and fall, every day we sacrifice Christ mystically on our behalf.23 It was
Peter Lombard (c. ) who set the tone for the schoolmen. He

20 Quotidie eucharistiae communionem percipere nec laudo, nec vitupero. De eccle-

siasticis dogmatibus, PL :; Brown, De frequenti communione, p. .

21 Omnibus tamen dominicis diebus communicandum suadeo et hortor, si tamen

mens in affectu peccandi non sit. De ecclesiasticis dogmatibus, PL :.

22 Nam habentem adhuc voluntatem peccandi, gravari magis dico Eucharistiae per-

ceptione quam purificari. De ecclesiasticis dogmatibus, PL :.

23 Et ideo quia quotidie labimur, quotidie pro nobis Christus mystice immolatur.

Paschasius Radbertus, De corpore et sanguine Domini liber, PL :.

 frequent communion: historical background

addressed the question of daily communion in the fourth book of the

Sentences. If, however, you ask Lombard pointed out, if we should
receive communion every day, listen to what Augustine says thereupon.
It is at this point, while addressing daily communion, that Lombard
quoted De ecclesiasticis dogmatibus believing it to be the work of Augus-
tine.24 In this way Lombard effectively appropriated the advice found in
De ecclesiasticis dogmatibus, namely that the Eucharist should be received
every Lords day and not necessarily every day.
Lombard, moreover, serves as an indicator of the growing rarity of
frequent communion among the laity. Towards the end of distinction
twelve, immediately after the sentence attributed to Augustine, Lombard
quotes Pope Fabian, or rather pseudo-Fabian, indicating that the faithful
should receive communion at least three times during the year: at Easter,
Pentecost, and Christmas.25 Interestingly enough Gratian (d. c. ) in
his Concordia discordantium canonum, or the Decretum Gratiani, also
quotes pseudo-Fabian but is a little more explicit adding that the laity
should receive communion at least three times during the year.26
As the previous two sources indicate, daily and weekly lay reception of
the Eucharist was extremely rare in the twelfth century. In fact there was a
wide gap between the clerical ideal of frequent reception of the Eucharist
and lay participation in the sacrament. In the thirteenth century, the
reformist Lateran Council IV () sought to address this by requiring
every Christian to receive the Eucharist at least once a year. The Council
instructed all believers to confess once a year to their own priest.27 It
also specified that the Eucharist be received at Easter and that believers

24 Si autem quaeratur utrum quotidie communicandum sit, audi quid inde tradit
August., lib. de ecclesiasticis Dogmatibus, c. : Quotidie, inquit, Eucharistiam accipere,
nec laudo, nec vitupero; omnibus tamen dominicis diebus communicandum hortor.
Si tamen mens in affectu peccandi est, gravari magis dico Eucharistiae perceptione,
quam purificari. Et licet quis peccato mordeatur, si peccandi tamen de caetero non
habeat voluntatem, et satisfaciat lacrymis et orationibus, accedat securus: sed hoc de illo
dico quem mortalia peccata non gravant. Peter Lombard, Sententiarum libri quatuor,
PL :.
25 Si non frequentius, saltem ter in anno homines communicent, nisi forte quis

criminalibus impediatur: in Pascha, scilicet, et Pentecoste, et in Natali. Peter Lombard,

Sententiarum libri quatuor, PL :.
26 Etsi non frequentius, saltem in anno ter *laici* homines communicent, nisi forte

quis majoribus quibuslibet criminibus impediatur; in Pascha videlicet, et Pentecoste,

et Natali Domini. Gratian, Concordia discordantium canonum. Decreti pars tertia: De
consecratione, distinctio II, PL :.
27 [S]altem semel in anno proprio sacerdoti. Concilium Lateranense IV, COD, p. .
 chapter four

could abstain only under priestly advice. Finally, the Council indicated
that failure to observe its dictate would result in excommunication.28
Surely, even after the reforms of the Council the regular reception of
the sacrament was more frequent within the ranks of the clergy than
among the laity. That was especially the case with the mendicant orders
that were established in the thirteenth century. Thus, Bonaventure (c.
) also addressed the problem in his Commentaria in quatuor
libros sententiarum Magistri Petri Lombardi ().29 His elucida-
tion of frequent communion in the Commentaria is straightforward, his
intention being to find a middle point between rare and frequent recep-
tion of the sacrament. He first provides arguments supporting the prac-
tice, with particular attention to daily (quotidie) communion, followed
by arguments against it, and closes with his own conclusions. Among the
authorities that he rallies are the relevant passages of the Lords Prayer
(Matthew :, and Luke :), and the reference to the practice of the
early church found in Acts :, . He also quotes Ambroses De sacra-
menti on two separate occasions. Based on these sources he suggests as a
tentative conclusion that the sacrament be received frequently because it
contributes to the increase of virtue.
He immediately proceeds to present several arguments against fre-
quent, i.e. daily, communion. He quotes the famous sentence from
De ecclesiasticis dogmatibus, which he attributes to Augustine: Quo-
tidie Eucharistiam accipere nec laudo nec vitupero. If one ought to
always receive it then it should always be praised, he argues.30 He also
cites Augustines Joannis Evangelium tractatus xxv, where the Bishop of
Hippo sustains, To what purpose are you ready to chew and digest?
Have faith and you have already eaten.31 He uses Augustines state-
ment to argue against frequent communion. Therefore, he contends,
it is not advantageous to receive carnally, because, if to some extent
it is advantageous, wrongly does Augustine declare: To what purpose

28 Concilium Lateranense IV, COD, p. .

29 Specifically in IV Sent., dist. xii, pars ii, a. , q. . See Bonaventure, Doctoris seraphici
S. Bonaventurae opera omnia, vols. , Commentaria in quatuor libros sententiarum
Magistri Petri Lombardi (Quaracchi: Colegii S. Bonaventurae, ), pp. :
.
30 [S]ed si semper deberet percipi, laudaret: ergo, etc. Bonaventure, Commentaria in

quatuor libros sententiarum, p. :.

31 Quid paras dentem et ventrem? Crede tantum, et manducasti. Bonaventure, Com-

mentaria in quatuor libros sententiarum, p. :. But also cf. Utquid paras dentes et
ventrem? Crede, et manducasti. Augustine, Tractatus XXV, PL :.
 frequent communion: historical background

are you ready to chew and digest? 32 His commentary on Augustine

is revealing. As we will see in a moment, Aquinas bases his consid-
eration of frequent communion upon the distinction between eating
sacramentally (sacramentaliter) and spiritually (spiritualiter). How-
ever, Bonaventure in his Commentaria not only speaks of sacramental
eating in juxtaposition to spiritual eating. For him the crucial juxtapo-
sition is between spiritual eating and carnal or fleshly (corporaliter)
eating. He sees frequent communion as potentially leading to carnal
reception of the sacrament, which is for him an offense to the glory of
God.
Accordingly, Bonaventure stresses the importance of spiritual com-
munion in his arguments against frequent communion. He asserts that
it is possible to receive communion spiritually without any hazards;
but to take part of communion, unless one is well prepared, is haz-
ardous. He suggests that the safer way be chosen. If that is the case,
then one may conclude with him, may sacramental communion be rare
and spiritual be frequent.33 Again, rare reception of the communion
may not be a bad thing after all. He sustains that in all things it is to
be preferred to give glory to God. Bonaventure observes that he who
renounces taking part on account of the dignity of the sacrament gives
glory to God. He who partakes on account of the efficacy of the sacra-
ment pays attention to his own benefit. His premise leads him to the
inescapable conclusion, he who holds back acts better than he who par-
takes.34
After his arguments for and against frequent communion, Bonaven-
ture introduces his conclusions. In general, he is concerned about proper
preparation before receiving the sacrament. He believes that the primitive
church was suitably prepared to receive the sacrament every day. How-
ever, the situation changed over time. Accordingly, Pope Fabian insti-

32 [E]rgo nulla est utilitas in accipiendo corporaliter, quia, si aliqua esset utilitas, male

ergo diceret Augustinus: Quid paras dentem et ventrem? Bonaventure, Commentaria

in quatuor libros sententiarum, p. :.
33 Item, ratione videtur: quia possibile est manducare spiritualiter non accedendo, et

non est ibi periculum; sed accedendo, nisi homo sit bene paratus, est periculum: ergo si
via securior est eligenda, tunc ergo raro est communicandum sacramentaliter et saepe
spiritualiter. Bonaventure, Commentaria in quatuor libros sententiarum, p. :.
34 Item, gloria Dei nostro commodo est praeferenda; sed qui dimittit accedere propter

Sacramenti dignitatem principaliter dat gloriam Deo, qui autem accedit propter Sacra-
menti efficaciam attendit proprium commodum: ergo melius facit qui cessat, quam qui
accedit. Bonaventure, Commentaria in quatuor libros sententiarum, p. :.
 chapter four

tuted that the sacrament be received three times a year. Nevertheless,

because of widespread negligence the reception of the sacrament has
been reduced to one time a year. He urges that a middle way be found
a middle way for receiving it, and a middle way for holding back from
the sacrament. The sacrament should be received first and foremost to
learn to have reverence, and then in order to set love on fire. It is wise to
decline it when one is mainly after the experience. The order is clear to
many, except the requirement of due preparation; only a few are always
prepared.35 He echoes Augustine in stating that there is greater efficacy
for one man in eating with good preparation in one mass, than in many
if he does not prepare diligently.36 On the other hand, he asserts that
spiritual eating is more, when it is together with sacramental eating, than
when it is by itself.37
Bonaventures views on the question are also reflected in his Brevilo-
quium (), where he also discusses the Eucharist. For Bonaven-
ture our capacity to receive Christ resides in the spirit and not in the
flesh; that is, through the mind and not through the stomach. The mind
arrives at Christ through the understanding and through love. For that
reason the sacrament has to be approached in the spirit and not in
the flesh, in this way the mystery of the sacrament is attained through
both understanding and love.38 Those who receive the sacrament with a
lukewarm heart eat and drink judgment ( Cor :). For Bonaven-
ture to eat in the spirit, or spiritual eating, is to receive proper spiri-
tual preparation and to receive the sacrament accordingly. In Bonaven-
tures mind the chief concern is to honor the sacrament with special

35 [S]i autem medio modo, medio modo se debet habere, et aliquando debet cessare,
ut addiscat revereri; aliquando accedere, ut inflammetur amore; quia tali hospiti debetur
honor, debetur et amor; et tunc secundum illam partem, secundum quam viderit se
melius proficere, ad illam magis declinet, quod homo solum experientia discit.Omnes
igitur rationes ad primam partem intelliguntur, salva debita praeparatione, quae in
paucissimis est ut semper. Bonaventure, Commentaria in quatuor libros sententiarum,
p. :.
36 [Q]uia maiorem efficaciam, credo, recipit homo in una Missa vel manducatione

cum bona praeparatione, quam in multis, si non se praeparet diligenter. Bonaventure,

Commentaria in quatuor libros sententiarum, p. :.
37 [S]ic plus manducatio spiritualis, quando coniuncta est sacramentali, quam quan-

do est per se. Bonaventure, Commentaria in quatuor libros sententiarum, p. :.

38 Postremo, quoniam capacitas nostra ad Christum efficaciter suscipiendum non est

in carne, sed in spiritu, non in ventre, sed in mente. Bonaventure, Doctoris seraphici
S. Bonaventurae opera omnia, vol. , Breviloquium (Quaracchi: Colegii S. Bonaventurae,
), p. :.
 frequent communion: historical background

devotion.39 Thus, the distinction between spiritual and fleshly eating of

the sacrament is crucial for Bonaventure.
Cristobal de Madrid, a Spanish Jesuit and ardent supporter of daily
communion, commented on Bonaventures influence on the sixteenth-
century debate over frequent communion. He argued that those with a
restrictive view on the issue of frequency often referred to Bonaventure
as an authority.40 More complex was the appropriation of the Doctor
Angelicus. Thomas Aquinas (c. ) also reflected the long held
clerical ideal of frequent communion when he affirmed both modalities,
daily and weekly reception of the sacrament. His discussion, found in the
Summa theologiae (), became a decisive text in the Spanish
debates of the sixteenth-century.
Three items of his discussion are especially worthy of attention in
this context. First, Aquinas sought to clarify the teaching of Lateran
Council IV on the question of frequent communion. He argued that just
because the Council required communion to be received once a year,
it could not be concluded that daily communion is not commendable.
Instead, Pope Innocent III was responding to a new situation in which
iniquity abounded and charity grew cold (cf. Matthew :).41 Hence,
it was still worthy of praise to receive communion every Sunday even if
the Council required the faithful to communicate just once a year.42 In
contrast to Aquinas, Juan de vila articulated a strong and principled
reaction against the teaching of Lateran Council IV on the question of
frequent communion. He deemed the requirement of the Council to be
insufficient.
Second, Aquinas considers in the Summa an important distinction
between eating the sacrament sacramentally and spiritually. He cites

39 Propter quod etiam hoc Sacramentum praeceptum est celebrari cum solemnitate
praecipua tam quantum ad locum quam etiam quantum ad tempus et quantum ad
verba et orationes et quantum ad vestimenta in celebratione Missarum. Bonaventure,
Breviloquium, p. :.
40 Adducunt etiam aliqui contra frequentem communionem illud B. Bonaventurae

de profectu religiosorum (..) [i.e. De profectu religiosorum]. Cristobal de Madrid,

De frequenti usu sanctissimi Eucharistiae Sacramenti libellus (Cologne: Balthasarum Cly-
peum, ), p. , under Argumenta adversariorum.
41 And because iniquity hath abounded, the charity of many shall grow cold, Douay-

Rheims.
42 Postmodum propter iniquitatis, abundantiam refrigescente charitate multorum,

statuit Innocentius III in concil. Lateran. IV, cap. , ut saltem semel in anno, sclicet
in Pascha, fideles communicent. Thomas Aquinas, Summa Theol., III, Q. lxxx, a. , ed.
J.P. Migne (Paris, ), :.
 chapter four

the Glossa ordinaria as his source, specifically, the gloss to Corinthians

:, indicating that there are two ways of eating, the one sacramen-
tal, and the other spiritual. He argues that the perfect way of eating the
sacrament is by also partaking of its effect. The imperfect way, on the
other hand, is by eating the sacrament without its effect.43 The latter form
of eating the sacrament is what he describes as sacramental eating. He
admits that even those who only desire rather than actually receive the
sacrament can obtain its effect. Spiritual eating of the sacrament consists
precisely of this desire to receive the effect of the sacrament even if in
reality there is no eating of the sacrament.44 Aquinas does not consider
spiritual eating to be the perfect way of receiving the sacrament. How-
ever, it is certainly above eating of the sacrament sacramentally. As in
the case of Bonaventure, Aquinass discussion of the distinction between
sacramental and spiritual eating of the Eucharist makes it possible to
think of daily communion in terms of spiritual eating, while real eat-
ing of the Eucharist can be circumscribed to those occasions allowed by
church law and tradition. However, contrary to Bonaventure, Aquinas
articulates a view that favors more frequent and preferably weekly com-
munion.
Finally, Aquinass framing of the question played an important role in
shaping the sixteenth-century Spanish debate over frequent communion.
Opponents of frequent communion, like the Dominican Juan de la Cruz,
as well as the moderate and conciliatory Archbishop Bartolom Carranza
de Miranda, or even the uncompromising Juan de vila, all followed
Aquinass discussion of the issue of frequent communion. Each one
of these devotional writers sought to defend his respective position by
taking stock, in one way or the other, of Aquinass scholastic elucidation
of the subject. In this sense his discussion can be considered as setting
the parameters of the debate, alongside Ambrose, Augustine, Gennadius,
Lombard, the Fourth Lateran Council, and Bonaventure.
The distinction between sacramental and spiritual communion was
pivotal in the emergence of a relatively new perspective on frequent com-
munion. Aquinas assured readers that spiritual communion conveyed
the effect of the sacrament; however, sacramental communion could

43 Aquinas, Summa Theol., III, Q. lxxx, a. , ed. J.P. Migne (Paris, ), :.

44 Sicut igitur perfectum contra imperfectum dividitur, ita sacramentalis manducatio,
per quam sumitur solum sacramentum sine effectu ipsius, dividitur contra spiritualem
manducationem, per quam quis percipit effectum huius sacramenti, quo spiritualiter
homo Christo coniungitur per fidem et caritatem. Aquinas, Summa Theol., III, Q. lxxx,
a. , ed. J.P. Migne (Paris, ), :.
 frequent communion: historical background

be without it. Moreover, like Ambrose and Augustine before him, he

warned of the dangers of receiving the sacrament without proper spir-
itual preparation. His reasoning led some to the conclusion that spir-
itual communion was somehow superior to sacramental communion
as it, by definition, involved proper spiritual preparation and could be
received with extreme regularity, even several times daily. By the same
reasoning it could be argued that frequent, i.e. daily, sacramental commu-
nion was not as desirable, for it might involve nothing more than com-
pliance with an exterior ceremony. Such was the position of Aquinass
fourteenth-century coreligionist, the German mystic Johannes Tauler
(c. ).
In his Sermon XXXIII, on the feast of Corpus Christi, Tauler addresses
the shortcomings of frequent sacramental communion.45 He begins his
sermon by referring to Aquinass treatment of the Eucharist. He continues
by observing that Christians in Cologne habitually receive the sacrament
with frequency. There is no problem with the practice, which he in
principle deems to be good. He is quick to observe that not all receive
the sacrament with the same effect, for some receive the host but do
not do so spiritually on account of their state of mortal sin. Others do
receive it both sacramentally and spiritually. Nevertheless, even then
because of their many venial sins and lack of spiritual preparation, they
do not receive all the graces and consolations that can be conferred by the
sacrament. He also acknowledges that some will communicate with great
spiritual profit. However, he is inclined to praise a different category of
communicants, namely those who receive the sacrament spiritually while
having no actual sacramental communion. They are good people, pure
in heart, those who for some reason cannot receive the actual sacrament.
According to Tauler it is possible that they receive the grace of the
sacrament in a higher degree than those who receive it sacramentally.46
In fact, for Tauler frequent sacramental communion may even be
detrimental to the spiritual life of communicants if it is turned into a
mere outward observance. While spiritual communion can be received
a hundred times every day, the difference between spiritual and sacra-
mental communion is not one of quantity. The difference lies in the holy
disposition and right desire of those who receive it spiritually. Many who

45 Johannes Tauler, Sermons, trans. Maria Shrady (New York: Paulist Press, ),

pp. , here p. ; See Hughes Oliphant Old, The Reading and Preaching of the
Scriptures in the Worship of the Christian Church, pp. :.
46 Ibid.
 chapter four

receive communion sacramentally do so without overcoming their daily

sins. They approach the sacrament in a lukewarm manner. Hence, com-
munion becomes for them an outward observance, and they leave the
Lords Table graceless, empty, dull, and cold.47 Furthermore, for him the
problem with sacramental communion is symptomatic of the tendency
to turn outwards in dire neglect of the inner life. One could turn inwards
and find true freedom and the Kingdom of God. Instead, one looks out-
side, pursuing all sorts of things, in the end losing ones own self.48
Thomas Kempis () also distinguished between sacramen-
tal and spiritual communion. However, the thrust of his work was to cor-
rect what he perceived to be a general indifference towards the sacra-
ment. He exerted considerable influence in the ensuing Spanish debate of
the sixteenth-century through his Contemptus mundi, or Imitatio Christi,
which was for a long time attributed to Jean Gerson. As John OMalley
notes, the first Jesuits embraced the Imitatio Christi as a Gersonian devo-
tional work.49 Juan de vila himself is now considered by scholars to have
been the author of a Spanish translation of the Imitatio Christi.50
Kempis dedicates book four of his discourse to the devotion of the
Eucharist. He regrets a general lack of heart-felt desire for the sacrament
and he blames frequent communion for the spread of indifference.51 The
sacrament is readily available everywhere, he contends, and accordingly,
it is everywhere despised. In this sense book four can be seen as his
attempt to correct the level of personal devotion to the sacrament. He
still extols frequent communion as an ideal, yet he insists that it require
proper spiritual preparation.
In contrast to Tauler, Kempis does not conceive of the spiritual recep-
tion of the sacrament as a higher form of communion. Spiritual commu-
nion is for those who are legitimately prevented from receiving sacra-
mental communion. Using Aquinass language he observes that anyone
can receive the gift of the sacrament even if not actually partaking of the
sacrament. Furthermore, he holds fast to Aquinas notion of perfect com-
munion as the sacramental eating of the Eucharist with a truly repentant
heart. Hence, he affirms that sacramental communion should be received

47 Ibid.
48 Ibid., p. .
49 John W. OMalley, The First Jesuits (Cambridge and London: Harvard University

Press, ), p. .
50 OCNEC, pp. :.
51 Thomas Kempis, The Imitation of Christ (New York: Vintage Books, ), p. .
 frequent communion: historical background

on certain fixed days, and during certain seasons of the year.52 For Kem-
pis spiritual communion does not take the place of sacramental commu-
nion.
In conclusion, like Tauler, Kempis uses Aquinass distinction to criti-
cize the superficial reception of the sacrament. Frequent communion in
this sense leads to indifference towards the sacrament, as it is degraded to
a mere ceremony. With Tauler, Kempis calls for proper spiritual prepara-
tion before receiving the sacrament, but unlike Tauler, he does not elevate
spiritual communion to a higher plane, above sacramental communion.
It is fair to observe that Tauler constructs Aquinass distinction in line
with his own mystical theology, while the weight in Kempis is found in
his own asceticism. Of all the theologians treated in this short survey, it
was Kempis who left the deepest mark on Juan de vila and his devotion
to frequent communion.
Thus, by the end of the fifteenth century there were several modal-
ities of frequent communion in the West. First, the daily reception of
the Eucharist was still widely practiced during the time of Augustine and
Jerome. The celebration of the Eucharist every Lords Day was also com-
mon during the patristic period. Daily communion remained the ideal
of the clergy during the early and high middle ages, but it was far from
common among the laity. Hence by the twelve and thirteenth century the
norm was probably closer to the standards set by Lombard, Gratian, and
Lateran Council IV. Nevertheless, daily communion continued to exert
a strong attraction among the clergy. At last, drawing upon Aquinass
distinction between sacramental and spiritual communion, Tauler and
Kempis, each in his own turn, articulated a singularly important criticism
of frequent communion. They were both concerned about the degra-
dation of the sacrament, and each in his own way called for a deeper
and more intimate approach to the Eucharist. Their criticism becomes
a running thread connecting Aquinas with the emergence of the devo-
tio moderna, and, through the Brethren of the Common Life, with Eras-
mus. His is the next contribution we discuss before we can ponder the
position of Juan de vila and the Spanish debate over frequent commu-
nion.

52 Ibid., p. .
 chapter four

Erasmus, the Spanish Erasmians, and Frequent Communion

Erasmuss most influential work on Spanish soil was his Enchiridion

Militis Christiani (). Alonso Fernndez de Madrid translated it into
Spanish, and the printer Miguel de Egua published it in .53 Erasmus
addressed the question of frequent communion in an interesting passage
that forms part of the discussion of his fifth rule of true Christianity.
According to his fifth rule, true Christian piety progresses from the
visible to the invisible, from that which is imperfect and indifferent
to that which is perfect. The Christian soldier is not attached to temporal
things, but rises up to the spiritual and eternal. According to Erasmus the
precept is crucial, as it distinguishes the Christian from the pagan, and
true piety from superstition.54
With this Platonic idea in the background, Erasmus moves to question
the daily celebration of the mass. He argues that it is of no avail to
celebrate the Eucharistic sacrifice every day if there is no progress beyond
what he calls the flesh of the sacrament. Here Erasmus recoils from
the distinction between sacramental and spiritual communion. Those
who count the times they assist at mass, and who nevertheless return
to their old ways after church, are living in the flesh of piety. They
do not learn from the sacrament and remain aloof from the needs and
sufferings of others. They fail to make spiritual progress towards the
real, eternal, and unchangeable meaning of the sacrament. In contrast,
those who are conscious of the real meaning of the sacrament and long
to become one with Christ and a living member of the church are the
ones who spiritually partake of the sacrament. Their piety is intimate and
pure, as they are not distracted by that which is superficial and temporal.
Moreover, they understand the real meaning of the sacrament because
they are moved by love and compassion for their neighbor.55
Erasmus applies the same logic to baptism. The sacrament of baptism
itself does not make one, ipso facto, a Christian. To be baptized is to

53 Desiderius Erasmus, El enquiridin o manual del caballero cristiano, ed. Dmaso

Alonso (Madrid: Revista de Filologa Espaola, ). The original first edition is now
lost. See the bibliographical essay of Dmaso Alonso, Las ediciones del Enquiridin
castellano, El enquiridin, pp. . I am following Alonsos edition without mod-
ernizing the text.
54 Desiderius Erasmus, The Handbook of the Christian Soldier, in Spiritualia, ed. John

W. OMalley, Collected Works of Erasmus (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, ),

pp. :, here p. :.
55 Erasmus, The Handbook, p. :.
 frequent communion: historical background

have the body of the sacrament, but it is not necessarily the same as
having its spirit. In fact, often Christians are so only outwardly, but in
private they are like pagans. In such cases the body has been washed,
but the soul remains defiled. He argues that the Christian needs to be
buried with Christ inwardly, as it is inconsequential to be sprinkled
with water only in the outside.56 In brief, Erasmus continues Tauler
and Kempis criticism of frequent communion but also distinguishes
between sacramental and spiritual communion as found in both the
glossa ordinaria and Aquinas, and like Tauler he advocates a Neo-Platonic
understanding of the sacraments.
The ideas of Erasmus became very popular with certain segments
of Spanish society. In particular, the young Charles V was keen on
the Dutch humanist. As he established his court in Spain in the s
his sympathies for Erasmus contributed to the spread of his influence
among Spanish courtiers. The ranks of Spanish Erasmianism consisted
of university trained members of the clergy as well as finely educated lay
people. Instrumental for the dissemination of Erasmuss views was the
translation of his works into Spanish.
Alonso Fernndez de Madrid was responsible for translating Eras-
muss Enchiridion into Spanish. His translation was important not only
because it facilitated the comprehension of Erasmus by a wider reader-
ship, but also because Fernndez de Madrid expanded the content of the
original text in his own translation. In the specific case of Erasmuss com-
ments on frequent communion, Fernndez de Madrids creative addi-
tions to the original text are highly significant.57 In all of his additions
he clearly sought to emphasize the Erasmian contrast between the exte-
rior and the interior, between the flesh and the spirit. For instance, where
Erasmus spoke of the flesh of the sacrament, Fernndez de Madrid
added en lo exterior (in the exterior).58 He even added a complete
sentence, not found in the original, in which he intimated that the desired
outcome of hearing the mass is to have spiritual profit (provecho

56 Erasmus, The Handbook, p. :.

57 In contrast to the opinion of Adolfo Bonilla y San Martn, Erasmo en Espaa:
episodio de la historia del Renacimiento (New York and Paris: Revue Hispanique, ),
p. .
58 Desta manera aun te ests en la carne, que es en lo exterior del Sacramento.

Erasmus, El enquiridin, p. . Dmaso Alonso provided italics in order to indicate

additions not found in the Latin text.
 chapter four

espiritual).59 Above all, he accentuated the ethical dimensions of Eras-

muss view of the sacrament. Hence, he added phrases in which he called
for the imitation of Christ,60 the shaping of a proper example of life,61 and
self-sacrifice.62
Yet, he also added phrases intended to clarify Erasmuss ideas, espe-
cially in places that he judged to be liable to ambiguous or undesirable
interpretation. One such place is found where Erasmus declares: If such
a great sacrament [i.e. the Eucharist] is nothing, or is even harmful, how
can we confide in any other carnal thing, if the spirit is not present?63
Fernndez de Madrid clearly felt uncomfortable with Erasmuss state-
ment. That can be inferred from his translation: Pues si tan gran cosa
como este Sacramento no aprovecha, antes puede traher dao, si no se
recebiesse espiritualmente, qu razn ay para que en ninguna cosa carnal
tengamos confiana, si no ay espritu en ella?64 He adds the phrase si
no se recebiesse espiritualmente to indicate that the sacrament itself is not
harmful, but that it is harmful if not taken spiritually.
Taken together Fernndez de Madrids additions are indicative of a
particular perspective among the Spanish Erasmians. He affirms the
Erasmian neo-Platonic distinction between the temporal and the eter-
nal, and with Erasmus he is not content with the observation of empty
ceremonies. However, he feels the need to accentuate the moral compo-
nents of a genuinely spiritual form of Christianity. He certainly feels that
Erasmus is not sufficiently emphasizing the moral requirements, and that
is why he adds his own material to the original text. Finally, he is con-
cerned with certain propositions that are in need of moderation. So, he
corrects Erasmus when the latter says that the Eucharist can be harmful.
In regards to frequent communion, Fernndez de Madrid indicates that
it is acceptable as long as it is not just a matter of participating in a super-
ficial ceremony and as long as the stringent moral requirements of the
gospel are met.

59 Quieres t oyr la missa con gran fruto y provecho espiritual? Erasmus, El enquiri-
din, p. .
60 [T]omando tu alma de l [i.e. Christ] una nueva figura para s y nueva forma en su

bivir. Erasmus, El enquiridin, p. .

61 [Y] si procuras de dar buen exemplo de vida. Erasmus, El enquiridin, p. .
62 [Y] t eres obligado a sacrificarte a l [i.e. Christ] assi. Erasmus, El enquiridin,

p. .
63 Erasmus, The Handbook, p. .
64 Erasmus, El enquiridin, p. . Dmaso Alonso provided italics in order to indicate

additions not found in the Latin text.

 frequent communion: historical background

One of the distinguishing marks of Spanish Erasmianism was the fre-

quent derision of ceremonials and of exterior signs purporting to rep-
resent genuine Christianity. However, Spanish Erasmians may have dis-
agreed among themselves about the reach of their criticism. Hence, it
is necessary to speak of at least two branches of Spanish Erasmianism.
If Fernndez de Madrid can be identified with the more traditional and
ecclesiastically oriented form, then Alfonso and Juan de Valds can be
taken as representatives of the more radical form. Both are equally impor-
tant, but it was the younger sibling who managed to directly address the
problem of ceremonies in a work of straightforward theological charac-
ter. In his Dilogo de Doctrina Christiana, Juan de Valds set forth the
manifesto of the radical form of Spanish Erasmianism.65 In it he also dealt
with the question of frequent communion.
The Dilogo de Doctrina Christiana consists of an exchange between
Archbishop Fray Pedro de Alba, and the fictional characters Antro-
nio, a secular priest, and Eusebio, a religious brother. Throughout the
exchange the interlocutors discuss important points of Christian doc-
trine as Antronio and Eusebio raise questions and the archbishop pro-
vides answers. Valds makes direct references to Erasmus, and on several
occasions paraphrases the Enchiridion. He echoes, for example, Erasmuss
criticism of purely quantifiable forms of piety such as the frequent use of
prayer books, repeated use of the rosary, and numerous repetitions of
psalms and the Lords Prayer.66
On other occasions, however, Juan de Valds takes his criticism in
new directions. Of interest is his treatment of those provisions instituted
by Lateran Council IV. Hence in his discussion of confession and the
requirement to make auricular confession at least once a year, he down-
plays the sacrament in terms that even Erasmus would find alarming. In
this particular instance he has Archbishop Pedro de Alba assert that con-
fession is to be used in relation to post-baptismal sin, but that it would
be a great good not to ever need to make confession.67 The notion is

65 Juan de Valds, Dilogo de doctrina cristiana (Madrid: Librera Nacional y Extran-

jera, ); for a comprehensive study on Juan de Valds see Jos C. Nieto, Juan de Valdes
and the Origins of the Spanish and Italian Reformation (Geneva: Librairie Droz, ).
66 Son cuasi como stos los que llevan a la Iglesia sus librillos de rezar, y sus rosarios en

que no hacen sino rezar todo el tiempo que la misa se dice, y cuanto es mayor el nmero
de los salmos y de los paternostres que han ensartado, tanto se tienen por mas santos; y
piensan que han hecho mayor servicio a Dios. Valds, Dilogo, p. .
67 [D]icho esto, les diris cun gran bien es no tener necesidad de confesarse en toda

su vida. Valds, Dilogo, p. .

 chapter four

scandalous to the ears of Antronio who questions the Archbishop. Again,

Fray Pedro de Alba replies, if it is good that they [i.e. parishioners] dont
sin, it will also be good for them not to have need to confess.68 Once
more, Antronio reacts in disbelief at the notion that it is possible not to
sin. The Archbishop advises him not to be scandalized, and that in fact it
is possible not to commit sin with the aid of Gods grace. Valds quickly
moves away from the Pelagian undertones of the proposition and in a
later intervention has the Archbishop asserting that it is possible with the
aid of Gods grace not to commit mortal sin.69 He also comes around to
say that in fact, because the church ordains so, parishioners should make
auricular confession once a year, even if they feel they do not need to
make confession.70
Valds also addresses Lateran IVs requirement to take communion
at least once a year in his discussion of the third commandment of
the Church. According to the Archbishop one of the main effects of
the sacrament of the Eucharist, if not the most important one, is that
it strengthens the believer against all desires to commit sin. Hence he
believes that in the early church this sacrament was received every day
(cada da). However, as the fervor of the faith became increasingly
cold it was received, initially, every first day of the week, and now,
because of the wretchedness that pervades the church, only once every
year. In light of this sad situation, the Archbishop announces his intention
to instruct all the clergy about the importance of the sacrament and how
it can increase grace when taken worthily (dignamente).71
Antronio once again reacts full of surprise after listening to the words
of the Archbishop. So, he asks, is it good to frequently (a menudo)
receive this holy sacrament? Furthermore, is not confession required
before taking the sacrament? The answers provided by the Archbishop
are revealing. To the first question he answers, yes, it is good to receive
communion frequently. As for confession, the archbishop astonishingly
affirms that confession is not entirely necessary. It is necessary only if

68 Porque si es bueno que no pequen, tambin ser bueno que no tengan necesidad

de confesarse. Valds, Dilogo, p. .

69 No digis: pero, que pues es posible con la gracia de Dios, y es posible alcanzar la

gracia de Dios, tambin ser posible no pecar mortalmente, y no pecando mortalmente,

no habra necesidad de confesin. Valds, Dilogo, p. .
70 Mal me entendsteis, que yo dije que no se confesasen en su vida con necesidad,

y quise entender que es bien que se confiesen sin ella, cuando la Iglesia lo manda; y esto
por muchas causas que sera largo decirlas. Valds, Dilogo, p. .
71 Valds, Dilogo, p. .
 frequent communion: historical background

there is sin to be confessed, otherwise it is not necessary. In typical Eras-

mian fashion, Valds intimates that the value of confession as the sacra-
ment of penance rests in its immaterial, spiritual, and eternal meaning,
not in its purely ceremonial, superficial, and temporal motions. Making
confession for confessions sake is not necessary; rather, making confes-
sion for the relief of mortal sin is the essence of the sacrament of penance
and it is necessary as and when needed. It is remarkable to realize that
Valds was proposing frequent communion, after the practice of the early
church, but the sacrament of penance only when needed, and the less fre-
quent the better.72
In conclusion, the perspectives of Erasmus and Spanish Erasmians
regarding frequent communion were not identical. In fact, it is neces-
sary to distinguish among the Spanish Erasmians. Fernndez de Madrid
underlines the moral requirements that are concomitant with frequent
communion. He also wants to correct Erasmus wherever the latter seems
to go astray from traditional Christian teaching. Valds on the other hand
finds the requirements of Lateran Council IV to fall short of the standard
practice of the early church. Furthermore, while he affirms daily commu-
nion, he rejects the idea of frequent confession.
With the discussion of the Spanish Erasmians this survey has reached
the second half of the s. The discussion is also finally situated in
Spain. The survey has demonstrated that there was no consensus on
frequent communion before the sixteenth century or indeed before the
Council of Trent. I will next discuss frequent communion in light of the
Council of Trent, and then will place Juan de vila within the Spanish
debate over frequent communion that took place in the s. I close
this segment by reminding the reader of the variety of options available to
the young Juan de vila when he was thinking of frequent communion.
Certainly the contrasting options represented by Erasmus, Fernndez
de Madrid, and Juan de Vldes come readily to mind. Juan de vila
studied at the University of Alcal before he moved to Seville and began
his preaching ministry. It was in Alcal that the Spanish translation
of Erasmuss Enchiridion was published, as well as Vldess Dilogo.
However, through his studies vila was exposed to a greater variety of
ways of thinking about frequent communion. His extant sermons leave
no doubt that he was aware of the diversity of views on this question. He

72 Pues tampoco tiene necesidad de confesarse para recibir el sacramento el que no

tiene qu. Valds, Dilogo, p. .

 chapter four

freely quotes Augustine, Lateran Council IV, and Aquinas on the issue.
Some of the ultimate questions are: how and in what terms did he think
about frequent communion? Did his call for frequent communion reflect
in any way his own judeoconverso background?

