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PSYCHOLOGY OF LONELINESS
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PSYCHOLOGY OF EMOTIONS,
MOTIVATIONS AND ACTIONS
PSYCHOLOGY OF LONELINESS
SARAH J. BEVINN
EDITOR
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Preface vii
Chapter 1 Experiencing Loneliness in Childhood:
Consequences for Psychosocial Adjustment,
School Adjustment, and Academic Performance 1
Lucy R. Betts and Anna S. A. Bicknell
Chapter 2 Ageing and Psychological Well-Being 29
Juan Carlos Melndez-Moral
Chapter 3 Loneliness in Sexual Offenders 49
Emily Blake and Theresa A. Gannon
Chapter 4 Loneliness and Life: From Beginning to End 69
Ami Rokach
Chapter 5 The Experience of Loneliness while
Studying Abroad 89
Holly A. Hunley
Chapter 6 Denying the Need to Belong: How Social
Exclusion Impairs Human Functioning
and How People Can Protect against It 107
Richard S. Pond, Jr., Joseph Brey
and C. Nathan DeWall
vi Contents
the context of the school environment. In particular, the chapter will explore
childrens experiences of loneliness with regard to peer relationships, school
adjustment, and academic performance.
The chapter will then move on to discuss potential explanations of
loneliness during childhood, focusing on how childrens interpretations of
social situations may influence their loneliness in school. Consequently, the
chapter will make links between childrens ability to interpret social situations,
attribution styles, and loneliness. In support of this argument, the chapter will
present the findings from a small-scale cross-sectional study with 135 children
(66 male and 69 female) aged between 11- and 15-years old (M = 12.62, SD =
1.04) from the UK. Children completed measures of social and emotional
experiences of loneliness and reported their attribution style in response to
positive and negative social outcomes. The results indicate that adopting a
more negative attribution style in both positive and negative circumstances
was predictive of higher levels of loneliness. These results add further support
to the argument that childrens ability to interpret social situations influences
their psychosocial adjustment assessed as loneliness.
Chapter 2- Demographic changes in the last century have produced longer
life expectancy, and therefore there is a greater proportion of elderly in the
population. As a consequence of this, there has been a growing interest in the
research with elderly people, especially in terms of their well-being. There is
research evidence that well-being in the elderly may be understood as a two
components construct: subjective well-being, that remains relatively stable
during life span; and psychological well-being, that negatively changes with
age, especially its dimensions of personal growth and purpose in life.
Chapter 3- A great number of researchers and clinicians have observed
that sexual offenders often appear to be socially isolated, experiencing few
close intimate relationships and greater feelings of loneliness compared to
other offenders and community controls (Bumby & Hansen, 1997; Garlick,
1991; Saunders, Awad & White, 1986; Marshall, Hudson & Robertson, 1994).
These findings are consistent with the more general research on loneliness that
suggests that lonelier people are more likely to have poor social skills, have
difficulty in forming relationships, and hold negative or hostile opinions of
other people. These findings have also prompted researchers to investigate
whether the loneliness experienced by sex offenders is related to the
development of sexual offending behaviour. Particular questions of
importance relate to whether the loneliness experienced by sex offenders is
caused by social skill deficits, which in turn contribute to sexual offending, or
whether it is the direct experience of loneliness itself, in the absence of social
Preface ix
skills deficits that facilitates sexual offending? Conversely could the sexual
offending behaviour or subsequent incarceration for such acts be the cause of
sexual offenders loneliness? This chapter aims to answer these questions by
describing what researchers have learnt about the loneliness of sex offenders,
and what impact loneliness has on offending behaviour. First we define
loneliness using information available from general psychology, then we
discuss the research evidence for loneliness in sexual offenders and the
theories that attempt to explain the link between loneliness and sexual
offending.
Chapter 4- Loneliness is a prevailing experience, which every person has
experienced at some point in his or her life. It is a subjective experience, which
is influenced by ones personality, life experience and other situational
variables. The present study examined the influence of age and gender on the
experience of loneliness; not on its presence or absence, but rather on its
qualitative apects. Seven hundred and eleven participants from all walks of life
volunteered to answer an 82-item yes/no questionnaire, reflecting on their
loneliness experiences and what it meant to them. Four age groups were
compared: youth (13-18 years old), young adults (19-30 years old), adults (31-
58 years old) and seniors (60-80 years old). Within and between gender
comparisons were also done. Results revealed that loneliness is indeed
affected by ones age and gender.
Chapter 5- Anecdotal evidence and previous research have indicated that
experiencing some stress while traveling abroad is a rather common
occurrence. Part of this stress may be explained by the experience of
loneliness. Specifically, students who study abroad are removed, at least in
part, from their usual social support systems, which may lead them to feel as
though they lack close attachments or people on whom they can rely for
support. Undergraduate students studying abroad at Loyola Universitys Rome
Center during the 2004 fall semester (Rome Center Study I) and the 2006-
2007 fall and spring semesters (Rome Center Study II) completed
questionnaires, which examined aspects of loneliness, psychological distress,
and functioning while abroad. In general, these studies provide evidence that
loneliness is associated with adverse consequences for students who study
abroad. Specifically, students experiencing more loneliness also experienced
greater psychological distress and demonstrated lower levels of functioning
while studying abroad. Further, having fewer friends was associated with
greater loneliness and lower levels of functioning, while having lower quality
friendships while studying abroad was related to greater loneliness, lower
levels of functioning, and greater psychological distress, particularly
x Sarah J. Bevinn
depression. Finally, there was weak support that less frequent contact with
friends at home was related to the experience of more loneliness. Despite the
increasing numbers of students who study abroad each year, there remains a
limited body of research into the psychological aspects of studying abroad.
Therefore, it is important to investigate factors such as loneliness and
psychological distress that may hinder students from taking full advantage of
their study abroad experiences. The results of these studies should be reviewed
by universities and study abroad programs and used to enhance students
experiences while studying abroad by nurturing students social support while
abroad, providing intercultural training, and offering mental health resources
for students abroad.
Chapter 6- Humans are fundamentally social creatures. Our quality of life
rests on the people we connect with, and not just because we depend on them
for food, clothing, and shelter. Instead, we thrive on interpersonal contact, and
because of this our psychological, and even physiological, well-being is
hampered when we become socially disconnected. The current chapter focuses
on what happens when people experience unfulfilled belongingness.
Specifically, we review evidence about how social exclusion hampers us in
ways that affect our cognitions, emotions, and behaviors. We review evidence
about how people cope with the pain of exclusion. And we also discuss recent
work that shows how people can be buffered from the deleterious effects of
exclusion. The findings that we review demonstrate that social exclusion
strikes at the core of human functioning, yet we also hope to show that the
negative consequences associated with social disconnection can be effectively
reduced.
Chapter 7- Adolescence is a tumultuous time of development, as
transformations continually influence the emotional well-being of the
American teenager. Lesbian, gay, or bisexual (LGB) teens experience
loneliness with more saliency than their heterosexual peers. It is important to
understand the factors influencing the loneliness of sexual minority youth
given the social hindrances that they face. This commentary reviews the
socialization agents known to influence feelings of loneliness among LGB
adolescents. By reviewing the socialization agents in an effort to provide
researchers with a concise review of important variables that need to be
explored in future studies of LGB adolescents to better understand the
emotional development of this population.
Chapter 8- People feel lonely even they live in heavily populated areas
like China, in spite of being surrounded by millions of people. Yet it is unclear
why loneliness cannot be alleviated by high population density. In this article,
Preface xi
we argue that population density not only cannot lessen the feelings of
loneliness, it also has the potential to exacerbate the perceived loneliness. We
propose a number of possible mechanisms. First of all, we argue that people
tend to disconnect themselves from others as a protective mechanism in
heavily populated areas because crowding environment can be harmful to
them physiologically and psychologically. And this self-defense mechanism
may have the potential to decrease social ties and contribute to the feelings of
being utterly alone and cut off. Moreover, habituation of social withdrawal
may be over-generalized, so that people exposed to crowded living conditions
for a long period become defensive and hostile chronically (Baum & Valins,
1977, 1979). This will make people around them more vulnerable to
loneliness. Finally, since loneliness is contagious, when people come into
contact with large number of other people daily, the perceived loneliness will
spread out rapidly. Therefore, the quantity of contact does not translate into
quality of contact (LoD, 2006). Quantity of contact may also have the potential
to decrease the quality of contact. The implication for heavily populated
societies like China is discussed.
In: Psychology of Loneliness ISBN: 978-1-61761-214-5
Editor: Sarah J. Bevinn, pp. 1-27 2011 Nova Science Publishers, Inc.
Chapter 1
EXPERIENCING LONELINESS
IN CHILDHOOD: CONSEQUENCES
FOR PSYCHOSOCIAL ADJUSTMENT,
SCHOOL ADJUSTMENT,
AND ACADEMIC PERFORMANCE
ABSTRACT
Feelings of loneliness are central to the human experience, with most
individuals encountering loneliness at some time (Weiss, 1974). The
chapter will begin by providing a brief overview of the topic of loneliness
and experiences of loneliness in adults to provide a context for childrens
loneliness. Next, we will discuss loneliness in childhood because
experiencing loneliness during childhood has been identified as an
antecedent of loneliness in adulthood (Cacioppo, Hawkley, & Berntson,
2003). Although some short- and long-term consequences of childhood
loneliness have been explored, the present chapter aims to review the
research evidence outlining the consequences of childhood loneliness for
psychosocial adjustment. Specifically, given the importance of positive
peer relationships during childhood for psychosocial adjustment, school
2 Lucy R. Betts and Anna S. A. Bicknell
INTRODUCTION
Feelings of loneliness are central to the human experience (Weiss, 1974).
Therefore, because loneliness is an inherent human condition, operating on a
cognitive and affective level (Rotenberg, 1999), most individuals experience
loneliness at some time across the life-span. Loneliness is a unique and
multidimensional phenomenon that represents the extent to which an
individuals perceived social network is either smaller or less satisfying than
they desire (Jones, 1981; McWhirter, 1990; Nilsoon, Lindstrom, & Naden,
2006). Consequently, loneliness represents a substantive evaluation of an
individuals actual and desired level of satisfaction with their social network
and the potential discrepancy between these two (DiTommaso & Spinner,
1997). Due to the potential discrepancy between actual and desired satisfaction
with social networks, loneliness has been described as a deeply distressing
experience (Rotenberg, 1998), that is a by-product of human feelings (Weiss,
1987), and that is associated with a perceived lack of interpersonal intimacy
(Chelune, Sultan, & Williams, 1980). For most individuals the experience and
Experiencing Loneliness in Childhood 3
LONELINESS IN ADULTS
In adults, loneliness has been associated with a wide array of
psychological difficulties. For example, loneliness has been associated with,
and related to, reports of subjective health, increased psychosomatic
symptoms, lower levels of self-esteem, increased anxiety levels, depression,
neuroticism, and an external locus of control (Hojat, 1983; Jones, Freemon, &
Goswick, 1982; Ouellet & Joshi, 1986). Loneliness, during adulthood, is also
associated with, and potentially influenced by, other factors such as
personality traits, shyness, extroversion (Uruk & Demir, 2003), and a negative
self-perception (Goswick & Jones, 1981). In college students, higher levels of
loneliness have been found to be associated with deficits in social functioning
(Jones, Hobbs, & Hockenbury, 1982). Further, lonely college students are also
more inclined to be introspective and, therefore, at a greater risk of developing
depression (Ouellet & Joshni, 1986). Together, these studies underscore the
importance of understanding the consequences of experiencing loneliness
during adulthood because of the associated risks for individuals who
experience extreme levels of loneliness.
Although loneliness is commonly believed to occur when individuals are
socially isolated and lacking in companionship, it is important to note that
loneliness is not synonymous with being alone. In fact, loneliness can occur in
either the presence or absence of social relationships (Page & Scanian, 1994).
If an individual with a large social network feels that their needs are not being
4 Lucy R. Betts and Anna S. A. Bicknell
met by their network then they may experience loneliness, whereas someone
with a smaller network may feel that their needs are being met and, as such,
may not experience loneliness (Asher & Paquette, 2003). Therefore, it is
crucial to make the distinction between aloneness and loneliness. Specifically,
it may be that individuals who chose to be alone may not necessarily be lonely
and, conversely, individuals with extensive social networks may still
experience the distress associated with loneliness. Consequently, experiencing
loneliness is more complex than simply regarding an individuals social
network size as an indicator of the propensity with which someone would
experience loneliness.