The Council of Trent on Frequent Communion

The rise of Protestantism in Germany represented a major shift in, if not

a dramatic break with, ancient forms of piety not deemed to be autho-
rized by the sacred writings of Christianity. Martin Luther railed against
medieval sacramental theology in many of his writings, chiefly in his
Reformation manifesto The Babylonian Captivity of the Church ().
The Augsburg Confession (), specifically addressed the abolition
of private Masses and criticized as unnecessary the daily celebration of
the Mass. Certainly, the main point of contention between Protestants
and Roman Catholic in regards to the Eucharist was the question of the
real presence; that is, whether and/or in what sense Jesus Christ is really
present in the elements of the Eucharist, i.e. the bread and the wine.
Nevertheless, there was an entire constellation of issues related to the
Eucharist that were now open to questioning.73
Meanwhile, frequent communion had acquired increasing popularity
among Catholic reform movements. Before the end of the fifteenth cen-
tury the Oratory of Divine Love was already stressing frequent commu-
nion. The Statues adopted in admonished the brethren to make
confession at least once a month. It went on to indicate that commu-
nion should be received at least four times a year in addition to Easter
and Christmas.74 Other religions established in the early part of the six-
teenth century also made frequent communion an important element of
their identity, as for instance did the Theatines and the Jesuits.75 Ignacio
de Loyola himself recommended that communion be received at the very
least every month. The emphasis on frequent communion initiated by the

73 For a comprehensive discussion see Lee Palmer Wandel, The Eucharist in the Refor-

mation: Incarnation and Liturgy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, ).

74 Elisabeth G. Gleason, Reform Thought in Sixteenth-Century Italy (Chico, California:

Scholars Press, ), p. .
75 Michael W. Maher, How the Jesuits used their Congregations to Promote Frequent

Communion, in Confraternities & Catholic Reform in Italy, France, & Spain, ed. John
Patrick Donnelly and Michael W. Maher, Sixteenth Century Essays & Studies vol.
(Kirksville: Thomas Jefferson University Press, ), pp. .
 frequent communion: historical background

Oratory of Divine Love, the Theatines, and the Jesuits certainly paved the
way for the reforms introduced by the Council of Trent.
As the belated response of the Roman Catholic Church to the spread
of Protestantism throughout Europe, the Council of Trent addressed a
substantial amount of theological and disciplinary matters. It had an
enduring influence in shaping modern Roman Catholicism, and to an
important extent Tridentine Christianity can be regarded as the first truly
global form of Christianity.76 During its first period it dealt with those
theological questions that were widely held to be crucially important.
Among them was the doctrine of justification, but the shape of the
biblical canon and the role of tradition in Catholic theology were also
seriously considered.
The frequency of communion, however, was discussed during the
second period of the Council, alongside its affirmation of the medieval
doctrine of transubstantiation. The Decree Concerning the Most Holy
Sacrament of the Eucharist, adopted at the conclusion of the thirteenth
session of October , can be interpreted as a corrective to Lateran
Council IV on the subject of frequent communion.77 Chapter eight of
the decree describes the use of the sacrament. It emphasizes Aquinass
distinction between spiritual and sacramental eating of the sacrament. It
asserts, like Aquinas did, that the perfect form of receiving the sacrament
is when it is received both sacramentally and spiritually. The decree also
asserts that the laity should receive the sacrament from priests, while
priests communicate themselves when celebrating communion, and that
this is a tradition dating back to the Apostles.
Finally, the decree encourages frequent reception of the sacrament. It
calls the Eucharist a sign of unity, a bond of charity, and a symbol
of concord. It beseeches all Christians to keep in mind that Jesus Christ
gave His own dearly loved soul as the price of our salvation and His
own flesh to eat. They should revere the mysteries of his body and blood
faithfully and firmly, and they should be able to receive frequently [fre-
quenter] that supersubstantial bread. In this way they will be invigorated
and may continue in their journey to their heavenly destiny.78

76 See R. Po-Chia Hsia, The World of Catholic Renewal , nd ed. (Cambridge:

Cambridge University Press, ).

77 Concilium Tridentinum, Decretum de sanctissimo eucharistiae sacramento, Ses-

sio XIII, in COD, pp. , here pp. .

78 Demum vero paterno affectu admonet sancta synodus, hortatur, rogat et obsecrat

per viscera misericordiae Dei nostri, ut omnes et singuli, qui christiano nomine censen-
tur, in hoc unitatis signo, in hoc vinculo charitatis, in hoc concordiae symbolo iam tan-
 chapter four

Yet, the decree does not define how frequently the sacrament should be
received. It is important to note that the decree used the term frequenter
(frequently) and not the term quotidi or cotidie (daily). It clearly wants
to move away from the impression that receiving the sacrament only once
a year is sufficient for Christians. How often should it be received then?
It is a pertinent question given the variety of views already discussed
in our survey. Was it daily, every week, or four times a year? Moreover,
was it sufficient to receive the sacrament only sacramentally? Evidently
not, as the Council invoked Aquinass distinction and asserted that the
perfect form of receiving the sacrament was conjointly sacramental and
spiritual. How much was one to prepare for such frequent reception of
the Eucharist?
These questions were in fact raised in the intervening years between
the second and third period of the Council. The situation was further
complicated by the canons adopted by the twenty-second session of
September , Doctrina et canones de sanctissimo missae sacrificio.
The sixth chapter of the decree dealt with masses in which only the priest
communicates. The Council did not condemn those masses as private
nor as illicit. Instead, it affirmed their public character since the priest acts
as a public minister of the Church (publico ecclesiae ministro), and
the people themselves communicate spiritually (populus spiritualiter
communicat).79 Moreover, the Council deemed them to be necessary
and recommended them. Nevertheless, the Council opened the sixth
chapter by expressing the pious desire that in every mass (singulis
missis) those who are attending receive communion not only spiritually
but also sacramentally.80 In this way the Council seemed to endorse daily

dem aliquando conveniant et concordent, memoresque tantae maiestatis et tam eximii

amoris Iesu Christi domini nostri, qui dilectam animam suam in nostrae salutis precium
et carnem suam nobis dedit ad manducandum, haec sacra mysteria corporis et sangui-
nis eius ea fidei constantia et firmitate, ea animi devotione, ea pietate et cultu credant et
venerentur, ut panem illum supersubstantialem frequenter suscipere possint, et is vere eis
sit animae vita et perpetua sanitas mentis, cuius vigore confortati ex huius miserae pere-
grinationis itinere ad coelestem patriam pervenire valeant, eundem panem angelorum,
quem modo sub sacris velaminibus edunt, absque ullo velamine manducaturi. Concil-
ium Tridentinum, Decretum de sanctissimo eucharistiae sacramento, Concilium Tri-
dentinum, COD, p. .
79 Concilium Tridentinum, COD, p. .
80 Optaret quidem sacrosancta synodus, ut in singulis missis fideles adstantes non

solum spirituali affectu, sed sacramentali etiam eucharistiae perceptione communicar-

ent. Concilium Tridentinum, COD, p. .
 frequent communion: historical background

communion but did not make that totally explicit. The ambiguity of the
Council on this point led to differences and even bitter debates, the most
important of them involving the Society of Jesus.
The chronology of the Council of Trent and its handling of the ques-
tion of frequent communion will prove instrumental as we elucidate Juan
de vilas own views on the spiritual practice. It is possible to discern
three moments or distinctive stages of the sixteenth-century debates over
frequent communion. The first moment can be seen in the years before
the thirteenth session of the Council, when several voices were articulat-
ing the importance of the practice for a renewal of piety and the reform of
the Church. The second moment begins with the Decretum de sanctis-
simo eucharistiae sacramento, adopted on October . From this
point forward all calls for frequent communion can be seen as an affir-
mation of the Council. However, the Council merely called for frequent
reception of the sacrament without prescribing a definite modality. Con-
sequently, between the years and theologians argued about the
rate of frequency, if it was to be received daily, weekly, monthly, or four
times a year in addition to the chief festivities. After , the debate was
only intensified as it seemed to some that daily reception of the sacra-
ment was the ultimate expression of reforming zeal and militancy in face
of the Protestant heresy.

The Spanish Debate over Frequent Communion

When, in , Juan de vila urged frequent communion what he meant

was by no means self-evident to his readership. In fact, in the third
aviso of his Short Rule he not only commended regular and frequent (a
menudo) confession and communion, he also criticized the practice of
using the blessed bread as a substitute for the Eucharist. Both points were
novel in the s and not beyond dispute. Probably as a consequence of
the language adopted by the Council, the s witnessed the beginning
of a lively debate over the issue of frequency.81 Here, I will narrow

81 Julin Zarco provides an excerpted overview of Spanish sources related to frequent

communion. The volume, however, reflects more its own historical context as a contri-
bution to the early twentieth-century debate on the religious practice. The editors of La
Ciudad de Dios published the book as a response to Paul Dudons French translation of
Cristobal de Madrids De frequenti usu sanctissimi Eucharistiae which appeared in .
See Julin Zarco, Espaa y la comunin frecuente y diaria en los siglos XVI y XVII (El
Escorial: La Ciudad de Dios, ).
 chapter four

down the discussion to an outline of the positions that are of immediate

relevance to the comprehension of Juan de vilas ascetic spirituality.
The movement for frequent communion within the Roman Catholic
Church reached climatic points in the seventeenth and nineteenth cen-
turies. The Society of Jesus embraced the cause from very early in the
sixteenth century. Ignacio de Loyola started receiving the Eucharist every
Sunday during his stay in Manresa (). He certainly advocated
frequent communion, but it appears that he accommodated the terms of
frequency to the particular needs of communities and individuals.82
In some instances he made recommendations that fitted the needs of
the laity. For example, in his letter to the inhabitants of his native
Azpeitia he instructed them to receive communion at least once every
month. His intention was to promote the creation of a local chapter of the
Confraternity of the Blessed Sacrament which was founded in by
the Dominican Tomasso Stella. In his letter he referred to what he took to
be the practice of the early church of receiving communion every day, and
he described how it became less frequent as piety lost its vigor. In short,
Ignacio de Loyola was rehearsing a narrative that is by now quite familiar.
His was the not uncommon view that the reception of the Eucharist
became less frequent over time. It is interesting, however, to note how he
saw the level of indifference towards the sacrament as reaching its high
point with Lateran Council IV. In any case, he never recommended in
his letter that the inhabitants of Azpeitia receive the Eucharist every day;
at most he suggestedciting Gennadiuss De ecclesiasticis dogmatibus,
although attributing it to Augustinethat the Eucharist be received every
Lords Day.83
In other letters he is not as specific, but he nevertheless recommends
frequent communion. In a letter to his sister, Magdalena de Loyola,
he merely encourages her to receive communion as often as possible.84
At least as late as , he continued to admonish lay people to receive
the sacrament frequently, without providing specific terms. Hence, in his

82 Joseph de Guibert, The Jesuits: Their Spiritual Doctrine and Practice (St. Louis: The

Institute of Jesuit Sources, ), pp. , here pp. ; Justo Beguiriztin, The

Eucharistic Apostolate of St. Ignatius Loyola, trans. John H. Collins (Cambridge, Mass,
); L. Joseph-Marie Cros, Sain Ignace de Loyola et la Communion Quotidienne
(), tudes (), pp. .
83 Ignacio de Loyola, Obras de San Ignacio de Loyola, ed. Ignacio Iparraguirre, Candido

de Dalmases and Manuel Ruiz Jurado (Madrid: Biblioteca de Autores Cristianos, ),

pp. .
84 Loyola, Obras, pp. , here p. .
 frequent communion: historical background

letter to the Aragonese official Juan Luis Gonzlez de Villasimplez

he instructs him to make confession and to communicate frequently [a
menudo].85
However, in many of his early rules for the Society he insisted that
communion be received every Lords Day. For instance, in his rule
for the students at Padua, he instructed that students receive communion
every Sunday and if for any reason they missed Sunday mass they were
to receive communion on Monday. He also indicated that those who did
not receive communion on either day be forbidden from receiving bodily
nourishment until they receive the spiritual. Of course, he conceded that
some students may prefer to receive communion more often than once
a week, perhaps at least twice a week yet, he believed that once a week is
sufficient, especially for students in light of their other obligations.86
That same insistence we see in other documents. To the institute in
Rome he writes in that the Eucharist be received every Sunday. Once
again he indicates that whoever fails to communicate every Sunday be
barred from receiving food.87 In the instruction for teachers of novices,
dated to around ,88 and in the rule for students of the same year he
persists that communion should be received weekly.89
He was cautious about daily communion, seeing it fit only for mem-
bers of the clergy. Accordingly, in his letter to the Benedictine Sister
Teresa Rejadell he sought to comfort her as she pondered the question of
daily communion. He observed that the early church received commu-
nion every day and that there was no standing ecclesiastical prohibition
of the practice. Nor was he aware of any of the Schoolmen who might
have written against the daily reception of the Eucharist. He then made
reference to De ecclesiasticis dogmatibus and called upon the authority of
Augustine to assert that at the very least communion should be received
weekly. He went on to call again upon the authority of Augustine, whom
he took to be the author of Ambroses De Sacramentis, and based on this
work finally asserted that daily communion was endorsed by the Church
Fathers.90

85 Loyola, Obras, pp. , here p. .

86 Loyola, Obras, pp. , here p. .
87 Loyola, Obras, pp. , here p. .
88 Loyola, Obras, pp. , here p. .
89 Loyola, Obras, pp. , here p. .
90 Loyola, Obras, pp. , here p. .
 chapter four

Ignatius added a further consideration to his words of reassurance to

Sister Rejadell. While daily communion was clearly supported by the
practice of the early church, the testimony of Church Fathers, and the
implicit acknowledgment of the schoolmen, ultimately it would be a
matter for her own conscience. Not that she could do it if there was
no support for the practice. Instead, because the practice was well sup-
ported by tradition and there was no standing ecclesiastical prohibi-
tion against it, the final decision of embracing the observance was up
to her discretion. If her conscience was clear and she found the obser-
vance to be beneficial to her spiritual wellbeing, then, he concluded, it
is lawful for you, and it will be better for you to communicate every
day.91
In spite of his words to Sister Rejadell, he was certain that daily com-
munion was not for everyone. Judging by his rules and other documents
it is clear that for him the norm for frequent communion was to receive
it invariably every week, if not on Sunday, then on Monday. He enter-
tained daily communion and believed it to be absolutely legitimate and
edifying to embrace the practice but nevertheless did not allow every-
one to receive communion every day. Thus, in his instructions of
for Father Juan Nues, Patriarch of Ethiopia, he included orders regard-
ing daily communion. He explicitly indicated that communion was to be
received after confession and not every day by whomsoever comes to
church.92
Ignacio de Loyola was without a doubt advocating weekly communion
before the Council adopted the language it did in its thirteenth session.
The Society experienced an important transition in the aftermath of
the Council and shortly before his death in . He considered daily
communion to be appropriate for the clergy, but not necessarily for the
laity. However, the Jesuits took it upon themselves to promote and defend
frequent communion for the laity. In and again in Cristobal
de Madrid published his De frequenti usu sanctissimi Eucharistiae sacra-

91 Esto todo siendo as, aunque no hubiese tantas buenas seales ni tan sanas mocio-

nes, el bueno y entero testimonio es el propio dictamen de la conciencia, es a saber:

despus que todo os es lcito en el Seor nuestro, si juzgis, apartada de pecados mortales
claros, o que podis juzgar por tales, que vuestra nima ms se ayuda y ms se inflama
en el amor de vuestro Criador y Seor, y con tal intencin os comunicis, hallando
por experiencia que este santsimo manjar espiritual os sustenta, quieta y reposa, y
conservando os aumenta en su mayor servicio, alabanza y gloria, no dubitando, os es
lcito, y os ser mejor comulgaros cada da. Loyola, Obras, pp. , here p. .
92 Loyola, Obras, pp. , here pp. .
 frequent communion: historical background

menti libellus, the first systematic defense of the practice by a Jesuit.93

Madrid made the general case for weekly communion. In doing so he
discussed the arguments of those opposed to the practice and provided
counter arguments from Scriptures, the Greek and Latin Fathers, and
from the Schoolmen.94 The work summarized the thoughts of Loyola on
the question of frequent communion.
However, in his treatise Madrid was more assertive about daily com-
munion than Loyola ever was in his own writings. On several occasions
Madrid argued that it was praiseworthy and fruitful for both clergy and
laity to receive the sacrament every day (quotidie). For example, in the
first point of the first chapter, where he intends to describe the status
of the question, he indicates that daily communion is fruitful for those
who are not too distracted with worldly affairs.95 In another significant
passage he argues that a great number of authoritiesincluding Scrip-
tures, Greek and Latin Fathersare favorable toward not only weekly
(semel in hebdomada), but also daily (quotidie) communion.96
The Jesuits promoted the practice of frequent communion through its
institutes and congregations. Maher has documented the role that five
Jesuit congregations, established between and , played in the
promotion of frequent communion.97 In spite of their candor, or precisely
because of it, the Jesuits were not always successful in gaining support
for frequent communion within the Church. Indeed, there was strong
resistance to the idea of allowing the laity to receive the communion on
a daily basis. In Brescia, Bishop Giovanni Francesco Morosini (
) attempted to restrict lay reception of the Eucharist to two days each

93 Cristobal de Madrid, De frequenti usu sanctissimi Eucharistiae Sacramenti libellus

(Cologne: Balthasarum Clypeum, ); see French translation, Paul Dudon, Pour la

communion frquente et quotidienne (Paris: Gabriel Beauchesne, ); De Guibert, The
Jesuits, p. .
94 J. Nouwens, Los autores espaoles y la disputa de la comunin frecuente en los

Pases Bajos, Analecta Sacra Tarraconensia (), pp. , here pp. .

95 Quamuis in personis deuotis, tam religiosis quan secularibus, & non nimis occu-

patis in secularibus prophanisque negotiis, quae mentem Diuinis nimium auocant,

laudabilis ac fructuosa sit quotidiana sacrae Eucharistiae sumptio. Madrid, De frequenti
usu, p. .
96 Idque planissimum fiet tam testimoniis scripturarum, qum Catholicae Ecclesiae

consuetudine, ac doctrina, comuniq[sic] fer omnium sanctorum Patrum, tam Graeco-

rum, qum Latinorum consensu, & firmissimis validissimis quam rationibus, quarum
permultae probant frequentem usum, non solm semel in hebdomada, verum etiam quo-
tidie communicandi, praesertim in hominibus vulgari communique vita semotis, & in
negotiis secularibus ac profanis non multum occupatis. Madrid, De frequenti usu, p. .
97 Maher, How the Jesuits used their Congregations, pp. .
 chapter four

week.98 The matter was elevated for discussion to the Sacred Congrega-
tion of the Council, whose response to this development laid the foun-
dation for the decree Cum ad aures of .99 In this decree, Pope Inno-
cent XI (r. ) clarified the teaching of the twenty-second session
of the Council of Trent. Innocent XI clearly stated that the Council did
not institute definite days for the frequent reception of the Eucharist.100
The decree placed the practice of frequent communion at the discretion
of confessors and it ordered bishops and priests to refute all those who
asserted that daily communion was a divine right.101 In fact, however,
the debate was not settled until Pope Pius Xs decree Sacra Tridentina
Synodus of December .
There is no doubt that the Society of Jesus played a major role in
spreading the practice of frequent communion throughout Europe and
beyond. However, that role can be exaggerated and the complexity of the
historical record be distorted. For instance, Joseph-Marie Cros asserted
in that the reception of the sacrament in Spain was rare and that
it was basically introduced there by the Society.102 Only De Guibert has
noted, but not described, the connection between the Society of Jesus
and Juan de vila on the point of frequent communion.103 Yet the fact
is that frequent communion, although not common, was debated with
intensity by Spanish theologians and that Juan de vila in particular was
an assiduous promoter of the practice who encouraged the people to
observe it through his sermons.
Moreover, the practice of frequent communion did not only cause
a stir in northern Italy. The Spanish Dominicans were conspicuously
divided on the issue of frequent communion, especially between the sec-
ond and third periods of the Council. They had three easily discern-
able positions on the frequency of communion. There were those who
held to a restrictive view, stressing the authority of the Church over the

98 Questioni de teologia morale, La Civilt Cattolica (), pp. , here

p. ff.; J.B. Ferreres, Sobre la comunin diaria (conclusin), Razn y fe (),
pp. , here pp. ; De Guibert, The Jesuits, p. .
99 Ferreres, Sobre la comunin diaria, pp. ; Denzinger, pp. .
100 Etsi frequens quotidianusque sacrosanctae Eucharistiae usus a sanctissimis Patri-

bus fuerit semper in Ecclesia probatus: numquam tamen aut saepius illam percipiendi
aut ab ea abstinendi certos singulis mensibus aut hebdomadis dies statuerunt, quos nec
Concilium Tridentinum praescripsit, sed, quasi humanam infirmitatem secum reputaret,
nihil praecipiens, quid cuperet tantum indicavit [. . .] Denzinger, p. .
101 Ibid., p. .
102 Cros, Saint Ignace de Loyola, p. .
103 De Guibert, The Jesuits, p. .
 frequent communion: historical background

sacrament. There were those who saw the provisions of Lateran Coun-
cil IV as setting a minimum and who regarded a single annual reception
of the sacrament to be insufficient. Those Dominicans standing in this
moderate position also looked favorably upon weekly reception of the
sacrament. Finally, there were those who defended the practice of receiv-
ing communion daily.
Fray Juan de la Cruz, who like Fray Luis de Granada was actively
involved in the reform of the Order of Preachers in Portugal, in pub-
lished his Dilogo sobre la necesidad de la oracin vocal (Salamanca).104
He was a representative figure of the restrictive position. In his work, Fray
Juan de la Cruz targeted the practice of mental prayer and affirmed the
importance of ceremonies and the formal character of sacraments for the
life of the Church. His work took aim chiefly against Spanish Erasmians,
of both radical and traditional tendencies, but it also addressed many
of the doctrinal issues raised by the alumbrados. He even assimilated
Erasmian nomenclature, writing about the need of exterior ceremonies.
While Fray Juan de la Cruz specifically addressed Erasmuss work in his
treatise, his attack on mental prayer also had a negative effect on Juan de
vila. Juan de vilas treatise on mental prayer, the Audi, filia, appeared
in and was included shortly thereafter in the Inquisitions Cathalo-
gus of . As for the alumbrados, the frequent reception of communion
was not among their practices, and in fact their criticisms of exterior cer-
emonies led them to downplay the Eucharist.105
For Fray Juan de la Cruz the distinction between spiritual and sacra-
mental eating is fundamental. He asserts that God wanted humanity
to eat him, or to be united with him through a fervent heart, every
day and at every hour. The faithful can, and indeed ought to eat every
day and night. However, God also wanted humanity to eat him in
his admirable sacrament with soul and mouth on certain special days,
according to the ordinance of the holy Church.106 According to Fray

104 Juan de la Cruz, Dilogo sobre la necesidad de la oracin vocal, in Tratados Espiri-

tuales, ed. Vicente Beltrn de Heredia (Madrid: Biblioteca de Autores Cristianos, ),

pp. .
105 Ms enteramente est Dios en el alma que en el sacramento / [sic.] la hostia es

masa, el hombre a Su semejanza. Proposition attributed to Isabel de la Cruz. Que Cristo

Nro. Seor estaba ms perfectamente en el justo que no en el sacramento del altar . . . y
parsceme que lo ley [sic] despus entre los artculos de los alumbrados. Fray Diego de
Vitoria on a sermon by Fray Francisco Ortiz. See these and other statements in Milagros
Ortega Costa de Emmart, Las proposiciones del edicto de los alumbrados. Autores y
calificadores, Cuadernos de investigacin histrica (), pp. , here p. .
106 Por esto Dios nuestro Seor, amador y deseoso de nuestro bien, no solamente quiso
 chapter four

Juan, in the beginning the Church ordained (orden)since the faith-

ful had the fitting ardor and necessary devotionthat the sacrament
be received frequently (frecuentemente). Nonetheless, on account of the
general decay of piety the Church began to moderate their banquets.107
He quotes Ambroses De sacramenti, Augustines De verbis Domini, and
Gennadiuss De ecclesiasticis dogmatibus; while in all of them there is
some reference to daily communion, Fray Juan decisively asserts the
authority of the Church over the frequency of communion.
Fray Juan de la Cruzs co-religionist, Archbishop Bartolom Carranza
de Miranda, articulates what can be best regarded as a moderate perspec-
tive on frequent communion. His Comentarios sobre el catechismo chris-
tiano (Antwerp, ) are also listed in the Cathalogus of .108 He
begins his discussion by indicating that no general rule can be adopted
to indicate that communion should be received every month, week, or
day.109 He bases his discussion on the writings of Ambrose, Chrysostom,
Augustine, Gennadius, and Aquinas. Instead, he indicates that the fre-
quency with which the faithful receive the sacrament ought to be decided
after giving due consideration to the disposition of the soul and with the
advice of their confessor. He adds that those who receive the commu-
nion every day and those who receive it with less frequency should not
be condemning one another. Instead, the matter should be left to every
individual in consultation with the confessor.110
Carranzas position was identical to the one adopted by the Sacred
Congregation of the Council in and later by Pope Innocent XI in
the decree Cum ad aures of . However, after he was embroiled

que le comisemos, esto es, nos juntsemos a l con amoroso corazn, que se puede y
debe hacer todos los das y a todas las horas del da y de la noche, mas que le comisemos
en su admirable sacramento con el alma y con la boca algunos especiales das, segn la
ordenacin de la santa Iglesia, por quien estas y otras semejantes cosas nos ensea y nos
declara su voluntad. Juan de la Cruz, Dilogo, p. .
107 Juan de la Cruz, Dilogo, p. .
108 Bartolom Carranza de Miranda, Comentarios sobre el catechismo christiano, ed.

Jos Ignacio Telechea, vols. (Madrid: Biblioteca de Autores Cristianos, ); Real

Academia Espaola, Tres ndices expurgatorios de la Inquisicin Espaola en el siglo XVI
(Madrid: Editorial Castalia, ), p. .
109 Carranza de Miranda, Comentarios, p. :.
110 Pues siguiendo la doctrina de estos dos santos, Santo Toms y S. Augustn, par-

ceme gran temeridad juzgar ni condenar a los que comulgan muchas veces ni a los que
dejan de comulgar; sino avisar a los unos y a los otros de los frutos de este sacramento y
de la disposicin y aparejos que son menester para gozar de ellos, y dejar a cada uno en la
libertad de su conciencia con la orden que tomare de su confesor. Carranza de Miranda,
Comentarios, p. :.
 frequent communion: historical background

in a long inquisitorial process that lasted seventeen years, tainting his

career and writings. Fray Melchor Cano, one of the best known disci-
ples of Francisco de Vitoria, played an important role in the case of the
Inquisition against Carranza as he was the main censor of Carranzas
Comentarios. The censura that he prepared together with Fray Domingo
de Cuevas identified one hundred and forty-one questionable (sospe-
chosas) propositions.111 Propositions and dealt with frequent
communion, and they were extracted from Carranzas work. The first of
the two propositions was Carranzas statement in favor of frequent com-
munion: It is a great remedy for men, tempted as they are by the devil or
their passions, to receive communion many times, and for spiritual men,
etc.112 The Dominican censor divided the proposition into two parts. He
took exception to the first part, dealing with frequent communion, and
argued that the idea of frequent communion opens ways for great irrev-
erence and contempt of the sacrament. He added that among vulgar
people familiarity leads to disdain of the sacrament. He also took issue
with the phrase, hombres espiritados, which he found ambiguous and
misleading.113
The next proposition appeared to Cano to be indicative of Carranzas
theological affinity with the alumbrados. According to Carranza, frequent
participation in the Lords Table leads to greater and deeper religious
experience. The censors included other passages that underscored the
connection between religious experience and participation in the sacra-
ment. They went on to argue that this was the reasoning of the alum-
brados, who used experience as the demonstration of the certainty of
Gods grace. In a similar way Lutherans relied exclusively on faith in order
to arrive at the same sense of certainty. Cano concluded that Carranzas
expressions made him guilty of the heresy of the alumbrados.114 Cano had
already used this argument against Ignacio de Loyola, whom he consid-
ered to be an alumbrado, coupled with a stern criticism of the Spiritual
Exercises and the Societys advocacy of frequent communion.
A more likely source of the solution adopted by the Sacred Congre-
gation of the Council in was Fray Pedro de Soto. He made his
career in Germany with subsequent assignments in England and later

111 Fermn Caballero, Conquenses ilustres II. Melchor Cano (Madrid: Imprenta del

Colegio Nacional de Sordo-Mudos y de Ciegos, ), pp. .

112 Gran remedio es para los hombres, tentados de el diablo de sus pasiones,

comulgar muchas bezes, E para los hombres espiritados. Caballero, Melchor Cano, p. .
113 Caballero, Melchor Cano, p. .
114 Caballero, Melchor Cano, pp. .
 chapter four

as a delegate to the last period of the Council of Trent. In his lectures at

the University of Dillingen he judiciously advocated frequent and even
daily communion.115 His lectures were gathered in the Tractatus vel lec-
tiones de institutione sacerdotum (Dillingen, ). Under his discussion
of the necessity of the Eucharist, Soto clearly stated that Lateran Coun-
cil IV was just setting a minimum when it decreed the yearly reception
of the sacrament.116 However, the sacrament ought to be received on a
daily basis. Like those before him, Soto quoted Ambrose, Augustine, i.e.
Gennadius, and Aquinas, and concluded that the sacrament should be
received every day, otherwise it shows great ingratitude and neglect of
ones own spiritual health to partake of this sacrament with such rarity.
Nevertheless, wise and prudent confessors should admonish the faithful
to receive the sacrament frequently, and even every day.117 So for him too,
the role of the confessor was crucial for the practice of frequent commu-
nion.
Finally, Fray Domingo de Valtans was an enthusiastic voice in defense
of daily communion. He was active in Seville, and was very influential
on Juan de vila throughout the latters preaching ministry. He wrote
a defense of daily communion entitled Apologa de la frecuentacin de
la sacrosanta Eucarista y comunin, which also appeared in .118
Fray Domingo was unambiguous; he claimed to have been teaching
the practice of daily communion for over forty-five years. In fact, he
was more aggressive than Pedro de Soto in defending the practice of
daily communion, arguing that to receive the communion daily is better
than to abstain from it on account of the reverence that is due to the
sacrament.119 Fray Domingo examined a number of authorities as part

115 Venancio Diego Carro, El maestro fr. Pedro de Soto, O.P. (Confesor de Carlos V) y
las controversias poltico-teolgicas en el siglo XVI, vols. (Salamanca: Convento de San
Esteban, ), pp. :.
116 Primum tenemur ex Ecclesiae determinatione ut minimum semel in anno ad

sumptionem buius sacramenti accedere, ut habet cap. Omnis utriusque sexus. In con-
cilio Lateranensi. Pedro de Soto, Tractatus de institutione sacerdotum, qui sub episcopis
animarum curam gerunt (Louvain: Hieronymus Wellaeus, ), p. v.
117 Primum, qud consultissimum erit iudicio discreti et prudentis consultoris, et

maxim confessoris, frequentius accedere ad hoc Sacramentum Panis quotidian vocatur

(ut infra ostendemus). Et quotidi dicunt Ambrosius et Augustinus sumendum; et cert
magnae est ingratitudinis & incuriae salutis propriae, tan rar ad hoc Sacramentum
accedere. Pedro de Soto, Tractatus, p. r.
118 Domingo de Valtans, Apologa de la frecuentacin de la sacrosanta Eucarista, in

Apologas, ed. lvaro Huerga and Pedro Sinz Rodrguez (Barcelona: Juan Flors, ),
pp. .
119 Item: lo que de per se es bueno, mejor es que lo que es bueno de per accidens.
 frequent communion: historical background

of his defense of daily communion, including all the loci communes that
I have already discussed. He concluded that daily communion is both
beneficial and necessary. Interestingly, at the end of his defense he listed
several conditions that are necessary to receive communion every day.
All of them follow the pattern of interiority that was characteristic of the
moderate strand of Spanish Erasmianism; in not one of them, however,
did he mention consulting a confessor as an a priori requirement of daily
communion.120
Of all the sources included in this survey, Fray Domingo de Valtans
is probably the most extreme. His defense is not only on behalf of fre-
quent communion, but specifically of daily communion. His ascetical
perspective dominates his argument; he believes that he that commu-
nicates every day, every day examines his conscience, and every day is
hurt by his sins.121 Again, he claims that he who communicates every
day, many times makes confession.122 Thus, his defense of daily commu-
nion poses an interesting contrast with the restrictive position typified
by Fray Juan de la Cruz. The restrictive position follows the argument of
Bonaventure in placing the dignity of the sacrament at the forefront of
all considerations. Then it avers the authority of the Church to govern
the administration of the sacrament. The result is the affirmation that
the sacrament should be received at the appointed festivals. More fre-
quency than the one that is already predetermined by the Church can be
observed only with the advice and guidance of a confessor.
Nevertheless, Fray Domingo was bound to lose his struggle for daily
communion. The publication of his Apologa almost coincided with the
discovery in of the Protestant conventicles of Seville. His Vita
Christi of was later included in a edition of Francisco de
Borjas Obras del cristiano; both works were eventually included in the
Cathalogus of .123 Though at least one work on frequent communion
was listed in the index of the Holy Office, it was not Fray Domingos

Comulgar cada da de per se es bueno. Dejar de comulgar es bueno de per accidens:

solamente porque se teme que el que lo recibe a menudo no lo recibir con la reverencia
que debe. Domingo de Valtans, Apologa, p. .
120 Ibid., pp. .
121 El que cada da comulga, cada da examina su conciencia y, con examinarla, tiene

dolor de sus pecados y propone de enmendar la vida y crecer en el servicio. Ibid., p. .

122 Item: el que cada da comulga, muchas veces se confiesa; y con la confesin se

alimpia el alma y se excusa de pecar por la vergenza santa que de confesar las culpas
se recibe. Ibid.
123 Domingo de Valtans, Vita Christi, en que se tracta la historia de la Encarnacin,

con las prophecas y sentencias de los Sanctos Doctores cerca del Sancto Mysterio (Seville:
 chapter four

Apologa.124 Nonetheless, he was detained by the Inquisition in and

sentenced to perpetual confinement in . He died in while still
serving his sentence at the monastery of Santo Domingo de las Cinco
Llagas.125 It is certain that he was not a Protestant. His defense of daily
communion, as well as his apologas on behalf of mental prayer and in
defense of the judeoconversos landed him on the losing side of mid-
century Spanish spirituality. His fortune served as deterrence to Juan
de vila, surely leading him to renounce his intellectual paternity of
the edition of the Audi, filia. With the defeat of Fray Domingo de
Valtans the restrictive position of Fray Juan de la Cruz, who was also
adamantly opposed to the practice of mental prayer, became dominant
among the Spanish Dominicans.
The advocacy of daily communion encountered severe resistance in
other quarters of Spanish religious life. Those promoting the practice of
daily communion were effectively warded off by members of the clergy
who asserted ecclesiastical authority over the sacrament. Often these
were members of the clergy who were sympathetic to more frequent
reception of the sacrament than the minimum stated by Lateran Coun-
cil IV. For instance, the Archbishop of Valencia, Fray Tomas de Vil-
lanueva, praised the Jesuits for their promotion of frequent communion,
but actually specified the practice of weekly communion. In addition,
in the Bishop of Plasencia, the Benedictine Pedro Ponce de Len,
confronted Father Bautista Snchez, of the Society of Jesus, over the ques-
tion of daily communion. In a recent sermon the bishop had indicated
that frequent communion was desirable and beneficial for the faithful;
but he cautioned about the practice of daily communion. Father Bautista
contradicted the bishop publicly in a sermon he preached at the cathe-
dral. Bishop Ponce de Len had the final word when he took the pulpit
to instruct his parishioners that no one should communicate more often
than every nine days.126
Not all members of the clergy supported the practice of frequent
communion. Many of them adopted a minimalist position, affirming the
authority of Lateran Council IV and received tradition. The best example

Martn de Montesdoca, ); Francisco de Borja, Obras del cristiano (Alcal de Henares:

n.p., ); Huerga, Apologas, p. ; Tres ndices expurgatorios, p. .
124 Auiso breue para rescebir la comunion amenudo: traduzido de Toscano por el

maestro Bernardino. Tres ndices expurgatorios, p. .

125 Huerga, Apologas, p. .
126 Antonio Astrain, Historia de la Compaa de Jess en la asistencia de Espaa, vols.

(Madrid: Sucesores de Rivadeneyra, ), p. :.

 frequent communion: historical background

was the Augustinian canonist, Dr. Martn de Azpilcueta whose Manual

de confesores y penitentes circulated widely in thirty-eight editions in
Italian, Latin, Portuguese, and Spanish between and .127 In the
edition of the Manual, published in Toledo after his return from
Portugal, de Azpilcueta articulated the minimalist position that I have
just described.128 He argued that the laity should communicate at least
three times a year, namely at Easter, Christmas, and Pentecost. He noted
that Augustine advised all to have communion every week. However, he
went on to recommend that honest men should receive communion
at least four times a year, the previous three festivals and All Saints
Day. He allowed the members of religious orders to receive communion
every month, and concluded that those who communicate once a year
and when fearing possible death, fulfill the commandment in order not
to sin.129 In a later Spanish edition of , de Azpilcueta added that
the Council of Trent has ordained that all nuns make confession and
communicate once each month, at the very least.130
Though frequent communion became more acceptable in the years
after the third period of the Council of Trent, many still viewed daily
communion with a degree of suspicion. Teresa de Jess was one who was
concerned that her discalced sisters could fall into deadly temptation by
giving in to a fleshly desire for the Eucharist. She followed the advice
of the Franciscan lay brother Bernardino de Laredo in the edition
of his Subida del monte Sin in which he reasoned that those souls that
are strong in the faith can endure without the delicate fruits of the
sacrament. In fact, he argued, more frequent communion is needed by
those who are young and weak in the faith.131
Teresa encountered the practice of frequent communion in a new light
in the decade following the death of Juan de vila in . Writing
between and in what later became known as her Libro de
las fundaciones, she narrated at least three separate incidents in which
women whom she knew had been afflicted by their passion for the daily

127 Jess de la Iglesia Garca, Martin de Azpilcueta y su Comentario resolutorio de

cambios, Informacin comercial espaola (), pp. , here p. .

128 Martn de Azpilcueta, Manual de confessores y penitentes (Toledo: Juan Ferrer, ).
129 De Azpilcueta, Manual, p. .
130 Martn de Azpilcueta, Manual de confessores y penitentes (Valladolid: Francisco

Fernandez de Cordova, ), p. .
131 Bernardino de Laredo, Subida del monte Sin, in Msticos Franciscanos Espaoles II,

ed. Juan Bautista Gomis (Madrid: Biblioteca de Autores Cristianos, ), p. .

 chapter four

reception of the Eucharist.132 One incident took place in one of her

foundations, another in a Cistercian convent, and the last one involved
a lay woman. In all three occasions she sought to apply the advice of
Fray Bernardino de Laredo; namely, that it is sometimes an indication
of spiritual strength to abstain from the sacrament. In one of them,
involving the foundation located in Medina del Campo, she reported
that two sisters were so passionate about daily communion that they felt
as if they were going to die if they did not receive the sacrament. The
intensity of their devotion was such that Teresa de Jess suspected the
handicraft of the devil. Eventually, moved by their plight she decided to
abstain from receiving the sacrament in order to encourage her sisters.133
Her approach was successful, but not without considerable effort.
Based on her experiences, she warned against embracing the practice
of daily communion out of a sensual affection for the sacrament. In addi-
tion to following the advice of Fray Bernardino de Laredo, she also indi-
cated the importance of consulting with a confessor on these matters and
of being subject to his authority. Hence she specifically instructed her pri-
oresses about how to handle cases of sensual affection to the sacrament.
She indicated that whoever is constrained from receiving the sacrament
should be happy and satisfied by communicating spiritually.134
Avoiding extremes in everything was a characteristic trait of Discalced
Carmelite spirituality. Juan de la Cruz shared Teresa de Jess reserva-
tions about daily communion, but went further. In his Noche oscura he
wrote about a series of spiritual imperfections, including what he called
spiritual gluttony (gula espiritual). He argued that beginners were
prone to go after the good taste of spiritual exercises, which appeared
before them like sweet delicacies (golosinas). Their spiritual gluttony
leads many to ignore their lowliness and to disparage Gods glory. Hence,
they argue with their confessors, insisting that they be allowed to receive
communion many times over. They are capable of lying simply to have a
taste of the sacrament. According to him, they are moved by their greed
and more interested in eating than in eating in a clean and perfect way.
Instead, they should be begging their confessors to restrain them from
receiving communion so often.135

132 Teresa de Jess, Las fundaciones, in Obras completas, ed. Toms lvarez, th ed.

(Burgos: Editorial Monte Carmelo, ), pp. .

133 Teresa de Jess, Las fundaciones, pp. .
134 Ibid., p. .
135 Juan de la Cruz, Noche oscura, in Obras completas, ed. Eulogio Pacho, th ed.

(Burgos: Editorial Monte Carmelo, ), pp. .

 frequent communion: historical background

Conclusion

Juan de la Cruz wrote his lines on spiritual gluttony in , around

the same time that Bishop Giovanni Francesco Morosini was attempt-
ing to restrict lay reception of the Eucharist in Brescia. In the short span
of forty-five years, from the time of Loyolas letter to the community of
Azpeitia encouraging them to receive communion every month to the
time when Juan de la Cruz wrote Noche oscura, Spain experienced a ver-
itable spiritual commotion regarding the practice of frequent commu-
nion. Opinions on the question of frequent communion varied widely
between the minimalist views of Martn de Azpilcueta and the more
extreme positions of Fray Domingo de Valtans; not to mention the het-
erodox views of Juan de Valds and the alumbrados. Even the Domini-
cans appeared divided on the question; a division that translated into bit-
ter conflict and even institutional suppression of voices sympathetic to
frequent communion. Long before Fray Domingo Baez and Father Pru-
dencio Montemayor confronted each other during the disputation
over predestination, Melchor Cano was already confronting the Jesuits
over the question of frequent communion. Juan de vila played a central
role in this spiritual commotion. He was at the center both in terms of
the chronology of events and in terms of those who were involved and
affected. It is therefore time for us to turn our attention to Juan de vilas
views on frequent communion.
 chapter five

JUAN DE VILA AND FREQUENT COMMUNION:

HIS SERMONS ON THE EUCHARIST

Juan de vilas veneration of the Eucharist and encouragement of fre-

quent communion is evident throughout his extant writings. For in-
stance, in letter number three of his Epistolario along with providing an
unnamed preacher with a repertoire of practical counsels,1he summa-
rizes his views on frequent communion. He advises his disciple about
the great benefits of frequent communion and encourages him to pro-
mote the practice through his preaching. He should warn his audience
that communion can be received daily and that no one should judge
others for receiving the sacrament every day.2 He should also instruct
those who receive it daily to be subject to the authority of the confessor
and to approach the sacrament only after thorough preparation. How-
ever, those of average spiritual accomplishment (gente medianamente
aprovechada) should receive communion once every week.3 Even then,
vila warns that greater latitude can be observed with those who are
unmarried and old, than with those who are married and young, for
ripeness of mind, reverence, and soundness is an important consider-
ation for trusting them with frequent communion.4

1 Juan de vila, Carta del autor a un predicador, Epistolario (), pp. rv;
Obras (), pp. vv; OCNEC, p. :. Quotations drawn from Epistolario
().
2 Lo que me parece que se debe predicar es los grandes bienes que de la frecuencia

se reciben, y que ninguno juzgue a otro por comulgar cada da, pues se puede bien hacer,
antes se componga y acuse de flojo e indevoto, pues l no es para hacer bien hecho lo que
el otro hace. Epistolario (), p. r; OCNEC, p. :.
3 Y con esto se avise a los que comulgan, de los peligros que hay si bien no lo hacen,

y que por no poderse dar una regla para todos, ni para uno en diversos tiempos, se remite
el cuando al juicio del confesor, con que sea prudente y devoto, y que parece ser termino
razonable para gente medianamente aprovechada comulgar de ocho a ocho das, salvo si
no se ofrece algn caso particular en la semana, y que quien ms que esto quisiere que
le hable a vuestra merced en particular, y le dir su parecer, y a quien viere claro que hay
provecho de ello, concdalo, y esto es a pocos, y a los otros qutelo, pidiendo primero
lumbrera a nuestro Seor para acertar. Epistolario (), p. v; OCNEC, p. :.
4 Y puede ser ms largo en esto con personas no casadas que casadas, y con personas
 chapter five

vilas sermons on the Eucharist, however, are the prime source for his
views on frequent communion.5 The edition of his works contains
some twenty-five sermons on the Eucharist; the Nueva edicin crtica
has twenty-seven.6 Only one sermon can be dated with precision based
on a surviving manuscript. He preached sermon fifty-eight in Granada
on the eighth day after the festival of Corpus Christi in . Only one
more sermon can be dated with some accuracy; sermon thirty-five was
preached at some point after as it contains references to the second
period of the Council of Trent.
Fortunately, his sermon of is the one that deals most extensively
and with precision about the practice of frequent communion. The year
allows us to place his sermon at the height of his preaching ministry, at an
important juncture in the emergence of his priestly school. It also allows
us to locate in time his views on frequent communion in relation to those
of Ignacio de Loyola. Finally, the precision of his language also allows us
to compare him with the other figures mentioned in the previous chapter.
The other sermons are also valuable sources of his Eucharistic thought.
We cannot use them to establish the chronological development of his
ideas, nor the diachronic trajectory of his images. These limitations not
withstanding, they address many of the issues that go along with the
practice of frequent communion, and so I discuss them here, especially
in search of the metaphors around which he organized his Eucharistic
reflection. Some of the outstanding aspects that I want to emphasize are
his understanding of spiritual communion, his language of limpieza, and
his criticism of Castilian grandees and their abuses.

de edad, que mozas. Porque la madurez de seso y reverencia y peso, es gran parte para
fiarles la frecuencia de la comunin. Epistolario (), p. v; OCNEC, p. :.
5 For a discussion of vilas theology of preaching see lvaro Huerga, El ministerio

de la palabra en el Beato Juan de vila, Conferencias pronunciadas en la Semana Avilista

(Madrid: Imprenta Avilista, ), pp. ; Rafael Mara de Hornedo, El estilo
coloquial del Beato vila, Razn y Fe; revista hispano-americana de cultura (),
pp. ; and Flix Herrero Salgado, La oratoria sagrada en los siglos XVI y XVII,
vols. (Madrid: Fundacin Universitaria Espaola, ).
6 Tercera parte de las obras del padre maestro Juan de vila, predicador en el Andaluzia

(Madrid: Pedro Madrigal, ). Unless otherwise indicated quotations are drawn from
the work. I am, moreover, following the sermon numeration adopted by the editors
of OCNEC.
 his sermons on the eucharist

Juan de vila on Frequent Communion:

His Sermon on the Eighth Day of Corpus Christi, 7

vila opens the sermon with an exordium in which he exalts the Virgin
Mary as giver of the Eucharist. There is no Christian who does not want
to know the Virgin Mary, he declares. How is she to be known? He
follows the dictum found in Matthew :, By their fruits you shall know
them, and applies it to Mary: Gaze at her works. Her works reveal that
she is humble, chaste, clean (limpia), full of virtues, and made whole by
God. She favors the faithful, pleading with her son that he may provide
them with remedies and protection.8
Still, how can the faithful be certain that she loves them? How can
they entrust their salvation to her? Shall we dare to leave to you the
salvation of our souls?9 Again, he indicates that the faithful can come to
this certainty (seguridad) only by contemplating her works. According
to him there is one work in particular that demonstrates her love of the
faithful: Look at the fruit of her womb! Look at the holy sacrament,
which has come from her entrails. The Virgin Mary demonstrates her
love for the faithful by giving birth to the Lord as well as by extension to
the sacrament. In that sense, Juan de vila states that, she gave it to us.10
He concludes the exordium by pleading with the Virgin that she assists
the faithful in achieving the right understanding of the sacrament.11
Preaching on the last day of the festival, Juan de vila takes the
opportunity to instill in his audience a heartfelt desire for the sacrament.

7 Tratado xxvii, del santisimo sacramento de la Eucaristia, Tercera parte (),

pp. ; El que frecuenta el comulgar, dificultosamente pecar, OCNEC, pp. :
.
8 Mirarla a las obras, mira que tales son sus frutos y as veris quien ella es, que

humilde, que casta, que limpia, que de virtudes tiene, que acabada la hizo Dios. Tercera
parte (), pp. ; OCNEC, p. :.
9 Seora, osaremos confiar de vos nuestra salvacin? Osaremos dejar a vuestro

cargo la salud de nuestras nimas? En qu veremos que no nos olvidaris? Hablen sus
frutos por ella, responda lo que por nosotros hizo. Tercera parte (), p. ; OCNEC,
p. :.
10 Mirad el fruto de su vientre, mirad que pedazo de carne salido de sus entraas,

el santo sacramento. No lo dijo la sabidura de ella, Venite, et comedite panem meum, et

vinum quod miscui vobis? Venid y comed este pan bendito, esta carne que de mis entraas
sali, que a l de buena gana os convida. Gozad del fruto de mis entraas, pues segn
el fruto conoceremos la que nos lo dio. Vos seora pues sabis que tal es, alcanzdnosle
para que le gustemos, y gustando del sepamos hablar algo de su excelencias. Tercera parte
(), p. ; OCNEC, p. :.
11 The exordium does not appear in the edition; OCNEC, p. :.
 chapter five

Using his typical catechetical style, he takes the position of his audience
and formulates a series of questions that represent the lay perspective
of his listeners. He then reassumes his position as preacher and answers
the questions. Hence, as the festival comes to a close he assumes that
the laity is full of sorrow and experiencing an insatiable hunger for the
sacrament. The audience queries the preacher: What remedy is there,
father, to assuage this hunger?12
He proceeds to describe two remedies for the insatiable hunger that
is left after the end of the festival. The first one is the sacrament of
penance, and the second one is the sacrament of the Eucharist. He raises
the rhetorical question before his audience, What is confession? He
reminds them that confession resurrects the dead and so emphasizes the
importance of coming to the confessor having done everything that is in
one (habiendo hecho lo que en ti es). In that case, even if one is lacking
full and thorough repentance, by virtue of the sacrament one is returned
from death to life.13
He then turns to describe the sacrament of the Eucharist, and it is
to this discussion that he dedicates the rest of the sermon. The remedy
that penance offers is considerable as it sets free from certain death.
More, however, is needed. The further remedy comes in the form of
delicious food (manjar) whose purpose is to make the believer grow.
After penance the believer is left with the many relics (reliquias) of sin.
Furthermore, the inner inclination to sin burdens the soul and makes it
weak. Here is where the holy sacrament of the Eucharist is most beneficial
for it mitigates the power of this evil inclination. Hence, he argues that
communion helps the believer overcome pride, ire, and the love of
honor (el deseo de la honra), among others. It also strengthens the
believer to do good, to pray, to fast, and to give alms.14
He next raises a different rhetorical question, What is it to communi-
cate? He offers a twofold answer. First, to communicate is to participate
in the merits of Christ. Second, to communicate is to be incorporated in
Christ. He brings both together by affirming that Christ made humanity
right in his suffering, but that he applies the remedy to the church in the
sacrament. Christ prepared the medicine in his death, but he administers

12 Tercera parte (), p. ; OCNEC, p. :.

13 Tercera parte (), p. ; OCNEC, p. :.
14 Tercera parte (), pp. ; OCNEC, p. :.
 his sermons on the eucharist

it when the faithful approach the altar in order to receive it.15 For these
reasons, he sustains, the holy sacrament of the Eucharist is also known
as consummation, because it fulfills the benefit that began with confes-
sion.16
Juan de vila continues to elaborate on the meaning of incorporation.
He uses an image from Paul: Fiel es el que os llam en compaa de
Jesucristo ( Corinthians :).17 For him incorporation in Christ means
to be part of the compaia of Jesus. Thus, he asks, What company is
this? When the believer communicates she is received into this company
and made a member of the body of Christ. The body of Christ is the
mystical body of the Church, and all believers are members of this body.
When the believer communicates she receives Christ into her bosom.
Juan de vila intimates that the believer ought to reflect on this fact. The
Christian is now transformed and incorporated in Christ; she is made a
participant of his merits, of everything he earned, his glory, his kingdom,
and his solace. He concludes that by taking Christ into her bosom Christ
now turns her into him, and both Jesus and the believer, are now turned
into one.18 In a way, to eat the sacrament is to be eaten by Christ; just like
food becomes part of the human body, the human soul now becomes part
of the body of Christ.
When the believer partakes of the sacrament she can feel secure in
Christ, for God the Father sees the communicant as part of Christ.
The Lord himself deals with the soul of the communicant as his own
possession, and as his own self. Juan de vila draws on a popular saying,
quien al padre tiene alcalde, seguro va a juicio (he whose father is
the mayor, goes safely to trial)19 to convey that the communicant can
rest assured that the judge will not make a determination against her.
Communicate! exclaims vila. Be made participants of the merits of

15 Qu es comulgar? Ser hecho participante de los merecimientos de Jesucristo, ser

incorporado en Jesucristo. Nos remedi cuando padeci, nos aplic en el altar el remedio.
Hizo la medicina, los emplastos, las conservas para nuestra enfermedad cuando muri;
nos la aplic cuando comulgamos, cuando nos llegamos al altar a recibirlo. Tercera parte
(), pp. ; OCNEC, p. :.
16 Tercera parte (), p. ; OCNEC, p. :.
17 God is faithful: by whom you are called unto the fellowship of his Son Jesus

Christ our Lord. Corinthians :, Douay-Rheims; Tercera parte (), p. ; OCNEC,

p. :.
18 As comulgando t, metiendo a Cristo en tus entraas, convierte l a ti en s, y

quedis t y l hechos una cosa. Tercera parte (), p. ; OCNEC, p. :.

19 Tercera parte (), p. ; OCNEC, p. :.
 chapter five

Christ, incorporate and hide yourselves in him, and dont be afraid, he

will not cast his own feet or hands to hell.20
He reacts to what he perceives as a fundamental problem in the
existing practice of the Church. Adopting his rhetorical inquiring voice
he raises the question, Who would not be appalled by the sight of those
who dont want to take advantage of so many mercies, those who dont
want to receive these many goods?21 He is astonished at both humanity
and God. He is astonished both at the ingratitude of humanity and at
the mercy and providence of God.22 In another appeal to the popular
mentality of his listeners he asks, who has heard of such a thing, to kill
the son of the house in order to feed the chicken? He is perturbed that
the Eternal Father gave his only Son for us to eat him, and that eating him
we might be blessed, and yet there is no one who will eat, no one who will
approach this table full abundance!23
The problem lies in the way that the faithful have come to practice the
injunctions of Lateran Council IV. In his view the faithful are now satis-
fied with receiving the sacrament once a year. Moreover, he asserts that
they end up receiving the sacrament out of fear and not out of gratitude.
Were it not for this threat of excommunication, vila is convinced they
would never receive the sacrament. You do it out of sheer necessity and
not out of love, vila exclaims in an accusatory tone.24
That is not the case with those who receive communion frequently.
Their desire to receive the Lords body makes them be watchful and take
all precautions against sin. However, those who communicate only once a
year are at all times forgetful, neglecting themselves, and falling in errors
(dar de ojos).25 Of great benefit, says Juan de vila, is to communi-
cate many times, and that was the advice of the saints.26 He then gives
a succinct overview of authorities on the question of frequent commu-
nion. He mentions Jeromes letter to Lucinius of Baetica, and Genna-
diuss famous statement which he also attributes to Augustine. In his typ-

20 Comulgad, sed hechos participantes de los merecimientos de Jesucristo, incorpo-

raos y meteos en el, no hayis miedo, no echar l su pie ni su mano en el infierno. Tercera
parte (), p. ; OCNEC, p. :.
21 Tercera parte (), pp. ; OCNEC, p. :.
22 Tercera parte (), p. ; OCNEC, p. :.
23 Tercera parte (), p. ; OCNEC, p. :.
24 Tercera parte (), p. ; OCNEC, p. :.
25 [E]l que comulga de ao a ao, como anda olvidado de s y descuidado, tras cada

paso da de ojos. Tercera parte (), p. ; OCNEC, pp. :.

26 Gran salud es comulgar muchas veces, y as lo confesaron los santos. Tercera parte

(), p. ; OCNEC, p. :.
 his sermons on the eucharist

ical fashion, he gives special attention to the statements associated with

Augustine. Hence, he is quick to indicate that when Augustine (i.e. Gen-
nadius) says that he neither praises nor condemns the daily reception
of the Eucharist, Augustine is not saying that it is wrong to communi-
cate daily. However, vila reproaches his audience for arguing against
the reception of the Eucharist every eighth day (i.e. weekly). He retorts
that Augustine also recommended that communion be received every
eighth day. He clarifies that although some may argue that Augustine
had only the clergy in mind, he is certain that Augustine was saying
this also about the laity. He also mentions Alexander of Hales, Thomas
Aquinas, Vicente Ferrer, and Gabriel Biel as authorities who encour-
aged frequent communion. In relation to Ferrer, vila indicates that the
Valencian saint favored communion to be received ten to twelve times a
year.27
Interestingly enough, it is from Bonaventure that Juan de vila devel-
ops his own position. He argues that Bonaventure recommended that
those who find it beneficial to receive communion frequently should con-
tinue to do so. However, if frequent communion becomes an impediment
for the right regard of the Eucharist by causing irreverence then it should
be discontinued. Many succumb to moral laxity (liviandad) on account
of their frequent reception of the Eucharist, because they do it on a whim,
without proper preparation, and without amending their life.28 Frequent
communion is not for everyone. It is for those who, burst and die before
they might offend God. Alluding to Genesis :, vila asserts that fre-
quent communion is for those who eat their bread with the sweat of their
face.29 In any case, both extremes are bad. There are some who, due to
their frequent reception of the Eucharist, lose their reverence. Neverthe-
less there are others who, because they come late to the table, lose their
love. Accordingly, he warns that those who care should communicate so
that they do not forget and end up losing their love.30

27 Tercera parte (), pp. ; OCNEC, pp. :.

28 San Buenaventura lo particulariza ms, diciendo, si vieres que te va bien con
frecuentar la santa comunin, que te crece el amor sin descrecerse la reverencia, usa el
comulgar; mas si el mucho uso te causa irreverencia, detente algo ms, y no uses como
usan del comulgar algunos, que los lleva la liviandad, y no piensan ms en ello, sino, en
antojndoseles, helos [sic] van a comulgar, sin ms pensar, ni recogerse, ni tener cuidado
de la enmienda de la vida. Tercera parte (), p. ; OCNEC, p. :.
29 Tercera parte (), p. ; OCNEC, p. :.
30 Tercera parte (), p. ; OCNEC, pp. :.
 chapter five

At this point Juan de vila introduces two items that will appear again
in the writings of Bartolom Carranza, Pedro de Soto, and in the
decision of the Congregation of the Council. First, he agrees that there
is no certain rule governing the matter. Second, he considers that this
is an area that has to be decided by the penitent soul in consultation
with the confessor; it is a matter of conscience.31 He rebukes those who
dont receive communion and stand by the side criticizing and gossiping
about those who do receive it on a regular basis. They cannot see the
conscience of the communicants, and therefore are doing the work of
the devil. They abhor and obstruct the work of God. Rather, it is only
the confessorwho understands and knows the consciences of those
under his carethat can rightly judge and give his opinion to the one
confessing. Moreover, he who cannot see, know, or understands what
each person has in his heart, so how without seeing the process can
[he] come to a verdict? Such work is contrary to that of the angel of
God, who told Elijah, get up and eat, otherwise the journey will be too
much for you. In this way, argues Juan de vila, the good priest or the
good Christian should advise, admonish, and encourage his brother to
communicate.32
If frequent communion is important for Juan de vila, communi-
cating well (bien comulgar) is even more so. He resorts to a series
of fantastic stories to instill fear in the hearts of his listeners. A cer-
tain unnamed priest was in mortal sin, claims vila, and he continued
to receive the Eucharist every day until God sent fire from heaven and
burned his hands! Another man, continues vila, ignored the advice
of his confessor not to receive communion and he died in the spot. vila
issues a stern word of precaution, God forbid that we wrongly commu-
nicate!33
vila again turns away from the popular and fantastic, and moves
to an exposition of his more elaborate ascetic program. He provides
a series of steps to guarantee that the faithful communicate well. In

31 Tercera parte (), p. ; OCNEC, p. :.

32 El confesor, que sabe y conoce las conciencias de los que confiessan, bien es que
juzgue y d su parecer al que confes; mas el que no ve, ni sabe, ni entiende qu tiene cada
uno en su corazn, cmo sin ver el proceso sentencia? Contrario es al ngel de Dios, cuyo
oficio es aconsejar a Elas que se levante y coma, que mucho le queda de andar. Y as el
buen sacerdote o cristiano ha de aconsejar, amonestar y esforzar a su hermano para que
comulgue. Tercera parte (), p. ; OCNEC, p. :.
33 I am paraphrasing vilas longer stories; see Tercera parte (), pp. ;

OCNEC, pp. :.
 his sermons on the eucharist

fact, he articulates for his audience some of the core exercises of his
rule for the laity, which will appear in print for the first time in .
According to vila, all of life should be directed to the sole end of
receiving communion. The faithful should at all times be concerned
about how to keep body and soul clean (limpia) for the day on which
he will receive his God. He advises that all the senses should be reined in
for this purpose.34
Preparation begins at least two days before receiving communion, with
a thorough examination of conscience. The believer should then consider
a step of the passion, and scrutinize (desmenuzar) every aspect of it,
such as Christs love, his tears and blood. vila adds that to do this is
to eat the roasted lamb as indicated in Exodus :. The next step
is confession, and then the reception of the Eucharist. However, as the
believer gets closer to receiving communion from the priest, she should
again bring to mind the passion of Christ and contemplate the tormented
Lord in the sacrament. He warns the believer against letting herself be
overcome by scruples at the very last moment, after confession and before
receiving communion. The believer should make confession the best way
she can, and then move on to receive communion.35
In the last section of the sermon in its current form, vila explains to
his audience the reason why the laity receives the sacrament only in the
form of bread, while priests also receive the cup. He recurs to the doctrine
of concomitance, which says that the blood is received together with the
body in the consecrated bread. The section is interesting as it reveals
that vila regularly confronted this question during his early preaching
career. His listeners, it seems, often inquired about the reasons for this
difference in practice.36
To sum up, in his sermon of vila is already advocating frequent
communion for the laity. It is not clear how frequently he would like to see
the faithful receive the sacrament. He favorably mentions the practices of
receiving communion daily, weekly, and even ten to twelve times a year.
He is adamantly opposed to the idea that annual communion is sufficient
for the life of the spirit suggesting instead that it is conducive to errors and
even to neglect of God. He follows Bonaventure and is equally opposed
to the frequent reception of the sacrament if it contributes to irreverence.

34 Tercera parte (), pp. ; OCNEC, p. :.

35 Tercera parte (), p. ; OCNEC, pp. :.
36 Tercera parte (), p. ; OCNEC, pp. :.
 chapter five

For him it is important that the sacrament be received regularly, and

with proper preparation. He also indicates that this is a matter of con-
science to be decided by the penitent in consultation with the confes-
sor.
Finally, it is possible to make a few comments about vilas views on
frequent communion in relation to the Spanish spiritual tendencies of
his days. First, he expressed his support for daily lay reception of the
Eucharist before Ignacio de Loyola and Cristobal de Madrid. In his
letter to the inhabitants of Azpeitia, Loyola recommends monthly recep-
tion of the sacrament, and in his other letters to lay people he does
not mention daily communion. Only in his letter to Sister Teresa
Rejadell does he mention daily communion. Cristobal de Madrid articu-
lated the case for frequent and daily communion on behalf of the Society
in , thirteen years after Juan de vila made the point in public. Sec-
ond, the Bonaventure-inspired tenor of his moderate views also antici-
pates, and even probably informs, the views of the Discalced Carmelites,
Teresa de Jess and Juan de la Cruz. Third, his characterization of fre-
quent communion as a matter of conscience to be discerned between
penitent and confessor predates the views of Bartolom Carranza, and
Pedro de Soto, and even the conclusions adopted by the Congregation of
the Council in and later by Pope Innocent XI in the decree Cum ad
aures of . Fourth and last, his recommendations for proper prepara-
tion, which are directed to a lay audience, anticipate his own Short Rule
of .

The Problem of Annual or Rare

Communion: The Protestant Heresy

Only one of vilas Eucharistic sermons can be dated with certainty. The
absence of chronological information represents an almost insurmount-
able obstacle for a diachronic reconstruction of his views on frequent
communion. However, it is still possible to bring together the key ideas
and images that informed his many other sermons in which he promoted
the frequent reception of the sacrament. I will turn my attention first to
his criticism of annual communion.
In his sermon, Juan de vila denounced the shortcomings of
annual communion. He indicated that it caused believers to be neglectful
in their daily lives and lagging in their piety. He also warned that the rare
reception of the sacrament could cause believers to lose their love for God
 his sermons on the eucharist

and thus to act ungratefully towards their redeemer. He also made such
a stern pronouncement against annual communion because it causes the
Christian to fall into error. The Christian who only communicates every
year under compulsion, argued Juan de vila, errs at every step (tras
cada paso da de ojos).
Indeed, for Juan de vila the rare reception of the sacrament was one
of the major causes of heresies, especially of the Protestant heresy. Thus
in sermon thirty-six, No te hartes de mirar a Cristo, preached on the
eve of Corpus Christi, he encouraged civil authorities to foster piety and
in particular to defend and strengthen the festival.37 Authorities could
do this by supporting efforts of the clergy to bring the public into line
with the rigors of the festival. Many resented correction of any sort. In
fact, this spirit of inconformity is what made possible that the perverse
Luther could become such a heresiarch.38 In another sermon he argues
that lack of communion meant a weak faith and that those with a weak
faith could be easily persuaded by heretics.39
In another important sermon he is more specific about the implica-
tions of a generalized disparagement of the sacrament. In sermon thirty-
eight, Haced esto en memoria ma, he asks: Brother, from where do you
think that errors and heresies against this holy sacrament did arise?40
The sermon is based on Luke :: Haced esto en memoria ma. For
him forgetfulness of the great mercy worked by God in the cross is the
principal cause of heresies. He argues that speculations about whether
God could be present, or enclosed (encerrado), within the consecrated
host caused some to stop communicating. Their skepticism, he says, lead
to other worse heresies.41 The solution is to communicate devoutly and
lovingly, many times in a year, so that the memory of Gods mercy can

37 Tratado xiii, del santisimo sacramento de la Eucaristia, Tercera parte (),

pp. ; OCNEC, pp. :.
38 Mucho temor me da ver aquesto; porque el desprecio de personas eclesisticas y

el hablar con libertad en sus vidas fueron los medios para que el perverso Lutero fuese
quien fue, y de medios semejantes, fines semejables se deben temer. Tercera parte (),
pp. ; OCNEC, p. :.
39 Tratado xv, del santisimo sacramento de la Eucaristia, Tercera parte (), pp.

, here pp. ; Retablo de las maravillas de Dios, OCNEC, pp. :,

here pp. :.
40 Tratado xxvi, del santisimo sacramento de la Eucaristia, Tercera parte (),

pp. ; OCNEC, pp. :.

41 Tercera parte (), p. ; OCNEC, p. :.
 chapter five

be retained at all times.42 The Lord himself will deliver the faithful from
errors if they receive communion frequently.43
He revisits the problem in sermon forty-six, La carne de Cristo,
manjar del alma.44Here he returns to the twelfth-century Old French
epic poem, La Chanson de Roland. For him the sacrament is like the
sword of Roldan (as the hero was best remembered in Castilian versions
of the poem). However, in a fascinating twist, he reverses the historic
roles that Muslim Spain and Christian Germany had in the medieval
drama. He argues that God has recently allowed Germany to lose the
faith: because they made bad use of the divine bread and so God
allowed that it be taken away from them.45 In the same way, if one is
given a sword of Roldan or of King Don Fernando, if the same person,
instead of using it in great deeds, uses it in cutting melons and shoe soles,
what do you think that person would deserve?46 The answer is almost
unavoidable: the sword would be taken away; this is what, in vilas view,
happened to Germany. Furthermore, in his view those who communicate
only once a year and do so under obligation risk having the same fate.
In the case of Spain, however, he indicates that it is not sufficient that
there are no heresies, but that instead everyone should be so devout to
the sacrament that they should feel every day that goes by without
communicating as if it lasted thirty years.47
In sermon forty-seven, La comunin te hace participante de la pasin
de Cristo, he calls the Eucharist the table of peace (la mesa de la

42 Allgate, pues, al Santsimo Sacramento, no de tarde en tarde, sino ven con mucha

reverencia, con amor, con devocin, con mucha humildad, y muchas veces en el ao,
porque no se te vaya de la memoria, sino siempre lo tengas delante los ojos como espejo,
y tu veras por experiencia lo que se te sigue de la santa comunin. Tercera parte (),
p. ; OCNEC, p. :.
43 Y con la frecuentacin de l alumbrarte ha Jesucristo el corazn para que no caigas

en errores. Tercera parte (), p. ; OCNEC, p. :.

44 Tratado iii, del santisimo sacramento de la Eucaristia, Tercera parte (), pp.

; OCNEC, pp. :.
45 Que por eso permiti Dios que en Alemania perdiesen la fe; porque usaban mal de

este divino pan, permiti Dios que se lo quitasen. Tercera parte (), p. ; OCNEC,
p. :.
46 Si a uno le pusiesen una espada de Roldn o del rey don Fernando, si el tal, en

lugar de emplearla en hazaas, se anduviese cortando melones y suelas de zapatos con

ella, qu os parece que mereca? Tercera parte (), p. ; OCNEC, p. :.
47 Que no me contento con que no haya herejasgracias a Dios por ello!, sino que

debamos tener tanta devocin y tanta hambre de este celestial pan, que ardiese fuego en
nuestras entraas de su amor y que se nos hiciese cada da que no comulgsemos treinta
aos. Tercera parte (), p. ; OCNEC, p. :.
 his sermons on the eucharist

paz).48 The image was used by pseudo-Chrysostom in De proditionem

Judae49 and by Gezo of Tortona (d. c. ) in De corpore et sanguine
Christi.50 vila evokes an ancient Roman practice of resolving differences
around a table, and maintains that God uses the altar in an analogous
way.51 Hence the Eucharist is also known as table of peace between God
and men, a table of concord, of charity, of communion, and a table of the
poor and rich.52
Yet, annual communion contradicts the purpose of the table of peace.
vila again regrets that there are some who would only communicate
every year, and that they would only do it out of fear of excommunication.
He is certain that were it not for the fear of punishment they would
never communicate. In fact, they are not far from becoming heretics. He
assures his audience that all heresies against the sacrament have been the
result of rare communion, of receiving the sacrament only once every
year.53 Nevertheless, frequent communion fulfills the purpose of the
table: If you communicate very often (muchas veces) with devotion,
with humility, then you would eagerly go to the table of peace.54
He used his metaphors and question-and-answer catechetical style in
order to inculcate Catholic doctrine in his audience. His sermons on
the Eucharist clearly assume the spread of the Protestant heresy, even
if not a strong domestic threat to Roman Catholicism. In that sense,
the Eucharist was also a rallying point for the construction of Roman
Catholic identity. If Catholic you want to be, then you have to believe
that the body of our Lord Jesus Christ is resting there, asserted vila in
one of his sermons while making reference to the Eucharist.55
vila directly confronts Protestantism in another of his sermons on
the Eucharist. In sermon thirty-three, La iglesia romana es la casa donde
celebra Cristo la cena, vila insists on the primacy of the pope and the

48 Tratado vii, del santisimo sacramento de la Eucaristia, Tercera parte (), pp.

; OCNEC, pp. :.
49 Pseudo-Chrysostom, De proditione Iudae, PG :.
50 Gezo of Tortona, De corpore et sanguine Christi, PL :B.
51 Tercera parte (), p. ; OCNEC, pp. :.
52 Tercera parte (), p. ; OCNEC, pp. :.
53 Y de dnde, negro, se han levantado las herejas que se han dicho del Santsimo

Sacramento? De no comulgar, de dejarlo olvidar el que no lo recibi sino de ao a ao.

Tercera parte (), p. ; OCNEC, p. :.
54 OCNEC, p. :.
55 Tratado vi, del santisimo sacramento de la Eucaristia, Tercera parte (), pp.

, here p. ; Sacramento de amor que enciende nuestro amor, OCNEC, pp.