One of the most important antecedents of loneliness is a lack of emotional
support; specifically, when an individual feels that the current level of
emotional support that they receive does not adequately fulfil their needs they
are more likely to experience loneliness (Marcoen & Brumagne, 1985). In
support of this argument, Anderson (1998) suggests that loneliness operates on
a continuum with social support and the level of experienced loneliness
complementing each other. Loneliness is hypothesised to be at the negative
end of the continuum with social support at the positive end. Due to this close
association between feelings of loneliness and social support provisions,
loneliness has been subdivided in to two types: emotional and social (Russell,
Cutrona, Rose, & Yurko, 1984). Emotional loneliness is associated with a lack
of close relationships, whereas social loneliness arises when an individual
lacks social support networks and is characterised by feelings of boredom,
aimlessness, and meaningless (Russell et al., 1984). Experiences of loneliness
have also been distinguished according to duration. Chronic or state loneliness
is experienced by individuals over a long period, whereas trait loneliness is
experienced for a relatively short period of time (Rook, 1988). Although, trait
loneliness is regarded as a brief, transient, experience it can still be extremely
painful for the individual (Rook, 1988). In the next section of this chapter we
turn our attention to loneliness in children.
LONELINESS IN CHILDREN
Loneliness during childhood has received comparatively less attention
than loneliness in adulthood and Laine (1998) argues that childrens
experiences of loneliness were not considered before the 1980s. Further, as
Dunn (2004) notes, until relatively recently, some researchers have argued that
Experiencing Loneliness in Childhood 5
children could not experience loneliness because they do not form intimate
social relationships in the same way as adults do. Additionally, there was
concern about whether children could make the distinction between aloneness
and loneliness; Galanaki (2004) reports that children can make such a
distinction but children who spend time alone are more likely to report feelings
of loneliness. However, understanding childrens experiences of loneliness is
crucial because some researchers have suggested that experiencing loneliness
during childhood is an antecedent to experiencing loneliness in adulthood
(Hymel & Franke, 1985). Consequently, experiencing loneliness in childhood
may predispose an individual to experience loneliness in adulthood and this, in
turn, may result in the individual experiencing some of the aforementioned
psychosocial consequences associated with loneliness in adulthood. If
experiencing loneliness during childhood does represent a precursor of
loneliness in adulthood, and subsequent poorer psychosocial adjustment, it is
crucial for researchers to explore childrens experiences of loneliness as a way
of trying to promote short-term and long-term psychosocial adjustment.
Recent research by Stoeckli (2009), with third- to sixth-grade children,
found that 38% of the sample reported some experience of loneliness in
school. Whilst Galanakis (2004) research suggests that a far higher proportion
of children experience loneliness with approximately two thirds of children
experience loneliness at some time. Together, these studies suggest that a high
proportion of children experience loneliness on a day to day basis. Further,
similar to results with older samples, experiencing loneliness during childhood
has also been associated concurrently with lower levels of psychosocial
adjustment and school adjustment (Asher & Paquette, 2003). Consequently,
understanding the experiences of childhood loneliness is fundamental both for
short-term and long-term adjustment. In particular, it may be important to
understand the experiences of those children who suffer from chronic
loneliness.
Loneliness during childhood is a multidimensional phenomenon (Hay,
Payne, & Chadwick, 2004). According to Maragalit (1998), during childhood,
loneliness encompasses elements of the individual and the wider interpersonal
context, suggesting that childhood loneliness reflects both characteristics of
the child and also characteristics of their social network. Further, childrens
experiences of loneliness also relates to their self-perceptions and their
perceptions of how they are viewed by their peers, reinforcing the importance
of childrens social networks (Maragalit, 1998).
Qualter and Munn (2002) argued that, unlike the conceptualisation of
loneliness in adults, loneliness in children lacks a theoretical background and
6 Lucy R. Betts and Anna S. A. Bicknell
& Munn, 2005). For example, kindergarten children are more likely to
experience loneliness when their social relationships are characterised by
engaging in higher levels of self-disclosure about topics such as negative
affect in friendships (Ladd, Kochenderfer, & Coleman, 1996). Further, for
boys, experiencing higher levels of conflict in friendships was associated with
higher levels of loneliness but no such relationship emerged for girls.
For those children who self-report that they struggle to get along with
their peers, they often tend to report experiencing higher levels of loneliness
compared to those children who feel more integrated in to their social network
(Hojat, 1982). This self-perception of struggling to get along with peers
could be more than a self-perception as children who report experiencing
loneliness also tend to be those children who are less well accepted by the peer
group and, as such, experience rejection (Qualter & Munn, 2002). Further,
McGuire and Clifford (2000) argue that chronically lonely children may be so
isolated from their peers that the situation cannot be easily rectified to enhance
the childrens social provisions. Although lonely children spend more time
playing on their own than other children when lonely children interact with
their friends, these interactions tend to be characterised by positive
experiences (Qualter & Munn, 2002). Another potential explanation of why
lonely children may struggle to get along with peers resides in how lonely
children are perceived by their peers. Rotenberg et al. (1997) asked second-,
fourth-, and sixth-grade children to rate hypothetical peers, the participants
reported that they were more likely to reject a chronically lonely peer
compared to a non-lonely peer. However, the direction of causality is between
peer acceptance and loneliness, to some extent, ambiguous. Specifically, some
studies have found evidence that children experience loneliness because they
are less well accepted by their peers (e.g., Parker & Asher, 1993). Conversely,
other studies suggest that children experience loneliness because the loneliness
itself may hinder childrens social competence resulting in difficulties in
forming satisfying peer relationships and friendships (Page & Scanian, 1994).
Together, the research does suggest that childrens experiences with their
peers, assessed as peer acceptance and reciprocal friendships, are associated
with their reported experiences of loneliness in the classroom. Further, the
distinction between friendship quality and quantity is also an important factor
in childrens experiences of loneliness. It is also clear that, as with adults,
loneliness in children can be regarded both in terms of social loneliness and
emotional loneliness. In the next section of the chapter, we will review some
of the research literature that explores the consequences of experiencing
loneliness during childhood.
Experiencing Loneliness in Childhood 11
can have a powerful influence on school adjustment (Bearndt & Keefe, 1995;
Wentzel, 1999).
Empirical evidence suggests that those children who report experiencing
loneliness are less likely to be involved with classroom activities (Ladd,
Kochenderfer, & Coleman, 1997). This lack of involvement may mean that
lonely children are not afforded the same opportunities to learning.
Experiences of loneliness have also been linked to childrens attitudes towards
school. Kochenderfer and Ladd (1996a), found that kindergarteners who
reported experiencing loneliness were less likely to like school and were more
likely to try to avoid school than those children who reported lower levels of
loneliness. Further, those kindergarteners who reported experiencing
loneliness in the fall were more likely to be school avoidant in the spring term
and their reported levels of loneliness increased during this time. In a similar
study, Ladd and Coleman (1997) reported that kindergarteners who
experienced the highest levels of loneliness reported liking school the least
whereas those children who reported experiencing the lowest levels of
loneliness liked school the most and also had the highest peer liking. More
recently, Coplan et al. (2007) provided support for the link between loneliness
and school sentiments: kindergarteners who reported experiencing higher
levels of loneliness, were more school avoidant and reported liking school
less.
Together, these studies provide evidence that experiencing loneliness is
associated with childrens sentiments towards school. The link between
loneliness and sentiments towards school liking is important because
childrens school liking potentially influences their ability to adjust positively
to school (Ladd, 1990; Ladd et al., 2000). Specifically, according to Ladd
(1990), children who like school are more likely to become involved and
integrated into the school environment and, as such, derive more benefit from
the school environment and the experience. Conversely, those children who
have less positive sentiments about school may become withdrawn within the
classroom, which could result in poor academic performance (Ladd et al.,
2000). Therefore, childrens general sentiments towards school can affect their
success and general well-being within the school environment (Valeski &
Stipek, 2001). Consequently, if experiencing loneliness results in less positive
sentiments towards school, it could be that these children are at risk of lower
levels of success and well-being within school.
In summary, there is evidence that childrens experiences of loneliness are
associated with their sentiments towards school and also their comfort in the
environment. This evidence suggests that experiencing loneliness in school
14 Lucy R. Betts and Anna S. A. Bicknell
rejection and made non self-serving attributions blaming themselves for their
feelings of loneliness.
This is further supported by Renshaw & Brown (1993) who conducted a
short-term longitudinal study of third- to sixth-graders experiences of peer-
related loneliness and attribution style. Attribution style was measured as a
composite score yielded from the childrens responses to the presentation of
vignettes. The study found that high levels of loneliness were predicted by
internal-stable attributional styles and were a product of behavioural and social
factors such as low peer acceptance, few or no friendships, and negative
interpersonal behaviour. Further, a reciprocal relationship between loneliness
and attribution style can be inferred, such that loneliness is not only a product
of internal-stable attributions, but can also create the conditions for the
manifestation of self-blaming attributions in children.
As further evidence of the link between attribution style and loneliness, a
two-year prospective study of children in year 7, found that higher levels of
loneliness were reported when children attributed peer-related events (positive
or negative) to stable and/or global factors (Toner & Heaven, 2005). A
potential explanation for the finding is the nature of stable and global
attributions which often yield higher outcome expectancies for positive events,
and consequently, do not prepare the child for instances of adversity.
Subsequently, these children are more negatively affected by adversity or
negative peer interactions and, as such, experience higher levels of loneliness.
Further, consistent with previous concurrent studies, loneliness was also
associated with the absence of self-serving attribution biases (Crick & Ladd,
1993; Graham & Juvonen, 1998). Together, the previous research does
provide evidence of a link between childrens attribution style and their
experiences of loneliness.
An Example
In this final section of the chapter, we will present empirical evidence that
provides further support that different attribution styles are predictive of
experiences of loneliness. The sample comprised 135 children (66 male and 69
female) aged between 11 and 15 years (M = 12.62, SD = 1.04) from 7
classrooms across 4 year groups in a secondary school in the UK. The
response rate per year group ranged from 56 to 93%.
The children were asked to complete a 10 item loneliness questionnaire
using items derived from The Social and Emotional Loneliness Scale for
Experiencing Loneliness in Childhood 19
CONCLUSION
Throughout this chapter we have argued that understanding childrens
experiences of loneliness in the school environment is fundamental for their
peer relationships, psychosocial adjustment, school adjustment, and academic
performance. We have also presented the findings of a small scale study that
tried to further explore a potential antecedent of loneliness: childrens
attribution style. We found that for those 11- to 15-year-olds that adopted a
more negative attribution style predicted elevated levels of loneliness whereas
adopting a more positive attribution style predicted lower loneliness in both
positive and negative social situations. Consequently, these findings suggest
that how children interpret the social world, and the behaviours of those
around them, shapes their experiences of loneliness. By further understanding
how children make sense of the social world, may enable researchers and
practitioners to develop further strategies to support those children who
experience loneliness, especially chronically lonely children.
REFERENCES
Alenxader, K. & Entwistle, D. R. (1988). Achievement in the first 2 years of
school: Patterns and process. Monographs of the Society for Research in
Child Development, 53.
Anderson, L. (1998). Loneliness research and intervention: A review of the
literature. Aging & Mental Health, 24, 264-274.
Anderson, C. A. (1983). Motivational and performance deficits in
interpersonal settings: The effects of attributional style. Journal of
Personality and Social Psychology, 45, 1136-1147.
Experiencing Loneliness in Childhood 21
Chapter 2
ABSTRACT
Demographic changes in the last century have produced longer life
expectancy, and therefore there is a greater proportion of elderly in the
population. As a consequence of this, there has been a growing interest in
the research with elderly people, especially in terms of their well-being.
There is research evidence that well-being in the elderly may be
understood as a two components construct: subjective well-being, that
remains relatively stable during life span; and psychological well-being,
that negatively changes with age, especially its dimensions of personal
growth and purpose in life.
1. INTRODUCTION
Nowadays, the study of ageing processes is extremely interesting, because
of the increase of elderly population due to a demographic transition, changing
30 Juan Carlos Melendez-Moral
from high to low death and birth rates, and producing a natural increase, as
well as an increase in the number of elderly people.
In this sense and through population pyramids we can observe that there is
a decrease in the number of births, for this reason there is an increase in the
age groups. Consequently, the ratio of elderly people tends to rise. Moreover,
and in relation to low death rate, this reduction mainly affects elderly people
instead of young people, increasing life expectancy. Thus, the current
demographic transition has lead to a threefold increase in human life
expectancy, a one-third or one-fourth reduction in the birth rate and in the size
of the family, and the ageing of the population.
Therefore, it is necessary to understand the nature of the last stage of life,
since multiple researches have shown that ageing today is very much different
from ageing a few years ago. Thus, new ways of assessing elderly people from
a more positive perspective have to be considered, overcoming the deficit-
based theories. This reflection makes us consider ageing as a natural process,
another stage of the human development, where there are gains and losses, an
approach broadly explained in the theories of Life Cycle (Baltes, 1987;
Heckhausen, Dixon and Baltes, 1989).
We must take into consideration that the approaches on the ageing
analyses emphasized almost exclusively the variables regarding health
condition, focusing on the pathology measures and the level of deterioration as
key elements for the study of elderly people. According to Seligman and
Csikszentmihali (2000), when focusing on these elements, positive aspects
such as well-being, satisfaction, optimism or happiness have been disregarded,
ignoring the potential benefits of these aspects.