:, here p. :.
 chapter five

authority of Christian Scriptures. The sermon can be dated to after

as it makes reference to the seventh session of the Council of Trent, which
dealt with the sacraments.56 He takes recourse to a rhetorical question in
order to introduce a discussion on the signs of the true church: What
signs [seas], Lord, has your house so that your disciples can guess
correctly and prepare you a feast.57 His question alludes to the passage in
Luke : in which Jesus gave instructions to his disciples to go ahead of
him and prepare the Passover meal. On that occasion, as vila points out,
Jesus gave a sign to his disciples indicating in which house they were to
make preparations for the festivity. vila quotes Jesus as saying: Seguid
a un hombre que lleva un cntaro de agua (Follow a man who carries a
jug of water).58
He replies initially that there are two signs that indicate the true
church. The true church is the one that believes and has the divine
Scriptures and the one that confesses that there are sacraments through
which grace is given.59 Together these signs are represented by the water
jug in the story of Jesuss last Passover meal, and they designate the true
church. That is not the case, however, with the church that claims that
grace is given through faith alone [fe sola]. He cites Mark : (He
that believeth and is baptized, shall be saved), and argues that salvation
is not by faith alone, but by faith, well received sacraments, and works.60
He subsequently introduces another, decisive, sign of the true church.
At this point he returns to Jesuss instruction to the disciples: Seguid a
un hombre que lleva un cntaro de agua. He makes the point that there
are heretics who claim to believe in the Scriptures, who also have the
sacraments, even if in their own way, and who have faith in Christ and
say great things about him.61 How, then, should the true disciples know
which is the true church? The answer is found, vila argues, in Jesuss
instructions, seguid un hombre (follow a man). In fact, this is the
sign of the church which God inhabits, that it has one head, which is the
Pope, whom all should follow and obey.62

56 Tercera parte (), p. ; OCNEC, p. :.

57 Tercera parte (), p. ; OCNEC, p. :.
58 Behold, as you go into the city, there shall meet you a man carrying a pitcher of

water: follow him into the house where he entereth in. Luke :, Douay-Rheims; Ibid.
59 Aquella Iglesia que cree y tiene la Escritura divina, y que tiene y confiesa haber

sacramentos por los cuales se da la gracia, aqulla tiene seales de la verdadera Iglesia.
Tercera parte (), p. ; OCNEC, p. :.
60 Tercera parte (), p. ; OCNEC, p. :.
61 Tercera parte (), p. ; OCNEC, p. :.
62 []sta es la seal de la Iglesia en que Dios mora: que tiene una cabeza, que es el
 his sermons on the eucharist

The Church of Rome is, therefore, the house in which Christ cele-
brates his meal. Yet, this is not the only image that he uses to convey
the intimate relation between Christ, the Church, the sacrament, and the
believer. His insistence that communion should be received frequently
in order, among other benefits, to prevent heresy finds expression in yet
another metaphor. In sermon forty-five, Juan de vila calls the sacra-
mented Christ, the tree of life (arbol de vida).63 In this case he draws
the image from Revelation :, which narrates John the Seers vision
of the heavenly city, the New Jerusalem (Revelation :). In his vision,
John the Seer contemplates the river of life flowing from Gods throne
and the tree of life growing on either side of the river. vila argues that
Christ himself is the tree of life and that after consecration the tree of life
is at the altar. Furthermore, just as the tree of life witnessed by John the
Seer bears fruits for every month of the year, so Christ sacramented bears
fruit every month.64
vilas construction of the image is significant. It suggests that he saw
the monthly reception of the Eucharist as ideal. He repeats the image
in sermon fifty-four,65 where he again calls Christ sacramented the tree
of life, but this time contrasts the consecrated host with the tree of life
of the primeval garden, described in Genesis :.66 The splendor of the
consecrated host outshines the tree of life of the garden, making the
host more attractive and desirable. He laments the indifference of his
audience to the sacrament and encourages them to receive communion
frequently.67 Human weakness is daily, but the sacrament is received, at
best, every year. The strengthening capacity of the sacrament, hence, does
not come to the aid of the believer in time, for he is by now dead in the
spirit.68
But those who are neglectful of the sacrament are not the only ones
to squander its benefices. There are those who receive it frequently but
come ill prepared for the reception of the body of Christ. vila reflects

Papa, a quien han de seguir todos los dems y obedecerle. Tercera parte (), p. ;
OCNEC, p. :.
63 Tratado iiii, del santisimo sacramento de la Eucaristia, Tercera parte (),

pp. ; Jesucristo sacramentado es el rbol de vida, OCNEC, pp. :.

64 Tercera parte (), p. ; OCNEC, p. :.
65 Tratado ix, del santisimo sacramento de la Eucaristia, Tercera parte (), pp.

; Remedio de ese malo y extrao calor que se llama concupiscencia, OCNEC,

pp. :.
66 Tercera parte (), p. ; OCNEC, p. :.
67 Tercera parte (), p. ; OCNEC, p. :.
68 Tercera parte (), p. ; OCNEC, p. :.
 chapter five

once more Bonaventures concern about frequent communion and the

ostensibly concomitant irreverence associated with it. vila believes that
frequent communion should be matched by right and arduous prepara-
tion for the sacrament. All sick people wish to heal, vila observes, but
not all are willing to apply themselves to the effort of the cure.69 The
right reception of the sacrament requires the right ordering of life, and
in this way the sacrament together with the discipline that is required
for its right and frequent reception serves to prevent errors, and, more
importantly, heresies.

Frequent Communion and Spiritual

Discipline: vilas Bien Comulgar

vilas sermons on the Eucharist provide an exceptional window for

the study of his ascetic spirituality. Certainly his emphasis on frequent
communion is already a constitutive element of his spirituality, but there
is a sophisticated thematic complex that both surrounds and encapsulates
the practice. Essential to a close retracing of these themes is his idea of
bien comulgar (to receive communion well). The idea is intimately
connected to vilas spiritual exercises and the spiritual discipline that
he sought to forge among his disciples. Hence, in his sermons on the
Eucharist we find echoes of his rules for the clergy and the laity.
As already noted, vila not only promoted frequent communion, he
was also interested in believers practicing the proper spiritual exercises
that would prepare them to receive the consecrated host. In sermon forty-
one, Retablo de las maravillas de Dios, he endeavors to define how to
receive communion well. He begins by clearly stating that receiving com-
munion once a year is not enough. Earlier in the sermon he also regrets
that believers would only receive communion under the threat of excom-
munication.70 God extends many graces in the sacrament. Nevertheless,
these graces are not readily perceived by all. Many just taste the bread,
but dont experience the many graces of God. He says that those who
communicate only once a year clearly feel nothing.71
Yet, vila also has a serious pastoral concern for those who frequently
receive communion and arduously prepare themselves for each occasion.

69 Tercera parte (), p. ; OCNEC, p. :.

70 Tercera parte (), p. ; OCNEC, pp. :.
71 Tercera parte (), p. ; OCNEC, p. :.
 his sermons on the eucharist

Here we see the application of his negative asceticism to the practice of

frequent communion. They, vila reasons, truly prepare themselves;
their sins dont prevent them from making confession, and they commu-
nicate very often. These may receive the sacrament, experience noth-
ing, and feel discouraged. Precisely this is what God intends to happen,
says vila. God wants them to partake of the sacrament and experience
nothing but a surrendered faith, a faith assuring them that what they
are receiving is God. He is quick to encourage them: Dont think that
it is bad, dont dismay and dont stop communicating. They should not
be disheartened because they dont receive any pleasure (gusto). Here,
he quotes Augustine: Comed y creed. Indeed, this is far from what it
means to communicate well. Addressing those who prepare themselves
and live attentively, he asks: Are you after God for pleasures and expe-
riences? These he warns claiming it is an erroneous opinion to go after
God for these reasons.72 vila indicates that not receiving God in the
way that they expected is actually a very good thing for them. Many have
received God in extraordinary ways, to their own demise and confusion.
They became extremely proud, not knowing how to conduct themselves
after receiving many gifts and mercies from God. He accordingly calls the
Eucharist the feast without pleasure (manjar sin gusto), as he insists
it is better to eat it not expecting special graces. It would be difficult to
remain humble and laborious if God made patently evident the mar-
velous embrace that he extends in and through the Eucharist.73 Hence,
those who are well prepared receive the Eucharist without expecting any
extraordinary pleasures.
Yet it is not pleasures, or gustos, that are the best indication of a good
communion but whether the believer can dominate the passions after
partaking of the Eucharist. vila continues using the metaphor of the
feast without pleasure to convey this point. After all, in his opinion,
something is wrong if a meal tastes good but does not sit well in the
stomach. The believer has to be unwavering in the effort of self-conquest,
and give grace just as she has received grace. He asks, Has God dressed
you up and covered you with grace? Then, he continues, you now
go and dress up those who are naked. Again he inquires, Did God
forgive you? And he quickly replies: So you also forgive those who

72 Digo a los que os aparejis y vivs con aviso: Queris buscar a Dios por gusto y

sabores? Engaados andais; no es cosa segura ni cierta, sino muy peligrosa. Tercera parte
(), p. ; OCNEC, p. :.
73 Tercera parte (), p. ; OCNEC, p. :.
 chapter five

have injured you. To have communion is precisely to do these things,

for Christ is humility, chastity, patience, meekness, and charity. Fur-
thermore, those who receive Christ in the Eucharist become one with
Christ and all these things are now imprinted in their hearts. Thus, the
believer should emphasize these things and not extraordinary experi-
ences. Whenever God sends extraordinary graces the believer should be
humble and grateful.74
Sermon forty-one, then, is a good overture to the way vila under-
stands what it means to communicate well. It also introduces an impor-
tant corrective to the way that scholars have often thought about the link
between asceticism and mysticism in Spanish spirituality. According to
widely held opinions, ascetic exercises in the tradition of Spanish Golden
Age spirituality serve as the lower rungs in the ladder to the mystical
experience. vila is skeptical about the ecstatic experience, or arrobo. Not
only that, but he has no room for it in his ascetical spirituality. The ascetic
discipline does not represent for him the lower rung in the stairway to
God; it is, instead, the door to God. Not having gusto is the best thing
that can happen, the best reward; not the best consolation, but consola-
tion itself. Even here, vila himself shrinks from using the term consola-
tion in relation to buen comulgar: consolation, not even the thought
of it (consuelo ni por pensamiento).75
It then makes perfect sense to find vila making reference to the
alumbrados in sermon forty-one. He inquires from his audience, Do
you know by any chance what devotion is? He is alarmed by Christians
of his day who do not know what it means to be devoted, loving, and
gentle. The oil used in baptism, he argues, means that the Christian
receives from the Holy Spirit these very qualities. Appealing to the sense
of chivalry in his listeners, vila calls them cowards for not wanting
to take communion. They fear that they will be taken for hypocrites
and alumbrados. The common perception, then, shared by vila and his
audience is that alumbrados are just too eager to receive communion as
their only desire is to experience its benefits.76
vilas negative asceticism comes across clearly in the way that he con-
structs the idea of spiritual communion. He visits this theme in two of
his sermons, numbers forty-eight and forty-nine. The first one, Los que
no se miran y los que, mirndose mucho, desmayan, appeared like most

74 Tercera parte (), pp. ; OCNEC, pp. :.

75 Tercera parte (), p. ; OCNEC, p. :.
76 Tercera parte (), p. ; OCNEC, p. :.
 his sermons on the eucharist

of the others in the collection.77 The sermon is incomplete, trun-

cated either by chance or editorial hand. However, in it vila indicates the
importance of self-knowledge for the right reception of the sacrament.
He introduces the contrast between those who dont examine themselves
and those who in examining themselves are quick to succumb to desper-
ation. He then points to spiritual communion as the way for both kinds of
believers. Moreover, while vila follows tradition and posits a distinction
between spiritual and sacramental eating, he does not give to these terms
the same traditional meaning. Hence, the solution that he offers to both
kinds of believers is the flesh of Christ; that is, to receive communion.
vila develops his notion of spiritual communion in sermon forty-
eight. However, his discussion of the practice presumably formed part of
the portion of the original sermon that is now lost.78 Sermon forty-nine in
the Nueva edicin crtica, on the other hand, did not appear in the
edition.79 The sermon is also incomplete, but here vila fully develops
what he meant by spiritual communion. Moreover, it makes reference
to an immediately prior sermon in which he dealt with the question of
spiritual communion separately from sacramental communion.80 Hence,
it can be safely assumed that sermon forty-nine was chronologically
posterior to sermon forty-eight, just as they now appear in the Nueva
edicin crtica.
For Juan de vila spiritual communion is sacramental communion. He
insists on the necessity of receiving the sacrament and nowhere suggests
that the benefits of the sacrament can be received in its absence. Not
that he would deny the possibility. Nevertheless, he is convinced that his
audience lacks zeal for the sacrament and wants to instill them with this
zeal. He begins by indicating that in eating the sacrament the believer
actually eats the weak part of the sacrament, and not its stronger one.81

77 Tratado viii, del santisimo sacramento de la Eucaristia, Tercera parte (),

pp. ; Los que no se miran y los que mirndose mucho, desmayan, OCNEC,
pp. :.
78 In sermon forty-eight, vila makes the following statement: Digamos un poquito

de la comunin espiritual, que otro da diremos de la sacramental. Tercera parte (),

p. ; OCNEC, p. :. Yet, his discussion of the practice is nowhere to be found in the
surviving document.
79 Vivo yo, ya no yo; vive Cristo en mi. OCNEC, p. :.
80 Atajme mi mala disposicin estotro da diciendo qu cosa era comulgar espiri-

tualmente, y creo que queda algo declarado en los sermones pasados. OCNEC, p. :.
The comment goes a long way to explain why sermon forty-eight remains incomplete,
although not its current form.
81 OCNEC, p. :.
 chapter five

The stronger part of the sacrament, its substance, actually eats up the
believer. It slowly turns the Christian into itself.82 That is how he initially
describes spiritual communion.
More specifically, he defines spiritual communion as trust (confi-
anza) in Christ. He asks, Who sustains who? Does the stock sustains the
vine shoot, or does the vine shoot sustain the stock? (cf. John :). Cer-
tainly, the vine stock sustains the shoot just as Christ sustains the believer.
Accordingly, to communicate spiritually is to receive strength in Christ.
It is to trust that one has been forgiven by Christ. Moreover, spiritual
communion is to be so strengthened by this hope that one may say with
Paul, as cited by vila: Vivo yo, ya no yo (Galatians :).83
He then provides two senses in which to interpret Galatians : and
which illustrate the idea of spiritual communion. The first one he draws
from De divinis nominibus, attributed in vilas time to Dionysius the
Areopagite.84 De divinis nominibus describes divine love (Gk. ,
Lat. dilectio) as yearning, or affection (Gk. , Lat. amoris). It
further defines yearning as the power (Gk. , Lat. virtutis) of
unifying (Gk. , Lat. unificae), conjoining (Gk. ,
Lat. collectivae), and causing an excellent keeping of parts together (Gk.
 , Lat. excellenterque contemperantis).85 It is a
divine power that moves the divine consideration towards that which is
weaker or inferior, as well as moving the latter to seek after the divine.
The author describes the movement of the inferior (Gk. ,
Lt. inferiora) towards the higher (Gk. , Lat. superioribus)

82 OCNEC, p. :.
83 And I live, now not I. Galatians :, Douay-Rheims; OCNEC, p. :.
84 Pseudo-Dionysius Areopagita, De divinis nominibus, PG :.
85   !" " !#    $   %
" &" !( %  )  %   * ) ) !# +-
#.       ,   -
  . .  )!., ) % %  !% 0,    
 ! ) % %  !% ,  1 + ) 
) 2 2 #, 1 + ) " % 2 " 
(,  1 )  3 3  . Pseudo-
Dionysius Areopagita, De divinis nominibus, PG :; Quoniam sacri theologi nomen
dilectionis et amoris adhibent secundum divinas elocutiones, ut eamdem vim habeant
apud eos qui divina recte audiunt. Estque hoc virtutis cujusdam unificae ac collectivae
excellenterque contemperantis, quae in pulchro et bono per pulchrum et bonum prae-
exsistit, et ex pulchro et bono propter pulchrum et bonum emanat, continetque quidem
aequalia per mutuam connexionem, superiora vero ad inferiorum movet providentiam,
inferiora porro per conversionem quamdam superioribus inserit. Pseudo-Dionysius
Areopagita, De divinis nominibus, PG :.
 his sermons on the eucharist

as transposition or conversion (Gk. 3, Lat. conversionem).

Hence, the divine affection produces ecstasy, as it causes the lover to
belong not to himself but to the one that is loved. Pseudo-Dionysius
goes on to explain that what Paul experienced was this divine affection,
making him exclaim, And I live, now not I; but Christ liveth in me.86
The idea of divine yearning then helps explain vilas contention that
when the believer eats the accidents of the sacrament, she is actually being
swallowed up by the sacraments substance.
vila makes use of several images to convey to his audience Pseudo-
Dionysiuss idea. The first one is that of a mother. When a mother loves
her child, argues vila, her life depends on that of the child. If she is
concerned by her health, it is because she is even more concerned about
the wellbeing of her youngster. She has no other joy than her childs, no
other contentment than that of her childs happiness. In short, she no
longer lives, but it is her child who lives in her.87 He also uses the image
of the good preacher. Preaching is not about reading books and then
vomiting everything back to the audience. Instead, the good preacher
no longer lives for himself, but for the Church.88
At first glance his images may seem to fall short of the complexity of
Pseudo-Dionysiuss idea. Nevertheless, he clearly understands the notion
of transposition or  that is at the heart of the latters interpre-
tation of Galatians :. Indeed, he uses the term trasladar (translate)
to describe . He returns to the maternal metaphor that he used
earlier, but now frames it in terms of trasladar: It is like you, who loves
your child a lot, you are translated [trasladada] in him, and your health
and life depends on him. In the same way, Paul was translated in Jesus
Christ; he was not after his own honor, but that of Christ.89 He is quick
to indicate that this is the sense of Dionysius, and that it is fitting for the
proper understanding of the Eucharist. Specifically, spiritual communion
can be understood in terms of translation: This is, then, to communi-
cate spiritually: that you move, you translate yourself in Jesus Christ, and
that your life and your health, your rest, your joy, your honor, be depen-
dent on Christs.90

86 Pseudo-Dionysius Areopagita, De divinis nominibus, PG :.

87 OCNEC, p. :.
88 OCNEC, p. :.
89 Como vos, que queris mucho a vuestro hijo, estis trasladada en l, y vuestra salud

y vida colgada de la suya, ans San Pablo estaba trasladado en Jesucristo; no buscaba su
honra, sino la de Jesucristo. OCNEC, p. :.
90 Esto es, pues, comulgar espiritualmente: que os pasis, os trasladis vos en Jesu-
 chapter five

vila then provides the second interpretation of Galatians :, and

explains how it relates to spiritual communion. Here he does not cite any
authorities, thus making his statement probably one of the most original
aspects of his doctrine of spiritual communion. For him spiritual com-
munion means to have trust and personal certainty in Christs justifica-
tion of the sinner. He believes that the believer has spiritually communi-
cated when she lives in faith, trusting that she will be one of the children
of God and among those who are going to heaven. When you feel, he
continues, a certainty [seguridad] of conscience and from it you derive
this benefit, that God has forgiven you and that you are one of those
who will be saved, then you have eaten.91 He later asks again, What
is it to communicate spiritually? He replies that spiritual communion is
to, Wait and believe that by Jesus Christ you will be remedied, justified,
saved, and that your sins will be forgiven, and that God will not punish
you on their account.92
Juan de vilas use of the language of certainty of salvation is strik-
ingly interesting. The Council of Trent, in its Decree Concerning Justifi-
cation of January , addressed the Protestant doctrine of certainty of
salvation. The Protestant position was well summarized in the Confes-
sio Augustana (): The conscience cannot come to rest and peace
through works, but only through faith, that is, when it is assured [cum
certo statuunt] that it has a God who is propitiated for Christs sake.93
In this way the Confessio rejected the reliance on works for the assurance
of a troubled conscience, and asserted that peace of conscience can be
attained exclusively through faith in Christ.

cristo, y toda vuestra vida y vuestra salud, vuestro descanso, vuestra alegra, vuestra
honra, est colgada de la de Jesucristo. OCNEC :.
91 Cuando tu nima viviere en fe, en confianza de que eres hijo de Dios y uno de los

que han de ir al cielo, comulgado has espiritualmente. Cuando sintieres una seguridad de
conciencia y de ella sacares este provecho, que Dios te ha perdonado y que eres uno de
los que se han de salvar, entonces comido has. OCNEC, :.
92 Qu es comulgar espiritualmente?Esperar y creer que por Jesucristo habis de

ser remediados, justificados, salvos, y que vuestros pecados han de ser perdonados, y no
os ha de castigar Dios por ellos. OCNEC, :.
93 Quanquam autem haec doctrina contemnitur ab imperitis, tamen experiuntur

piae ac pavidae conscientiae, plurimum eam consolationis afferre, quia conscientiae

non possunt reddi tranquillae per ulla opera, sed tantum fide, cum certo statuunt,
quod propter Christum habeant placatum Deum. Confessio Augustana, in The Creeds
of Christendom, ed. Philip Schaff, vols. (Harper and Row, : repr. Grand Rapids:
Baker Books, ), p. :. My translation is based on Schaff s.
 his sermons on the eucharist

The Council of Trent, not without much debate over this particu-
lar point, retorted by denouncing the doctrine in chapter nine of the
Decree, Contra inanem haereticorum fiduciam. In particular the Coun-
cil rebuffed the assertion that no one is absolved from sins and justi-
fied except he that believes with certainty [qui certo credat] that he
is absolved and justified.94 The same chapter concludes by emphasizing
that no one can know with the firmness of faith (scire valeat certitu-
dine fidei) that she has obtained Gods grace.95 The Council also anathe-
matized the Protestant teaching of certainty of salvation in the sixteenth
canon of the Canons Concerning Justification. Here again the focus of
attention was the certainty of faith, as the canon condemned anyone who
says that he will with absolute and infallible certainty (absoluta et infal-
libili certitudine) persevere to the end. The only exception admitted by
the canon was related to certainty that could be derived from a special
revelation.96
Juan de vilas definition of spiritual communion, then, has to be
understood against the backdrop of the Protestant and Roman Catholic
debate over the certainty of salvation. To be sure, Juan de vila is not
using the phrase seguridad de conciencia in a Protestant sense. He is
nonetheless using it purposefully, in a controversialist attempt to provide
the phrase with a thoroughly Roman Catholic meaning. While the best
Latin translation for seguridad is securitas, it can also be translated as
certitudo; the term which lies at the heart of the confessional statements
that I have already discussed.97 Moreover, his phrase is best understood
in terms of certainty, for vila himself defined seguridad de salvation

94 Sed neque illud asserendum est, oportere eos, qui vere iustificati sunt, absque

ulla omnino dubitatione apud semetipsos statuere, se esse iustificatos, neminemque a

peccatis absolvi ac iustificari, nisi eum, qui certo credat, se absolutum et iustificatum
esse, atque hac sola fide absolutionem et iustificationem perfici, quasi qui hoc non credit,
de Dei promissis deque mortis et resurrectionis Christi efficacia dubitet. COD, p. ;
Translation from John H. Leith, Creeds of the Churches, rd ed. (Louisville and London:
Westminster John Knox Press, ), p. .
95 Nam sicut nemo pius de Dei misericordia, de Christi merito deque sacramento-

rum virtute et efficacia dubitare debet: sic quilibet, dum se ipsum suamque propriam
infirmitatem et indispositionem respicit, de sua gratia formidare et timere potest, cum
nullus scire valeat certitudine fidei, cui non potest subesse falsum, se gratiam Dei esse
consecutum. COD, p. .
96 Si quis magnum illud usque in finem perseverantiae donum se certo habiturum

absoluta et infallibili certitudine dixerit, nisi hoc ex speciali revelatione didicerit. COD,
p. .
97 Cf. Santiago Segura Mungua, Nuevo diccionario etimolgico Latn-Espaol y de sus

voces derivadas (Bilbao: Universidad de Deusto, ), p. .

 chapter five

as the opposite of a fear that your sins will harm you.98 The beauty of
his construction of certainty of salvation resides in that it is obtained
through the Eucharist. Furthermore, to come to a full realization of this
certainty is to receive spiritual communion, not apart from the sacrament
but through it. The construction is in full harmony with his statements
about the true church found in sermon thirty-three. There, as I have
already pointed out, vila indicates that the true church is the one which,
believes and has the divine Scriptures, and confesses that there are
sacraments through which grace is given.99
In spite of its explicitly Roman Catholic formulation, his language
on the certainty of salvation may have contributed to cast a permanent
shadow over vilas theology. Scholars have already noted in regards to
his edition of the Audi, filia, but not in regards to his sermons,
that his teaching on justification was not in complete agreement with
the Council of Trent. While it is not possible to date sermon forty-
nine with accuracy, we can posit that it was preached before a learned
and erudite audience. His references to Dionysius the Areopagite, as
well as his commentaries about the purpose and function of reading,
and the character of the good preacher, assumes an audience that is
substantially made up of persons who are involved in these tasks. That
kind of audience will be more common for him after his stay in Granada
in . Assuming such an erudite audience also goes a long way in
explaining his attempt to take up as controversial a confessional matter
as the certainty of faith and to render it in a Roman Catholic formula.
That is, his audience was not made of Protestant, but of Roman Catholic
theologians who were aware of the debate and could make perfect sense
of what vila was preaching. His was not a popular audience of villanos
who could easily misinterpret his views and end up in heresy. Perhaps his
risky assertion that one can be certain of salvation troubled some in his
audience; in any case it should not be surprising that sermon forty-nine
was not included in the edition, and that sermon forty-eight, which
also dealt with spiritual communion, made it to that edition in truncated
form.
vila views spiritual communion as the non-ecstatic fulfillment of the
practice of communicating well. It is yet another expression of his neg-
ative asceticism. That is, the purpose of communicating well is not to
receive regalos from God. While he does not entirely rule out the possi-

98 OCNEC, p. :.
99 Tercera parte (), p. ; OCNEC, p. :.
 his sermons on the eucharist

bility of the ecstatic experience, he redirects the ascetic life to the achieve-
ment of the certainty of salvation that can only be obtained through the
sacrament and after communicating well. All of life is directed to this end;
accordingly, his rules of life for the clergy and the laity play an important
role in bien comulgar.
Accordingly, in sermon fifty-four, Remedio de ese malo y extrao
calor que se llama concupiscencia, he reiterates that the Christian life
does not consist of a single point.100 Instead, he likens the Christian life
to a chain, in which every link must hold together or else fail together.
Whoever wishes to enjoy the delicious food that is set at the table has
to ordain all of life in such a way that it serves, either for well receiving
this benefit, or to keep it once it has been obtained.101 vila proceeds to
provide specific and detailed instructions about what needs to be done
before and after receiving communion, steps that remind the reader of
the rules he committed to his clerical and lay followers. For instance,
he strongly recommends taking time to be recogido, or self-gathered,
after receiving communion in order to enjoy the presence of such a
special guest. He also orders that silence be kept and to abstain from
gossiping. The special period of preparation preceding confession and
communion that he strongly advises in his rules he also suggests in this
sermon.102
vilas precept of bien comulgar was a complex one, consisting of
several components. First, to communicate well is to receive commu-
nion frequently. However, to communicate frequently, even daily, is not
sufficient. Communion has to be well received, otherwise frequent com-
munion can lead to a loss of reverence towards the sacrament that will
prove to be detrimental to the overall spiritual health of the believer. The
believer knows that she has received communion well once she feels cer-
tain of her salvation in Christ. That certainty, experienced through recep-
tion of the sacrament, is what he calls spiritual communion. To receive
communion well is to order all of life to this end, namely to receive spir-
itual communion.

100 Tercera parte (), pp. ; OCNEC, pp. :.

101 Tercera parte (), pp. ; OCNEC, pp. :.
102 Tercera parte (), pp. ; OCNEC, p. :.
 chapter five

Frequent Communion, Social

Discipline, and vilas Views on Women

Most of vilas surviving sermons on the Eucharist were preached dur-

ing important liturgical festivals, especially during the feast of Corpus
Christi. Indeed, the content of his sermons reflect this liturgical and
social context. In light of these facts, his many references to women
acquire special import. In his sermons and recurrent encouragements to
the frequent reception of the Eucharist he also addressed issues of social
discipline. In an important way, when vila speaks of spiritual discipline
he is also talking about social discipline; they stand in an analogical rela-
tion to one another.103 Hence, his views are both expressions of his own
effort to address perceived breakdowns in ecclesiastical, spiritual, and
social disciplines, as well as reflections of social norms and conventions
of his time and place.
His views on women can perhaps be described as typical of the period.
They are not overwhelmingly negative or misogynic. Nonetheless, his
is an extremely patriarchal view of women couched in terms of reign-
ing social conventions of modesty and appropriate feminine behavior,
conventions that are better placed within the framework of the pre-
Tridentine reformist spirit that dominated much of Spanish human-
ism.104 In his sermons on the Eucharist we can find images of both
extremes; good and well behaved as well as evil and disorderly women.
For certain, the model that he uplifts for all women to follow is that of
the Virgin Mary. In sermon fifty-eight he calls her the giver of the sacra-
ment, yet the Virgin does not figure as prominently in his sermons on the
Eucharist as in others. In fact, sermon forty-eight is one of two sermons
in which he dedicates significant attention to the Virgin in relation to the
sacrament of the Eucharist. Consequently his views on women can best
be assessed by looking at other images of womanhood. Here, I want to
single out his representation of the Church as a mujer liviana, or libidi-
nous woman, and that of Esther as a model of piety for both women and
men.

103 See David Coleman, Moral Formation and Social Control in the Catholic Reforma-

tion: The Case of San Juan de Avila, The Sixteenth Century Journal . (), pp. .
104 See Alison Weber, Teresa of Avila and the Rhetoric of Femininity (Princeton: Prince-

ton Univerity Press, ), pp. ; id., Little Women: Counter-Reformation Misog-

yny, in The Counter-Reformation, ed. David M. Luebke (Malden and Oxford: Blackwell
Publishers, ), pp. .
 his sermons on the eucharist

First, however, I want to dedicate some attention to vilas treatment

of what he perceives to be the problem of womens attire. vila deals
extensively on this subject in some of his sermons on the Eucharist, as
well as in other of his extant writings. While his fixation with what he
considered to be indecorous attire is hardly surprising, I am interested in
the way that the subject illustrates the overlap in vilas mind of spiritual
and social disciplines and in how spiritual and social disciplines find in
the Eucharist their point of intersection. The problem is well illustrated in
sermon thirty-six, No te hartes de mirar a Cristo, a sermon he preached
on the Eve of Corpus Christi of an undetermined year.105
vilas catechetical style here appears well developed since the sermon
is clearly intended to educate the people on the celebration of Corpus
Christi. He compares the celebration with the banquet prepared by King
Ahasuerus, as described in the Book of Estherone of his preferred
biblical representations of the Eucharist. He argues that the story of King
Ahasuerus, the defiance of Queen Vashti, and the election of Esther
illustrate the kind of deference and decorum that has to be observed
in the celebration of such events as Corpus Christi. He mentions other
biblical examples of the preparations that are required, among them the
story of Moses and the burning bush (cf. Exodus :), the preparation
of the Israelites before the giving of the law (cf. Exodus :), and
before their crossing of the Jordan River under the leadership of Joshua
(cf. Joshua :). Using these and other passages he calls the people to be
sanctified and to be prepared for the public procession of the consecrated
host.106 vila equates sanctification with limpieza (cleanliness), and
concludes that the filthy will not get close to Him.107
Yet, the sanctity of the procession cannot be achieved solely through
arduous preparation. Accordingly, throughout the sermon he asserts
that steps to preserve the sanctity of the ceremony are as important as
those taken in preparation for it.108 He fears that many take the feast
not for what it is, but as an opportunity to indulge in pleasures and the
satisfaction of fleshly appetites. They turn the festivity upside down,
they steal it from God and take it for them. He feels compelled to
address those who threaten the sanctity of the celebration hoping that

105 Tratado xiii, del santisimo sacramento de la Eucaristia, Tercera parte (),

pp. ; No te hartes de mirar a Cristo, OCNEC, pp. :.

106 Tercera parte (), pp. ; OCNEC, pp. :.
107 Tercera parte (), p. ; OCNEC, p. :.
108 Tercera parte (), p. ; OCNEC, p. :.
 chapter five

perhaps they will abandon their errors.109 In this way spiritual disci-
pline and social discipline complement each other; the first makes for
the necessary sanctification of the people while the second preserves
it.
Among the targets of vilas scorn are those he considers to be indeco-
rous women. vila notes that the sacramented Christ should be the cen-
ter of exclusive attention during the procession, paraded for everyone to
see in the monstrance. Any distraction represents a menace to the solem-
nity of the procession, a stain on the sanctity of the event. Some women,
according to vila, may prove to be just that: a distraction. He addresses
women in his audience and rebukes them for their preparations for the
procession. All they are thinking of is their dress and attire, that is, their
external appearance.110
vila seems to go beyond a mere criticism of their wanton devotion.
Using language and allusions of his time, he appears to suggest that some
of them are looking forward to the festivity only as an opportunity to
satisfy their sexual lust. In fact, at one point vila predicts that on the first
day of the festivity they will have a better lunch than on any other day.111
As innocent as the expression may seem it is loaded with meaning. For
example, the author of La vida de Lazarillo de Tormes, y de sus fortunas y
adversidades () refers to the encounters that took place around lunch
time between licentious hidalgos and immodest women along the Ro
Tajo in Toledo.112 It is clear that vila has this kind profligate encounter
in mind since he accuses them of having thoughts that are filthier than
at any other day and that their bodies are light for vanity but heavy
for prayer. He quarrels that in the day of the procession many of them will

109 Tercera parte (), p. ; OCNEC, pp. :.

110 Tercera parte (), p. ; OCNEC, p. :.
111 Decidme, buena mujer, baja o alta, quienquiera que seis, si estos das pasados,

especialmente esta noche, ponis vuestros pensamientos en cmo saldris maana ms

curiosamente ataviada que otros das, para hacer fiesta a vuestro vano contentamiento y
a los ojos vanos de los que os quisieren mirar, y vos tambin miraris a todo lo que se os
antojare, y por ventura almozaris maana mejor que otros das, sin daros pena ni mirar
en ello, de cmo os quedis sin comulgar y recebir el manjar que del cielo vino. Tercera
parte (), pp. ; OCNEC, p. :.
112 Hago la negra dura cama y tomo el jarro y doy comigo en el ro, donde en una

huerta vi a mi amo en gran recuesta con dos rebozadas mujeres, al parecer de las que
en aquel lugar no hacen falta, antes muchas tienen por estilo de irse a las maanicas del
verano a refrescar y almozar, sin llevar qu, por aquellas frescas riberas, con confianza
que no ha de faltar quien se lo d, segn las tienen puestas en esta costumbre aquellos
hidalgos del lugar. Francisco Rico, ed., Lazarillo de Tormes (Madrid: Ediciones Ctedra,
), pp. .
 his sermons on the eucharist

be standing in the balconies pretending to be watching the sacrament but

in fact showing off their attractive vestments and displaying their beauty
as if they were idols.113
However, vila is not addressing every woman that may approach the
festivity with immodest thoughts but is targeting women of a certain
socioeconomic level who are capable of dressing up for the occasion. So,
he intimates that their affront against the solemn public procession will
come back to haunt them on judgment day. The Lord will remember that
they were wearing rich and expensive dresses, and that they had their
faces beautified with much finesse.114 He later warns Christian women
not to vaunt themselves in their attire, even if they are rich, young and
noble.115 In another passage he characterizes one of these women as
saying, I dont have to be tied by anyone so that I dont dress up, and
after all I have the means.116 They are city dwellers who will be standing
in balconies as the procession takes place. vila likens them to Queen
Jezabel (or Jezebel) before she was thrown down from her window by
eunuchs loyal to the new king, Jehu son of Jehoshaphat (cf. Kings :
).117
vilas tone is forceful, expressing lack of sympathy towards a few who
will pervert the celebration by calling attention to themselves and away
from the consecrated host. Yet, while he uses the pulpit to preach against
what he perceives to be inappropriate demeanor he is aware that he
cannot enforce what he is preaching. There are only a few things that he
can do from the pulpit. One of them is to instill in his audience the earnest
desire to honor the festivity and to approach it with proper spiritual
preparation. He can also denounce the kind of undisciplined behavior
that he perceives to be a threat against the solemnity of the event.
The other thing that he can do is to call on public authorities to be the
enforcers of public discipline. In fact, he turns to them in his sermon,
calling upon secular judges, bishops, and even upon the King to do
everything within their power to safeguard proper public demeanor as
the procession takes place.118 In what is surely a rhetorical move, he
specifically calls upon the King to instruct his magistrates to take steps

113 Tercera parte (), pp. ; OCNEC, p. :.

114 Tercera parte (), p. ; OCNEC, p. :.
115 Tercera parte (), p. ; OCNEC, p. :.
116 Mire cada uno por s, que no tengo de estar atada por nadie para no ataviarme,

pues tengo con qu. Tercera parte (), p. ; OCNEC, p. :.

117 Tercera parte (), pp. ; OCNEC, p. :.
118 Tercera parte (), p. ; OCNEC, :.
 chapter five

in order to prevent women from dressing in provocative garbs and from

standing in balconies. At the very least windows should be covered in
such a way that women can see the procession but they may not be seen
from the streets. He adds that the dishonest stare of men should also be
prohibited.119
vila was hardly the only one in his time to take this kind of stance
against women and to call for the regulation of their attire on religious
grounds. In his Commentarios sobre el Catechismo christiano, Archbishop
Bartolom Carranza de Miranda dedicated a complete treatise to the
question of womens attire. His treatise appears under his discussion
of the sixth commandment of the Law of Moses, against adultery. The
controlling principle in his discussion is that the need to cover the
body with clothes is a consequence of original sin, and as such they
give expression to the penitence that humanity offers for our sin.120
Hence, clothes have to be modest and not extravagant. Like Juan de vila,
Carranza de Miranda also called upon the authorities to adopt measures
regulating dress.
Sebastin de Horozco (fl. ) furnishes yet another example
of the mid-sixteenth century tendency to regulate womens attire on
religious grounds. He composed a poem for the Dominican Fray Antonio
Navarro, preacher in the city of Toledo. The poem has come to us as
part of his Cancionero, which appeared in print for the first time in
the nineteenth century.121 In his poem Horozco praises Fray Antonio
for preaching a sermon during the procession in honor to Saint Mark.
According to Horozco, Fray Antonios sermon moved the magistrates
of the city to prohibit women from covering their faces during the
procession. Horozco points out that wearing a veil (rebozo) over the
face makes it possible for many of them to carry out their evil intentions
as they engage in conversations even when they are at the altar.122

119 Tercera parte (), p. ; OCNEC, p. :.

120 Carranza de Miranda, Commentarios, p. :.
121 The Cancionero remained in manuscript form until the nineteenth century when

it was published by Jos Mara Asensio y Toledo. See Sebastin de Horozco, Cancionero
de Sebastin de Horozco, poeta toledano del siglo XVI, ed. Jos Mara Asensio (Seville:
Imprenta y Librera Espaola y Extranjera de D. Rafael Tarasc y Lassa, ); Jos Mara
Asensio y Toledo, Sebastin de Horozco. Noticias y obras inditas de este autor dramtico
desconocido (Seville: Jos Mara Geofrin, ).
122 Por razn destos reboos hay muchos malos ejemplos, y son causa que los moos

revuelvan mil alboroos en las Iglesias y templos. Porque como van tapadas no dejan
de ejecutar sus intenciones malvadas, en hablar y ser habladas aunqu esten en el altar.
Horozco, Cancionero, pp. .
 his sermons on the eucharist

However, his call for the social discipline of women is coupled with
similar calls for the social discipline of men. Moreover, his perception of
women is not entirely negative. His criticism of womens unbridled attire
is specifically targeted to women of means who obviously saw the feast
of Corpus Christi as a mere celebration. In addition, as it turns out, he
has an exalted view of humble women. The contrast becomes clear in the
feminine images that he uses to speak of the faithful. Specifically he uses
the metaphor of the mujer liviana, or libidinous woman, as a negative
representation of the faithful who stand in need of spiritual discipline.
On the other hand, he uses the biblical figure of Esther to praise those
who live lives of devotion. In both cases he is calling for proper spiritual
preparation and frequent reception of the sacrament.
In sermon forty-two, Se queda para que nos acordemos de l, vila
uses the image of the libidinous woman to explain why it is important to
receive communion frequently.123 In the same way as in sermon thirty-
eight, he uses Luke :Do this for a commemoration of meto
demonstrate that the sacrament of the Eucharist is a memorial of the
passion and death of Christ.124 Furthermore, in sermon forty-two he
likens the relationship between Christ and the Church to that between a
husband and his wife. He asks, What would a husband who has a young,
beautiful and libidinous wife do if he needs to leave her side and wants
her welfare?125 Certainly, he sends her messengers with letters, gifts, and
other tokens of his affection. But, what if her condition is such that her
heart goes after the tokens, and even after the messengers, and forgets
her husband? In that case, argues vila, he will return to her side. And
yet, he observes, how lamentable it would be if even then she rejects his
presence.126
Similarly, the faithful tend to forget the work of Christ on the cross.
They are distracted by the absence of the Lord. Even when the Lord
showers them with special graces, their hearts go after the tokens of his
love but forget him. So, the Lord comes to them in the sacrament, to
comfort them and to remind them of his love. The faithful, however,
are neglectful and do not receive the sacrament as they should; they are
neither prepared nor diligent enough to receive the sacrament as often

123 Tratado xxiiii, del santisimo sacramento de la Eucaristia, Tercera parte (),

pp. ; Se queda para que nos acordemos de l, OCNEC, pp. :.

124 Tratado xxvi, del santisimo sacramento de la Eucaristia, Tercera parte (),

pp. ; Haced esto en memoria ma, OCNEC, pp. :.

125 Tercera parte (), pp. ; OCNEC, p. :.
126 Tercera parte (), p. ; OCNEC, pp. :.
 chapter five

as possible. In this way the faithful act like the libidinous wife; they
are lighthearted and go after pleasures but forget the cross. vila then
concludes the sermon by declaring that the sacrament is the remedy to
the forgetfulness of the faithful. He laments for those who have forgotten
the remedy, but praises those who with frequent memory remember this
divine sacrament and with humble devotion receive it.127
vila also uses the biblical figure of Esther to promote frequent com-
munion and spiritual discipline. In sermon forty-one, Retablo de las
maravillas de Dios, he once again describes the Eucharist as a memo-
rial of Christs sacrifice.128 He compares the sacrament to an altarpiece
(retablo), the panels of which display the life and passion of Christ.129
In the exordium he makes reference to the legendary banquet of King
Ahasuerus, narrated in the Book of Esther. Of interest is vilas contrast
between Queen Vashti and the young Jewish maiden, Esther. vila relates
how the King prepared a grandiose banquet, and how he asked his ser-
vants to bring the Queen so she could join them in the celebration. Queen
Vashti, however, declined the invitation in an act of defiance that, accord-
ing to the biblical account, resulted in her dethronement. vila continues
retelling the story, now shifting the attention to Esther. The Kings officials
advised him to search his kingdom for a suitable replacement for the for-
mer Queen, someone who was not proud and disobedient like her. Even-
tually they brought Esther to the attention of the King. She was, in vilas
words, a little orphan, helpless, and a little poor girl. Moreover, she was
chaste, honest, obedient, humble, loving, and well educated.130
vila then provides an allegorical interpretation of the story. He ex-
plains that Ahasueruss banquet stands for the Eucharist.131 In an inter-
esting twist, Queen Vashti represents Eve, whom vila calls that queen of
disobedience, our mother, Eve, our first mother.132 Eve disobeyed God
by eating from the forbidden tree, and accordingly was expelled from
the primeval garden. God then ordered that a replacement be found,

127 Tercera parte (), pp. ; OCNEC, p. :.

128 Tratado xv, del santisimo sacramento de la Eucaristia, Tercera parte (), pp.
; Retablo de las maravillas de Dios, OCNEC, pp. :.
129 Tercera parte (), p. ; OCNEC, pp. :.
130 Tercera parte (), p. ; OCNEC, pp. :.
131 Tercera parte (), p. ; OCNEC, p. :.
132 The phrase nuestra primera madre is ommitted in the edition, Tercera parte

(), p. . The phrase does appear in the manuscript source used in the Nueva edicin
crtica, OCNEC, p. :.
 his sermons on the eucharist

someone who was as beautiful as the first queen but better endowed in
virtue. That replacement was found in the person of the humble Esther,
that is, the Virgin Mary. vila argues that the Virgin is more beautiful
than our first mother, endowed with all virtues, very clean, meek, hum-
ble, well educated, honest, and loving.133 God is well pleased with her
obedience. With her presence the heavenly banquet is now ready and
complete. The banquet is, according to vila, ready at the altar and with
it is the Virgin who gave birth to it for us.134 It is in this sense that
Mary is the giver of the sacrament, namely as mother of the sacramented
Christ. Thus, he invites his audience to partake of the Eucharist, to enjoy
the banquet before them. With these words he closes the exordium and
proceeds to ask for the intercession of the Virgin by praying the Hail
Mary.
In conclusion, vilas sermons on the Eucharist reveal much about his
attitude toward women. He, like many others, was interested in regulat-
ing their public life. In particular, he perceived the lack of such regulation
as a major concern, potentially disruptive of the solemnity due the pub-
lic procession of the Eucharist. While he also called for the regulation
of men, the brunt of his disciplinary rigor was directed toward women.
His Marian piety, on the other hand, contributed to the formulation of
a discourse that incorporated positive images of womanhood. His ideal
of model of womanhood is reflected in his characterization of Esther
and the Virgin Mary as the new Eve. The virtuosity which he describes
them as embodying falls well within the ideal of womanhood that Ali-
son Weber has attributed to the Spanish Catholic humanism that flour-
ished under Cardinal Ximnez Cisneros. vilas ministry of preaching,
and thus the sermons examined here, extend to well after the s, the
decade in which, as part of a reaction against the alumbrados, the Spanish
church experienced a generalized retrenchment against women. In other
words, Juan de vila was still preaching a message that was favorable to
women in roles of spiritual authority well into the s and s. It
should therefore not be surprising to know that he managed to build a
school of holy women around him.

133 Tercera parte (), pp. ; OCNEC, p. :.

134 Tercera parte (), p. ; OCNEC, p. :.
 chapter five

Frequent Communion, Social Discipline, and

vilas Criticism of the Spanish Grandees

Golden Age Spanish spirituality is often characterized as one of with-

drawal from the world and fortified by well-regulated spiritual exer-
cises.135 However, contrary to such characterizations Spanish spiritual-
ity is all too well rooted in its historical context and thus it reflects not
only religious, but also social cleavages of the period. In this section, I
want to explore how ideas about frequent communion and spiritual dis-
cipline also converge with ideas about the proper functioning of society.
In fact, Juan de vilas sermons on the Eucharist demonstrate how reli-
gious norms could be used to correct the abuse of power.
Juan de vila addressed and criticized the excesses of the wealthy and
powerful in his sermons on the Eucharist. His idea of bien comulgar
allowed him to publicly rebuke those who went beyond existing codes
of conduct in the exercise of traditional authority. Furthermore, his crit-
icism of Castilian oligarchic society was deeply rooted in his doctrine
of justification by the merits of Christ over and above personal merits.
He did not deny the value of personal merits, but he carefully placed
them below the merits of Christ. He used his doctrine of justification
to systematically undermine the possible association between social sta-
tus, personal merit, and spiritual worth before God. His understanding
precluded the prospect that anyone would confuse social status with per-
sonal merit, and thus assume the possession of socially innate spiritual
worthiness; a prospect that was all too possible in his context as can be
judged by his insistence on this point.
For instance, in sermon thirty-four, he defines adoption for his
audience while at the same time staving off spiritual pretensions based
on social status. According to vila, God does not take anyone as Gods
child, nor gives to anyone the name (nombre) of adoptive child. No
one may enjoy this name apart from Christ. His use of nombre in this
context is highly significant as it stands for family name. He makes this
point clear when he describes adoption as a child of God in contrast to the
way that carrying the family name functions in his society. To be called
an adopted child of God is not like any family name. Family names
sound in the ears of God as that of a particular person which sounds

135 Jordan Aumann, Christian Spirituality in the Catholic Tradition (London: Sheed &

Ward, ), p. .
 his sermons on the eucharist

in its own, and has worth of its own, and is based on its own.136 God
will not acknowledge anyone who introduces himself as Mr. So-and-so
(Fulano), but God will acknowledge those who introduce themselves in
the name of Christ.137 vila insists and assures his audience that no one
should take the name of adopted child as something of lesser worth.
Instead it is of greater worth, and a particular mercy.138 It is indeed a
great dignity, not to have a proper name, or to sound as such, it is a
great profit and a great treasure.139
He also deals with the question of adoption in sermon fifty-three, El
hombre y Cristo, una misma persona, un Cristo.140 Here he emphatically
makes the distinction between the title (ttulo) of adopted child and the
benefits of Gods grace. God does not grant forgiveness of sins, nor does
he restore the lost grace on account of the title of adopted child. God
does not even recognize the meritorious worth of their works on account
of this title. In other words, baptism and the title that it confers, namely
that of being a Christian, are not sufficient. Neither does God grant these
things on account of any other title, be it small or great, that brings
with it its own dignity or grace. God only grants these things to those
who are united with Christ. vila calls this an ineffable union, honor
that is above all merit.141
In sermon fifty, vila once again takes over the image of the Eucharist
as an altarpiece. As such, the Eucharist also serves as a book of instruc-
tion. He urges his audience to learn from the Eucharist, each according
to his or her state in life. He also compares the Eucharist to a mirror that
can be used to style oneself after Christ.142 Everyone can learn from the
Eucharist, especially those who want to communicate well; children can
learn to be obedient to their parents, women to their husbands, subjects

136 Mas es de mirar que [Dios] no toma a nadie por hijo, para que l goce de este

nombre como hombre que est apartado por s, ni que su voz suene en las orejas de Dios
como de persona propia que suena por s, y vale por s, y estriba en s. OCNEC, p. :.
The edition reads, y estava en si, Tercera parte (), p. .
137 OCNEC, p. :.
138 Tercera parte (), p. ; OCNEC, p. :.
139 [T]ener su gracia, cosa dichosa! Mas ser cuerpo de Cristo y estar unido con l

con tal unin que se llamen una persona y se llamen un Cristo, esta dignidad es cosa
admirable; y este no estar el hombre arrimado a s, ni tener nombre propio, ni sonar como
tal, es grande ganancia y grande riqueza. Tercera parte (), p. ; OCNEC, p. :.
140 Tratado xxi, del santisimo sacramento de la Eucaristia, Tercera parte (),

pp. ; El hombre y Cristo, una misma persona, un Cristo, OCNEC, pp. :

.
141 Tercera parte (), pp. ; OCNEC, p. :.
142 Tercera parte (), p. []; OCNEC, p. :.
 chapter five

to their lords, and laypeople to their priests. In this way all can receive a
crown from the Lords hands, just like he received one from God.143
However, grandstanders can also learn from the Eucharist. As they
prepare to communicate well, they can see what they can change in
their lives. vila points out that they can be taught not to expand their
grandeur, and not to think that the more they freely do what they
want, the greater they become.144 In the Eucharist they can see that it
is not about wrongly using power, but about using power according to
reason and right. In the altar they see how the powerful one, the grandest
of the grand, does not use his greatness. Instead, he resigns himself to
what is licit for him to do and places himself on the altar, becoming a
delicate banquet that can be eaten, as the Church sings, by the poor, the
servant, and the lowly. The Eucharist reminds them of Christs death on
the cross, and as such it reminds them that, if we want to be great, we
should be so in virtue and in suffering for it and for the good of our
neighbors. In all of these things it is good to be great and to put the
effort into extending greatness. Though that is not the case in questions of
honor, prosperity, and even command and power. In these things
they must embrace humility and keep her as their inseparable companion
of highness and prosperitythat is if they want to avoid being humiliated
in proportion to their former greatness.145
It is clear, then, that he criticized those who grandstand and abuse
their power. His was not a radical criticism intended to undermine
the traditional authority of patrician families, yet neither was he aloof
about their abuses nor indifferent to their extremes. He intended to
correct them and he used the notion of bien comulgar as part of that
corrective. It is not enough to communicate once a year, but neither is it
acceptable to receive communion without proper spiritual preparation.
His standard for the Church was the frequent reception of the Eucharist,
together with the proper spiritual discipline. Among the exercises that he
recommended for the right reception of the sacrament was the honoring
of the table of peace by practicing fairness, and humility.
I will conclude this section by examining vilas use of the language
of limpieza in the context of his Eucharistic sermons. For Juan de vila

143 Tercera parte (), p. []; OCNEC, p. :.

144 Aprendan los grandes a no extender sus grandezas, ni piensen que mientras ms
libremente hicieren lo que quieren, tanto ms grandes son. Tercera parte (), p. [];
OCNEC, p. :.
145 Tercera parte (), p. ; OCNEC, p. :.
 his sermons on the eucharist

limpieza represents another dimension of bien comulgar. In fact, for

him it means to be clean of moral and spiritual impurities that preclude
the spiritual reception of the sacrament. He also describes this process in
his sermons on the Holy Spirit. In those sermons he speaks of the cleans-
ing of the abode, the human soul, for the welcoming of the divine guest,
the Holy Spirit. In order to define limpieza for his audience, however,
vila often declares what it is not, revealing what he considers to be the
common understanding of the term. Of course, this demonstrates how
he uses traditional theology to address issues of the day, as for instance
the estatutos de limpieza of religious corporations throughout Castile.
In sermon fifty-one, En este fuego de amor se queman las pajas de
pecados veniales, he uses the distinction between venial and mortal sin
in order to describe the former as mud (lodo), dust (polvo), and mire
(barro).146 Following Bernard of Clairvauxs comments on John :,
he argues that venial sin soils the soul.147 For this reason venial sin should
not be taken lightly; indeed, it is as serious as mortal sin. At times vila
seems to blur the distinction between them. To illustrate the point he
queries his audience, Would you take pleasure in having filth, mire, or
dust in your face? I am certain you would reply that you would not do so
even in your arms, hands, or feet.148 Then vila confronts his audience:
You dont suffer a little mud in your skirts, neither in your stockings,
nor in your shoes, and yet you suffer it in yourself and in your best part,
which is the soul, and in its main powers, namely the understanding and
the will?149 vila accuses his audience of living a disorderly life, saying
that their reasoning is upside down (al revs).150 The problem of their
reasoning is that they are very concerned about having soiled bodies,
states, and honor, but not about having a soiled soul.151
Hence, for vila limpieza means having an orderly life, one in which
the cleanliness of the soul is more important than ones honor being
untarnished. It also includes doing away with notions of social difference
and being concerned about the purity of the soul. vila suggests this
is what Jesus conveyed to his disciples in Maundy Thursday, before he

146 Tratado xvii, del santisimo sacramento de la Eucaristia, Tercera parte (),

pp. ; En este fuego de amor se queman las pajas de pecados veniales, OCNEC,
pp. :.
147 Bernard of Clairvaux, In Coena Domini sermo, PL : ff.
148 Tercera parte (), p. ; OCNEC, p. :.
149 Tercera parte (), p. ; OCNEC, p. :.
150 Tercera parte (), p. ; OCNEC, p. :.
151 Tercera parte (), pp. ; OCNEC, p. :.
 chapter five

gave them communion. On that occasion Jesus not only washed their
feet, but by his words also cleansed (alimpi) their souls from their
ordinary weaknesses, in particular of pride and contention.152 They were
particularly afflicted by pride and contention, as each one of them wished
to be the greater (mayor) and each felt that he deserved to be so in the
absence of their teacher.153 Jesus rebuked them and taught them, not
without fruit, as vila indicates. Jesus told them, in vilas rendering of
John :, Vosotros limpios estis por la palabra que os he hablado.154
vila uses the expression limpieza couching it in terms of the exte-
rior/interior opposition. The kind of limpieza that everyone is worried
about is exterior, i.e. soiled stockings, or muddy shoes rather than giving
priority to their interior cleanliness, the limpieza of the soul. vila effec-
tively marginalizes issues like status, honor, wealth and even limpieza de
sangre by speaking in such a singular way about limpieza.
In sermon thirty-five, Acompaando el arca del testamento nuevo,
he includes an admonition about the importance of having a clean con-
science (conciencia limpia) during the celebration of Corpus Christi,
which one can have through confession and contrition not the satisfac-
tion of the exterior roar of songs, dances and joy that takes place dur-
ing the procession. Even if these things are good, if the interior doesnt
correspond with them, then they are all empty. He likens them to a
body without a soul, a shell without a heart, and, lastly, appearance with-
out existence. God is interested in the interior, in the existence.155 Lets
keep in mind, vila continues, that we are naturally inclined to these
outer delights and enemies and neglectful of inner virtue. Therefore, they
should not be satisfied with exterior ceremonies (ceremonias exteri-
ores). Instead, they should be treated as the condiment (salsa) of a
delicious morsel. In fact, the function of an exterior ceremony is to serve
as the awakener of love and interior devotion.156

152 Tercera parte (), p. ; OCNEC, p. :.

153 Ibid.
154 Now you are clean by reason of the word, which I have spoken to you. John :,

Douay-Rheims; Ibid.
155 Tratado xviii, del santisimo sacramento de la Eucaristia, Tercera parte (),

pp. , here p. ; Acompaando el arca del testamento nuevo, OCNEC, pp.

:, here :.
156 Tercera parte (), p. ; OCNEC, p. :.
 chapter six

JUAN DE VILA AND HIS ASCETIC DOCTRINE

OF UNION WITH THE HOLY SPIRIT

Amrico Castro suggested that the intellectual and spiritual foundations

of pure-blood statutes rested in the self-identification of Old Christians
with the biblical image of the chosen people of God.1 He argued that
in sixteenth-century Spain the Bible and biblical imagery played a very
important role in the formation of collective identity.2 Castros insight,
backed by examples of biblical passages seemingly conducive to a mental-
ity of castes, draws attention to the actual practice of interpreting biblical
texts and the art of its public presentation. In this chapter, I will discuss
vilas doctrine of espirituacin, or moral union with the Holy Spirit. Of
particular interest is the way that he articulated the doctrine in reaction
to prevailing notions of race and social status.
In his sermons on the Holy Spirit, vila invites everyone in his audi-
ence to call upon the Holy Spirit and to experience its transforming pres-
ence. The transformations that Juan de vila envisions include the hum-
bling of the wealthy as well as the faithful commitment of husbands to
their spouses. vilas reform program stems directly from his doctrine
of the Holy Spirit. vilas notion of espirituacin, or moral union with
the Holy Spirit, plays a significant role in the potential materialization of
moral reform and spiritual renewal.
The transmission and reception of Juan de vilas sermons on the Holy
Spirit deserve serious consideration. vila reflects on the Holy Spirit
elsewhere in his sermons but in his edition Juan Daz grouped a
series of sermons together under the rubric of five treatises on the Holy
Spirit.3 Given the fact that Juan Daz was both a relative and a disciple of
Juan de vila, his grouping of these sermons indicates that they contain
important and distinctive aspects of Juan de vilas doctrine of the Holy

1 Amrico Castro, La realidad histrica de Espaa, th ed. (Mexico: Editorial Porrua,

), pp. .
2 Castro, La realidad histrica, p. .
3 Tercera parte de las obras del padre maestro Juan de vila, predicador en el Andaluca

(Madrid: P. Madrigal, ).
 chapter six

Spirit. Juan Dazs editorial decision is more than a private judgment on

the quality and worth of these sermons. As a disciple of Juan de vila,
we can see Dazs decision as an important expression of the communal
reception of vilas teachings. Hence, they provide a significant starting
point for the reconstruction of vilas doctrine. The existing canon of
vilas sermons on the Holy Spirit consists of six sermons. To the five
originally preserved in the edition a sixth one has been added since
.4 In the Nueva edicin crtica, the sermons on the Holy Spirit are
numbered from twenty-seven to thirty-two.5
As the sermons on the Holy Spirit were turned into devotional reading
material they were effectively detached from the life of a particular
community. However, vilas sermons can be correlated with the general
contour of early-modern Spanish society. Like his Eucharistic sermons,
those on the Holy Spirit were an original tool of moral and social reform.
Moreover, they demonstrate vilas vision of a social order molded by the
regenerative power of the Holy Spirit.

Espirituacin, or Union with the Holy Spirit

The term espirituacin occurs in sermon thirty, Ha venido a ti este tal

consolador?,6 a sermon preached on Pentecost Sunday of an unknown
year. It is based on the passage from the Gospel of John: But the Par-
aclete, the Holy Ghost, whom the Father will send in my name, he will
teach you all things, and bring all things to your mind, whatsoever I shall
have said to you (John :). After a series of questions, vila finally
asks, What shall we call this union that the Holy Spirit seeks to bring
about and does bring about with your soul? In answering this question,
vila provides a key characterization of what he calls espirituacin:
Mas cmo la diremos a esta junta que el Espritu Santo quiere hacer y
hace con tu nima? Encarnacin no; pero es un grado que tanto junta
el nima con Dios y un casamiento tan junto y tan pacfico, que parece
mucho encarnacin, aunque por otra parte mucho diferencien. Porque la
encarnacin fue una tan altsima unin del Verbo divino con su santsima

4 Ricardo Garca-Villoslada, Coleccin de sermones inditos del Beato Juan de

vila Miscelnea Comillas (), pp. .

5 OCNEC, pp. :; for an English translation see John of Avila, The Holy

Ghost (Chicago: Scepter, ); for a French translation see Pierre Jobit, Bienheureux
Jean DAvila: Sermons sur le Saint-Esprit (Namur: Les ditions du Soleil Levant, ).
6 OCNEC, pp. :.
 his ascetic doctrine of union with the holy spirit

humanidad, que la subi a s a unidad de persona; lo cual no es ac, sino

unidad de gracia; y como all se dice encarnacin del Verbo, se dice ac
espirituacin del Espritu Santo.7

The union of the Holy Spirit with the human soul entails the indwelling of
a divine advisor, tutor, or administrator that guides, admonishes,
and sets a person on the right path.8
While vila employs the term espirituacin only in Sermon , in all
his sermons on the Holy Spirit he explicitly addresses and discusses the
idea of moral union with God through the Holy Spirit. At the core of this
idea is the analogy with the incarnation that vila develops in the passage
just quoted. That is, just as in the incarnation the Logos acquired flesh, in
espirituacin the Holy Spirit takes upon itself human corporeality. This
analogy is complemented in all six sermons with the image of the divine
guest (husped divino) drawn from John :: Jesus answered, and
said to him: If any one love me, he will keep my word, and my Father will
love him, and we will come to him, and will make our abode with him.
Indeed, vilas sermons on the Holy Spirit often deal with prepara-
tions to be a worthy host of the Holy Spirit. In sermon twenty-seven,
Esperando al husped divino, vila outlines the three main steps of
purification.9 First, one must cultivate an earnest desire for the Holy
Spirit: the Holy Spirit will come and inhabit only those who eagerly
expect the Spirits arrival. Second, the host must be thoroughly cleansed:
abstinence from all evil thoughts and actions is an expression of the
earnest desire for the coming of the Holy Spirit. Third, vila points out
that in order to host the divine guest the finest meals and banquets
ought to be served. These are the works of charity that must be under-
taken.10 Works of charity are instrumental for the mortification of the
body since the best meal that can be served to a guest like the Holy Spirit
is ones own body.11 Because the Holy Spirit is bountiful in the bestowal

7 It is not incarnation. Nevertheless, it is such a degree of union of the soul with God
and a marriage so intimate and peaceful that it quite resembles incarnation, although in
another way they are very different. For the incarnation was such a sublime union of the
divine Logos with its holy humanity, that it elevated humanity to personal union with
itself. That is not the case here; this is a union of grace. And just as the former is called
incarnation of the Logos, the latter is called espirituacin of the Holy Spirit. OCNEC,
p. :.
8 OCNEC, p. :.
9 OCNEC, pp. :.
10 OCNEC, p. :.
11 Dale de comer al Espritu Santo, y dale de comer tu corazn; que carne come; pero

mira que es carne mortificada lo que come. OCNEC, p. :.

 chapter six

of gifts, one must also give and serve with liberality, feeding the hungry,
clothing the orphan and the widow, and providing for all in need. The
purification of the body that can be achieved through works of charity
vila also calls, the reformation of the heart.12
The image of the divine guest in its earthly abode is one that vila
impregnates with Trinitarian content, as for example in sermon twenty-
nine, Maravillas hace el Espritu Santo en la Iglesia.13 Noticing the plural
construction of John :, he asks the audience: Who are they who shall
come? And he quickly replies: The Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit;
for wherever they go, the Holy Spirit goes as well.14 The genius of vila
lies in his taking a Johannine affirmation of the identity of the Father and
Jesus of Nazareth and turning it into a Trinitarian affirmation, the latter
in the context of his doctrine of moral union.
The advent of the Holy Spirit to the earthly abode of the human
soul vila also describes as a divine embrace, for example in sermon
thirty-two, El Hijo y el Espiritu Santo vinieron a remediarnos.15 Yet,
the embrace of the Holy Spirit remains ineffable for vila. There is no
one, exclaims vila, who can articulate this embrace, this kiss; there is
no one who can explain it.16 Through the embrace, the Holy Spirit and
the one embraced become one. While the nature of the embrace cannot
be explained, its consequences are clear for him. The Holy Spirit works
through the embraced, bestowing innumerable gifts. Drawing on nuptial
imagery, he argues that while the Holy Spirit bequeaths the embraced
one with all sorts of gifts, the gifts do not exhaust the actual marriage.
The union is far more profound and deeper than the external gifts can
convey.17 For him, the moral union of the Holy Spirit and the human
soul cannot be explained; it can only be earnestly desired.
Espirituacin is for Juan de vila a union of grace18 between the Holy
Spirit and the human soul. While it is Gods initiative, the faithful can be
moved by an earnest desire to ask for and to seek this union. Over and
over the orator asks the audience, Who wants the Holy Spirit . . . who

12 No seas como aquellas vrgenes locas y necias (cf. Mt : ss), no ests dormido ni
emborrachado en cosas de este mundo; mas imita a las vrgenes prudentes en el cuidado
y ornato y en tener aceite de misericordia para ti primero, teniendo mucha cuenta con tu
nima y reformacin de tu corazn. OCNEC, p. :.
13 OCNEC, pp. :.
14 OCNEC, p. :.
15 OCNEC, pp. :.
16 OCNEC, p. :.
17 OCNEC, p. :.
18 OCNEC, p. :.
 his ascetic doctrine of union with the holy spirit

wants this Guest . . . who wants this Comforter?19 Likewise, the moral
union between the Holy Spirit and the human soul lasts as long as the
human soul conforms to the will of the Holy Spirit.
The Virgin Mary is for Juan de vila a significant example of the
penitent human being in search of union with the Holy Spirit. Early in
sermon thirty, he exalts the virtues of the Virgin that allows the church
to call upon her as friend of the Holy Spirit. The Virgin did nothing,
nor did she think nor speak a word that was wanting before the Holy
Spirit, argues vila.20 In everything Mary was found to be pleasing to
the Holy Spirit. On account of her prayers, supplications, groaning, and
earnest desires, the Holy Spirit brought the Eternal Logos and placed
[the Eternal Logos] in her womb.21 The union of the Holy Spirit with the
Virgin, therefore, is the prelude to the incarnation.
For vila, the Virgin is second only to Jesus as an exemplar. In fact, he
exhorts his audience to call upon the Holy Spirit in the name of Jesus. In
dying on the cross Jesus demonstrated his obedience to the Father and
the Holy Spirit.22 The cross was not a dignifying place for the redeemer,
Jesus Christ, nor is humanity a dignifying place for the Holy Spirit.
However, since it was the Holy Spirit who inspired and encouraged Jesus
to humble himself and take up the cross, and since Jesus was obedient
and submissive to the encouragement of the Holy Spirit, now the Holy
Spirit grows humble and takes up the burden of humanity.23
The Holy Spirit, says vila, is intimately related to the work of Jesus.
Not only did the Holy Spirit inspire and encourage Jesus to take the cross
upon him; the Holy Spirit also continues working in a special way to
complete the redemptive work of Jesus, commenced on the cross.
For vila the work of redemption is incomplete without the work of
the Holy Spirit. This is nowhere made clearer than after the ascension
of the risen Christ to heaven. After Jesuss departure from among his
disciples, they fell into a deep sense of sorrow; they were overtaken by
sadness. Indeed, he claims that this feeling of sadness, or melancholy,

19 OCNEC, p. :.
20 OCNEC, p. :.
21 OCNEC, p. :.
22 OCNEC, pp. :.
23 As es verdad, que el hombre no es lugar propio para el Espritu Santo, ni la cruz era

lugar adonde pusieron a nuestro Redemptor Jesucristo; mas, por esta junta de Dios con
la cruz, es esotra del Espritu Santo con el hombre. El espritu Santo amonest e inspir
a Jesucristo que se pusiese en aquel lugar tan bajo y tan hediondo de la cruz, y por eso
el Espritu Santo viene a este otro lugar tan hediondo y bajo, que es el hombre. OCNEC,
pp. :.
 chapter six

among the disciples was tantamount to a scab over a bodily injury.24 The
departure of Jesus left a deep void among the disciples that only God
could fill. The coming of the Holy Spirit fulfilled Jesuss promise of an
advocate who would come after him and comfort his disciples, and this
was important for to vila sadness is one of the weightiest consequences
of original sin. Since we are all sad, he observes, we need to seek after
the one who can console us in our misery.25 The office of the Holy Spirit is
to give solace to those who are broken, to relieve humanity of the weight
of wretchedness in the form of melancholy.
The last point is succinctly asserted in sermon thirty-two. In an imag-
inary dialogue with his audience, vila asserts the significance of Pente-
cost. For him Pentecost not only marks the season of the coming of the
Holy Spirit; it also marks the season in which the forgiveness of sin won
by Christ through his death was made available to all the faithful: . . . the
death of Jesus Christ won forgiveness of sins, but without the grace that
today is imparted, it is of no avail to you.26
In sermon thirty-two, he again calls attention to the feeling of desola-
tion that dominated the disciples in the absence of Jesus. Using Genesis
:, he draws a parallel between the account of creation and the day of
Pentecost. The redemptive work of Christ is parallel to the work of God
in the formation of the human body out of dust. In the creation story
the body without breath remains inanimate. Just like God breathed into
the nostrils of the first human being, now the Holy Spirit breathes into
the soul of the faithful. Without the breath of the Holy Spirit, humanity
remains dead.27 Indeed, later on in the same sermon he has Mary declare
to the disciples, the Holy Spirit gives a soul to the soul.28 That is, the Holy
Spirit gives life to the human soul. This is the essence of espirituacin.
In sermon thirty-two, vila once more depicts Mary as an agile inter-
cessor, this time between the disciples and the glorified Christ. He recre-
ates the dramatic scene of Pentecost related in Acts .29 With the disciples
hopeless, Mary took it upon herself to console them and to pray on their
behalf, beseeching her son to send the Holy Spirit. It was shortly before
nine oclock, or the third hour, the time of day at which Peter reportedly

24 OCNEC, p. :.
25 Pues que todos estamos tristes, tenemos necesidad de acudir a quien nos consuele
nuestra tristeza. Sermn , OCNEC, p. :.
26 OCNEC, p. :.
27 OCNEC, p. :.
28 OCNEC, p. :.
29 OCNEC, p. :.
 his ascetic doctrine of union with the holy spirit

addressed the multitude in Jerusalem with his legendary sermon of Pen-

tecost. Mary, moved by the desolation of the disciples, assumed the role
of advocate and intercessor and reminded the disciples of the promise
of the Holy Spirit. Finally, Marys efforts were rewarded with the felici-
tous advent of the Holy Spirit. Thereafter, the disciples live in joy and the
knowledge that only those who do not take care of the earthly abode of
the Holy Spirit can fall into the great sorrow of sin.
Juan de vilas assertion of the continuation of the work of Christ by
the Holy Spirit is rooted in his understanding of the Trinitarian nature of
the union of the Holy Spirit with the human soul. For vila, espirituacin
closes a loop of divine/human interaction shaped after the interaction of
the divine persons of the Trinity. In sermon thirty, he draws a metaphor
centered on the image of the Holy Spirit as wind. Just like the wind on
open sea, the Holy Spirit blows upon ships, leading them to safe harbor,
back to where they came from, namely heaven.
Here he draws upon the formulaic expression of the Second Council
of Lyon (), according to which the Holy Spirit proceeds from the
Father and the Son not as from two origins, but as from one; not as from
two aspirations, but as from one.30 The formula was intended to abate
concerns that the Father and the Son constitute two different principiis of
the Holy Spirit. By affirming the singularity of the spiritus, or aspiration,
the Council of Lyon sought to affirm the divine unity of the Trinity.
For vila, the Holy Spirit as the single aspiration of the Father and
the Son is experienced in the world in the same way as the wind is
experienced on open sea. Not only does the idea of a single aspiration
describe the relation of the Holy Spirit to the Father and the Son in terms
of the immanent life of the Trinity, for vila it also describes the sending
of the Holy Spirit to the world, and the work of the Holy Spirit in the
worldwork that includes union with the human soul. This union is
grounded in the divine aspiration. Sent into the world, the Holy Spirit
leads the faithful back to God: From there the wind blows, and thither
it returns, to the Father and to the Son; from there they breathe [aspiran]
him, and thither He breathes [espira] his friends; he guides them there,
he carries them there, to where he wants them to be.31

30 Fideli ac devota professione fatemur, quod Spiritus Sanctus aeternaliter ex Patre

et Filio, non tanquam ex duobus principiis, sed tanquam ex uno principio, non duabus
spirationibus, sed unica spiratione procedit . . . Denzinger, p. .
31 De all sale el viento, y all vuelve, al Padre y al Hijo; de all lo espiran, y all espira

l a sus amigos; all los gua, all los lleva, para all los quiere. OCNEC, p. :.
 chapter six

Juan de vila further pursues the image of the Holy Spirit as wind
in sermon thirty. Drawing on a vision found in Ezekiel :, vila
asserts that the Holy Spirit is the vivifying wind blowing over the Valley
of Dry Bones. In the vision, Ezekiel is commanded by the Lord to utter
words over a valley full of dry bones. As he speaks, in turn the bones
are covered first by sinews, then by flesh, and lastly by skin; yet the
reconstituted bones are not alive. The Lord then commands Ezekiel to
utter words for a second time. This time the prophet calls upon the spirit
to breathe upon the bones and the bones are restored to life as soon as
the breath comes into them.
vilas retelling of the vision of Ezekiel allows him to reiterate his main
point about the work of the Holy Spirit by means of the image of the wind.
In the Latin Vulgate the Lord commands Ezekiel to utter words to the
breath (spiritum) and it is the breath that, coming from the four winds
(a quattuor ventis), gives life to the bones in the valley:
Et dixit ad me, vaticinare ad spiritum, vaticinare fili hominis, et dices ad
spiritum, haec dicit Dominus Deus: a quattuor ventis veni spiritus et insu-
fla super interfectos istos et revivescant. Et prophetavi sicut praeceperat
mihi et ingressus est in ea spiritus et vixerunt . . . . (Ezekiel :)32
vila, however provides a creative paraphrase of the text that prolongs his
rhetorical focus on the wind. In his paraphrase, the prophet calls upon
the wind (viento) to blow (soplar) over the dead (los muertos), and
then the dead are brought to life.33 Hence, while in the Latin Vulgate the
prophet addresses the breath (spiritum), in vila the prophet addresses
the wind (viento). In the Latin Vulgate the spiritum comes from the
four winds. However, in vila the wind, and no longer the breath
coming from the four winds, blows upon the dead when called by the
prophet. His paraphrase reinforces the image of the Holy Spirit as wind
and is a clear reading of Ezekiel : in light of the Catholic doctrine
of the single aspiration of the Holy Spirit. This reading in turns helps
him present the union of the human soul with the Holy Spirit as the
culmination of a movement originating in God and returning to God.