Positive Psychology arises in this context, with authors such as Seligman
(1998) that proposes to promote human qualities as a buffer against adversity.
Thus, an amendment in the significant sites is carried out, taking into account
that the objective of the Positive Psychology is to find people's qualities or
virtues in order to achieve a better quality of life and well-being. Therefore, its
objective is to study human strengths and virtues, as well as the effects of
those in a person's life and society.
Consequently, an increasing number of studies on ageing models have
focused in the identification of variables that contribute to the quality of life of
the elderly, and in the pursuit of signs of successful ageing. In this sense,
authors such as Melndez (1996), Strawbridge, Wallhagen and Cohen (2002)
or Toms, Melndez and Navarro (2008) think it is important to carry out an
analysis of the well-being, considering it as a category that includes a
Ageing and Psychological Well-Being 31
psychological aspect, but that also depends on the way a person perceives and
values his/her life experience.
unfavourable. From this point of view, life satisfaction and the affective
component of subjective well-being usually correlate, since both elements are
influenced by the assessment of general events, activities and circumstances
made by the subject. However, they also differ; life satisfaction represents a
global life summary or assessment, while affective balance depends more on
specific reactions to specific events that take place in the course of life.
In any case, and according to several authors, there are reasons to evaluate
them separately, since their evolution over time is different, and the
relationships they have with other psychological variables show different
patterns. Regarding this subject, Pavot and Diener (1993a) list three reasons
for this differentiation. Firstly, although individuals recognize the undesirable
aspects of their life, they can ignore or avoid negative emotional reactions.
Secondly, affective reactions are often short responses given for immediate
stimulus, while life satisfaction is an evaluation that shows a long-term
perspective. Thirdly, the evaluation consciously made by the individual on
his/her life circumstances may show conscious values and objectives. On the
contrary, affective reactions may reflect to a large extent unconscious factors,
and may be influenced by body states. In any case, as these authors point out,
there must be certain degree of convergence between life satisfaction and
emotional well-being since both depend on an assessment.
If we consider the cognitive component, life satisfaction is defined as a
global evaluation on life made by the individual (Pavot, Diener, Colvin, and
Sandvik, 1991), so that tangible aspects are examined, setting the good
features against bad features, and comparing them with a chosen criterion
(Shin and Johnson, 1978), thus leading to a judgement on life satisfaction
(Pavot et al., 1991). Therefore, judgements on satisfaction depend on the
comparisons made by the individual between life circumstances and a standard
that is considered appropriate. The latter is important, since it is not a external
standard, but a criterion set by oneself.
Regarding this standard, even though there is agreement on the fact that
life satisfaction must focus on subjective judgements made by the individual
on his/her own life, two different lines of research have been developed. On
the one hand, there is an approach from which to establish that instead of
adding satisfaction by specific domains in order to obtain a measure of general
satisfaction, one should ask the individual for a global evaluation on life
(Diener, Emmons, Larsen, and Griffin, 1985). On the other hand, authors such
as Cummins (1996) and Cummins, McCabe, Romeo and Gullone (1994), have
proposed the use of different domains when breaking-down judgements that
34 Juan Carlos Melendez-Moral
population pyramids indicate that there are more and more nonagenarians, but
additionally, each time the elderly reach this age, their abilities are better.
Thus, there seems to be a relationship between longevity and variables such as
maintenance of well-being, an appropriate ability to live independently and
positive personal relationships.
positive thinking, and so defines the six dimensions, which form the
psychological well-being: self acceptance, positive relationships with others,
environmental mastery, autonomy, personal growth and purpose in life, and
produces a multidimensional questionnaire that reflects this concept, widely
replicated in different contexts (Abbott, Ploubidis, Huppert, Kuh, Wadsworth
and Croudace, 2006; Cheng and Chan, 2006; Clarke, Marshall, Ryff and
Wheaton, 2001; Daz et al., 2006; Kafka and Kozma, 2002; Melndez et al.,
2008; Melndez, Toms, Oliver and Navarro, 2009; Springer and Hauser,
2006; Toms et al., 2008; Tomas, Melndez, Oliver, Navarro and Zaragoza,
2010; Triad, Villar, Sol and Celdrn, 2007; Triad, Villar, Sol and Osuna,
2005; Van Dierendonck, 2004; Van Dierendonck, Daz, Rodrguez-Carvajal,
Blanco and Moreno-Jimnez, 2008; Villar, Triad, Sol and Osuna, 2003).
Regarding the dimensions established, self acceptance means more than
getting to know oneself and having an accurate perception of ones own
actions, motivations and feelings, since it includes the need to achieve a
positive vision of oneself. This dimension implies the maintenance of a
positive attitude towards oneself, recognizing and accepting its multiple
aspects, including the positive aspects and those that are not so positive.
The second dimension, positive relationships with others, is a significant
source of well-being. In fact, research made in the last two decades indicates
that social isolation, loneliness and loss of social support are strongly related
to the risk of suffering from a disease, and reduce the life expectancy.
Therefore, this dimension implies the ability to maintain close relationships
with other people, based on mutual confidence and empathy, and the ability to
be genuinely worried about the well-being of the other person.
According to Daz et al. (2006), environmental mastery is the personal
ability to choose or create favourable environments, which allow satisfying
ones own desires and needs. In this sense, theories of the life cycle indicate
the significance of being able to control and manipulate complex
environments, mainly in maturity, by means of physical and mental activities.
Those with a good environmental mastery seem to have a better control of the
world, and feel able to influence the surrounding environment. Even though
there seems to be a parallelism between this well-being dimension and other
psychological constructs, such as feeling of control and self-efficacy, emphasis
in creating or finding an immediate context, which favours the personal
abilities and needs, is a unique characteristic of this dimension.
Another dimension is the autonomy, which is necessary to be able to
maintain ones own individuality in different contexts, keeping ones own
convictions and personal independency. Development of this dimension
38 Juan Carlos Melendez-Moral
Then, Ryff and Keyes (1995) developed another version with 3 items per
scale, selecting those items that best fitted the six-factor theoretical model
proposed. These scales correlated with the 20-item scales with values ranging
from 0.70 to 0.89, these results were similar to those obtained in other works
such as Triad et al. (2007), Toms et al. (2008) and Melndez et al. (2009).
Regarding the scales, it should be noted that the version including 14
items per dimension has good internal consistency, but, on the contrary, it
shows a bad adjustment to the theoretical model proposed; the 9-item version
shows good internal consistency, but the adjustment indicators, although they
are better than those in the 14-item version, they still offer values lower than
the desirable ones. Finally, the 3-item version shows acceptable adjustment
indicators, although their scales have a low internal consistency, probably due
to its length and also to the fact that the selection of items in the former
version was carried out in order to maximize the adjustment to the theoretical
model proposed (Keyes et al., 2002).
In relation to the factor structure of the Ryffs Scales, these have been
analysed through confirmatory factorial analysis in both versions the 84-item
version and the 54-item version. Therefore, Ryff and Keyes (1995) suggest
that the confirmatory model with the best adjustment was the six first-order
factor model and one second-factor model, which would explain the former
models, although the adjustment is far from satisfactory.
Regarding the relationship between these types of well-being, and from a
quantitative approach, Ryff and Keyes (1995) point out that some dimensions
of the psychological well-being (specially, self-acceptance and environmental
mastery) appear to be related to measures of happiness and life satisfaction
(i.e. with measures of subjective well-being), whereas the rest of the
dimensions within psychological well-being did not show (or slightly showed)
any relation to subjective well-being. Among the dimensions that did not show
any relation, we can observe those that may genuinely represent the sense of
psychological well-being: purpose in life and personal growth. This approach
was subsequently supported by Keyes et al. (2002), and using a representative
sample of the population in the United States and through a confirmatory
factorial analysis, it was found that the pattern of relationships that best fitted
the data, was the one indicated by Ryff and Keyes (1995).
According to Keyes et al. (2002), the six first-order factors are based on
two higher constructs, subjective well-being and psychological well-being. In
order to test this model, the six factors are considered as observable indicators,
and a new confirmatory factorial analysis is carried out with the two constructs
as latent factors. Nevertheless, a satisfactory analysis was obtained only if
Ageing and Psychological Well-Being 41
CONCLUSION
The study of ageing from a positive dimension has awakened scientific
interest in the last few years, introducing changes in the previous patterns, and
showing a different reality from the one studied so far; the elderly live longer
and in better conditions. Thus, the study parameters and developmental
conceptualization established so far are reoriented to a new way of
understanding the treatment of the elderly, since one can have an optimal or
successful ageing instead of only a normal ageing.
The term successful ageing aimed to differentiate the standard patterns
of ageing (Abeles, Gift and Ory, 1994), when including not only biological
indicators, such as health, but also psychological indicators, such as mental
health, cognitive efficacy, social competence, personal control or well-being.
A successful ageing implies the coexistence of different aspects, and so most
of the investigators recognize that ageing requires a multicriteria approach.
Thus, besides studying objective criteria, which refer to clearly
measurable characteristics that provide comparable assessments in scales of
performance, functionality or dependency, it is necessary to take into account
a second type of criteria, psychological criteria, which include the opinion and
values of the person, and refer to emotional or assessing aspects arising from
personal interpretation.
Well-being study is the main element of scientific research within this
type of criteria. Health should not only be defined as the absence of pathology,
it also includes the presence of positive states and processes.
From an applied perspective, it is very important to know how people
maintain a certain level of well-being, the description of the states, and the
processes that determine them, since this knowledge is an essential
prerequisite when trying to promote personal satisfaction and growth within
the population. This approach is especially relevant regarding elderly people
who are at a moment of their life where there are clear quantitative limitations,
where probabilities of disease and dysfunction increase, and where promotion
of quality of life is crucial. In this sense, problems of ageing increase in this
phase and offer an interesting opportunity to observe how they affect well-
being and personal development.
44 Juan Carlos Melendez-Moral
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Abbott, R. A., Ploubidis, G. B., Huppert, F. A., Kuh, D., Wadsworth, M. E. J.
& Croudace, T. J. (2006). Psychometric evaluation and predictive validity
of Ryff's psychological well-being items in a UK birth cohort sample of
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of Health and Social Behavior, 15, 320-327.
Bradburn, N. M. (1969). The structure of psychological well-being. Chicago:
Aldine.
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Community Psychology, 3, 346-357.
Bryant, F. B. & Veroff, J. (1982). The structure of psychological well-being: A
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543-673.
Campbell, A., Converse, P. E. & Rodgers, W. L. (1976). The quality of
American Life: Perceptions, evaluations, and satisfaction. New York:
Russell.
Clarke, P. J., Marshall, V. W., Ryff, C. D. & Wheaton, B. (2001). Measuring
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International Psychogeriatrics, 13, 79-90.
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Cummins, R. A., McCabe, M. P., Romeo, Y. & Gullone, E. (1994). The
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Psychological Measurement, 54, 372-382.
Ageing and Psychological Well-Being 45
Pavot, W., Diener, E., Colvin, C. R. & Sandvik, E. (1991). Further validation
of the satisfaction with life scale: Evidence for the cross-method
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review of research on hedonic and eudaimonic well-being. Annual Review
of Psychology, 52, 141-166.
Ryan, R. M. & Deci, E. L. (2001b). To be happy or to be self-fulfilled: A
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(Ed.), Annual review of psychology (Vol. 52, pp. 141-166). Palo Alto, CA:
Annual Reviews, Inc.
Ryff, C. D. & Singer, B. H. (2006). Best news yet on the six-factor model of
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Ryff, C. D. & Keyes, C. (1995). The structure of psychological well-being
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Ryff, C. D. (1989). Happiness is everything: or is it? Explorations on the
meaning of psychological well-being. Journal of Personality and Social
Psychology, 57, 1069-1081.
Ryff, C. D., Lee, Y. H., Essex, M. J. & Schmutte, P. S. (1994). My children
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M. (1999). Escalas PANAS de afecto positivo y negativo: validacin
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1131.
48 Juan Carlos Melendez-Moral
Chapter 3
*
Corresponding author: School of Psychology, Keynes College, University of Kent, Kent, CT2
7NP, E-Mail: eab28@Kent.ac.uk, Loneliness in Sexual Offenders
50 Emily Blake and Theresa A. Gannon
WHAT IS LONELINESS?
Numerous studies have linked feelings of loneliness to psychological
factors such as low social competence, low self esteem, anxiety, depression
and suicidal feelings (see Heinrich & Gullone, 2006 for a comprehensive
review). Given this wealth of evidence linking loneliness to other negative
psychological factors, researchers have been interested in investigating
individuals experience of emotional loneliness and defining the processes that
lead to such feelings (e.g., Jones, Freemon & Hockenberg, 1982; Peplau &
Perlman, 1982a; Peplau & Perlman, 1982b). Researchers have come to the
consensus that loneliness comprises of two main characteristics, first, it is an
aversive experience that is similar to other negative states, such as depression
or anxiety. Second, a lonely individual perceives their social networks or
relationships as deficient in some way (Russell et al., 1984). So in simple
terms, the experience of loneliness comprises a negative emotional state and a
perception of social isolation. In fact, Peplau and Perlman (1982a) describe the
combination of these two characteristics by explaining that loneliness is an
aversive state that occurs when an individual perceives a discrepancy between
the interpersonal relationships that they wish to have and those relationships
that they perceive they currently have.