32 Latin Vulgate, p. ; And he said to me: Prophesy to the spirit, prophesy, O son of

man, and say to the spirit: Thus saith the Lord God: Come, spirit, from the four winds, and
blow upon these slain, and let them live again. And I prophesied as he had commanded
me: and the spirit came into them, and they lived: and they stood up upon their feet, an
exceeding great army. Ezekiel :, Douay-Rheims.
33 Pero despus que el profeta llam al viento para que soplase sobre los muertos,

tuvieron los huesos vida; todo se muda, lo pesado se hace liviano, y lo muerto revive.
OCNEC, p. :.
 his ascetic doctrine of union with the holy spirit

He uses the vision of Ezekiel to illustrate the work of the Holy Spirit. In
particular, he employs the vision to represent the practical implications of
espirituacin for the faithful. After retelling the vision of Ezekiel, he again
addresses the audience directly, exhorting it to seek after the Holy Spirit,
and then exclaims: How many, with all hope of life lost, his Spirit raised,
and gave life and new desires, and gladdened and fortified with new
hope! Who does all of this? The Holy Spirit, who breathed and carried
all back to God, without resistance.34 Espirituacin is the vivifying union
of the Holy Spirit with the human soul that gives joy and hope. It is, for
vila, tantamount to the resurrection in that it brings the faithful to a full
experience of the power of God.
However, for him the vision of Ezekiel is more than an illustration.
Instead, it is a powerful parable that captures his vision of reform and
spiritual renewal. Like the prophet, vila is standing before the valley
of dry bones. Like the prophet, he is uttering words and calling upon
the Spirit. Like the dry bones, the faithful are about to experience the
vivifying power of the Holy Spirit. The new life imparted to the faithful
by the work of the Holy Spirit is the new life of a renewed church. We
shall now turn our attention to a few important elements of vilas vision
of new life as moral reform.

Espirituacin: vilas Vision of Moral Reform

vilas doctrine of espirituacin provides an important theological under-

pinning for his vision of renewal and moral reform. Certainly, the theme
of ecclesiastical reform recurs throughout the corpus of vilas works.
As we have seen, however, ecclesiastical reform does not exhaust vilas
overarching vision of renewalwhich is personal and communal, as well
as ecclesiastical. While elsewhere vila will articulate a vision of the ideal
bishop, also built around the work of the Holy Spirit, in his sermons on
the Holy Spirit he focuses his attention on personal renewal, that is, a
renewal that radiates from the faithful to the surrounding community
and to the church.35

34 Cuntos, perdida toda esperanza de vida, resucit su Espritu, y dio vida y deseos

nuevos, y alegr y confirm con nueva esperanza! Quin hace todo esto? El Espritu
Santo, que sopl y llev hasta Dios sin resistir. OCNEC, p. :.
35 See Juan de vila, Advertencia al Concilio de Toledo (), OCNEC, pp.

:.
 chapter six

Accordingly, in the remainder of this chapter I want to highlight two

instances in which vila launches a stern indictment against the order-
ing of early-modern Spanish society. Although the traditional themes of
sexual chastity, marital fidelity, and commitment to household respon-
sibilities abound in vilas sermons on the Holy Spirit, here I prefer to
focus on two not so traditional themes that may give us a better grasp of
the originality of vilas theology. The first theme is that of early-modern
forms of religious and racial marginalization, the second that of the prob-
lem of the concentration of wealth and power in early-modern Spain.
Indeed, espirituacin plays an important function in vilas vision of
church reform and renewal. This is made clear in sermon thirty, when
vila comments on the sacrament of baptism.36 For him, moral union
with the Holy Spirit is the essential sign (seal) of the Christian. Of
what good is it to me, asks vila, to be baptized and to believe in Jesus
Christ, if I do not have the Holy Spirit?37 Drawing on Ephesians :
, he interchangeably calls the Holy Spirit the token (prenda) and the
sign (seal) of the Father.38 For him the signthat one will be saved
and will reach the promises of Christis not to be called Christian, nor
is it to be baptized. If one is baptized but the presence of the Holy Spirit is
lacking, one is like an illegitimate child (bastardo) and not a true child
of God. Illegitimate children, according to vila, do not inherit from the
Father. However, those who are baptized but are not obedient to God are
also illegitimate children because they lack the sign that makes children
the rightful inheritors of the possessions of the Father. The only sign
that gives this right of inheritance is the Holy Spirit.
The sign of the Holy Spirit that comes with espirituacin has clear
social implications for vila. The moral union of the human soul with the
Holy Spirit brings about the sort of changes that question and challenge
the existing social order. He cautiously addresses one such aspect of
early-modern Spanish society in sermon thirty, namely the question
of limpieza de sangre, by indicting the distinction made between Old

36 OCNEC, pp. :.
37 Qu me aprovecha ser baptizado y creer en Jesucristo, si no tengo al Espritu
Santo? OCNEC, pp. :.
38 Dice el glorioso apstol San Pablo ad Ephesios: In quo et credentes signati estis

Spiritu promisionis, qui est pignus haereditatis. OCNEC, pp. :; In whom you
also, after you had heard the word of truth, (the gospel of your salvation;) in whom also
believing, you were signed with the holy Spirit of promise, Who is the pledge of our
inheritance, unto the redemption of acquisition, unto the praise of his glory, Ephesians
:, Douay-Rheims.
 his ascetic doctrine of union with the holy spirit

Christians (Cristiano viejo) and New Christians (Cristiano nuevo), or

Conversos and their descendants. This indictment is part and parcel
of his discussion of the Holy Spirit as the true sign of God and the
insufficiency of baptism when not complemented by obedience to God.
In his own words:
As como la circuncisin era seal para el judo, as el baptismo es seal de
cristiano en lo de fuera; todo no vale para salvarte, si no tuvieres Espritu
Santo. Y la seal en que uno se ha de salvar y alacanzar las promesas de
Cristo nuestro Redemptor, no es llamarse cristiano; no solamente es ser
baptizado. Porque aunque haya esto, si falta la presencia del Espritu Santo,
no bastar aquello; hijos son los baptizados, pero no son hijos legtimos,
son bastardos [ . . . ] El que est baptizado y no obedece a Dios nuestro
Seor, no es hijo legtimo; el que est baptizado y no tiene el Espritu
Santo, no es legitimo; bastardo es, pues no tiene la seal que hace a los
hijos legtimos y herederos de los bienes de su Padre, que es el Espritu
Santo.39
vila sets up an important order in the foregoing discussion. Indeed, he
is thinking in terms of stages or dispensations. First was the dispensation
of circumcision, when circumcision was the sign of the Father. After
circumcision, the dispensation of baptism replaced circumcision as the
sign of the Father. However, baptism without the moral union of the
soul with the Holy Spirit is, in his mind, worthless. In fact, bearing the
title of Christian is not enough for vila, a point that I have already
noted in my treatment of his Eucharistic sermons. One can be called
a Christian, but this remains, like baptism, an external sign (seal
exterior) that falls short of conveying rightful possession of the heavenly
inheritance. Only the presence of the Holy Spirit can convey rightful
ownership of the heavenly inheritance that is due to legitimate children.
Only those who are obedient to God, being baptized and in union with
the Holy Spirit, can be considered legitimate children.

39 Just like the circumcision was the sign for the Jew, baptism is the sign for the
Christian, on the outside. For it is all worthless for your salvation, if you do not have
the Holy Spirit. And the sign in which one will be saved and reach the promises of Christ
our Redeemer, is not to be called Christian, it is not solely to be baptized. For even though
these may be present, if the Holy Spirit is absent it is not enough; the baptized are children,
but they are not legitimate children, they are illegitimate [. . .] He who is baptized and
does not obey God our Lord, is not a legitimate child; he who is baptized and does not
have the Holy Spirit, is not a legitimate child; he is an illegitimate child for he does not
have the sign that legitimizes children and makes them inheritors of the riches of the
Father, which is the Holy Spirit. OCNEC, p. :.
 chapter six

In this way he indicts dominant cultural norms that establish strict dif-
ferences between Jews and Christians and, more important here, among
Christians themselves. Neither Old nor New Christians could fall
back on privileges rooted in cultural norms. Baptism as such is only an
external sign. To be called Christian is also an external sign. Only the
presence of the Holy Spirit and its union with the soul can convey right-
ful ownership of the inheritance of the Father.
vilas indictment of cultural norms and institutions based on religious
and racial prejudice is all the more evident in sermon twenty-eight, El
que no tiene Espritu de Cristo, no es de Cristo.40 The sermon was
preached on a Sunday within the Octave of the Ascension of an unknown
year. The gospel reading, as indicated in the body of the sermon, was John
:.41 Yet, the central biblical passage of the entire sermon is Romans
:: Vos autem in carne non estis, sed in spiritu. Si quis spiritum Christi
non habet, hic non est eius.42 Again vila uses a Pauline text to articulate
a religion of interiority as opposed to a religion of externals. The presence
of the divine guest in its earthly abode is for vila an assurance that the
faithful do not live by the flesh, but by the spirit.43
This assurance has important implications for vila, the most impor-
tant being that the faithful cannot glory in the flesh, but only in the Holy
Spirit. Drawing on Isaiah :, he concludes that, all flesh is like grass.
So for example, the writings of the philosophers are of such a quality
that they appear to come from heaven. In the philosophers one will find

40 OCNEC, pp. :.
41 vila paraphrases the text in Spanish: Cuando viniere el Consolador, que yo os
enviar de parte del Padre, que es Espritu de verdad, l dar testimonio de m, y vosotros
lo daris tambin, porque habis sido testigos de vista, que dende que comenc a predicar
me habis conversado. OCNEC, p. :.
42 As quoted in the text of the sermon, OCNEC, pp. :. He omits part of

Romans :. The entirety of Romans : reads as follows: Vos autem in carne non estis,
sed in Spiritu, si tamen Spiritus Dei habitat in vobis. Si quis autem Spiritum Christi non
habet, hic non est eius. Latin Vulgate, p. ; But you are not in the flesh, but in the
spirit, if so be that the Spirit of God dwell in you. Now if any man have not the Spirit of
Christ, he is none of his, Romans :, Douay-Rheims.
43 OCNEC, p. :. The theme of vilas Paulinism has been discussed by Ricardo

Garca-Villoslada, El paulinismo de San Juan de vila, Gregorianum (), pp.

. In his studies of the influence of Erasmus of Rotterdam on early-modern Spanish
intellectual life, Marcel Bataillon identified the dismissal of exterior ceremonies and
an aggressive emphasis on the interiority of religious experience as hallmarks of the
appropriation of Paul among the Erasmians. See id., Erasme et LEspagne, ed., D. Devoto,
nd French ed., vols. (Genve: Librairie Droz, ). Jos C. Nieto has revisited the
question and has come to different conclusions. See id., El Renacimiento y la otra Espaa:
Visin Cultural Socioespiritual (Genve: Librairie Droz, ).
 his ascetic doctrine of union with the holy spirit

clearness of understanding and a will that abhors vice and loves virtue.
The wisdom of philosophers is the glory and honor of humanity and is
its highest achievement. The wisdom of philosophers is even better than
riches and honor (honra). At the end of the day, however, all that glory
is nothing; it is like the flower of grass.44
But if it is vain to glory in human wisdom, it is also vain to glory in
ones blood, or ones ancestry. vila quotes John : to the effect that
the right to be a child of God is not founded in blood lineage (non ex
sanguinibus), nor in the will of the flesh (neque ex voluntate carnis),
nor in the will of man (neque ex voluntate viri) but of God (ex Deo
nati sunt).45 After praising the gospel writer, vila reproves the social
order founded on religious and racial privilege:
No basta, para ser hijos de Dios y subir al cielo, que hayas nacido de sangre;
nada sirve que seas hijo de conde, ni de duque, ni que seas de sangre de rey.
Poco es eso. El mayor serafn que est en el cielo, si no tuviese el espritu
de Cristo, no sera bienaventurado. No se da el cielo por linaje, non ex
sanguinibus, neque ex voluntate carnis; no nacen de voluntad conforme a
lo que quiere su carne; no nacen con voluntad afectada a la carne.46
The children of God are born of the Spirit. Heaven is not given away
on account of lineage, affirms vila. Even the seraphim in heaven are in
need of the spirit of Christ for without it their glory amounts to nothing.
So, blood lineage also falls short of salvation; to be born of the Spirit is
the only thing that leads to salvation.
vila continues his critique of a social order indifferent to the dictates
of the Holy Spirit. In sermon twenty-eight we again find the contrast
made between the exterior signs that distinguish Jews from Christians
and Christians among themselves, and the interior sign that marks the
true children of God. The true mark is the Holy Spirit. The Jews, while

44 OCNEC, p. :.
45 Dedit eis potestatem filios Dei fieri his qui credunt in nomine eius: qui non ex
sanguinibus, neque ex voluntate carnis, neque ex voluntate viri, sed ex Deo nati sunt. As
quoted by vila in the text of the sermon, OCNEC, p. :; But as many as received
him, he gave them power to be made the sons of God, to them that believe in his name.
Who are born, not of blood, nor of the will of the flesh, nor of the will of man, but of
God. John :, Douay-Rheims.
46 To be children of God and ascend to heaven, it is not enough to be born of blood.

To be the child of a count or of a duke or to have royal blood will not help you; that is of
no importance. The greatest seraph in heaven, if it did not have the spirit of Christ, would
not be beatific. Heaven is not given away on account of lineage, non ex sanguinibus, neque
ex voluntate carnis; they [the children of God] are not born of a will conformed to what
their flesh wants; they are not born of a will that has affection for the flesh. OCNEC,
p. :.
 chapter six

acknowledging God, stumble upon the notion that God has a Son who
is equal to the Father. Christians, however, do confess one God and that
God has a Son who is equal to his Father. Nevertheless, whenever they
hear mentions of the Holy Spirit their hearts become troubled.47 For they
are, a people so antagonistic to the Holy Spirit, that they do not even
want to hear it mentioned. Indeed, for some to hear mention of the Holy
Spirit is like hearing someone call upon the devil.48
The preparations that are necessary for the advent of the Holy Spirit
to its earthly abode, which include charity as well as the renunciation of
social status and privilege, are insufferable for many in vilas audience.
This is made clear in the way that vila defends his role as preacher
in anticipation of reproach. He asks his audience, What do you do
when you hear a word being proclaimed that saddens you, and you are
told, God has spoken? He replies by drawing a parallel between his
audience and Ahab, the Israelite king, who complained that the prophet
never prophesized anything good about him (cf. Kings :). But as the
prophet, vila quickly adds, I am only a herald, what can I do? God has
sent this word for you.49
vila saw the scorn of the people as a necessary consequence of all
faithful proclamation. For him, a word pronounced from the pulpit
that does not unsettle the evil doer is not a word from God. Nor is it
received as such. No one should expect solace from God who has not
first been unsettled by God.50 In the end, those who are unsettled by the
proclamation should seek to be born of the Spirit, to make preparations,
to mortify the flesh, and to become the worthy abode of the Holy Spirit.
Certainly the social implications of Juan de vilas doctrine of espiri-
tuacin are not limited to the perennial problem of limpieza de sangre in
early-modern Spain. In fact, his doctrine of moral union with the Holy
Spirit often appears to be counter-cultural in its criticism of wealth and
power. vilas doctrine of espirituacin challenged many early-modern
social conventions. Further indications of the critical tendencies of vilas
doctrine are found in sermon thirty-one, Salva Dios al mundo por el

47 OCNEC, p. :.
48 OCNEC, p. :.
49 Qu hacis cuando os una palabra que os da pena, y os dicen: Dios lo dijo? Qu

dijo Acab? Este Miqueas nunca me profetiza cosa que me agrade (cf. Re ,). Yo soy
pregonero, qu culpa tengo? Dios os lo enva a decir. OCNEC, p. :.
50 OCNEC, pp. :.
 his ascetic doctrine of union with the holy spirit

Espritu Santo.51 The central image of this sermon is the biblical figure
of Nebuchadnezzar, king of Babylon during the period of the exile.
vila builds upon the madness of King Nebuchadnezzar to illustrate
how God can bring down the proud and mighty. For him the story of
Nebuchadnezzar is a parable of how God saves the world by the Holy
Spirit and how God rejects human honor and glory.
Sermon thirty-one captures how he involves the audience in the un-
folding of the sermon. Early in the sermon he acknowledges the presence
of learned men in his audience who can read Latin, and invites them
to read and ruminate over the gospel portion of the day, namely John
:.52 He quickly turns the tables by summarizing the exchange between
Jesus and Nicodemus. Nicodemus, vila claims, was a good man and
learned. Yet he also observes that Nicodemus could not understand
Jesuss words about rebirth, and he poignantly declares, Very learned
indeed, but ignorant concerning salvation.53 In his view the predicament
of Nicodemus is the same predicament of his learned audience; they are
all ignorant of what is important for salvation.
In fact, what humanity is not ignorant about but rather knows well is
how to seek glory. Here vila introduces the figure of King Nebuchad-
nezzar. The King of Babylon lived for his own glory and honor. He desired
only more wealth and power, and to ascend to greater heights, never
appreciating what he already had. His ambitions led him to lose every-
thing, as God turned him into the likeness of a beast of the field.54 vila
is quick to indicate the parallel between King Nebuchadnezzar and his
audience:
En pecado, luego sigues lo que tu apetito quiere y tu carne te pide, etc. No
es hombre el que vive segn razn, etc., el que se rige por lumbre natural?
Qu es un caballero vestido de brocado y seda, y dentro es bestia?, etc.
Qu cosa es ver uno que parece que rige a otros y l es guiado y regido
por una bestia? No hay mayor deshonra que estar en un pecado; es un
hombre estar hecho bestia.55

51 OCNEC, pp. :. This sermon is highly significant since it was not included

by Juan Daz in the edition. It was first published in Ricardo Garca-Villoslada,

Coleccin de sermones inditos.
52 OCNEC, p. :.
53 OCNEC, p. :.
54 OCNEC, p. :.
55 In sin, therefore, you pursue what your appetite wants and what your flesh de-

mands. Is he not a man who lives according to reason; the one who rules himself by
natural light? Of what good is a gentleman who dresses with brocade and silk, and yet
 chapter six

The fate of King Nebuchadnezzar, his seven year sojourn among the
beasts of the fields, is rehearsed every day among the people being
addressed by vila. Devotion is short lived, only to be followed by pride
and self-confidence. As he points out: Of what good is a gentleman who
dresses with brocade and silk, and yet on the inside is a beast? The lack
of piety among his listeners makes vila assert that they have been cast
among the beasts of the fields so that there will be a renewal of devotion
to God. This madness and presumption, declares vila, this trust in
our own strength is the root of our perdition.56
The story of King Nebuchadnezzar is all the more important as it helps
illustrate the significance of Pentecost. Nebuchadnezzars sojourn with
the beast of the fields lasted for only seven years. Likewise, the fall of the
faithful into a state of indifference and surrender to the lust for power
and wealth will come to pass: . . . seven seasons shall come to pass over
you, until you realize that the strength and the power are in the one from
heaven, not in cities, bricks, etc.57 At Pentecost, the Holy Spirit comes to
give a new heart to the faithful. This is the work of regeneration of the
Holy Spirit. The new heart is the outcome of moral union with the Holy
Spirit, or espirituacin.

on the inside is a beast? What sort of spectacle is it to watch someone who seems to rule
others and is himself guided and ruled by a beast? There is no greater dishonor than to
be in sin; this is man become beast. OCNEC, p. :.
56 Esta locura y presumpcin, esta confianza en nuestras fuerzas nos tiene echados a

perder. Al fin perdise el hombre por la honra, y vino a ser ms bajo que bestia. OCNEC,
p. :.
57 Que siete tiempos han de pasar sobre ti, hasta que conozcas que la fuerza y el poder

est en el del cielo, no en ciudades, ladrillos, etc. OCNEC, p. :.

 chapter seven

JUAN DE VILA AND THE SPIRITUAL

DISCIPLINE OF PUBLIC SERVICE

Juan de vila was able to muster elements of traditional Roman Catholic

piety in a subtle but straightforward criticism of Castilian patrician fam-
ilies. His criticism found expression in many of his sermons on the
Eucharist and on the Holy Spirit. In his sermons he called for frequent
communion, and developed the concepts of bien comulgar and spir-
itual communion. Furthermore, he defined limpieza as an inner condi-
tion to be distinguished from external or ceremonial cleanness. Based on
these ideas he called the nobility to abandon values of social differentia-
tion that were grounded on notions of honor and status. The fact that he
rarely differentiated between ricos hombres, caballeros villanos, or even
hidalgos, is a telling indication of his perception of the common rights
and responsibilities that defined the nobility in its function of shared gov-
ernance.
However, his approach to Spanish nobility was not always confronta-
tional or dismissive, and after all, his most important patrons came from
within the ranks of the Spanish nobility. He also approached them in a
more conciliatory tone by developing a positive response to their ten-
dency to abuse power and privilege, one that can be properly regarded
as a spiritual discipline of public service.1 In his sermons and letters,
he addressed the question and problematic of public service. He also
endeavored to provide a theological understanding of public service and
to present it in terms of his distinctively ascetic spirituality. He conceived
of public service as a spiritual discipline, a spiritual exercise.
His notion of public service was informed by his own social context
and we must be careful not to impose modern conceptions of the state
and secular bureaucracies on his sermons and letters that deal with this
subject. Nor should we approach these documents with expectations

1 Cf. Jos T. Raga Gil, El maestro vila y los polticos: advertencias para el buen

gobierno, in Actas del Congreso Internacional (), pp. ; Luis Nos Muro, San
Juan de vila modelo de eclesisticos y polticos (Madrid: San Pablo, ).
 chapter seven

informed by our own contemporary pluralist societies. In other words,

when vila writes about public service and the common good it should
be clear that he is thinking of public service and the common good as
defined within Christendom. vila was addressing a feudal order and
his doctrinal articulation took shape to a large extent as a response to the
needs of members of the nobility.
The doctrinal principles that he articulated had applications beyond
the confines of the nobility and their function in the governance of the
realm. These principles also informed vilas work against corruption in
other spheres of daily life. vila also handled the topic of public service in
his Advertencias necesarias para los reyes (c. ).2 Nevertheless it was
in his sermons and letters that he articulated his theological views on the
subject and provided a description of public service as spiritual discipline
and so it is to these that we now turn.3

The Spirituality of Public Service in His Sermons

In sermon thirty-five, Acompaando el arca del testamento nuevo, vila

develops his ideas about public service in relation to the celebration
of Corpus Christi.4 He explains the responsibilities of public service by
drawing an analogy with the public procession of the consecrated host.
He sees a prefiguration of the procession in Old Testament stories of the
Ark of the Covenant; these in turn point to Jesus Christ as the new ark.
The procession of Corpus Christi is thus seen as both a reenactment of
the procession, in Old Testament times, of the ark and as a figure for
public service. The sermon is highly elaborated, a fact that could be easily
explained by this being one of the sermons that he had transcribed for
Archbishop Pedro Guerrero in .5 Interestingly, the sermon lacks a
formal exordium as well as the customary invocation of the Virgin.

2 OCNEC, pp. :.
3 His spirituality of public service is consistent with Aurelio Espinosas interpretation
of early-modern Spanish monarchical government. See id., The Empire of the Cities:
Emperor Charles V, the Comunero Revolt, and the Transformation of the Spanish System
(Leiden and Boston: Brill, ).
4 Tratado xviii, del santisimo sacramento de la Eucaristia, Tercera parte (),

pp. ; Acompaando el arca del testamento nuevo, OCNEC, pp. :.

5 In his letter to the Archbishop of April/May , he makes reference to three

sermons on the Corpus Christi and indicates that he had two of them transcribed for
the prelate. OCNEC, pp. :, here p. .
 the spiritual discipline of public service

He begins by recapitulating Old Testament stories of the ark. He pays

careful attention to the role of Moses and the Levites in relation to the
sacred artifact; Moses as its builder and the Levites as those divinely
commissioned to carry it. He then turns his attention to King David.
Of special interest is the story of the procession of the ark from its
resting place after the defeat of the Philistines to the City of David,
Jerusalem ( Kings :). In fact, the theme of his sermon comes from
this narrative: David y toda la casa de Israel traan el arca del Seor
con grande alegra ( Kings :).6 He highlights how King David, hav-
ing removed his royal dress, took the dress of a Levite and felt hon-
ored to perform service of humility before the ark of the sovereign
majesty. Moreover, the ark was brought to Jerusalem with devotion and
order.7
Next he explains how the ark prefigured Jesus Christ and how Christ
exceeds the former. For him Jesus is another ark, more excellent without
comparison.8 He adduces the authority of Paul for his typological read-
ing of the Ark of the Covenant. Paraphrasing Colossians :Which
are a shadow of things to come, but the body is of Christhe argues
that Jesus Christ fulfilled everything that was contained in the ark. To
begin with, the precious timber out of which the old ark was constructed
is now faded in comparison to the incorruptible body of Christ. Further-
more, the new ark contains the very substance of the divine and not mere
representations.9
In addition, the new ark is the consecrated host. On account of the mir-
acle of transubstantiation, vila is able to suggest that Jesus is the ark that
he and his audience are to carry during the public procession. He traces
the festivity to its institution by Pope Urban IV (r. ). He also
points out that the Council of Trent called for its celebration so that the
heretics, seeing that we observe this mystery with firm faith and devout
joy, either convert to our truth or remain confounded in the darkness
of their error.10 He compares them to the idolatrous Queen Athaliah

6 But David and all Israel played before the Lord on all manner of instruments made

of wood, on harps and lutes and timbrels and cornets and cymbals. Kings :, Douay-
Rheims; Tercera parte (), p. ; OCNEC, p. :.
7 Tercera parte (), p. ; OCNEC, p. :.
8 Tercera parte (), p. ; OCNEC, p. :.
9 Tercera parte (), pp. ; OCNEC, pp. :.
10 Tercera parte (), p. ; OCNEC, p. :.
 chapter seven

who was ashamed by the crowning of King Joash ( Kings :). He also
likens the heretics to Michal who was cursed with barrenness after she
disdained King David. In fact, according to vila all heresies against the
sacrament have been cursed in the same way, as they die out leaving no
children.11
Based on these exegetical and historiographical observations he goes
on to address those who are in charge, who are public persons, and
who are responsible for the burdens of their subjects, meaning those
who are responsible for governance. For this purpose he returns to the
story of the procession of the Ark of the Covenant. According to the
account, which is found in Kings :, the Ark of the Covenant was
placed on a new cart pulled by oxen. Two brothers, Uzzah and Ahio,
children of Abinadab the Levite, were driving the cart. While the account
makes clear that Ahio went in front of the ark, it is silent about the
exact location of Uzzah. Meanwhile, David and his retinue were dancing,
singing, and playing music during the procession. At a certain point in
the procession the oxen stumbled and shook the ark. In a reflex, Uzzah
reached out and took hold of it. In that exact instant, however, God struck
him dead for reaching out and touching the Arkthe holy of holies
with his hand.
In his retelling of the biblical account, vila provided specific interpre-
tative hints foreshowing the moral of the story. According to vila, both
Uzzah and Ahio were supposed to carry the ark on their shoulders, as
Levites divinely commissioned for this task. However, they neglect their
responsibility and placed the ark in a new cart pulled by oxen, perhaps
because they wanted to spare themselves such arduous work.12 They con-
sequently ended up imitating the Philistines in the way that they han-
dle the Ark of the Covenant (cf. Kings :). It naturally seemed to the
brothers that they were fulfilling their office, but they were terribly wrong.
In this way what would seem to be the arbitrary judgment of God over
Uzzah was in fact, in the eyes of vila, a manifestation of the righteous
indignation of God over their neglect of their Levitical office.13 The inci-
dent made clear to the Israelites, he argues, that God did not want the
Ark to be pulled by animals, but instead by people consecrated to God,

11 Tercera parte (), p. ; OCNEC, pp. :.

12 Tercera parte (), pp. ; OCNEC, p. :.
13 Tercera parte (), p. ; OCNEC, p. :.
 the spiritual discipline of public service

who would carry it with purity of soul, with care and reverence.14 King
David was quick to learn the lesson; now vila wants his audience to pay
heed.
In his mind Uzzah stands as an example for those who govern. Here,
he develops another important analogy. The monstrance or custodia to
be carried during the procession also represents the people of God. He
calls prelates, curates, and prebendaries, as well as kings and lords to
fulfill their offices in carrying Gods people. In this way the monstrance
fulfills a double symbolic function. On the one hand, since it contains the
consecrated host, it represents the new Ark of the Covenant, that is Jesus
Christ. On the other hand, because of its place in the public procession
it also represents the faithful, and evokes the public office of those who
govern. The story of Uzzah makes the evasion of the responsibilities
of governance a serious matter. The double symbolic function of the
custodia is made possible by vilas assumption of the overlap between
ecclesiastical and social orders, a recurrent theme in his reform writings.
The fate of Uzzah is an apt warning for both clergy and laity. The
clergy should pay heed and make every possible effort to be holy and
sanctified. Here vila sounds a reformist note from Trent by suggesting
that if the clergy is to satisfactorily fulfill its office then it must be a
resident clergy. They are commanded to carry Gods people in their own
shoulders caring for them, teaching them, suffering their torments and
burdens, mitigating their labors, and each one fulfilling in person their
office and residence.15 Lay people too are to fulfill their office, but so too
much kings and lords. He warns them not to be content with the benefit
and honor attached to their office, while placing the care and expedition
of affairs in the shoulders of others.16 Indeed, argues vila, some take

14 Y aunque este delito se cometi al principio de la procesin, porque no tomaron

el arca sobre sus hombros, como Dios mandaba, mas no los quiso castigar Dios entonces
hasta que la experiencia dio a entender el yerro pasado y cunta diferencia iba de ser
llevada su arca por animales brutos con desasosiego o por gente consagrada a Dios, que
la llevasen con pureza de nima y con mucho tiento y reverencia. Tercera parte (),
p. ; OCNEC, p. :.
15 Teman, y con mucha razn, los prelados, curas y beneficiados, a quienes est

mandado que ellos mismos en sus propios hombros lleven el arca de Dios, que son sus
cristianos, cuidndolos, ensendolos, sufriendo sus pesadumbres y cargas, alivindoles
sus trabajos y cumpliendo cada uno personalmente su oficio y residencia. Tercera parte
(), p. ; OCNEC, p. :.
16 Teman los reyes y seores, de hurtar el cuerpo a los negocios de sus vasallos

contentndose con llevar el provecho y la honra y poniendo la carga de los cuidados

y despacho de negocios sobre hombros ajenos. Tercera parte (), p. ; OCNEC,
p. :.
 chapter seven

license to be occupied in vain pursuits seeing themselves, exalted and

well furnished with the vastness of their lordships [seoros].17
vila lifts up Jesus as the model public servant and calls for us to
imitate him in the realm of public service. He argues that no one has
the freedom to indulge in relinquishing the duties of their offices. When
they take that freedom they do it against all justice. In contrast, Adam,
the first man and common ancestor, does not appear in the sacred stories
to have been idle like a small ass.18 Instead, Adam tilled the land
just as God commanded him to do. In the same way, Jesus Christ, the
second Adam, was not idle. For while he did not work the land with
a large hoe (azadon), his feet and hands were hoed (cavados) with
nails and his body and back were plowed (arrados) with furrows
(surcos) of sinners. Citing Isaiah :y su principado puesto sobre sus
hombrosvila reminds us that Christ received his lordship (seoro)
over humankind with the charge of carrying the cross and dying on
their behalf. In this way Jesus also fulfilled the popular saying, a tantos
hombres tiene uno encima de s, cuantos parece que manda.19 vila
concludes that any public person (persona pblica) who abandons
the burdens of his subjects, does not live like a Christian, for he does not
imitate Christ. Nor does he live like another human being, for human
beings are born for work just like birds for flying (cf. Job :).20
vila stays on course deepening his incisive criticism of those who
neglect the public office. Their main vice is that they enjoy being habit-
ually at leisure. vila laments: Oh, such evil effects follow when they
want to be idle whose office is to work. They are under the lordship and
possession of pride, and are poorly dressed with impiety and wicked-
ness. They may have abundance of wealth (hacienda) and pleasures, as
well as entertainment. Their wealth, however, is to no avail as they are
abundant and fat (gruesos) in wickedness. They have an evil heart, evil
thoughts and an evil tongue.21 In an apparent stab at the clergy, he con-

17 Y as piensan algunos tener licencia para holgar o vanamente ocuparse, vindose

encumbrados y abastados con la grandeza de sus seoros. Tercera parte (), p. ;

OCNEC, p. :.
18 Tercera parte (), p. ; OCNEC, p. :.
19 Ibid.
20 De donde parece que quien es persona pblica y huye de llevar las cargas de sus

sbditos, ni vive como cristiano, pues no imita a Jesucristo nuestro redemptor, ni como
hombre, pues, como dice el santo Job, naci para trabajar, como el ave para volar [cf. Job
:]. De otra naturaleza debe ser, no de esta comn que conocemos. Tercera parte (),
pp. ; OCNEC, p. :.
21 Tercera parte (), p. ; OCNEC, p. :.
 the spiritual discipline of public service

tends that their excessive leisure has opened the door for the devil who
instigates them to pry into other peoples lives, and what is worse, into
the secrets of God our Lord, which are to be believed with simple faith.
These are heavy burdens that they take upon themselves while relegating
their true responsibilities. While they may be at the present time drunk
with pleasures and pastimes, they will regret it on the Day of Judgment
when their present joy is commuted into sorrow when they appear before
the Lord.22
He takes special issue with clerical absenteeism. He would have those
in command take personal care of the affairs under their jurisdiction.
However, he notes that those who can choose to have someone repre-
sent them should be diligent in identifying qualified aids. They should
choose assistants who are neither ignorant nor passionate like ani-
mals. Instead, they should be wise and God fearing men, who love
truth but despise greed. Still, even when such qualified help has been
secured those who are in command cannot neglect to carry the ark
their officeupon their own shoulders.
He refers to the story of Moses found in Exodus and to illustrate
his point. According to the account, Moses went and worshipped God
with Aaron, Nadab, Abihu, and seventy of the elders of Israel at a dis-
tance from Mount Sinai (cf. Exodus :). Then Moses proceeded to the
mountain to receive the tablets of stone, leaving behind the elders, Aaron,
and Hur as judges over the people to decide any emerging disputes (cf.
Exodus :). However, as the people saw that Moses delayed in com-
ing down from the mountain they asked Aaron to make them gods that
they could worship; a request that Aaron did not refuse (cf. Exodus :
). In relating the story, vila refers to the judges, including Aaron, as

22 Qu carga se puede igualar, por grande que sea, con estar amenazados los que
huyen las buenas cargas, con un da de juicio tan estrecho, que los justos dicen: No entres,
Seor, con tu siervo en juicio (cf. Sal ,); y todos temen el rigor de l, por ser duro,
y ser juicio dursimo. Tercera parte (), p. ; OCNEC, p. :. He supports this
point with scriptural passages from the Gospel of Luke and the Wisdom of Solomon.
The passage from Wisdom :, which he quotes extensively, is particularly interesting:
Abrid vuestras orejas los que regs las muchedumbres de gentes y estis contentos con
enseorear las campaas de las naciones; porque vuestro poder el Seor os lo ha dado,
y vuestra fortaleza el Altsimo. El cual ha de examinar vuestras obras y escudriar
vuestros pensamientos; porque, siendo ministros del reino, no juzgastes derechamente,
ni guardastes la ley de la justicia, ni os gobernastes segn su voluntad. Espantablemente,
y presto, os aparecer; porque juicio dursimo ser hecho a los que tienen mandos; y
al pequeo concedrsele ha misericordia; mas los poderosos poderosamente padecern
tormentos. Tercera parte (), p. ; OCNEC, p. :.
 chapter seven

vicars (vicarios). Hence, in vilas opinion, although Moses left behind

good vicars (buenos vicarios), his absence was damaging since the peo-
ple ended up worshiping a golden calf. vila concludes that the story is
both example and warning of how necessary is the presence of the pas-
tor over his sheep. It is also an eternal scorn, as it admonishes pastors
not to place burdens on anothers shoulders.23
While vila makes the tragedy of Uzzah speak loudly to the clergy, his
preferred means to address the laity is the image of King David, leaping
and dancing before the ark. Kings are to imitate King David, behaving
with reverence and respect before the procession. They should make
confession and receive communion, so that they can be an example for
others. According to vila, the Lord can make use of them in times like
the present when the respect and regard that is due to God has vanished,
and people will stay away from evil only out of fear of being punished.
Kings as well as the leading men of the realm are also important for they
set an example for others to follow. Whether they do good or evil, the rest
of the realm will follow their example.
Kings can accomplish the most for both the realm and the Church
by imitating the example of David. If the king is not as humble as to strip
himself of all royal garments as David did, then he should at least go to the
procession moderately dressed. Neither the king, nor any of the grandees
should have the platforms that they are accustom to having elsewhere, for
they themselves want their vassals not to take these honors when they
are in the palaces and presence of the king or of other lords. In fact, kings
could do better than King David did when he got rid of his royal clothes in
order to wear those of a humble Levite. The king could accomplish this
by enacting laws that moderate the profanity and excess of dress and
jewelry that is rampant during the celebration of Corpus Christi and that
leads to bigger and worse sins. Moreover, even if the king is not as devout
and pious as King David was, whose devotion for God made him drunk
and made him leap and dance, then the king can still imitate Davidin
his careful attention to the divine service. Like David, the king should
appropriately secure the place where the ark can be laid to rest.24
vila uses the story of King David and the procession of the ark to
Jerusalem as a model for the ideal king. Just as King David stripped

23 Eficacsimo ejemplo y aviso de cun necesaria sea la presencia del pastor sobre sus

ovejas, y escarmiento perpetuo, si no lo quieren disimular, para no echar las cargas sobre
solos hombros ajenos. Tercera parte (), p. ; OCNEC, p. :.
24 Tercera parte (), pp. ; OCNEC, p. :.
 the spiritual discipline of public service

himself of his royal attire, the good king strips himself of all symbols of
power when in the presence of the Lord. Thus, the good king will strip
very well (se desnudar muy bien) when he considers that before God
he has no kingdom and that while God could have given the kingdom
to someone else, God gave it to him freely. He will content himself with
being poor and naked and will not be puffed up by the excellence that
God gave to him. Instead, he will attribute the excellence to God and will
humble and humiliate himself before God and before men.25
In this way vila articulates a straightforward criticism of regal power.
Power, argues vila, gives occasion to sin. The powerful man thinks that
he has license to do whatever he wants, the more so the greater the power
that he has. Since kings and nobles are judges of others and there is no
one who judges them, it happens that they become more daring for sin.
Those who truly strip themselves of their royal pomp (aparato real)
do very differently. They understand that their status among the grandees
does not give them license to sin, nor to pronounce idle words. They
feel obliged to live a virtuous life and to refrain from doing evil. They
also understand that they are like mirrors in which others see themselves
reflected, and guides that are followed by many. The public office of kings
entails that they serve in the capacity of public example to be followed by
the realm.26
There is more, however, to the office of the king. vila maintains that
to strip well means that the king takes seriously his charge, as someone
who will be accountable for it before God. He likens the king who leaps
and dances after the fashion of King David with one who is full of Gods
love and carries the burdens of his government with effort and joy.
Interestingly, vila also compares such a king with Judas Maccabeus. In
this case what is to be imitated is the effort and joy of the Jewish hero
in the wars that he carried for the honor of God.27
vilas ascetic ideas about the right preparation of the soul so that
it can serve as an abode for the Holy Spirit also color the way that he
thinks about public office, in particular about the office of the king. The
good king is the one whose sole consideration is the public good. vila
maintains that the king who dances well before the Lord (muy bien
baila ante el Seor) is the one who repeats the words of the Psalmist:

25 Tercera parte (), p. ; OCNEC, p. :.

26 Tercera parte (), p. ; OCNEC, p. :.
27 Tercera parte (), p. ; OCNEC, p. :.
 chapter seven

Aparejado est, Seor, mi corazn (Psalm :).28 The heart of the king
is ready for God when he is willing to serve and to be served; when his
heart is prepared with zeal for justice and to punish offenses as a righteous
judge. Moreover, his heart is ready for God when with fatherly care and
attention he seeks to prevent wrongdoings through good examples, good
works, and by means of the good education of his vassals. He is always
attempting to prevent rather than having to punish offenses. He does not
love to be in command but to be of service and takes the high office as an
opportunity to serve many and not for his own good or benefice. It is here
that he introduces his Christocentric understanding of public service.
The king who dances well is the one whose only care is to be of benefit to
his people, and has offered his treasure, his honor, and life for the public
good, following the example of the Lord who came to minister, and to
give his life a redemption for many (Matthew :).29
As in his comments about the clergy and their burdens, vila also
indicates that the king has his own duties. The good king is not slow
to settle the affairs of the realm for love makes them a light burden to
carry. Although he works like a slave (esclavo), he performs his labors
as both father and pastor (padre y pastor). His ends are neither fame
nor achieving human virtue; his only motivations are to please God and
to receive the eternal kingdom that God has promised to those who
administer well the temporal one.30
vilas ideal of the good king is tempered by the religious realities of
his own time. The good king is a king that serves the Church in the
reformation of morals and in stamping out heresy. He takes care of the
divine service; in particular he looks after the divine sacrament of the
Eucharist with burning love and zeal. vila contends that while it has
always been expected of kings that they provide for the preservation
of the Church, it is especially important at present. For if many have
left the congregation of the Church it is precisely due to a generalized
disregard for the Church, its ministers, and its ceremonies. The king has
to punish all heresies or risk being perceived as approving them. He
should be concerned about the Christian people, that they be protected
from infidels (infieles) and reformed in good morals for they are the

28 Paratum cor meum Deus paratum cor meum, Latin Vulgate, p. ; My heart is

ready, O God, my heart is ready, Psalm :, Douay-Rheims; Tercera parte (), p. ;

OCNEC, p. :.
29 Tercera parte (), p. ; OCNEC, p. :.
30 Tercera parte (), p. ; OCNEC, p. :.
 the spiritual discipline of public service

ark where the Lord dwells. Kings, therefore, must abandon their own
interests and put their shoulders to the task of carrying Gods ark.31
Finally, the grandees of the realm are, like the king, responsible for
serving the church and tending Gods people. They will share in the com-
ing reward in the same proportion as they participate in the governance
of the realm. He remarks that having a special place of honor in pro-
cessions and sanctuaries is not something to be taken lightly. Otherwise,
they who are closer to God in this world will be thrown away the farthest
in the world to come. He observes that some of them will go to the pro-
cession and will serve in diverse capacities, and that they will be close to
the Lord. He then summons them not to attend with hearts stripped
of Gods grace, and wearing the image of the devil. They may have the
exterior semblance of service and love for God; but in reality God can
see that their hearts are in shambles and in ruins. The Lord can see how
abominable their hearts are. Thus, the Lord can justly complain: Este
pueblo con los labios me honra, y su corazn lejos est de m (Matthew
:).32 As customary, vila underscores the deficiency of ceremonies
that are not accompanied by honest and sincere interior fervor. To have
the devil in the soul, vila inquires, and to be near the Lord in the pro-
cession, is this to celebrate a festivity in his honor or to renew his pas-
sion? To the contrary, the proper way for them to attend the procession
is after cleansing, and confessing themselves, walking in reverence, fear,
and trembling.33

The Spirituality of Public Service in His Letters34

vilas letter writing was an important component of his ministry. His

disciples gathered his letters and published them as spiritual treatises.
In the process they attempted to delete all markers of their historical
context, such as dates of composition and names of addressees. Clear-
ly the presence of these markers contradicted the way that they con-
strued vilas spiritual doctrine. Names and dates made clear that his
letters addressed particular needs arising from particular circumstances.

31 Tercera parte (), p. ; OCNEC, p. :.

32 This people honoureth me with their lips: but their heart is far from me. Matthew
:, Douay-Rheims.
33 Tercera parte (), pp. ; OCNEC, p. :.
34 I am following the enumeration of the letters found in the Nueva edicin crtica.
 chapter seven

However, his disciples wanted to present his letters as of universal appli-

cation. It is as if in their minds his spiritual doctrine consisted of princi-
ples of universal applicability that could be appropriated in different cir-
cumstances. Perhaps they were correct in understanding that vilas let-
ters could be read with profit by others besides those whom he originally
addressed. Nevertheless, their editorial effort obscured the particularity
of vilas spirituality.
His spirituality of public service is an idiosyncratic dimension of his
asceticism that can be gleaned from some of his letters.35 His ideas on
this point were intended to guide the clergy in the fulfillment of their
primordially pastoral responsibilities. He also addressed the laity and
charted for them a path to reconcile their secular vocations with their
lay spiritual aspirations. The contribution of vila in this regard was the
generation of a specific language and imagery. The terminology could
in turn help public servants to imagine the secular vocation in terms
analogous to those used by the clergy in relation to their own religious
vocation.
vilas effort was guided by his envisioning of early modern Spanish
society after the image of the corpus christianum. Hence, in his letter to
the residents of Utrera he endeavored to conciliate differences between
magistrates and other members of the village.36 It is not clear what
was the exact source of tensions among the neighbors of Utrera, nor
if all the villagers were affected by the dissension or just some of the
families. It is apparent, however, that at the heart of the conflict were
diverging perceptions of authority, service, and deference to established
authority. Perhaps, in light of vilas wording, the conflict turned around
an unaddressed legal grievance related to a dispute over land. In any case,
he seeks to harmonize their differences by inviting the residents to enact
the ideal of the corpus christianum.
Central to vilas appeal to the residents of Utrera is his interpretation
of Christs sacrifice as a service to humanity. The opening salutation of
the letter is quickly followed by a prayer in which he addresses God, and

35 The point was clearly made by Fray Luis de Granada in his Vida: Y lo que entre estas

cosas ms nos maravilla es que no solo tena esta facultad y gracia en la materia de las
cosas espirituales, de que el tenia experiencia, sino tambin en las que pertenecen al buen
gobierno de una repblica cristiana. Como claramente se ve en una larga carta [i.e. letter
eleven] que escribi al asistente de Sevilla, en la cual le da tantos avisos y documentos para
el buen gobierno de ella, como si toda la vida hubiera gastado en negocios de repblica.
Obras (), p. v.
36 OCNEC, pp. :.
 the spiritual discipline of public service

praises the Lord for his service in the cross. He quotes Isaiah :,
a passage which he attributes to Jesus and translates in the following
terms: Servir me hiciste por tus pecados y trabajo me diste en tus
maldades. According to his rendering, Christ became a servant because
of humanitys many sins, and its many transgressions turned into his
labors. By vilas reckoning man was a slave (siervo) of his own sins
and yet it was Christ who suffered the chastisement. Man ate from the
sweet apple, vila comments, and caused sourness to the Just one. Jesus
forced himself to serve for our sins. It is for this reason that vila calls
Jesus, eternal God and servant of men.37
He underscores the servant character of Jesus by invoking two addi-
tional biblical passages. In the first one, found in Matthew :, Jesus
himself declares that he did not come to be ministered unto, but to min-
ister, and to give his life a redemption for many.38 Nevertheless, it is the
second biblical passage that serves him as the basis to bring together the
opposing parties at Utrera. He paraphrases Luke : in order to adapt
it to his prayer:
Y djiste, Seor, que quien era mayor que se hiciese menor, y quien presida,
como quien fuese esclavo, a semejanza de ti, que tanto te abajaste a servir
a los hombres, no tan slo con buenas palabras, mas con recios azotes y
muerte de cruz.39
vila uses the passage from Luke to delineate the responsibilities of each
group of people, i.e. those who are older (mayores) and those who are
younger (menores). Clearly, vila is not addressing age differences but
differences in authority and social status that have resulted in significant
tensions among the residents of the village. Accordingly, he calls on
the mayores to moderate their power by following the example of
Christ. The kind of officials that fall within the purview of the mayores
is manifestly transparent. He is addressing regidores and jueces de
pueblo, i.e. magistrates. He calls them to seek after the common good
even at the expense of their own fortunes (haciendas) and lives. They
should follow the example of the good shepherd who gave his life for

37 OCNEC, p. :.
38 Y quin no se confunde de su soberbia oyendo decir al Hijo de la Virgen que no
vino a ser servido, sino a servir y dar su nima en rescate de muchos? OCNEC, p. :.
39 And you said, Lord, that he who was older should become the youngest, and he

who presided, as if he was a slave, after your likeness, who lowered yourself much in
order to serve men, not only with good words, but with harsh lashes and death of the
cross, emphasis in the original, OCNEC, p. :.
 chapter seven

his sheep. They already resemble him in their dignity (dignidad); now
they have to become like him in his love. You have a public office,
vila points out, dont have a particular heart; dont be after that which
matters to you alone, but that which matters to all, even if with your own
prejudice.40
He upholds the character of public service as a path to perfection. It is,
moreover, a path that benefits the whole and cannot be sought for private
gain. The place of perfection that you have, vila maintains, is for the
benefit of all, and for you to reach an agreement on the common good
while casting aside your own.41 God has not ordained the people for the
benefit of the magistrates. To the contrary, God has ordained magistrates
for the benefit of the people. The reward and the respite for their work as
administrators come from God. At present they should expect nothing
but hard labors for the public good they do and opposition for handing
out justice. God can reward them properly as long as they are willing to
lose in this world for the gain of the sheep which God has entrusted
to them. The reward for their service will not be lacking as long as their
loyalty remains true. He concludes by quoting the Wisdom of Solomon:
Presto y espantablemente os aparecer Dios, porque juicio duro ser
hecho a los que tienen mandos (Wisdom :).42
In turning his attention to those who are younger (menores), he
underscores their responsibility in the realization of the common good.
God has placed them under the yoke (yugo) of those who are older.
Just like the magistrates are called to love them as their own children,
they are called to revere magistrates as their parents. He draws on Pauls
words found in Romans: Wherefore be subject of necessity, not only for
wrath, but also for conscience sake (Romans :). According to vila,
the Pauline injunction means that Christians should be subject to mag-
istrates, even if the latter are infidels. The injunction acquires increasing
strength when magistrates have a part in the faith of Jesus Christ and
are heirs of Gods kingdom. Since Paul indicates that Christians should
be subject to magistrates not only because of wrath but also because of
conscience, vila concludes that the Lord is pleased by reverence and
obedience from the heart toward those who rule. Accordingly, those who

40 OCNEC, p. :.
41 OCNEC, p. :.
42 Horribly and speedily will he appear to you: for a most severe judgment shall be

for them that bear rule. Wisdom :, Douay-Rheims; OCNEC, p. :.

 the spiritual discipline of public service

are older should be benign with those who are younger, but the latter
should not despise the former on account of their condescendence.43
He then addresses both segments of the citizenry of Utrera. He quotes
the words of the dominical prayer: Quiero, Padre, que sean una cosa, as
como t y yo somos una cosa (John :).44 He calls them to avoid all
divisions, and to be one by keeping the unity of the heart. Let there be no
division, vila enjoins the citizens of the Andalusian town, among those
called to holy Christendom, which is called kingdom of God.45 Divisions
are a doing from hell, but there should be no dispute among the children
of peace; no annoyance among those who hope to have the kingdom
of God for a blessing. Above all, there should be no envy among those
who are members of one body. In this way, the people of Utrera should
embody the ideal of the Christian body, by imitating Christ who after
washing the feet of his disciples told them: Ejemplo os he dado, que ans
como yo he hecho, as hagis vosotros (John :).46
After a series of biblical injunctions, he closes the letter with a succes-
sion of practical admonitions. They should look after the sick and enter-
tain them, after the hungry and needy, and help them. They should give
land, and in return receive heaven. He also admonishes them to con-
fess and communicate frequently [a menudo]. In short, they should be
friends of the word of God, reading, speaking, and doing it, they should
love each other and all of them will be wealthy.47
vila is able to draw important parallels between Christ and those
in public office, in this way enabling public servants to envision their
vocations in spiritual terms. One of the figures used by him is that of
the seat (silla) of honor. In letter number thirteen, A un seor de
estos reinos, he uses the metaphor of the chair of Christ to instruct a
courtier about suitable preparations for lent.48 He praises the noble man
for abandoning the court and coming to his place of residence in order
to observe the liturgical season. He likens the spiritual preparations that
the season calls for to the bitter herbs (lechugas amargas) that the

43 Ibid.
44 And the glory which thou hast given me, I have given to them; that they may be
one, as we also are one. John :, Douay-Rheims; Ibid.
45 No haya divisinque es cosa del infiernoentre los llamados a la santa cristian-

dad que se llama reino de Dios. OCNEC, p. :.

46 For I have given you an example, that as I have done to you, so you do also. John

:, Douay-Rheims; OCNEC, p. :.
47 OCNEC, pp. :.
48 Epistolario (), pp. rv; OCNEC, pp. .
 chapter seven

people of Israel were instructed to eat on the occasion of their departure

from Egypt (cf. Exodus :).49 For Lent, according to vila, is a season
to undo with penitence the evil dealings of the previous year, so that,
having removed all sins, the sorrows of Christ can be freely embraced.50
Evidently, in vilas estimation membership in the Spanish nobility
systemeither as a hidalgo, a caballero villano, one of the ricos hombres,
or even as the kingis not an unconditional privilege. Hence, he who
loves God works arduously to remove sin from his life. He who is respon-
sible for others, on the other hand, works even harder to remove sin from
his life and the lives of those under his care.51 That is the advice that he
gives to the courtier in this letter. The ability to loath sin is a gift that
comes from God. In order to receive it he must ask for it from the heart,
with humility, and faith. He should seek after such singular gift by doing
good works, fasting, praying, giving alms, and paying all debts. Above all,
he should look after the cause of his vassals, without leaning to one side
or the other. His courtier friend is a deputy (lugarteniente) of God in
relation to his vassals, and as such he should be like God in his dealings
with them, in getting ready to suffer rather than causing suffering, and to
remain unmoved by his passions.52
Moreover, his friend sits in a place of honor. vila therefore reasons
that whoever sits in someone elses place must somehow resemble the
seats legitimate holder. The courtier sits in the place of the Lord in regards
to honor. It is only fair for him to share in the Lords burden and in the
Lords zeal for the common good.53 No one finds fault in a lord who acts in
such a way, just like no one finds fault with God. The good lord is with the
people as the soul is with the body; he lessens the peoples grief, enlivens
them, warms and gives sustenance to them. In this way, by becoming
like Christ, who sought after the wellbeing of his own with hard labor
and personal loss, he may go on to reign with Christ forever.54

49 Epistolario (), p. v; OCNEC, p. :.

50 Epistolario (), p. v; OCNEC, p. :.
51 Porque el amador de Dios si tiene entraable aborrecimiento al pecado, trabaja por

lo alanzar de s, y de los otros, deseando que la honra de Dios vaya siempre adelante, y
que en todos reinase l, pues a todos cri, y por todos muri. Epistolario (), p. v;
OCNEC, p. :.
52 Epistolario (), p. v; OCNEC, p. :.
53 Qu razn es, que quien est en la silla de uno, sea semejable a l, y pues en la honra

tiene el lugar de nuestro seor, tngalo en la carga, tngalo en el celo del bien comn.
Epistolario (), pp. rv; OCNEC, p. :.
54 Ninguno hay por dichoso que sea, que no sienta provecho y consuelo de tener tal

seor, como ninguno hay en el mundo que no sienta provecho de Dios. Es el seor con
 the spiritual discipline of public service

It is very unlikely that vila has in mind the impoverished hidalgos of

his time. Nevertheless, he sees each member of the nobility as embodying
two distinctive persons: one particular or private, and the other public.
In regards to their public persona, members of the nobility, and not
just the king, sit in the place of honor of Christ and they are deputies
(lugartenientes) of God. Moreover, they are to follow two distinctive
regimes of spiritual exercises, one for the private and the other for the
public person.
In letter number twelve, Carta del autor a un seor de estos reinos,
vila describes the stringencies of the spiritual discipline of public per-
sons.55 The circumstances that prompted the letter are obscure. The let-
ter, nonetheless, is a typical example of his doctrinal letters, in which he
addresses questions related to doctrine, or spiritual discipline. Usually
there is little or no evidence of specific situations motivating him to write
the letter, other than providing the addressee with spiritual advice.
vila exalts the importance of self-knowledge in the first part of the
letter. It gives expression to the same form of Christian Socratism that
permeates his Audi, filia. He quotes Augustines Soliloquiorum and argues
that the two chief petitions of any Christian are self-knowledge and
knowledge of God.56 Hence, in the first part of the letter he sketches a
rule of life for the cultivation of self-knowledge and the contemplation
of God. He does not separate one from the other, but conceives them
as inextricably related. Lets know ourselves, vila exclaims, and we
shall be known by God. He portrays self-knowledge as a process of self-
examination which he in turn describes in forensic terms including trial
and conviction, and eventually leading to Gods acquittal. It also involves
awareness of personal misery and a concomitant compassion for fellow
human beings.57

el pueblo como el nima con el cuerpo; halo de consolar, avivar, calentar, sustentar, y
entraablemente amar, y sentir mucho lo que al pueblo acaece, como siente el nima lo
que al cuerpo se hace. Para que siendo semejable al seor Jesucristo, que busc el bien de
los suyos, aunque con trabajo y perdida propia, vaya a reinar con l para siempre, adonde
de por bien empleados los trabajos que ac hubiere pasado. Epistolario (), p. v;
OCNEC, p. :.
55 Epistolario (), pp. rv; OCNEC, pp. :.
56 Dos cosas peda en el tiempo pasado el bienaventurado San Agustn a nuestro

Seor, diciendo: Dame, Seor, que me conozca, y te conozca. Epistolario (), p. r;

OCNEC, p. :; Noverim me, noverim te. Augustine of Hippo, Soliloquiorum, PL :
.
57 Conozcamos pues y seremos conocidos de Dios. Juzgumonos y condenmonos

y seremos absueltos por Dios. Pongamos los ojos sobre nuestras faltas, y luego todo nos
 chapter seven

Nonetheless, in vilas view his addressee is in need of additional

advice that is specific to his station in life. Hence, towards the end of
the letter he provides some general words of counsel on how to conduct
his public life in a fitting way before the Lord. The first part of the letter
is sufficient for anyone who wants to come closer to God. However,
vila remarks to his noble correspondent, since in your lordship are
two persons, you need two rules. The first rule is sufficient for his
particular person (persona particular), but a second is required for
his public person, for he is in charge of many.58 He argues that there
are many good Christians who are poor lords. To be a good Christian is
a prerequisite to being a good lord, but it is insufficient. To be a good lord
demands a stronger effort. Curiously, he calls on the example of Eli, the
Old Testament priest of Shiloh (cf. Kings ::). He observes that
Eli was a devout man of God, according to his particular person; but he
was a poor father, and therefore, a poor priest.59
Still, Jesus Christ is the best model to follow in the fulfillment of the
public office. Indeed, Christ is the finest mirror (espejo) in which he
who is the lord of many can contemplate himself. For Christ is Lord
of men and angels, and, in this sense, every human lord represents
the person of Christ.60 He reiterates the point made in the previous
letter; those who occupy the place of another somehow participate in the
attributes of the places legitimate holder. According to vila, the lord of
vassals is the deputy [lugarteniente] of God. In turn, God has ordered
that there be good ones (buenos) on earth to rule and be in charge,

sobrar. Consideremos nuestras miserias, y aprenderemos a ser piadosos en las ajenas.

Porque segn la escritura dice: De lo que hay en ti aprenders lo que hay en tu prjimo.
Epistolario (), p. v; I am following the reading adopted by the editors of the Nueva
edicin crtica due to its congruence with the longer passage: Conozcamonos, pues, y
seremos conocidos de Dios. OCNEC, p. :.
58 Esto me parece muy ilustre seor que bastaba para comienzo de una persona que

se quiere llegar a Dios. Ms porque en vuestra seora hay dos personas, tiene necesidad
de dos reglas. En cuanto es persona particular, basta lo dicho. En cuanto es persona que
tiene cargo de tantos, es necesario que mas y mas mire por si. Epistolario (), p. v;
OCNEC, p. :.
59 Bueno era Eli en cuanto a su persona, mas no era bueno en cuanto a sus hijos,

pues los dejo de castigar, y fue el gravemente castigado de Dios, de manera que bondad
doblada han menester los seores, pues tienen la persona doblada. Epistolario (),
pp. vr; OCNEC, p. :.
60 En cuanto a esto segundo, que es ser persona de todos, parece que otro espejo no

hay mejor en que el seor de otros se mire, que es en el Seor de hombres y ngeles, cuya
persona representa. Epistolario (), p. r; OCNEC, p. :.
 the spiritual discipline of public service

and others to obey. Following Paul, he contends that whoever resists the
deputies of God is in fact resisting Gods established order (cf. Romans
:).61
It is mainly through the administration of justice and exemplary be-
havior that vila conceives the nobilitys role in governance. Thus, while
addressing his interlocutor vila intimates that as one who rules he
cannot be partial in the administration of justice. He has to follow the
example of God who did not side with his own son, but instead made
him the object of chastisement for the sins of humanity. He has to be
straightforward in his judgments, showing no favoritism in his deci-
sions. The entire realm (republica) would be lost if public matters were
treated as private affairs. As soon as he starts acting according to his
private interests he has forfeited his public character. Neither can he
take the interests of others as his own and neglect the public inter-
est.62
Certainly, Christ is a paragon (dechado) for all, not only as regards
private conscience, but also in what it has to do with the public person.
He was and still is king, although not by the standards of this world.
Christs climatic and chief example as public person was his suffering and
death in the cross. Then, when he was at the seat of the cross (silla
de la cruz), he provided the standard for public conduct. vila draws
attention to Jesuss words to Mary, as stated by the gospel writer: Mujer,
veis ah tu hijo (John :).63Jesuss attitude of resignation toward his
mother is to vilas mind the finest instance of his love for his public
mission. According to vila, Jesus was indicating with his words that
whoever is in the seat of a public person ought to relinquish any private
love, even the love of ones own mother.64 In fact, on every occasion that

61 Y quien a estos resiste, dice San Pablo, a la ordenacin de Dios resiste, el cual dejo

todas las cosas debajo de orden. Epistolario (), p. r; Compare to the reading of
the Nueva edicion crtica: Y quien a stos resiste, dice San Pablo ad Romanos, cap. , qui
resistit potestati, Dei ordinationi resistit (Rom ,), el cual dej todas las cosas debajo de
orden. OCNEC, p. :.
62 Epistolario (), p. v; OCNEC, pp. :.
63 Woman, behold thy son. John :, Douay-Rheims; Epistolario (), p. r;

OCNEC, p. :.
64 Cristo dechado es de todos, no solo cuanto toca a la conciencia particular, mas aun

cuanto toca a ser persona pblica. Porque l fue Rey y es, aunque no a la hechura de este
mundo. Mas estando en la silla de la cruz dijo a su madre: Mujer veis ah tu hijo. Para
dar a entender, que quien est en silla de persona pblica ha de renunciar todo particular
amor, aunque de su propia madre sea. Epistolario (), p. r; OCNEC, p. :.
 chapter seven

Jesus dealt harshly with Mary, his sole intention was to teach his disciples
this specific point, namely how much we must guard ourselves from our
own private affections.65
He concludes his letter by affirming that the nobility is a rule unto
itself to be followed by the people. In contrast to his many efforts to draw
analogies between God and the nobility, he is also very eager to make
clear that the nobles are not, so to speak, little gods. Thus, he contends
that God has placed the nobility (los seores) to execute Gods laws
and divine will, and not to do as they please. If they are called lords
(seores), it is because they are under the universal Lord. In relation to
the universal Lord they are like vassals, and as such their power is as
limited (tan limitado el poder) as that of their own vassals.66 They are,
moreover, to see themselves as a rule placed by God for all to see.67 As
such they are responsible, just like the clergy, for the spiritual wellbeing
of the realm. In the particular case of his noble friend, vila advises him
to conduct all his dealings in agreement with the law of Christ, for in this
way his vassals by imitating him will be imitating Christ.68
In letters twelve and thirteen vila instructs members of the nobility
on their role as public servants. He also endeavors to explain their secular
vocation in theological terms, emphasizing the spiritual character of their
vocation. These letters, however, are very general and devoid of specific
applications of the principles that he lays out for his readers. Letter eleven,
on the other hand, is enriched with examples as it addresses practical
issues of governance.69 Moreover, as Fray Luis de Granada observed in his
Vida, the letter was written for a public servant in the city of Sevilla.70 The
public servant in question was an asistente, and he performed functions
analogous to that of a corregidor. The editors of the Nueva edicin crtica
have dated the letter to around and have suggested that it was
addressed to Francisco Chacn, asistente in Sevilla from to .71

65 Y este ejemplo nos dio el, cuando algunas veces responda speramente a su madre
bendita, para decirnos cuanto nos debemos guardar de nuestras particulares afecciones,
aunque otros se enojen, y nosotros suframos alguna pena, antes que siguindolas descon-
tentar a Dios. Epistolario (), p. r; OCNEC, p. :.
66 Y si se dicen seores, son debajo de universal seor, en cuya comparacin son tan

vasallos como sus vasallos, y tiene tan limitado el poder como ellos, cuanto toca a torcer
de lo que debe hacer. Epistolario (), p. v; OCNEC, p. :.
67 Epistolario (), p. vr; OCNEC, p. :.
68 Epistolario (), p. r; OCNEC, p. :.
69 Epistolario (), p. rr; OCNEC, pp. :.
70 Obras (), p. v.
71 OCNEC, p. :.
 the spiritual discipline of public service

Letter eleven is by far the most elaborate of those dealing with ques-
tions of governance and public service. It includes many of the main
points made in letters twelve and thirteen. However, contrary to his other
letters, vila does not limit his argument to scriptural sources. In letter
eleven he makes references to classic philosophers such as Plato, Aristo-
tle, and Seneca. He also draws on Jerome, Pope Gregory the Great, and
the glossa ordinaria. The Platonic influence is clear, as noted by Fray Luis
de Granada who remarked that if vilas counsels had been followed the
Spaniards would have a republic better organized than that traced by
Plato.72
Many of the themes underlying his spirituality of public service, as
evidenced in the previous two letters, are dealt with in letter eleven. For
instance, he again calls Jesus the paragon (dechado) of public servants.
Jesus is the rule of life for the laity as a whole, but public servants are
subject to a more exacting discipline. As stated in letter twelve, those in
public office are to follow two rules. In letter eleven he maintains that
Jesus is a paragon for both small and big (pequeos y grandes). To
the small Jesus is the shining example that shows them how to live, as
they are only concerned with their own spiritual welfare. The grandes
Jesus teaches not to forget their personal obligations while taking care
of governance and the welfare of others. To be good for oneself but not
for others is an imperfection. But the way of perfection is to be good for
others without neglecting ones own spiritual welfare.73
His use of the term grandes is far from innocent. His spirituality
of public service is intended for the ruling class, i.e. the nobility and
urban patrician families. Accordingly he adds that he who endures this
discipline shall be call grande in the kingdom of heaven: Y aquel ser
llamado grande en el reino de los cielos (Matthew :).74

72 Obras (), p. v.
73 Y como la grandeza de este seor es muy grande, es dado por ejemplo a pequeos
y grandes. A unos para que sepan vivir teniendo cuenta consigo solos; a otros para que
no olvidando sus propias obligaciones tengan cuidado de la gobernacin y provecho de
otros. Porque el ser bueno para s solo, cosa imperfecta es, y el ser bueno para otros, y no
para s, cosa es daosa. Y aquel ser llamado grande en el reino de los cielos que siendo
l bueno procure de hacer lo mismo a los otros, teniendo tanta vigilancia que cumpla
con entrambas obligaciones, sin que la obligacin de mirar por s le haga estrecho para
contentarse con ellas, ni el cuidado de mirar por los otros le haga aflojar el cuidado de s.
Epistolario (), pp. rv; OCNEC, pp. :.
74 He therefore that shall break one of these least commandments, and shall so teach

men, shall be called the least in the kingdom of heaven. But he that shall do and teach, he
 chapter seven

As in the previous letters, vila bases the secular vocation of public

servants on the sacrificial death of Jesus Christ. He calls Jesuss death in
the cross an exercise in public service. He also contends that Jesus gave
himself up for the public good of humanity. As he indicates:
Desnudo fue puesto el hijo de Dios en la cruz, cuando ejercito oficio
pblico, ofrecindose en ella por el bien pblico del gnero humano. Y
el oficio publico cruz es y desnudo de todos los afectos propios, y vestido
del amor de los muchos, ha de estar el que en esta cruz hubiere de subir
para imitar al Hijo de Dios, y que su cruz sea provechosa para si, y para los
otros.75
vila is in effect raising the bar for public servants. His characterization
of the work of Christ in the cross as a public service for the public
good of humanity provides an intimate connection between the office of
Christ and the office of public servants. Both are defined by their public
orientation, sacrificial character, and divine ordination. He brings the
point home by calling the public office a cross and describes the function
of the public servant in terms that are directly borrowed from the passion
and death of Christ.
Another topic that he visits in this letter is that of Jesuss treatment
of Mary. He cites Jesuss words to Mary on the occasion of the wedding
in Cana of Galilee, prior to his miraculous transmutation of water into
wine: Mujer, que a mi contigo? (John :).76 He argues that Jesus,
through his harsh treatment of Mary, intended to teach his disciples the
non-private character of the public office. Public servants should not give
up the public good under pressure, just as Jesus did not perform the
miracle immediately after Marys intercession. Jesus was able to overlook
his love for Mary. Instead, he waited for the right moment to perform
the miracle, when it befitted the honor of God.77 In a similar fashion,

shall be called great in the kingdom of heaven. Matthew :, Douay-Rheims; Epistolario

(), p. v; OCNEC, p. :.
75 The Son of God was fixed naked on the cross when he exercised public service,

offering himself on the cross for the public good of the human race. The public office is
also a cross. He who is placed upon this cross should be stripped of all personal affections
and dressed with love for the many, in order to imitate the Son of God and that his cross
be beneficial for him and for others. Epistolario (), p. v; OCNEC, pp. :.
76 And the wine failing, the mother of Jesus saith to him: They have no wine. And

Jesus saith to her: Woman, what is that to me and to thee? my hour is not yet come. John
:, Douay-Rheims.
77 Y a todo aquello que a esto le contradijere desconocerlo, por muy conocido y

amado que sea, y decirles lo que el seor dijo a su benditsima madre, Mujer, qu a
m contigo? Qu parentesco? Qu conjuncin puede haber ms ntima que la que el
 the spiritual discipline of public service

public servants should overcome their private affections and seek to

honor God by serving the public good.
There are, nevertheless, several other doctrinal articulations that are
original to letter eleven. For example, in this letter he defines the purpose
or end of good government. He warns that those who participate in
public service should relinquish false ideas about what government is all
about. Specifically, good government is not about restoring city walls,
paving streets, providing sustenance, and, in the best of cases, providing
good chastisement for bad behavior as well as giving to each one his
due in litigations.78 Certainly, these are all good and praiseworthy tasks
pertaining to government. However, government pursues a higher end.
Calling on the authority of the philosophers (los filosofos), he sur-
mises that the end of every republic is to make virtuous citizens. In a
specifically Christian republic, the purpose of good government is to
inculcate every citizen with the most excellent good, namely Christian
virtue. In order to accomplish this end the public servant must be guided
by the love of Gods honor and of the public good, which ought to impel
the public servant to perform the petty functions of government as well
as to rise up to the task of elevating the citizenship to the perfection of
Christian virtue.79 His views on the relation between spiritual and tem-
poral power go back to Pope Gelasius I (r. ).80 So he concludes
by stating that temporal power and government shall serve for the edi-
fication of souls, while being subject to the rules of the spiritual power.81

Hijo de Dios tena con su benditsima madre? Y cuando se ofreci que convena a la
honra del Padre, que eternalmente lo engendr, que el milagro se hiciese, no cuando era
pedido, desconoce tal hijo a tal madre. Para darnos ejemplo de tener cuenta con lo que
Dios quiere, sin tenerla poco ni mucho con lo que a esto contradijere. Epistolario (),
pp. rv; OCNEC, p. :.
78 Con la cual verdad se deben desengaar los que piensan que lo principal de la

buena gobernacin consiste en restaurar los muros de la ciudad, en empedrar las calles,
proveer de mantenimientos, y a lo mas, castigar bien los delitos y dar a cada uno lo suyo
cuando traen pleito. Epistolario (), p. v; OCNEC, p. :.
79 Y para esto sirve el amor de la honra de Dios y del bien pblico, para hacer que no se

contente el hombre con hacer estas cosas pocas, sino que pretenda con todo su corazn,
y [sic] que Dios sea servido y no ofendido y que los ciudadanos alcancen el bien ms
excelente que es la virtud, y virtud cristiana. Epistolario (), p. r; OCNEC, p. :.
80 Duo sunt quippe, imperator auguste, quibus principaliter mundus hic regitur,

auctoritas sacrata pontificium et regalis potestas, in quibus tanto gravius pondus est
sacerdotum, quanto etiam pro ipsis regibus hominum in divino reddituri sunt examine
rationem. Gelasius I, Famuli vestrae pietatis, in Denzinger, p. .
81 Porque ya que en lumbre natural es cosa muy clara que lo que debe pretender el

que gobierna repblica es la virtud humana, y conversacin pacfica de los ciudadanos.