There is still some disagreement in the loneliness literature about the exact
nature of loneliness, specifically over the question of whether there are
different types of loneliness that are caused by different factors. An often used
typology, constructed by Weiss (1973; 1974), hypothesises that two types of
loneliness exist. Emotional loneliness arises from a lack of close personal
relationships or attachments with others and social loneliness, arises due to an
impoverished network of social relationships. In other words, a person who
lacks close relationships will experience emotional loneliness, whilst a person
who is generally lacking in relationships will experience social loneliness.
Weiss proposed that individuals subjective experiences of these two type of
loneliness are qualitatively different that is, someone experiencing emotional
loneliness will be affected differently from someone who is experiencing
Loneliness in Sexual Offenders 51
(Crowne & Marlowe, 1960) to ensure that participants were not consistently
under reporting on any questionnaire. Finally, although the study provides
evidence for sex offenders experiencing loneliness and intimacy deficits, we
still can not be sure if this is a causal relationship. This is particularly salient
because it is plausible that the arrest and subsequent incarceration of such
offenders could in fact cause loneliness and intimacy difficulties. However, a
similar study conducted on both incarcerated and non-incarcerated sex
offenders by Seidman, Marshall, Hudson and Robertson (1994) discovered
that both types of offenders suffered greater intimacy deficits and loneliness
than community controls which seems to suggest that these experiences are
not merely after effects of incarceration (Bumby & Hansen, 1997).
A further study that supports the presence of intimacy deficits and
loneliness in sex offenders was conducted by Garlick, Marshall and Thornton
(1996), who administered several questionnaires to child molesters, rapists and
non-sex offenders in a UK prison. The questionnaires assessed the degree of
intimacy that participants experienced in their adult romantic relationships and
the levels of emotional loneliness experienced by participants. The results
supported the research hypotheses that sex offenders would report greater
intimacy deficits and experience more emotional loneliness than non-sex
offenders. Furthermore, there was a significant difference between the levels
of emotional loneliness experienced by child molesters and rapists, with both
groups reporting high levels, but child molesters experiencing significantly
greater levels than rapists. As in the other studies, the authors considered the
possibility that these deficits and feelings of loneliness could be attributed to
incarceration, but an examination of the non-sex offenders scores revealed that
these offenders, who were also incarcerated scored within normal limits on
both measures, suggesting that incarceration itself was not the cause of sex
offenders intimacy deficits and loneliness. However, the authors do note that
sex offenders are more likely to be singled out by other prisoners and treated
negatively by both these other prisoners and prison staff, which may well
contribute to their loneliness and lack of intimacy.
Ward, McCormak and Hudson (1997) interviewed child molesters, rapists,
violent non-sex offenders, and non-violent non-sex offenders in order to
identify how these groups of men differ in their perceptions of intimate
relationships. Using grounded theory analysis, the authors created a set of
categories that appeared in the offenders interviews about intimate
relationships. In total, twelve categories were formed, indicating the inherent
complexity of the construct of intimacy. The researchers compared the
different offender types and discovered some differences among their
54 Emily Blake and Theresa A. Gannon
Attachment Theory
Attachment theory (Bowlby 1969, 1973, 1980) proposes that the bond a
child forms with caregivers during early life is crucial for development. The
bond formed between caregiver and child is known as an attachment bond, and
it is this bond that provides a child with a basis for which to understand future
relationships. Bowlby examined countless mother-infant interactions, and
drew on theory and research from psychological, ethnological and biological
sources to construct a comprehensive theory of attachment. The central tenets
of this theory are thus; the attachment bond between caregiver and infant may
be either secure or insecure depending on the interaction between caregiver
and child. According to Bowlby, a young child needs to make a secure
attachment with at least one caregiver for social and emotional development to
occur normally. A secure attachment arises from a relationship that provides
nurturance, comfort and closeness between caregiver and child. Under
circumstances such as these, the child is likely to develop a strong bond with
the caregiver and feelings of trust and confidence in the availability of the
caregiver. These feelings in turn promote confidence in the child and allow
them to explore and interact with the environment, further developing their
social and emotional skills. An insecure attachment may arise as a result of
emotional coldness, rejection or a lack of support from the caregiver, or
56 Emily Blake and Theresa A. Gannon
Ward, Hudson and Marshall (1996) took Marshalls original theory, and
extended it to incorporate adult attachment styles in romantic relationships and
postulated how specific types of sex offender (i.e., child molesters or rapists)
differ in these styles. These authors argued that the differences in offence
behaviour of these two groups points to differences in their attachment style
and associated levels of intimacy, loneliness and social skills. Bartholomews
model of adult attachment (Bartholomew, 1990; Bartholomew & Horowitz,
1991), was used as a basis for this new theory of adult attachment styles.
Bartholomew proposed that there are four fundamental types of attachment
styles related to intimate relationships: Secure, Preoccupied, Fearful and
Dismissing. Bartholomews styles are based upon a two-category model of
attachment that involves perception of self (either negative or positive)
coupled with perceptions of others (either negative or positive). Preoccupied
individuals hold a negative view of themselves, but positive views of others.
This often leads to a desire for approval from valued others. Furthermore these
individuals are preoccupied with sex, and often attempt to fulfil their desires
for security and affection through sexual contact (Shaver & Hazan, 1988).
Individuals with a fearful attachment style have a negative perception of self
and others and paradoxically desire intimacy and social contact, but
experience distrust of others and fear or rejection (Collins & Read, 1990;
Hazan & Shaver 1987). This desire for intimacy will cause an individual to
seek out intimate relationships, but their fear of rejection in such a relationship
means they are likely to keep their partner at a distance. They may also pursue
impersonal sexual relationships as a mean of gaining intimacy without
commitment. Dismissive individuals hold a positive view of self but view
others negatively, and unlike those holding other styles, are sceptical of
Loneliness in Sexual Offenders 59
offenders with such difficulties, further complicating the link between such
difficulties and sexual and general offending. This body of research represents
a good start in the examination of attachments in sex offenders, but further
research is needed to help us to further understand the processes linking
attachment style with offending behaviour.
CONCLUSIONS
In this chapter we have examined sexual offenders experience of
lonelinessspecifically emotional loneliness and the factors that are
assumed to cause such loneliness. Marshall was one of the first researchers to
examine the link between loneliness and sexual offending, and in this chapter
we have focussed on Marshalls theoretical ideas about the effect childhood
attachment bonds with caregivers have on the social skills development of sex
offenders and how these deficits, along with the experience of loneliness, may
lead to sexual offending. We have also discussed the extension of Marshalls
theory by Ward and colleagues which includes theoretical links between adult
attachment styles and the specific offending behaviour of different types of
offender. Despite the importance of this attachment theory of offending, there
has not been a great deal of research conducted in this area, and therefore it is
difficult to draw any firm conclusions from the research that has been
conducted. Thus, we are still not in the empirically privileged position where
we can fully understand the exact link between loneliness and sexual
offending. Consequently, it would be useful if more research was undertaken
to closely examine the attachment types, intimacy deficits, and loneliness
experience of sexual offenders, to fully understand how these factors interact
to facilitate offending behaviour. For example, the research we have examined
on sexual offenders experiences of loneliness, and the wider loneliness
literature highlights the complexity of the construct of loneliness. As we have
seen, most researchers agree that there are two different types of loneliness
social loneliness, and emotional lonelinesshowever there has not been a
systematic examination of both types of loneliness in sex offenders. Such
research could help us to understand the effects both of these experiences have
on offenders, and subsequently how these experiences might influence
offending behaviour. Similarly, it would be useful to investigate further the
causes of these types of loneliness to determine if social skills deficits and
intimacy deficits play a key role in either or both types of loneliness. This is
64 Emily Blake and Theresa A. Gannon
especially pertinent in the case of sexual offenders, because many sex offender
treatment programmes include social skills training (Beech, Fisher &
Thornton, 2003), and if we had a stronger idea of the exact deficits
demonstrated by offenders these programmes could be made more effective.
Another aspect that warrants further research involves specific parental
attachment types. We have seen that some researchers have examined child-
caregiver attachments in general, whilst others have specifically examined
paternal and maternal attachments discovering that sex offenders appear to
have different attachment styles associated with each parental figure. For
example, the work of Smallbone and colleagues suggests that sexual offenders
may have more insecure attachments with their fathers than their mothers. Due
to the fact this particular attachment relationship is not often examined,
researchers have so far been unable to determine whether this specific
attachment relationship plays a role in sexual offending. Further research in all
these areas will help us to form a better understanding of the associations
between childhood attachment, intimacy deficits and loneliness in sexual
offenders, and how these factors may influence sexual offending behaviour.
REFERENCES
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Awad, G., Saunders, E. & Levene, J. (1984). A clinical study of male sex
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Bowlby, J. (1973). Attachment and loss, Vol 2: Separation. New York: Basic
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Loneliness in Sexual Offenders 65
Bowlby, J. (1980). Attachment and loss, Vol 3: Loss, sadness and depression.
New York: Basic Books.
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Bumby, K. M. & Hansen, D. J. (1997). Intimacy deficits, fear of intimacy, and
loneliness among sexual offenders. Criminal Justice & Behavior, 24, 315-
332.
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among incarcerated rapists and child molesters. Paper presented at the
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66 Emily Blake and Theresa A. Gannon
Chapter 4
Ami Rokach*
York University, Toronto Canada, and Centre for Academic Studies,
Yehuda, Israel
ABSTRACT
Loneliness is a prevailing experience, which every person has
experienced at some point in his or her life. It is a subjective experience,
which is influenced by ones personality, life experience and other
situational variables. The present study examined the influence of age and
gender on the experience of loneliness; not on its presence or absence, but
rather on its qualitative apects. Seven hundred and eleven participants
from all walks of life volunteered to answer an 82-item yes/no
questionnaire, reflecting on their loneliness experiences and what it meant
to them. Four age groups were compared: youth (13-18 years old), young
adults (19-30 years old), adults (31-58 years old) and seniors (60-80 years
old). Within and between gender comparisons were also done. Results
revealed that loneliness is indeed affected by ones age and gender.
*
Corresponding author: arokach@yorku.ca, Mailing address:, 58 Trumpeldor St., Petach Tikva
49403, Israel
70 Ami Rokach
Recent studies suggest that a large proportion of the population feel lonely
frequently (Cacioppo, Fowler & Christakis, 2009; Rokach & Brock 1995). It is
estimated that while only 5-10% of seniors (aged 65 and up) reported
experiencing loneliness occasionally, (e.g. Pinquart, 2003; Prince, Harwood,
Blizard, Thomas & Mann, 1997) 80% of older adults (aged 80 and above)
often feel lonely (Smith & Baltes, 1993). Ornish (1998) stated at the very
beginning of his book Love & Survival: Our survival depends on the healing
power of love, intimacy, and relationships. Physically. Emotionally.
Spiritually. As individuals. As communities. As a culture. Perhaps even as a
species. (p. 1). And indeed, loneliness has been linked to depression, anxiety
and interpersonal hostility (Hansson, Jones, Carpenter & Remondet, 1986), to
an increased vulnerability to health problems (Jones, Rose & Russell, 1990), to
suicidal ideation (Rudatsikira, Muula, Siziya & Twa-Twa, 2007), and even to
suicide (Cutrona, 1982, Seeman, 2000). Rook (1988) observed that
loneliness results from the interaction of person factors and situational
constrains. That interaction is closely associated with the changing
circumstances, which one encounters growing up from cradle to grave (see
also Cacioppo, Fowler & Christakis, 2009). Growing up, by definition, is
characterized by many physical, emotional and cognitive changes, that may be
related to, or enhance, the experience of loneliness.
Adolescence has been described as a period of storm and stress (Arnett,
1999). It is a difficult period of life (Buchanan, Eccles, Midgley, Feldanber &
Harold, 1990) characterised by conflicts with parents (Lawson, Coy & Collins,
1998), mood disruption including extreme emotions (Larson & Richards,
1994), Increased substance abuse (Johnston, Omalley & Bachman, 1994),
heavy reliance on peers and vulnerability to peer pressure and risky behaviour
(Arnett, 1999) which was described by Hall (1904) as a period of
semicriminality (Vol. 1, p. 404).
Young adulthood is a period, which in some way accentuates the changes,
which the adolescent has encountered (Hatcher, Trussell, Stewart & Stewart,
1994) but it lacks the sharp mood swings and frequent conflicts which
characterizes youth. During their 20s young adults in the Western culture
break away from their family and prepare themselves for life vocationally,
academically and socially (Coon & Miterrer, 2008; Rokach & Neto, 2006).
Around the age of 30 many people experience a minor life crisis questions
about the essence of life and the wavering assurance about previous choices
are at the heart of that crisis (Coon & Miterrer, 2008). Adults during their third
to fifth decades often strive to reach the height of their vocational experience
(Coon, 1992), attend to their nuclear family as well as family of origin and
Loneliness and Life: From Beginning to End 71
experience the birth, growth and striving for independence of their off springs
(Steinberg & Levine, 1997; Smetana, 1988) as well as deal with the daily
hassles of life (Arnett, 1999). Middle age is characterised by declining vigor,
strength, and youthfulness (Coon & Miterrer, 2008) as well as of letting go of
ones unrealistic dreams and aspirations. While women experience
menopause, men pass through a climacteric and so both genders experience
physiological changes (Coon & Miterrer, 2008).
The elderly, those we call seniors, frequently suffer from a variety of
chronic ailments (Roy, 1986), death of friends or a spouse (Rabasca, 1999)
and social isolation to varying degrees (Delisle, 1988; See also Tang et. Al.,
2004). As Perlman (2004) observed with national surveys finding that over a
quarter of North Americans report having felt lonely or remote from others in
the past few weeksmany consider it to be one of the main problems that
older adults face (p. 181).
Those changing circumstances, life events and opportunities undoubtedly
effect the manner in which people experience, evaluate and cope with lifes
demands. It therefore stands to reason that the essence of the experience of
loneliness [as well as the manner in which different age groups approach and
cope with it] would differ at various stages in life (Rokach & Brock, 1998;
Rokach & Bauer, 2004).
The present study is, in essence, a phemomenologically based study.
Rather than be diagnostic in nature and attempt to measure levels and intensity
of coping with loneliness (as others have done), it aims at understanding,
explaining and highlighting the experience of loneliness in the different stages
of the lifecycle.
METHOD
Participants
Table 1. Demographics
1
range * = p<.05 **p<.01 ***p<.001 ****p<.0001
11
Ns and percentages may not add up due to missing data.
X2(1,3) sex by culture = 64.30*
X2(2,3) marital status by population = 189.22*
F(3,671) education by population = 30.14*
F(3,701) age by population = 1253.98*
Loneliness and Life: From Beginning to End 73
The average age of all participants was 32.26 years with ages ranging
between 13 to 80. The mean level of education (i.e. last grade completed) was
11.56 with a range of formal education reported to be of 1 to 20. Fifty six
percent of the participants were single 23% married, and 21% have had a
relationship but were no longer in it due to separation, divorce or death of a
spouse. Table 1 provides a more detailed breakdown of gender, age, education
and marital status within each age group.
Procedure
All items for the questionnaire were written by the author and based on
Rokachs previous research on loneliness (Rokach, 1988). That study yielded a
theoretical model of loneliness as reported by five hundred and twenty-six
(526) participants who were asked to describe their experiences of loneliness.
The present items were chosen from those descriptions and were modified to
provide clarity and gender neutrality. The draft was first reviewed by six
psychologists and two psychology students for any items or instructions,
which lacked clarity, relevance or content. The questionnaire was then
constructed incorporating this feedback. The questionnaire has 82 items,
74 Ami Rokach
RESULTS
Participants were divided into four distinct age group, in accordance with
Eriksons (1963) psychosocial stages. The youth ranged in age from 13 to 18
years, young adults 19 to 30, adults 31 to 58 and seniors were those 60 to 80
years old. Table 1 illustrates the breakdown of gender, age, marital status, and
educational level within each group.
Age (F(3,701)=1253.98; p<.0001) was, naturally, significantly different for
the four age groups. Education (F(3,671)=30.14; p<.0001) was similarly
significantly different amongst the four groups, with young adults reporting
the highest mean (12.08), and the adolescents obviously had the lowest mean
(9.37). Marital status differed significantly amongst the age groups
(X2(2,3)=189.22; p<.0001). Ninety three percent of the youth were single
whereas, for example 59% of seniors were alone due to separation, divorce or
spousal death. The composition of the age groups was also significantly
different in gender distribution (X2(1,3)=64.30; p<.0001). The highest
percentage of males was in the adult population (79%), while the adolescents
had the highest percentage of females (60%). Consequently, these
demographic variables were covaried in the following analyses.
Table 2 compared the mean subscale scores of participants in each age
group. An overall MANCOVA (F(15,1389)=2.92; P<.001) indicated that the
scores of the four age groups differed significantly on the five subscales. A
MANCOVA comparing how each gender, across age groups scored, indicated
that mens scores differed significantly (F(15,981)=3.62; p<.001), while womens
scores did not (F(15,384)=1.05 n.s). Further comparisons of the four age groups
on each subscale, by way of ANCOVAs, indicated that the overall mean
scores differed significantly on each of the subscales for the four age groups,
and for men.
76 Ami Rokach
DISCUSSION
Brown (1996) observed that aging concerns all humans because of our
unique ability to have an awareness of ourselves and others and to
conceptualize the future as well as the past and present (p. 1). Larson (1990)
Loneliness and Life: From Beginning to End 77
aptly noted that spending too much time alone which may occur at any stage
in life may bring about loneliness. Focusing on the ageing process which we
all go through, Ernst & Cacioppo (1999) and Nexhipi (1983) addressing the
relationship between loneliness and aging, asserted that loneliness occurs at all
ages and the relationship between age and loneliness is a curvilinear one,
whereby the young and the old are especially prone to feelings of loneliness.
U.S surveys indicate that a quarter of North Americans report having felt
lonely in the past four weeks (Perlman, 2004).
The present study investigated the qualitative aspects of the experience of
loneliness across the life span, by examining how it is experienced during
adolescence, young adulthood, middle age, and the later years. To the best of
my knowledge, only sparse research attempts were made to address the
phenomenology of loneliness and its various facets and compare it across
different age groups. Loneliness is a distressing and painful multidimensional
experience which is universal among all humans, and as a unique subjective
experience, is affected by ones personality, history and background (Rokach
& Brock, 1997; Rokach & Neto, 2006). Results of the present study confirmed
that loneliness, indeed , is experienced differently throughout the life cycle. In
this study, I examined each of the five subscales as it was endorsed by
participants from the different age groups.
Rokach (2005; see also Cacioppo, Fowler & Christakis, 2009) observed
that a large portion of the population reported having experienced loneliness.
Research shows that loneliness is not experienced exclusively by the adult
population but that its prevalence trancends throughout many age groups
(Marceon & Brumagne, 1985; Rokach & Neto, 2006). Hartog (1980) keenly
observed that
It, thus, highlights and further explains the results of the present study.
Overall, it was found that the four age groups not only experience loneliness,
but it is qualitatively a different experience which we, humans, go through as
we move through the life cycle. The four age groups differed on each of the
five subscales.
78 Ami Rokach
ones shyness, hostility, and social anxiety and awkwardness, which in turn
intensify ones loneliness. The present findings indicated that young adults
experience it more intensely than the other age groups, while the seniors had
the lowest score. As we already mentioned the elderly are indeed by-and-large
less socially isolated than their stereotype may suggest (Delisle, 1988; Jylha,
2004). Anthony (1998) brings numerous example of seniors who are active,
well connected socially and productively create and contribute to society.
However, the young adults who are striving to establish themselves
economically, educationally and professionally, attempting to start a family,
keep their adolescent friends or make new ones and crave for relationships,
intimacy and love (Coon & Miterrer, 2008), may be acutely aware of possible
shortcomings which may prevent them from achieving their goals at the time
frame which they strived for, or all together not achieve them. The majority of
people break away from their families at that age, and leaving home in usually
associated with building new friendships with other adults. These friends then
serve as substitutes for the family and as allies in the process of breaking ties
(Coon & Miterrer, 2008). Seeing other young adults who may be socially well
supported and who may have achieved positions of power, prestige, social
desirability or marital and familial harmony could conceivably lead to self-
attribution of social inadequacy, self-deprecation and perceived social
alienation.
Growth and discovery depicts the beneficial effects of loneliness including
gaining a deeper understanding and appreciation of oneself, increase in the
value one assigns to friendships and to social support and to the discovery of
the resources one has in attempting to cope with the pain of loneliness. As
Moustakas (1961) so poignantly put it In absolutely solitary moments man
experiences truth, beauty, nature, reverence, humanity. Loneliness enables one
to come to a life with others with renewed hope and vitality [and] with a fuller
dedication (p. 102). This, maybe more than other facets of loneliness, relates
to ones cognitive appraisal of the experience, and the maturity and daily
lessons, which were accumulated along the path of living. And as Seligman
and Csikszentmihalyi (2000) pointed out whenever possible, people choose
behaviors that make them feel fully alive, competent, and creative (p.9).
Intuitively, then, we can expect a positive correlation between age and the
Growth and discovery scores. The present findings seem to support such a
trend. The lowest score was reported by the youth while the seniors had the
highest score.
Arnett (1999) in a meta analysis of the research on adolescence, noted that
this "storm and stress period, as Hall (1904) referred to it is not a myth that
80 Ami Rokach
has captured the popular imagination but a real part of life for many
adolescents and their parents in contemporary America (p. 324). Arnett
contends that going through a period which is rife with conflicts with parents,
mood disruptions, engaging in risky behaviour and establishing ones identity,
adolescence does indeed appear at least in North America - to be a stressful,
uneasy, conflictual period. During that period adolescents break away from
parental dominance, and prepare for their future, by dating, establishing
friendships and selecting a vocation or future career. Clearly, such a turbulent
and future-oriented stage is not amenable to the reflection and self-
understanding that the more stable life changes could encourage. Adolescents
possess the cognitive abilities to manipulate abstractions, to examine
hypothetical ideas and to generalize from the concrete to abstract ideas (Coon
& Miterrer, 2008; Dworetzky, 1991). However, they lack sufficient self-
knowledge, maturity and life experience to fully experience the growth and
discovery which loneliness can bring about.
The Interpersonal alienation subscale highlighted the sense of utter
aloneness associated with the experience of being abandoned. It also addresses
the absence of intimacy, having no satisfying meaningful intimate
relationships. As was the trend with the previous subscales, here as well,
young adults scored the highest while seniors scored the lowest.
Dworetzky (1991) contends that young adults face many choices and
predicaments in our society. They must make decisions about sexuality,
marriage, children, career friendships, social and civic interactions, and much
more (p. 383). Erikson (1963) highlighted the psychosocial crisis which the
young adult is said to deal with and which involves intimacy vs. isolation. In
that stage the individual experiences a need to achieve an essential quality of
intimacy, being prepared to share meaningful love or deep friendship with
others. As Coon (1992) observed, not all are fortunate to be socially accepted
and find, or be able to maintain, meaningful and close relationships, and yet,
even those who are married or sexually involved have no guarantee that
intimacy will prevail: many adult relationships remain superficial and
unfulfilling (p. 417). Failure to establish intimacy with others may result in a
deep sense of isolation. In light of the present results it appears that young
adults experience interpersonal alienation significantly more than the seniors,
the elderly who were viewed as having gone through irreversible losses
(Brown, 1996), as having suffered decreased physical capabilities and mental
capacities, lost social status and suffered from isolation and interpersonal
alienation (Arber, Davidson, and Ginn, 2003; Kuypers & Bengston, 1973;
Matras, 1990; Rokach, Matalon, Rokach & Safarov, 2007).
Loneliness and Life: From Beginning to End 81
Recent research appears to shed light on the present results. Despite the
inevitable losses which accompany old age, those healthy and independent
seniors who participated in the present study enjoy peer group support and the
community of those which as Fischer (1978) referred to are roughly alike
(p.111). Brown (1996) reported that peer group participation is increasing
amongst the aged throughout the world. In North America, the healthy aged
may live independently, with their children, in retirement communities and age
concentrated public housing (Malakoff, 1991). Under those conditions, and
in light of Mroczeks (quoted in Rabasca, 1999) observation that seniors gear
their lives toward maximising positive affect and minimising negative affect
(p. 11), it stands to reason that they will experience Interpersonal isolation to a
significantly lesser extent than young adults who are not so generously
socially supported (see also Perlman, 2004; Pinquart & Sorensen, 2001a,
2001b).
Youth, young adults and adults scored significantly different on the Self-
alienation subscale. That subscale depicted self-detachment, which is often
characterised by numbness, immobilization and denial of the distress inherent
in loneliness. While youth scored the lowest, young adults scored the highest
on this subscale. As Hall (1904) and Arnett (1999) pointed out, adolescence is
indeed a period of storm and stress, of identity forming, rebelliousness,
independence seeking and mood disturbances. It is safe to argue that
specifically during this period, the developing person is very keenly in touch
with herself, is full of vigor and motivation to achieve, and/or change
unsatisfactory life situations and may experience loneliness as a painful and
distressing experience, but not an immobilizing event which results in self
detachment. The situation of the young adults is quite different. Those years
are occupied with striving to prepare for a secure future, redefining familial
relationships, building intimate friendships, marriage and family planning
raising children and caring for elderly parents (Blood, 1972; Doherty &
Jacobson, 1982; Rokach 2000; Smith et al, 2003). It is little wonder that very
little time is left for young adults to engage in solitude (Larson, 1990), to get
in touch with their deeper feelings and to reach a true understanding of the
meanings and significance which life events have for them. Naturally, they
will then experience self-alienation, numbness and the familiar participation in
the rat race. And as Cacioppo, Fowler and Christakis (2009) noted
Loneliness can affect, and be affected, by what one perceives and desires in
their social relationships (p.978).