Mas en la lumbre cristiana tambin es cosa cierta que, como el fin que nos demuestra la
 chapter seven

vila also introduces one of his most intriguing propositions about

public service. Based on the assumption that love of Gods honor and of
the public good ought to drive public service, he suggests that public ser-
vants can act outside the established legal framework. His proposition
can be easily read as an early-modern anticipation of nineteenth-century
legal theories of the state of exception, such as the one that Juan Donoso
Corts developed.82 According to vila, the good public servant is not
bound by the narrowness of particular laws. Instead, the good public
servant lives within the latitude of love, which includes both the duty
of justice and the duty of charity. He observes that very often the gover-
nors of republics circumscribe their function to address those wrongdo-
ings that are forbidden by particular laws. They seldom understand that
they also have a duty under the law of the love Gods honor and of the
public good.83
He illustrates the difference between the duty of justice and the duty
of charity. With few exceptions, under the duty of justice no one is
duty-bound to lend money to her neighbor, or to prevent some harm,
nor to correct a transgression. However, the law of charity requires more
than the law of justice. The law of charity condemns with eternal punish-
ment those who transgress against it, even if they are absolved by the law
of justice. The law of charity in itself has the power to demand the pre-
vention of irreparable temporal and/or spiritual harm from happening to
fellow human beings.84 Accordingly, because the public servant is subject
to the love of Gods honor and the love of the public good, he has the duty

fe es ms excelente que el que demuestra la lumbre natural, as el poder y gobernacin

temporal ha de servir pa[ra] la edificacin de las nimas y ser sujeto a las reglas del poder
espiritual. Epistolario (), p. r; OCNEC, p. :.
82 Juan Donoso Corts, Proyecto de ley sobre estados excepcionales, in Obras de Don

Juan Donoso Corts, ed. Gavino Tejado (Madrid: Imprenta de Tejado, ), pp. :
.
83 An hay ms cosas para que sirva el amor a la persona pblica que lo quisiere ser

como debe ser. Y es una de ellas no estar atado a la estrechura de leyes particulares, mas
vivir en el [sic] anchura del amor, que comprehende la obligacin de justicia y obligacin
de caridad. Digo esto porque algunos que gobiernan repblicas tienen tan limitado su
celo que no se extienden sino a quitar aquellos delictos que por leyes particulares estn
vedados, y no entienden la obligacin en que les pone la ley del amor de la honra de Dios
y del bien pblico, aun de la persona particular. Epistolario (), pp. rv; OCNEC,
pp. :.
84 Cierto es que un prjimo no es obligado por obligacin de justicia a prestar dineros

a otro, aunque est en gran necesidad, ni a evitarle un dao, ni a corregirle de un pecado,

si no hubiese alguna particular obligacin por ser su padre o cura, etc. Mas la ley de la
caridad obliga ms que la ley de la justicia, y condenay con pena eternalal que la
 the spiritual discipline of public service

to address everything that falls under the jurisdiction of particular laws.

The public servant also has the duty to prevent all affronts against Gods
honor as well as all conspicuous public harm, even if not required to do
so under existing laws.85 Therefore, the public servant may be required
by the law of charity (natural law) to act outside of the established legal
framework (positive law).
He concludes the letter by calling the attention of his addressee to
several areas of public interest. Among these is the recurrence of perjury
among public servants. vila is particularly troubled by what he perceives
as a rampant problem among scribes.86 He takes issue with the excessive
fees that scribes were charging for their services, in violation of the oath
they made to observe fees that the crown had established.87 The same
preoccupation appears in his letter to Archbishop Pedro Guerrero, dated
to around .88 On both occasions he recommends that scribes be
spared the oath so that they may not incur perjury. In letter eleven he also
indicates that other officers involved with the dispensation of justice are
guilty of the same transgression. He specifically mentions the alguaciles
del campo, guardas de montes, and members of the city council. In his
view perjury erodes the moral fiber of the realm and should be stamped
out.89
He mentions other areas that need immediate attention. These areas
are schools, houses of prostitution, and jails. He recommends that public
funds be used to reform these institutions. He laments the situation of

quebranta, aunque la ley de la justicia le absuelva. Porque la misma ley del amor, ella sola
por s tiene fuerzas para obligar a evitar el dao notable del prximo temporal y a fortiori,
el espiritual. Epistolario (), p. v; OCNEC, p. :.
85 Y a semejanza de esto, como a la persona pblica le est encomendada la honra de

Dios, y el provecho pblico, tiene obligacin de remediar unas cosas limitadas por leyes
particulares, y otras por esta general obligacin que tiene de evitar deshonras de Dios, y
daos notables pblicos. Epistolario (), pp. vr; OCNEC, p. :.
86 For a discussion of scribes and their social mobility in mid-sixteenth century Spain

see Carol D. Harllee, Pull Yourself Up by Your Inkwell: Pedro de Madariagas Honra
de escribanos () and Social Mobility, Bulletin of Spanish Studies (), pp.
; Aznar Vallejos discusses the contrast between aranceles reales and local costs of
services offered by scribes in early sixteenth-century Gran Canaria. See id., Aranceles de
escribanos y nivel de vida en Gran Canaria (), Revista de historia canaria
(), pp. .
87 Los que en este caso ms desenfrenados estn son los escribanos, que jurando todos

de guardar el arancel de estos reinos, casi ninguno lo guarda. Epistolario (), p. v;

OCNEC, p. :.
88 Al seor Don Pedro Guerrero, Arzobispo de Granada, OCNEC, pp. :.
89 Epistolario (), pp. rr; OCNEC, pp. :.
 chapter seven

schools, and counsels that good teachers be hired at the expense of the
city. All teachers should be instructed by the clergy on doctrinal and
moral questions. A special chapel should be instituted for school-age
children and teachers should be in charge of ensuring that children attend
mass on Sundays and festivals.90
His reform ideas in other areas like prostitution and jail sentences
are worth noting. Although he desires the conversion of prostitutes, he
argues that prostitution is a necessary evil that helps prevent certain men
from committing worse transgressions.91 His chief complaint is against
the padres who oversee the citys brothels. The office of padre appears to
have been implemented first in Granada around and later officially
instituted in Sevilla by public ordinance of May .92 Padres were
appointed by brothel owners and confirmed by the city council.93 He
contends that padres often receive women as a form of payment and
that they also lend irresponsible amounts of money that women cannot
pay back, contrary to the city ordinance.94 Consequently, padres have
a vested interest in prostitution and are opposed to the conversion of
the women involved.95 He recommends that a God fearing man be
hired at the expense of the city to look after prostitutes and ensure that
all city ordinances be observed.96A well paid public servant would lack
the incentive to perpetuate prostitution. Finally, he advises that prison

90 Epistolario (), pp. vr; OCNEC, pp. :.

91 Las casas pblicas de ruines mujeres se permiten para remedio de la concupiscen-
cia carnal que pone en aprieto al hombre flaco parta hacer mayor mal, si no se apaga con
aquel menor. Epistolario (), p. r; OCNEC, p. :.
92 Francisco Vzquez Garca and Andrs Moreno Mengbar, Poder y prostitucin en

Sevilla, siglos XIV al XX (Seville: Universidad de Sevilla, ), pp. .

93 Ibid.
94 In her study of prostitution in sixteenth and seventeenth-century Sevilla, Mary

Elizabeth Perry observes that fathers, brothers, boyfriends, or husbands sold women
into brothels for ten or twenty ducats. Mary Elizabeth Perry, Lost Women in Early
Modern Seville: The Politics of Prostitution, Feminist Studies . (), pp. ,
here p. .
95 El que se llama padre de ellas es muy perjudicial porque este las trae cuando no

las hay, y otras veces las recibe en empeo, y otras les empresta l ms cantidad de lo que
la pragmtica real manda, y de aqu viene impedir l la conversin de ellas, y tambin lo
mucho que deben. Epistolario (), pp. vr; OCNEC, p. :.
96 Convena que se buscase un hombre temeroso de Dios, y fuese puesto en aquel

oficio y le pagasen suficiente salario, sin que pudiese llevar ms, ora hubiese muchas
mujeres, ora pocas; y no interesando ste nada, cesaran los inconvenientes ya dichos,
y tambin dara noticia de los rufianes, que no es pequeo provecho. Epistolario (),
pp. rv; OCNEC, pp. :.
 the spiritual discipline of public service

sentences be short and that jails be well kept. He would like the city to
provide for the legal defense of those who are without means.97

Conclusion

In conclusion, Juan de vila articulated a spirituality of public service

specially aimed at the Spanish nobility. It is perfectly clear that he called
into question their thirst for power and wealth by means of his preaching.
His sermons on the Eucharist and the Holy Spirit contain abundant
evidence of his combative preaching style. His views on public service
as a form of spiritual discipline represent another attempt at harnessing
their power. Through sermons and letters he sought to provide those in
charge of governance with a spiritual or theological understanding
of their public function. His spirituality of public service is consistent
with his sympathy with the laity, as he provided a rationale for those in
government to see their service in a secular office as a form of spiritual
vocation.

97 Epistolario (), p. v; OCNEC, p. :; for a comprehensive discussion of crime

in Sevilla see Mary Elizabeth Perry, Crime and Society in Early Modern Seville (Hanover:
University Press of New England, ).
 CONCLUDING REMARKS:
JUAN DE VILA AND THE CONTOURS
OF CONVERSO SPIRITUALITY

Throughout this book I have described the ascetic spirituality of Juan

de vila. He came from a judeoconverso family background. At cru-
cial points in his life he experienced the impact of discriminatory poli-
cies targeting new Christians and their descendants. He was a judeocon-
verso Roman Catholic secular priest heavily invested in providing spir-
itual guidance to his followers. His ascetic spirituality was an organic
expression of his personal reality; it was an expression of the judeo-
converso reality. Before summarizing the chief attributes of his spiri-
tuality, I would like to review an important scholarly landmark in the
study of judeoconverso spirtuality; the work of Marcel Bataillon. The
findings offered in this book represent a significant corrective to his
work.

Marcel Bataillon and the Definition

of Judeoconverso Spirituality1

It was Marcel Bataillon who defined the modern notion of judeocon-

verso spirituality.2 In fact, with the publication in of his rasme et
lEspagne, he set the categories that continue to inform the field today.3
From his many writings it can be gathered that for him the main attribute
of judeoconverso spirituality was its affinityin some cases identity
with Spanish Erasmianism. Menndez Pelayo had already acknowledged
the influence of Erasmus on Spanish Catholicism, coining the term

1 Segments of material in this subsection have been adopted with revisions from Rady

Roldan-Figueroa, Casiodoro de Reina as Biblical Exegete: Studies on the Spanish

Translation of the Bible (unpublished Th.D. dissertation, Boston University School of
Theology, ), pp. .
2 Bataillon employed the term converso, and not judeoconverso spirituality.
3 Marcel Bataillon, rasme et lEspagne. Recherches sur lhistoire spirituelle du XVIe

sicle (Paris: Droz, ); all citations are taken from the second edition of the Spanish
translation, id., Erasmo y Espaa, estudios sobre la historia espiritual del siglo XVI, traduc-
cin de Antonio Alatorre (Mexico: Fondo de Cultura Econmica, ).
 concluding remarks

erasmistas to designate the Spanish followers of the Dutch humanist.4

Moreover, Adolfo Bonilla y San Martna student of Menndez Pelayo
further documented the breadth of Spanish Erasmianism in his extensive
bibliographical essay Erasmo y Espaa, which appeared exactly twenty
years before Bataillons work.5
According to Bataillon, Menndez Pelayo underestimated the breadth
and scope of Erasmuss influence. For instance, Menndez Pelayo placed
the terminus ad quem of the erasmistas movement in , the year of
the death of the Inquisitor General and archbishop of Seville, Manrique
de Lara. According to this view the movement slowly declined after the
death of the chief advocate and protector of humanism in Spain, as
it faced the increasing prohibition of Erasmuss writings.6 In contrast,
Bataillon argued that the real terminus ad quem of the erasmistas
was the closing of the last session of the Council of Trent in .
Europe witnessed the narrowing of the boundaries of Catholic orthodoxy
during the celebration of the Council of Trent. As the boundaries of
orthodoxy were contracted, so the viability of an irenic reformist party
that claimed Erasmus as its intellectual and spiritual forefather was called
into question.7The Erasmian party was international in scope and at
the opening of the Council in boasted the leadership of cardinals
Contarini, Morone, and Reginald Pole. A turning point came in
when a new statement on the Catholic definition of justification became
definite. After this point, and after the death of Paul III in , the
Erasmians started losing ground.8
Against the opinion of Menndez Pelayo, Bataillon demonstrated that
Spanish Erasmianism did not disappear from Spain but that instead
it had been submerged by confessional historiography.9 Indeed, he
sustained that the suppression of Erasmianism in Spain was neither
sudden nor highly effective. As late as , the Spanish Inquisition had
only prohibited some but not all of the works of Erasmus.10 Moreover,
he also demonstrated how Spanish theologians like Alonso de Castro,

4 Marcelino Menndez Pelayo, Historia de los heterodoxos espaoles, vols. (Madrid:

Biblioteca de Autores Cristianos, ), pp. :.

5 Adolfo Bonilla y San Martn, Erasmo y Espaa: episodio de la historia del Renaci-

miento (New York and Paris: Revue Hispanique, ).

6 Menndez Pelayo, Historia de los heterodoxos espaoles, pp. :.
7 Bataillon, Erasmo y Espaa, p. .
8 Bataillon, Erasmo y Espaa, pp. .
9 Bataillon, Erasmo y Espaa, pp. .
10 Bataillon, Erasmo y Espaa, pp. .
 concluding remarks

Luis de Carvajal, and Martn Prez de Ayala, either retained a favorable,

although evolving, opinion of Erasmus (Alonso de Castro), or a close
ideological affinity (Luis de Carvajal and Martn Prez de Ayala).11 It
has to be noted that in his historiographic scheme the blooming of
Spanish Erasmianism coincided with the coming of age of judeoconverso
spirituality.
His interpretation of Juan de Valdss Dilogo de doctrina christiana
(Alcal, ) appeared in , before his seminal rasme et lEspagne.12
It is still instructive today as he characterized Spanish Erasmianism in
terms that reappeared in his depiction of judeoconverso spirituality. His
reading of the Dilogo as a catchisme rasmien remained normative
for long, until it was challenged by Jos C. Nieto.13 He firmly placed
Valds within the humanist circle that gathered at the University of Alcal
de Henares in the early decades of the sixteenth century. He further
identified the translation of Erasmuss Enchiridion into Castilian in
as the immediate impulse for the writing of the Dilogo.14
According to Bataillon, the liberating power of the Enchiridion gen-
erated among the humanist scholars of Alcal the need for a literary vehi-
cle that would allow them to disseminate their ideas, which were soon to
meet opposition from the Inquisition. The Enchridion was not suited for
this task; its polished style did not lend itself for a wide dissemination
and, in spite of its didactic tone, it lacked the fundamental affirmations
of Christianity. In short, the Enchiridion was not a catechism.15 He sus-
tained that Valdss Dilogo was meant to play the catechetical role that
the humanist considered so crucial for a reformation of the Church. The
Dilogo appeared to Bataillon to be imbued with Erasmuss criticism of

11 Bataillon, Erasmo y Espaa, pp. .

12 Juan de Valds, Dilogo de doctrina christiana nuevamente compuesto por un reli-
gioso, Alcal, . Reproduced in facsimile from a copy in the Biblioteca Nacional de
Lisboa, with introduction and notes by Marcel Bataillon (Coimbra: Impr. da Universi-
dade, ); references are to the following edition, Marcel Bataillon, Introduction au
Dilogo de Doctrina Cristiana de Juan de Valds (), avant-propos de J.R. Armogathe
avec une tude indite de Robert Ricard, En Espagne: Orthodoxie et Inquisition. (Paris:
Librairie Philosophique J. Vrin, ).
13 See Nieto, Juan de Valds; id., El Renacimiento y la otra Espaa.
14 Lide dun livre tel que le Dilogo devait tout naturellement germer dans le groupe

des amis espagnols dErasme, aprs le succs clatant remport par lEnchiridion dans sa
version castillane. Marcel Bataillon, Introduction au Dilogo de Doctrina Cristiana, p. .
15 Mais le petit livre qui manifestait un tel pouvoir librateur noffrait pas sous forme

didactique les affirmations fondamentales du christianisme, dgages de toute surcharge:

il ne constituait pas un catchisme. Marcel Bataillon, Introduction au Dilogo de Doctrina
Cristiana, pp. .
 concluding remarks

false piety and the humanists idea of the perpetual conflict between the
body and the spirit. Accordingly, after his careful reading and consid-
eration of the essential themes of the Dilogo, he concluded that it was
stamped with Erasmuss signature through and through.16
Bataillon also traced Erasmuss influence in the Dilogo to another
thematic area, namely Valdss subtle undermining of Church author-
ity. He read Valds as affirming that the exclusive object of devotion of
the Christian faith is Christ. The corollary of this Erasmian Christocen-
trism was a turning away from the observance of Church ceremonies.
He argued that Valdss understanding of Church ceremonies as mere
accessories was emblematic of the whole Dilogo and it exposed the
strong influence that Erasmus had in the young Spanish scholar.17
Bataillon used similar language to describe the properly Christian
manifestations of judeoconverso spirituality. For him the fundamental
fact underlying all forms of judeoconverso religiosity was the social sit-
uation of new Christians and their descendants. He regarded them as an
unassimilated element of Spanish society. As such they collectively con-
stituted a hotbed of religious fervor.18 Their religious life was marked by
a constant tension between private piety, and outward compliance with
the public and ceremonial life of the Church. Based on his handling of
the sources, he attributed to the judeoconversos a wide variety of spiritual
tendencies. He mainly recognized the existence among them of judaizers,
illuminists, alumbrados, and Erasmians.
Judaizers embodied the more extreme and desperate form of judeo-
converso religiosity. Judaizers were new Christians who lapsed back to
Judaism or who continued to practice in private the ceremonies and
rites of their ancestral religion while publicly performing the ceremonies
required by the Church.19 Illuminists were lay and religious holy men and
women who were given to mystical experiences and were endowed with
charismatic gifts; he even called them the perennial enemies of Spanish

16 Toute cette critique de la fausse pit, cette perptuelle opposition de lordre

spirituel lordre charnel ce souci de faire sentir au fidle ltendue de sa libert, cest
lenseignement mme dErasme. Marcel Bataillon, Introduction au Dilogo de Doctrina
Cristiana, p. .
17 A qui cherche dans cette direction la signification historique dErasme, Valds

napparat nulle part plus rasmien que dans la dfinition du chrtien quil pose pour
commencer. Cest la foi en Christ qui est le signe distinctif du chretien, avec la charit et
limitation de Jsus: lobservance des crmonies de lEglise nest qu accessoire. Marcel
Bataillon, Introduction au Dilogo de Doctrina Cristiana, p. .
18 Bataillon, Erasmo y Espaa, p. .
19 Bataillon, Erasmo y Espaa, pp. .
 concluding remarks

orthodoxy.20 In Bataillons mind judeoconverso illuminists of the time of

Jimnez de Cisneros paved the way for the alumbrados and Spanish Eras-
mianism.21 In fact, he even argued that the particularity of Spanish Eras-
mianism was to be found in its insertion in previously existing networks
of judeoconverso-led illuminists.22
To sum up, all types of judeoconverso religiosity that he identified
shared a common denominator. They were manifestations of the funda-
mental sociological tension that characterized judeoconverso life. Judeo-
converso religiosity, in all its expressions, shared the same basic attributes
that he observed in Erasmus and international Erasmianism, includ-
ing its irenic spirit. The characteristics of this generic form of converso
spirituality were interiority, anti-ceremonialism, and Christocentrism.
Together with a strong emphasis on the doctrine of justification by faith
they were the constitutive elements of proverbial judeoconverso Paulin-
ism. Indeed, Bataillon even referred to the marrano tradition (tradi-
tion marranique) in an essay published in .23 He defined the mar-
rano tradition by contrasting it to marranismo (marranisme), or clan-
destine Judaism, and Counter-Reformation Catholicism. He character-
ized the marrano traditionor the tradition of new Christian fami-
lies and individualsas a form of inner Christianity (christianisme
intriur) and as a religion aspiring to be more authentic than the tra-
ditional practices that were imposed by the Church. The marrano tra-
dition was attached to a form of spiritual intimacy that downplayed all
exterior forms as indifferent, or adiaphora.24
Bataillons views were in a position to exert considerable influence,
especially among Hispanists. In a way, along with Menndez Pelayo, he
also left a clear mark among Catholic ecclesiastical historians. His argu-
ments were nevertheless faced with serious limitations. Passing balance
on the significance of his historiographic proposals, Francisco Mrquez
Villanueva observed at least two cardinal limitations.25 The first one was
the arbitrary way in which he took Francisco Jimnez de Cisneros as

20 Bataillon, Erasmo y Espaa, p. .

21 Bataillon, Erasmo y Espaa, pp. .
22 Bataillon, En torno a Juan de Valds, in id., Erasmo y el Erasmismo, trans. by Carlos

Pujol (Barcelona: Editorial Crtica, ), pp. , here p. .

23 Bataillon, Juan de Valds nicodmite? Aspects du libertinimse au XVI e sicle (Paris:

Vrin, ), pp. .
24 Bataillon, Juan de Valds nicodmite? p. .
25 Francisco Mrquez Villanueva, Erasmo y Espaa: entonces y ahora, Insula

(Octubre ), pp. , .
 concluding remarks

the starting point of his study, without taking into consideration the
trajectory of Spanish Catholicism during the fifteenth century. In the
second place, Mrquez Villanueva pointed out the lack of specificity in
the generic notion of Erasmianism. Jos C. Nieto, on the other hand,
objected to Bataillons categorization of Juan de Valds, and the Luther-
ans of Seville and Valladolid as Erasmians.26
In spite of the shortcomings of his pioneering work, Bataillon made
a significant contribution to the definition of judeoconverso spirituality;
he identified the source of its distinctive perspective. Judeoconverso spir-
ituality was predicated upon a sociological problem of universal propor-
tions, namely the more or less adequate assimilation of a racial and reli-
gious minority into an overarching national culture. Other scholars have
made the same point since Bataillon. For instance, Antonio Mrquez,
in his study of the origins and philosophy of the alumbrados, argued
that their doctrinal positions needed not be traced back to Judaism only
because the spiritual figureheads of the movement were judeoconversos.27
Following Bataillon he argued that their social situation was important
primarily as an aid to understand their likelihood to adopt radical reli-
gious views.28 In the same way, Stefania Pastore observed the difficulty of
defining judeoconverso spirituality on account of its diverse manifesta-
tions. The different exponents of judeoconverso spirituality, however, did
share a common effort; they reflected on the relationship between the
old and new law and endeavored to achieve a peaceful integration
between old and new Christians.29
In his prologue to the Spanish translation of rasme et lEspagne,
Bataillon lamented that he had hardly mentioned Juan de vila in his
book. He also inquired if Juan de vilas Paulinism was part of a wider
judeoconverso reaction against the prejudice of limpieza de sangre.30 Cer-
tainly, as I have demonstrated in previous chapters, Juan de vila reacted
in an evangelic spirit against prevailing cultural notions of his time that
reinforced social and racial prejudice. His spirituality, however, cannot
be engulfed under the categories that Batallion used. In fact, his writings
have never before been consistently studied from this perspective.

26 Bataillon eventually modified his position regarding Juan de Valds in light of

Nietos work; see Bataillon, En torno a Juan de Valds, pp. ; see Nieto, Juan
de Valds; id., El Renacimiento y la otra Espaa.
27 Mrquez, Los alumbrados, pp. .
28 Mrquez, Los alumbrados, pp. .
29 Pastore, Uneresia spagnola, pp. xiiixiv.
30 Bataillon, Erasmo y Espaa, pp. xvxvi.
 concluding remarks

Juan de vila: Ascetic Spirituality as Social Practice

According to Bataillon one of the defining elements of Spanish Erasmian-

ism, and judeoconverso spirituality in general, was the dismissal of cere-
monies, exterior forms, and ecclesiastical practices. The thrust of Spanish
Erasmianism was the conception of Christianity as a religion of the spirit.
However, in the judeoconverso spirituality of Juan de vila the conception
of Christianity as a religion of the spirit happily coexisted with the sacra-
ments; he did not conceive of religious practices as mere accessories
or adiaphora. His spirituality evolved under pressure from the Span-
ish Inquisition. He, however, never abandoned the initial impulse that
vibrated underneath the methodical practice of mental prayer. Instead,
he elaborated a complex of spiritual exercises that incorporated mental
prayer alongside frequent sacramental communion (as opposed to fre-
quent spiritual communion). Moreover, his ideal of frequent sacramental
communion made it possible for him to censure contemporary Spanish
society.
How was Juan de vilas ascetic spirituality a reaction against the
prejudice of limpieza de sangre? In the preceding chapters I elaborated
a description of the chief themes of his spirituality. Now, I want to turn
my attention to the question that Bataillon raised six decades ago. To
be sure the answer is by no means simple but rather complex. I want to
propose, however, that an important part of the answer can be found in
his effort, and relative success, in turning ascetic spirituality into social
practice. Indeed, if Bataillons characterization falls short of capturing the
richness of vilas spirituality, the description provided by Aumann of
Golden Age Spanish spirituality as one of withdrawal from the world
is equally flawed.31
vila succeeded in turning ascetic spirituality into social practice by
adapting the rigor of his spiritual exercises to the laity. Although he
attended to the needs of the secular clergyand he is chiefly known today
as the patron saint of Spanish secular clergyit was his work with the
laity that eventually assured him a place in posterity. He developed his
rules for the clergy and the laity almost simultaneously, making adap-
tations to each according to their state in life. Nevertheless, both rules
turned around the methodical practice of mental prayer. His exercise
of silent meditation was based upon a form of apophatic theology that

31 Aumann, Christian Spirituality, p. .

 concluding remarks

required the negation of the human person as a prerequisite to a personal

knowledge of God. At each stage of mental prayer, as he described it in
the edition of the Audi, filia, the practitioner was required to negate
a level of self-understanding and its concomitant representation of God.
In several occasions he indicated that the practitioner should negate ideas
of the self associated with social status and social esteem.
If one keeps in mind that he wrote the Audi, filia for a lay woman who
was part of the landed nobility, then one can see the way in which he
turned ascetic spirituality into social practice. The women disciples who
joined him followed on the footsteps of countless women in the history
of Christianity who joined monasticism as an alternative to the social
expectations imposed on them by patriarchalism. The practice of mental
prayer allowed some of his women disciples to transcend rigid social
structures and normative conceptions of human worth. vilas criticism
of social prejudice based on lineage was built into the methodical practice
of mental prayer. By reaching out to the laity, as he did to the clergy, he
ensured the disseminationone may say, the laicizationof his reaction
against rigid social stratification and racial prejudice.
His spirituality of public service is yet another example of his reach to
the laity. He articulated a notion of public service that allowed lay public
servants to conceive their secular vocation as a spiritual one. He expected
public servants to be equally involved in the practice of mental prayer,
and to receive communion frequently. He saw their vocation as specially
demanding and compared their service to the work of Christ in the cross.
In vilas mind the ascetic life was meant to inform the public life. He
did not think of public life and spiritual life as at odds with each other;
instead he saw them as complementing each other in a perfect way. By
reaching out to magistrates in this way, vila ensured that they would
pay attention to his call to humility and service. He also reminded them
of their position of relative power vis-a-vis God. Hence, in this way he
turned ascetic spirituality into social practice by reforming the morality
of public servants.
Finally, he also endeavored to turn ascetic spirituality into social prac-
tice by redefining the idea of limpieza. In his sermons and letters he used
the idea of limpieza to convey what he considered to be its real mean-
ing. For vila limpieza was not a category of racial and religious purity.
Instead, limpieza appeared as a category of holiness; a sanctity undefiled
by discriminatory prejudice. For him limpieza was intimately associated
with the idea of bien comulgar and the observance of frequent sacramen-
tal communion. As I demonstrated earlier, his idea of bien comulgar
 concluding remarks

allowed him to publicly rebuke those who went beyond existing codes
of conduct in the exercise of traditional authority. For vila many of
his contemporaries misunderstood limpieza, for they were concerned
about having soiled bodies, states, and honor, but not about having a
soiled soul. He saw them as concerned with exterior cleanliness, while
neglecting their interior cleanliness. In this way he sought to move his
audiences and his readers beyond the purely superficial and pernicious
idea of limpieza de sangre in order to consider the true issue of the clean-
liness of the soul.
Together these are some of the ways that Juan de vila criticized the
prejudice of limpieza de sangre. He turned ascetic spirituality into social
practice. His reach to the laity was highly significant. In him we can find
a precursor of the modern interest in the laity and its role in the Christian
church.
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 INDEX

lava Esquivel, Diego, . Carranza de Miranda, Bartolom

Alexander of Hales (c. / (), , , ,
), . , , , , .
Alumbrados, , , , , , , Cassian, Saint John (), ,
n, , , , , , , .
, , , . Castro, Alonso de (c. ),
Ambrose of Milan, Saint (), , , , .
, , , , , Cazalla, Mara de,
, , , . Crdoba, Leonor de (fl. ), ,
Aquinas, Saint Thomas (/ , .
), , , , , , Council of Trent (), , ,
, , , , , , , , , , , , , n, ,
. , , , , , ,
Augustine of Hippo, Saint ( , , , , , , ,
), , , , , .
, , , , , , Cremona, Sicard of (c. ),
, , , , , , , .
, , , , , , Cyprian of Carthage, Saint (
. ), , .
Austria, Albert of, , .
Austria, Fernando de, . De la Cruz, Isabel, , n.
valos, Gaspar de (), , Daz de Luco, Bernal (),
, , . .
vila, Constanza de, , . Daz, Juan (fl.), , , , , ,
, , , .
Baez, Domingo, . Durand, William (c. ), ,
Benedict XIV (r. ), . , , .
Bernard of Clairvaux, Saint (
), , , , . Enrquez, Teresa,
Biel, Gabriel (c. ), , , Erasmus, Desiderius (),
. , , , , , , , n, ,
Bonaventure, Saint (c. ), , , , , , ,
, , , , , , , n, , .
, . Fernndez de Crdoba, Pedro, n,
, .
Calvin, John (), , , Fernndez de Madrid, Alonso (c.
, . ), .
Cano, Melchor (c. ), , Ferrer, Saint Vincent (c. ),
, .
Carillo, Sancha (c. ),
, n, , , , , Garca Arias (d. ), , , ,
n, , , . n, , , , , .
 index

Gelasius I (r. ), . Juan de la Cruz, O.C.D. (

Gennadius of Massilia (d. c. ), ), , , , , , .
, , , , , , , Juan de la Cruz, O.P. (fl. ), ,
. , , , .
Gerson, Jean (), , , Justin Martyr, Saint (c. c. ),
. , .
Gezo of Tortona (d. c. ), ,
. Laredo, Bernardino (),
Gonsalvius, Reginaldus (fl. ), , , .
, n, , . Lateran Council IV (), , ,
Gracin de la Madre de Dios, , , , , , ,
Gernimo (), . , .
Granada, Luis de (), , , Lpez de Ziga, Diego (d. ),
, , , , , , , .
n, , , , , ,
, , , , . Madrid, Cristobal de (fl. ), ,
Gratian (d. c. ), , , . n, .
Gregory I, Saint (c. ), , , Magdalena de la Cruz (fl. c. ),
, . .
Guerrero, Pedro (), , , Manrique de Lara, Alonso (d. ),
, , , , , . .
Mara de Cristo (fl. c. ),
Hernndez, Francisca (fl. ), . , .
Herp, Henricus (c. ), , Mara de la Visitacin (d. c. ),
. , , , .
Hoces, Mara de, , , , . Martnez Silceo, Juan (),
Horozco, Sebastin de (fl. , .
), , , . Mary of Portugal (d. ), .
Hurtado de Mendoza y Pacheco, Mendoza, Bernardino de (
Luis (), . ), .
Mendoza, Francisca de, , , .
Ignacio de Loyola (), , Mendoza, Mara de (), ,
, , , , , , , , .
, , , . Montemayor, Prudencio (fl. ),
Inestrosa, Leonor de, , . .
Innocent XI (r. ), , Morosini, Giovanni Francesco
, . (), , .
Muoz, Luis (fl. ), , .
Jerome, Saint (c. /), ,
, , , , , , , , Nicholas of Cusa (), .
, , , . Nicholas of Lyra (c. ), .
Jimnez de Cisneros, Francisco
(), . Osuna, Francisco de (),
John Climacus, Saint (c. c. ), , , , , , .
.
Juan de Dios (), , , Pacheco, Isabel, , , .
, . Pacheco, Mara, .
 index

Paschasius Radbertus, Saint (c. Soto, Pedro de (d. ), ,

c. ), , . , , .
Prez de Ayala, Martn (),
, , , . Tauler, Johannes (c. ),
Peter Lombard (c. ), , , , .
, , , , . Teresa de Jess, Saint (),
Pius X (), . , , , , , , .
Ponce de la Fuente, Constantino Thomas Kempis (/),
(c.), , . , , .
Ponce de Len, Ana (Ana de la
Cruz) (), , , Urban IV (r. ), .
, , , , , .
Pseudo-Chrysostom, , . Valds, Fernando de (), ,
Pseudo-Dionysius, n, , . , .
Pseudo-Fabian, Valds, Juan de (?-),
, , , , , .
Roa, Martn de (), . Valera, Cipriano de (d. c. ), ,
Rojas, Cristobal de (), n, n, , .
Ruiz de Alcaraz, Pedro (fl. c. ), Valtans, Domingo de (c.
, . ), , , , .
Villanueva, Saint Toms de (
Savonarola, Girolamo (), ), n, , , , ,
, . , , , .
Second Council of Lyon (), Villaras, Juan de (fl. c. ),
Soto, Domingo de (), , , , , .
.