Although this study did not investigate the extent of the occurrence of
loneliness in various life stages, present results indicate that with the exception
82 Ami Rokach
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University Press.
Anthony, T. (1998, Jan. 29). Young at heart. The Toronto Star, E6.
Arnett, J. J. (1999). Adolescent storm and stress, reconsidered. American
Psychologist, 54(5), 317-326.
Blood, R. O. (1972). The family. New York: Free Press.
Brown, A. S. (1996). The social processes of aging and old age. Upper Saddle
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Buchanan, C. M., Eccles, J. S., Flanagan, C., Midgley, C., Feldlaufer, H. &
Harold, R. D. (1990). Parents' and teachers' beliefs about adolescents:
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Cacioppo, J. T., Fowler, J. H. & Chrisrakis, N. A. ( 2009). Alone in the
crowed: The structure and spread of loneliness in a large social network.
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Cacioppo, J. T. (2007). Social regulations of gene expression in human
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Coon, D. & Miterrer, J. O. (2008). Psychology: A journey. Belmont, CA:
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Cutrona, C. E. (1982). Transition to college: Loneliness and the process of
social adjustment. In: L. A. Peplau, & D. Perlman, (Eds.), Loneliness: A
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84 Ami Rokach
Factor 5: Self-alienation
I felt as if my mind and body were in different places (.54)
It felt as if I was in a dream and waiting to awaken (.48)
Chapter 5
Holly A. Hunley1*
Loyola University Chicago, Chicago, Illinois USA
ABSTRACT
Anecdotal evidence and previous research have indicated that
experiencing some stress while traveling abroad is a rather common
occurrence. Part of this stress may be explained by the experience of
loneliness. Specifically, students who study abroad are removed, at least
in part, from their usual social support systems, which may lead them to
feel as though they lack close attachments or people on whom they can
rely for support. Undergraduate students studying abroad at Loyola
Universitys Rome Center during the 2004 fall semester (Rome Center
Study I) and the 2006-2007 fall and spring semesters (Rome Center Study
II) completed questionnaires, which examined aspects of loneliness,
psychological distress, and functioning while abroad. In general, these
studies provide evidence that loneliness is associated with adverse
consequences for students who study abroad. Specifically, students
experiencing more loneliness also experienced greater psychological
distress and demonstrated lower levels of functioning while studying
abroad. Further, having fewer friends was associated with greater
*
Corresponding author: Jesse Brown VA Medical Center, 820 S. Damen Avenue (Psychology
#116B), Chicago, IL 60612, +1-312-569-8067, hhunley@luc.edu
90 Holly A. Hunley
INTRODUCTION
More than 240,000 students studied abroad during the 2006-2007
academic year, an increase of nearly 200,000 students in only 20 years
(Institute for International Education, 2008). This increase is due in large part
to the many benefits of studying abroad such as personal growth, enhanced
foreign language acquisition, more awareness of international affairs, and
greater adaptability, and several studies have documented these benefits (e.g.,
Carlson & Widaman, 1988; McCabe, 1994; Drews & Meyer, 1996; Davidson
& Lehmann, 2001-2005; Jurgens & McAuliffe, 2004; Savicki et al, 2004;
Hadis, 2005; Langley & Breese, 2005). While studying abroad can be an
exciting and rewarding experience, it can also be stressful. Moving across the
world, away from family and friends, away from a familiar language, culture,
and way of life is a stressful situation. In fact, traveling abroad is stressful to
some degree for most people who travel abroad, a phenomenon described as
culture shock (Church, 1982). While many factors may contribute to culture
shock and stress abroad, one important factor is inadequate social support or
loneliness.
Despite the dramatic increase in popularity of studying abroad, relatively
little investigation has been done regarding the experiences, effects, and
outcomes of studying abroad. There is a particular insufficiency of research
regarding the experience of loneliness for students who study abroad and its
consequences. Because of the potential for loneliness to undermine the quality
The Experience of Loneliness While Studying Abroad 91
LONELINESS
Social support has been defined as the presence of dependable people in
ones life (Braun & Hollander, 1989). A lack of social support can lead to
loneliness, which may occur when individuals feel empty because they lack
important persons in their lives or when individuals are not accepted or do not
belong to a group (Blai, 1989). It is well documented that loneliness can have
deleterious effects on general well-being as well as on mental health, including
increased feelings of anxiety and depression. Loneliness can cause individuals
to feel detached from others and develop negative emotional reactions such as
unhappiness and diminished self-esteem, which may lead to unhealthy
behaviors such as isolating themselves from others (Blai).
On the other hand, evidence reveals that social support, the opposite of
loneliness, can buffer the physical and psychological problems associated with
stress (Aneshensel & Stone, 1982; DeLongis et al., 1988). DeLongis,
Folkman, and Lazarus (1988) examined the relationship between self-esteem,
social support, and physical and psychological well-being. They found that
individuals had a greater chance of having a positive relationship between
stress and physical problems and stress and psychological problems if they had
low self-esteem and diminished social support. Pengilly and Dowd (2000)
examined social support as a buffer between stress and depression. Both
inadequate social support and stress were significantly associated with
depression. Further, lower levels of social support significantly predicted
depression regardless of stress.
Others have shown that social support is directly associated with
decreased physical and psychological problems (Furnham & Bochner, 1990).
Several studies have demonstrated a relationship between inadequate social
support and elevated anxiety and depression. Aneshensel and Stone (1982)
demonstrated that social support has a direct impact on depressive symptoms.
They found that having more close relationships and more perceived social
support were associated with lower levels of depression. A study by Rubio and
Lubin (1986) compared social support of a group of control subjects (i.e.,
college students not in therapy) to that of a group of students who were in
92 Holly A. Hunley
socialized with other foreign students did find it beneficial for their adaptation
(Surdam & Collins). Further, foreign students who socialized with local
American students were more adjusted than students who only socialized with
other foreign students (Surdam & Collins). A study by Heikinheimo and Shute
(1986) found similar results. The study was performed in Canada and looked
at two groups of foreign students, Asians and Africans enrolled at a Canadian
university (Heikinheimo & Shute). They found that Asian students who did
not socialize with Canadian students had significantly more problems with
adjustment than students who did socialize with Canadian students
(Heikinheimo & Shute). These results suggest the extent and type of social
contacts while studying abroad is important. This has implications for
American students who study abroad because many overseas programs are
island programs, which house American students on one campus where
contact with locals is scarce.
Another study of foreign students in the United States looked at both
buffering and direct effects of social support on stress (Mallinckrodt & Leong,
1992). The results showed that family support had direct effects on stress in
foreign graduate students, and graduate program support had buffering and
direct effects on stress for these students (Mallinckrodt & Leong). Peer social
support was not assessed. Again, this study demonstrates the importance of
social support on stress and the potential outcomes of stress.
Another study, this time done with North American students studying in
Israel, looked at social support and loneliness (Wiseman, 1997). Wiseman
found that the quality of relationships predicted loneliness more than the
quantity of relationships. This indicates that the depth of ones friendships is
more important than the overall number of friends. They also found that
students who were unhappy with their current friendships in Israel predicted
loneliness, as did students who were unhappy with relationships at home
(Wiseman). Because loneliness is a stressor, it can lead to many of the same
negative outcomes as any other life stress such as feelings of anxiety and
depression. Therefore, the experience of loneliness in students who study
abroad must be taken seriously.
Hypotheses
The aim of the present studies, Rome Center Study I and Rome Center
Study II, was to investigate the impact of loneliness in students while studying
abroad. In each of the studies, students studying abroad at Loyola Universitys
The Experience of Loneliness While Studying Abroad 95
METHOD
Participants
During the 2004 fall semester, 66 of 116 students attending the Rome
Center returned the first survey, and 58 of these students returned the second
survey, retaining nearly 90% of the original sample. The sample was 82.8%
female and 89.7% Caucasian with the remainder of the sample being African-
American, Hispanic, Asian, Middle Eastern, and Other. Students in their junior
year of college comprised 72.4% of the sample with a mean age of 20.26 years
96 Holly A. Hunley
(SD = .807). Two thirds of the sample came from Loyola University Chicago
while the remaining third came from other American universities.
Materials
The questionnaire for Rome Center Study I was four pages in length and
included a number of measures and demographic questions. First, students
completed the Functioning of Students Abroad Questionnaire (FOSA; Hunley,
In press) to measure students levels of functioning while abroad, which was
developed specifically for this study through an extensive review of the
literature. The FOSA is comprised of 23 items ranked on a 7-point Likert
scale. The items were summed to calculate students overall levels of
functioning while abroad. The items consist of activities and goals that
students typically experience while abroad, and students were asked the extent
to which they have participated in such activities while in Rome (e.g., to what
extent are you performing well academically, to what extent are you learning
about the local culture, to what extent are you learning about yourself). The
Cronbachs alpha for the FOSA was .86 in this study. Second, students
completed the Beck Anxiety Inventory (BAI; Beck, Epstein, Brown, & Steer,
1988) to measure levels of anxiety, which lists 21 symptoms of anxiety that
participants rated on a scale of 0 (not at all) to 3 (severely it bothered me a
lot). Responses were added to calculate their total anxiety scores. The BAI has
been used extensively to measure anxiety for both research and clinical
purposes and is a reliable measure for clinical and non-clinical populations
(Borden, Peterson, & Jackson, 1991). In the current study, Cronbachs alpha
for this measure was .88. Third, students completed Lists E, F, and G of the
Depression Adjective Checklist (DACL; Lubin, 1965) to measure levels of
depression. Each list on the DACL contains adjectives describing different
degrees of depression and happiness. Depending on which words were or were
not checked, participants levels of depression were calculated. Finally,
students completed the Revised UCLA Loneliness Scale, a 21-item measure of
loneliness (Russel, Peplau, & Cutrona, 1980). This scale is rated on a seven-
point Likert scale with good internal consistency in past studies (Russel,
Peplau, & Cutrona) and in the current study, Cronbachs alpha of .95.
The Experience of Loneliness While Studying Abroad 97
Participants
Of approximately 150 undergraduate students who attended Loyola
Universitys Rome Center during the fall semester 2006, 21 participated in the
study (writing task and questionnaires), and of approximately 180
undergraduate students attending during the spring semester 2007, 46
participated (questionnaires only) yielding a total sample size of 67 for the
present study. The study retained approximately 75% of the sample throughout
the study (dropout rate was approximately 25%), which is acceptable for
longitudinal research design. The sample was 85.1% female, with 64.2% of
students in their junior year and an average age of 19.98 years (SD = .59). The
sample was 89.6% Caucasian with the remainder of the sample being
Hispanic, African-American, Asian-American, or Middle Eastern. Just over
60% of the sample was comprised of Loyola students while the remaining
students came from other American universities.
Materials
The questionnaire for Rome Center Study II was also four pages in length
comprised of a number of measures and demographic questions. Rome Center
Study II used many of the same measures as Rome Center Study I including
the FOSA (Cronbachs alpha ranging from .79 - .92), BAI (Cronbachs alpha
ranging from .41 - .88), and Revised UCLA Loneliness Scale (Cronbachs
alpha ranging from .91 - .95). Of note, the BAI demonstrated poor reliability
during the first administration but acceptable reliability thereafter. Instead of
98 Holly A. Hunley
RESULTS
The means and standard deviations for the FOSA Questionnaire, BAI,
DACL/ BDI, and UCLA Loneliness Scale were calculated for Rome Center
Study I and II and are presented in Table 1.
Preliminary Analyses
There were no significant differences between the fall and spring samples
on any of the demographic questions or the outcome measures (FOSA, GHQ,
BDI, BAI, UCLA Loneliness, Journaling Habits) with the exception of the
FOSA during the ninth week of the semester. During week nine of the
semester, the fall sample had significantly higher levels of functioning with a
mean of 125.70 (SD = 13.27) than the spring sample with a mean of 114.26
(SD = 12.60), t(55) = 3.241, p = .002. Other than this difference, the two
samples were quite similar and are presented as one sample. There were also
no significant differences between those who completed the study and those
who dropped out on any of the demographic questions or the outcome
measures with the exception of participants age. Participants who completed
the study were approximately six months older with a mean age of 20.08 (SD
= .57) than those who dropped out of the study with a mean age of 19.69 (SD
= .60), t(64) = 2.379, p = .02. Because of the similarity among participants
who completed the study and those who did not, all available data was used
for each analysis.
Main Analyses
The first hypothesis, that students feeling greater loneliness would
demonstrate lower levels of functioning abroad was supported at all three data
points: the fifth week of the semester, R = .331, F(1,64) = 7.89, p = .007, the
100 Holly A. Hunley
ninth week of the semester, R = .340, F(1,55) = 7.17, p = .01, and the
thirteenth week of the semester, R = .347, F(1,55) = 7.51, p = .008.
The second hypothesis, that students feeling greater loneliness would
demonstrate greater psychological distress was partially supported. Students
feeling greater loneliness demonstrated greater anxiety during the fifth week,
R = .254, F(1,64) = 4.42, p = .039 but not during the ninth or thirteenth weeks
of the semester. Students feeling greater loneliness demonstrated greater
depression at all points during the semester: fifth week, R = .717, F(1,64) =
67.68, p < .001; ninth week, R = .569, F(1,55) = 26.27, p < .001; and thirteenth
week, R = .422, F(1,55) = 11.95, p = .001.
The third hypothesis, that students having more friends and having higher
quality friendships while abroad would experience less loneliness, was
partially supported. Students with fewer friends did experience significantly
more loneliness during the fifth week, R = .256, F(1,60) = 4.21, p = .045, and
during the ninth week, R = .291, F(1,45) = 4.15, p < .048, but not during the
thirteenth week of the semester. Students with lower quality friendships did
experience significantly more loneliness throughout the semester: during the
fifth week, R = .765, F(1,60) = 84.80, p < .001, during the ninth week, R =
.624, F(1,48) = 30.65, p < .001, and during the thirteenth week of the
semester, R = .746, F(1,48) = 60.19, p < .001.
The fourth hypothesis, that students having more contact with friends and
family at home would experience less loneliness, was supported only during
the ninth week of the semester. Students having less contact with friends at
home were significantly more lonely, R = .444, F(1,49) = 12.01, p = .001.
The fifth hypothesis, that fewer friends and lower quality of friendships
abroad would be related to lower levels of functioning and more psychological
distress was partially supported. Fewer friends was significantly related to
lower levels of functioning during the fifth week of the semester, R = .284,
F(1,61) = 5.35, p = .024 and during the ninth week of the semester, R = .352,
F(1,45) = 6.35, p = .015 but not during the thirteenth week of the semester.
Fewer friends was not significantly related to psychological distress at any
time during the semester.
Lower quality friendships was significantly related to lower levels of
functioning during the fifth week of the semester, R = .272, F(1,61) = 4.87, p =
.031 and during the thirteenth week of the semester, R = .311, F(1,48) = 5.14,
p = .028 but not during the ninth week of the semester. Lower quality
friendships was significantly related to higher levels of anxiety during the fifth
week of the semester, R = .256, F(1,61) = 4.27, p = .043 but not during the
ninth or thirteenth weeks of the semester. Lower quality friendships was
The Experience of Loneliness While Studying Abroad 101
DISCUSSION
As expected, loneliness was significantly related to a number of key
variables, and the results were replicated in two studies. Thus, the results
provide consistent support for several of the major hypotheses. To begin with,
students who were lonelier demonstrated lower levels of functioning and
higher levels depression throughout the semester, while the relationship
between loneliness and anxiety was strong at the beginning of the semester in
both studies but then diminished over the course of the semester in Rome
Center Study II. This may be explained by students gradually becoming less
anxious over the course of the semester as habituation to their social situation
occurred, thereby having a weaker relationship with loneliness over time.
Another finding was that loneliness had a stronger relationship with
quality of friendships across both studies and throughout the semester than it
did with quantity of friends. In other words, having more meaningful
relationships with others while abroad was more important than the number of
friends one has while abroad in regards to the experience of loneliness. This
makes sense given past research findings and that loneliness has to do with a
lack of important connections with others and the lack of support that is
derived from those connections.
While it was expected that students having less contact with friends and
family at home would experience more loneliness, the results did not support
this. When considering the findings related to the third hypothesis, perhaps the
more important factor in having contact with friends and family at home is
whether students felt supported by those conversations, rather than the amount
of contact with family and friends at home.
The relationship between functioning and psychological distress and two
proposed manifestations of loneliness, having fewer friends and having lower
quality of friendships, received mixed support. Having fewer friends showed a
weak relationship with lower levels of functioning earlier in the semester
during Rome Center Study II but not later in the semester or in Rome Center
Study I. Having fewer friends was not related to anxiety or depression for
102 Holly A. Hunley
either study. On the other hand, having lower quality friendships showed a
strong relationship with experiencing higher levels of depression and with
lower functioning. There was a relationship between lower quality of
friendships and anxiety at the beginning of the semester in both studies, which
then diminished over the course of the semester in Rome Center Study II.
Overall, these results demonstrate yet again that having meaningful
relationships is more important than having more relationships.
Taken together, the relationships between loneliness and functioning as
well as between loneliness and psychological distress suggest that the
experience of loneliness while abroad has the potential to have detrimental
consequences for students who study abroad. As a result, students who
experience more loneliness may experience more emotional difficulties such
as feelings of anxiety and depression. Also, students who experience more
loneliness may not have the same quality of experience and may not reap as
many benefits from studying abroad as students who feel less lonely. This
finding is important because it underscores the potentially large influence that
loneliness may have on students abroad. On the other hand, it suggests that
while loneliness may have deleterious effects on students functioning and
mental health, social support may have a positive impact. Therefore, efforts
should be made not only to diminish loneliness but to actively promote and
educate students about the importance of utilizing available social support
networks.
There were some limitations inherent in this study. First, the sample sizes
for each study were relatively low, which limited power. Additionally, the
response rates for Rome Center Study II was particularly low for each
semester, presumably because students were asked to complete more surveys
for Rome Center Study II and were asked to complete a writing task during the
fall semester of Rome Center Study II. Also, students in Rome Center Study II
were asked to participate for less compensation than they received at the end
of the semester rather than immediately after their participation early in the
semester as in Rome Center Study I. In other words, not all students in Rome
Center Study II received compensation because it was a drawing, and the
drawing did not occur until the end of the semester. Furthermore, this low
sample size precluded investigation into trajectories of loneliness and mental
health and functioning across the semester with more sophisticated
methodologies such as hierarchical linear modeling, which would have been
appropriate given the repeated measures design. A second limitation, the
Rome Center is an example of only one type of study abroad experience. The
Rome Center is considered an island program where students from the United
The Experience of Loneliness While Studying Abroad 103
CONCLUSION
With the growing popularity of studying abroad, research into loneliness
and other issues that may affect students well-being abroad is important,
particularly when considering the potentially negative effects this can have on
students functioning while abroad. Having said that, this type of research
regarding mental health issues and emotional difficulties abroad is in its
infancy. It is important for study abroad programs to address the mental health
needs of their students both before and during the study abroad experience.
Intercultural training and orientation programs should include discussion of
the signs of loneliness, emotional distress, the potential impact of stress, and
the skills that students can use while abroad to optimize their experiences
abroad, which are key elements of successful intercultural training (Black &
Mendenhall, 1990; Bhawuk & Brislin, 2000). Further, given the importance of
104 Holly A. Hunley
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The Experience of Loneliness While Studying Abroad 105
Chapter 6
Humans are fundamentally social creatures. Our quality of life rests on the
people we connect with, and not just because we depend on them for food,
clothing, and shelter. Instead, we thrive on interpersonal contact, and because
of this our psychological, and even physiological, well-being is hampered
when we become socially disconnected. The current chapter focuses on what
happens when people experience unfulfilled belongingness. Specifically, we
review evidence about how social exclusion hampers us in ways that affect our
cognitions, emotions, and behaviors. We review evidence about how people
cope with the pain of exclusion. And we also discuss recent work that shows
how people can be buffered from the deleterious effects of exclusion. The
findings that we review demonstrate that social exclusion strikes at the core of
*
Corresponding author: Richard S. Pond, Jr, 0003 Kastle Hall, Department of Psychology,
University of Kentucky, Lexington, KY 40506-0044 Email: ricky.pond@gmail.com
108 Richard S. Pond, Jr., Joseph Brey and C. Nathan DeWall
human functioning, yet we also hope to show that the negative consequences
associated with social disconnection can be effectively reduced.
believe that they will be alone in the future, they make self-defeating choices
by procrastinating, engaging in riskier money schemes, and engaging in less
healthy behaviors (Twenge, Catanese, & Baumeister, 2002). One hypothesis
advances the idea that this breakdown in self-control is the result of an implicit
bargain gone awry between the rejected individual and society (Baumeister,
DeWall, Ciarocco & Twenge, 2005). In essence, society binds individuals
through social expectations, rewarding compliant individuals with a social link
to other members of the community. People control their impulses in order to
receive the benefits that come with acceptance into this community. Yet, when
people are rejected by others, the bargain is broken and controlling ones
impulses no longer guarantees the benefits of acceptance. However, these
deficits in self-regulation can be reduced merely by offering socially excluded
people an incentive to self-regulate (e.g., money), which supports the notion
that excluded individuals are not unable to control their impulses but instead
are unmotivated to do so (Baumeister et al., 2005).
Since socially excluded individuals have an unfulfilled belongingness
need, the potential for future acceptance should serve as a particularly strong
incentive for improving self-regulation. Evidence shows that when excluded
people believe that a certain task is linked to social acceptance, they perform
better on that task compared to other excluded individuals who believe that the
same task is unrelated to social acceptance (DeWall et al., 2008). Presumably,
situations that diagnose social competency provide excluded individuals with a
direct route to re-establish the social bond they so desperately need. On the
other hand, people who have a fulfilled need to belong are not motivated to
gain future social acceptance. If accepted individuals believe a certain
behavior diagnoses belongingness, they perform less effectively than rejected
individuals, whereas situations that promise no interpersonal benefit reverse
this finding: accepted individuals perform much better than rejected
individuals (DeWall et al., 2008).
Overlap between physical and social pain systems. For early hunter-
gatherers, ostracism from the group meant certain death. To guard against such
an outcome, we developed psychological mechanisms for detecting and
protecting against decrements in belongingness (e.g., the sociometer) (Leary et
al., 1995; Leary & Springer, 2001). Pain warns us of when we are in danger
(Price, 1988). As such, some have argued that evolution co-opted the bodys
existing physical pain system for responding to social threats (DeWall &
Baumeister, 2006; Eisenberger & Lieberman, 2004; Herman & Panksepp,
1978; MacDonald & Leary, 2005; Panksepp, Herman, Conner, Bishop &
Scott, 1978; Panksepp, Vilberg, Bean, Coy & Kastin, 1978). Both, physical
injury and social disconnection can have traumatic consequences for ones
survival. Therefore, having one neurobiological system that monitors and
responds to physical and social pain similarly would be more efficient and
economical than having two separate systems devoted to either physical pain
or social pain.
Several lines of research support the theory that the physical and social
pain systems are intimately linked (for a review, see MacDonald & Leary,
2005). People even use the same terms to describe instances of rejection as
they do to describe physical injury, such as feeling hurt or crushed (Leary
& Springer, 2001). And this phenomenon is not just a product of Western
culture, as people equate social pain with physical pain in many languages
across the globe (MacDonald & Leary, 2005). Yet, the connection between the
two types of pain goes much deeper than this linguistic similarity.
Recent work shows that some of the same neural regions that are activated
by physical pain also respond to social threats. For instance, the anterior
cingulate cortex (ACC), which is a neural structure that alarms us to threats in
the environment (Bush, Luu & Posner, 2000; Nelson & Panksepp, 1998) is
also activated when our belongingness is threatened (Eisenberger, Lieberman,
& Williams, 2003). When people are socially excluded, activity in the dorsal
ACC increases. Yet, people who report interacting with close and supportive
others on a daily basis appear to be buffered by the effect of social exclusion
on their dACC. They, in effect, show less dACC activity after being excluded
than those who experience little meaningful social interactions on a daily basis
(Eisenberger, Taylor, Gable, Hilmert & Lieberman, 2007).
Denying the Need to Belong: How Social Exclusion 113
social and physical pain will lead to better strategies for buffering the negative
effects of social exclusion. For instance, one implication concerning the neural
overlap between the two types of pain is that methods used to relieve one type
of pain should have a parallel effect on the other type. That is, we could expect
that the effects of social exclusion can be reduced through common pain
relievers associated with the treatment of physical ailments.
This proposal has received some support from the animal literature. For
instance, low doses of morphine (an opioid commonly used to treat physical
pain) can reduce the distress cries that are due to separation from conspecifics
in a wide variety of species, including birds, rats, dogs and primates (for a
review, see MacDonald & Leary, 2005). There is also some preliminary
evidence that suggests a link in humans. People with a rare form of the -
opioid receptor gene (OPRM1), which is related to enhanced physical pain
sensitivity, also exhibit greater self-reported and neural sensitivity to social
exclusion (Way, Taylor, & Eisenberger, 2009).
CONCLUSION
Belongingness is among the most fundamental of human motivations
(Baumeister & Leary, 1995). It is deeply rooted in our evolutionary history.
And for this reason, people thrive on interpersonal contact and despise social
rejection. Social disconnection, from loneliness to outright ostracism, is
detrimental to our psychological and physical well-being. Social exclusion
causes people to be cognitively lazy, unwilling to control their impulses, and
even aggressive and antisocial. This chapter highlights the fact that social
118 Richard S. Pond, Jr., Joseph Brey and C. Nathan DeWall
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Review, 97, 90-113.
Baumeister, R. F., DeWall, C. N., Ciarocco, N. J. & Twenge, J. M. (2005).
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Psychology, 88, 589-604.
Baumeister, R. F. & Leary, M. R. (1995). The need to belong: Desire for
interpersonal attachments as a fundamental human motivation.
Psychological Bulletin, 117(3), 497-529.
Baumeister, R. F., Twenge, J. M. & Nuss, C. K. (2002). Effects of social
exclusion on cognitive processes: Anticipated aloneness reduces
intelligent thought. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 83,
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Baumeister, R. F. & Wotman, S. R. (1992). Breaking hearts: The two sides of
unrequited love. New York: Guilford Press.
Baumeister, R. F., Wotman, S. R. & Stillwell, A. M. (1993). Unrequited love:
On heartbreak, anger, guilt, scriptlessness, and humiliation. Journal of
Personality
and Social Psychology, 64, 377-394.
Beest, I. V. & Williams, K. D. (2006). When inclusion costs and ostracism
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91, 918-928.
Denying the Need to Belong: How Social Exclusion 119
Panksepp, J., Herman, B. H., Conner, R., Bishop, P. & Scott, J. P. (1978). The
biology of social attachments: Opiates alleviate separation distress.
Biological Psychiatry, 13, 607-618.
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Peyron, R., Laurent, B. & Garcia-Larrea, L. (2000). Functional imaging of
brain responses to pain. A review and meta-analysis. Neurophysiological
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Price, D. D. (1988). Psychological and neural mechanisms of pain. New York:
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(1997). Pain affect encoded in human anterior cingulate but not
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Twenge, J., Baumeister, R., DeWall, C., Ciarocco, N. & Bartels, J. (2007).
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Social Psychology, 92, 56 66.
Twenge, J. M., Baumeister, R. F., Tice, D. M. & Stucke, T. S. (2001). If you
cant join them, beat them: Effects of social exclusion on aggressive
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Twenge, J. M., Catanese, K. R. & Baumeister, R. F. (2002). Social exclusion
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Baumeister, R. F. (2007). Replenishing connectedness: Reminders of
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122 Richard S. Pond, Jr., Joseph Brey and C. Nathan DeWall
Chapter 7
Bradley J. Bond
University of Illinois at Urbana Champaign, Illinois USA
ABSTRACT
Adolescence is a tumultuous time of development, as transformations
continually influence the emotional well-being of the American teenager.
Lesbian, gay, or bisexual (LGB) teens experience loneliness with more
saliency than their heterosexual peers. It is important to understand the
factors influencing the loneliness of sexual minority youth given the
social hindrances that they face. This commentary reviews the
socialization agents known to influence feelings of loneliness among
LGB adolescents. By reviewing the socialization agents in an effort to
provide researchers with a concise review of important variables that
need to be explored in future studies of LGB adolescents to better
understand the emotional development of this population.
124 Bradley J. Bond
INTRODUCTION
Adolescence is a tumultuous time of development. Biological and social
transformations during adolescence strain the emotional well-being of the
American teenager, often creating a period of upheaval and turmoil. The
turbulent nature of adolescence often creates feelings of alienation (Arnett,
1999). Although feelings of loneliness may exist in all teens, sexual minority
adolescents experience a unique form of alienation and ostracism more potent
than that experienced by their heterosexual peers (Martin & DAugelli, 2003).
Lesbian, gay, or bisexual (LGB) teens experience many of the same obstacles
to development as heterosexual teens, but their concerns can be intensified by
feelings, desires, and physical attractions that run contrary to the dominant
messages and norms of a heterosexual society. Many also experience
additional stressors due to victimization related to sexual orientation, fear of
revealing their sexuality, and high-risk sexual behaviors (Anhalt & Morris,
1998; Remafedi, 1987). The manifestation of homophobia and heterosexism in
society has also led to self-destructive behaviors among LGB teens
(DAugelli, 1994a). In fact, suicide is the number one cause of death among
LGB teens (APA, 2001). It is important to understand the factors influencing
the loneliness and emotional stability of LGB adolescents given the social
hindrances they face in developing sexual identities.
Scholars often examine the lives of gay men and lesbians from
unidimensional perspectives that focus solely on biological or genetic factors
without explicitly including socio-environmental factors that may influence
the development of LGB individuals (DAugelli, 1994b). This commentary
proposes a collection of variables that scholars should take into consideration
as possibly moderating the emotional well-being of LGB adolescents.
Specifically, family, peers, school, the community, and media will be
reviewed as important factors influencing the loneliness of LGB teens that
should be further investigated in future scholarship on this population. These
socialization agents are among the most salient factors influencing adolescent
development (Arnett, 1992). Consequently, it is important to understand how
each of these factors influences the development of LGB teens specifically.
Media, although commonly cited socialization agents (see Arnett, 1995), are
often omitted from social science research examining LGB teens. However,
the ever-changing nature of the media landscape has made homosexuality a
visual part of the social and human fabric (Gross, 2005). Consequently, the
media are given the most attention in the proceeding review of environmental
factors influencing the emotional well-being of LGB adolescents.
Sexual Alienation: A Review of Factors Influencing 125
Family
Peers
Many of those rites of passage through which other teens pass are not
open to the gay and lesbian adolescent. The glances and shy smiles
exchanged across a classroom, the sending of a valentine, the agony of the
first telephone call asking for a date, the shared bag of popcorn in a movie
theatre and the walk home on a moonlit night with arms around one another,
the first kiss and touchall of these are simply not realities for most gay and
lesbian teens or are experienced heterosexually with a sense of falseness and
confusion.
LGB teens often perceive an inevitable isolation from their classmates and
friends because of their sexuality. In turn, many LGB adolescents attempt to
distance themselves from supportive friendships with same-sex peers and date
classmates of the opposite-sex to display heterosexual tendencies to the public,
regardless of their genuineness. These relational behaviors only further
exacerbate feelings of loneliness.
Sexual Alienation: A Review of Factors Influencing 127
School
The school is far from a safe haven for adolescents developing LGB
sexual identities. Instead, school can be a frightening and isolating setting for
LGB teens. Studies of gay adolescents continually report that anywhere
between 20% and 60% of LGB adolescents report being victimized in middle
school and throughout high school (Berrill, 1990; Pilkington & DAugelli,
1995; Garofalo, Wolf, Kessel, Palfrey, & DuRant, 1998). A recent national
survey of self-identifying LGB adolescents between the ages of 13 and 21
revealed that the school climate towards LGB students has remained damaging
(GLSEN, 2007). Nearly 90% of LGB students reported being verbally
harassed at school because of their sexual orientation. Almost 50% of students
reported being physically harassed at school in the past year because of their
sexual orientation.
Warren (1984) observed that when students had disclosed their sexual
orientation to teachers in hope of enlisting their aid, very little help was
offered. Even if a teacher does desire to act as a role model for LGB teens, he
or she may fear being accused of sexual exploitation or of promoting
homosexuality or recruiting defenseless and vulnerable youth into
homosexuality (Rotheram-Borus & Langabeer, 2001). In addition, many LGB
teachers and administrators fear the negative consequences (e.g., harassment,
job loss) of revealing their sexual orientation (Anderson, 1995; Lyons &
Atwood, 1994). Consequently, teachers are unlikely to be an available or
supportive resource for LGB teens already experiencing isolation from their
families and peer groups.
In many cases where adolescents are victimized at school for their sexual
orientation, law enforcement officials are replaced with school administrators
to keep such matters internal for the school. When this occurs, LGB youth are
often encouraged to conform to avoid being attacked (Rivers & DAugelli,
2001). The national survey of self-identifying LGB teens previously
mentioned (GLSEN, 2007) found that 60% of teens who were harassed in
school did not report the incident to school staff because they believed that
little or no action would be taken or the situation would just become worse if
reported. Of students who did report an incident, over 30% said that school
staff did in fact do nothing in response. The literal request to conform to
heteronormative standards in schools diminishes an adolescents ability to
explore their sexuality, creating alientation beyond what heterosexual
adolescents experience. For many sexual minority youth, it seems that school
128 Bradley J. Bond
is more of a vitriol catalyst creating feelings of loneliness than a safe space for
learning.
Community
Media
this study detailed how they discovered the gay community by writing open-
ended essay-like responses. An 18-year-old gay male participant noted that,
it was good to see characters such as Will from Will & Grace or Marco
from Degrassi because they showed other gay people were out there (p. 41).
A 22-year-old gay male participant reiterated the importance of the media,
specifically television, films, and the Internet when he stated, I would watch
television shows or movies that I rented that had gay characters in them. I
would also use the Internet and look up AOL profiles to talk to other gay
people (p. 43). Among participants in this study, the portryals of gay and
lesbian characters in the media were influential even if they were sparse.
A study conducted by McKee (2000) used transcripts from semi-
structured interviews with 16 self-identifying gay men in their teens or early
adulthood to qualitatively analzye the role of media in the development of self-
esteem. McKee concluded that parents provided little information about
homosexuality and that the only information about gay men or lesbians
received as school was as a non-specific insult (p. 5). The media provided
the men in McKees sample with the portrayals of gay males that were needed
to overcome feelings of isolation and loneliness, in turn, improving their self-
esteem. Ryan and Futterman (1998) argued that media, specifically the
Internet, play an important role in early adolescents declaration of sexuality
because they provide information that allows teens to label feelings and figure
out who they are. These studies illustrate how portrayals of LGB individuals in
the media may serve as catalysts in decreasing feelings of alientation,
loneliness, and apartness and increasing the chances that LGB teens eventually
develop an understanding that they are not alone, thereby increasing their
emotional well-being. Even though the inclusion of LGB characters in the
media may still be scarce, the influence of the LGB characters that do exist
may be quite strong.
Interestingly, when research participants are asked about media exposure
and emotional well-being, many times they will respond with comments about
media that are specifically targeted towards gay or lesbian audiences. For
example, The Advocate has been a gay-oriented newsmagazine published
monthly since 1967. In 2005, Viacom launched Logo, an American cable
network geared towards lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgendered viewers. In
the Bond et al. study (2009) previously mentioned, participants mentioned
several magazines and films that are geared directly towards a lesbian, gay, or
bisexual audience as media that assisted them in developing feelings of
belonging. Media outlets that are specifically designed for a gay audience may
Sexual Alienation: A Review of Factors Influencing 131
CONCLUSION
LGB teens are vulnerable to self-destructive behaviors, high-risk sexual
behaviors, and high levels of anxiety; LGB teens commit suicide at higher
rates than their heterosexual peers. Understanding the factors that influence the
emotional well-being of LGB adolescents is vital to future research examining
identity development, sexual practices, or academic achievement in this
population, just to name a few. In order to further our knowledge of how LGB
adolescents see themselves and their world, scholars need to continue
examining the family, peers, school, community, and media as moderating
variables that could provide new and interesting insight into the development
of LGB adolescents.
REFERENCES
Ackard, D. M. & Neumark-Sztainer, D. (2001). Health care information
sources for adolescents: age and gender differences on use, concerns, and
needs. Journal of Adolescent Health, 29, 170-176.
132 Bradley J. Bond
Chapter 8
ABSTRACT
A number of porcupines huddled together for warmth on a cold day
in winter; but, as they began to prick one another with their quills, they
were obliged to disperse (Schopenhauer, 1964, p. 226).
People feel lonely even they live in heavily populated areas like
China, in spite of being surrounded by millions of people. Yet it is
unclear why loneliness cannot be alleviated by high population density.
In this article, we argue that population density not only cannot lessen the
feelings of loneliness, it also has the potential to exacerbate the perceived
loneliness. We propose a number of possible mechanisms. First of all, we
argue that people tend to disconnect themselves from others as a
protective mechanism in heavily populated areas because crowding
environment can be harmful to them physiologically and psychologically.
And this self-defense mechanism may have the potential to decrease
138 Zhenzhu Yue, Cong Feng, Xinyue Zhou and Ding-Guo Gao
social ties and contribute to the feelings of being utterly alone and cut off.
Moreover, habituation of social withdrawal may be over-generalized, so
that people exposed to crowded living conditions for a long period
become defensive and hostile chronically (Baum & Valins, 1977, 1979).
This will make people around them more vulnerable to loneliness.
Finally, since loneliness is contagious, when people come into contact
with large number of other people daily, the perceived loneliness will
spread out rapidly. Therefore, the quantity of contact does not translate
into quality of contact (LoD, 2006). Quantity of contact may also have
the potential to decrease the quality of contact. The implication for
heavily populated societies like China is discussed.
blacks. Adapting the crowding perception test, he found that for high school
students, the blacks showed adaptation to the crowded living situation,
compared to the whites, since they put more pegs in the room which symbols
their tolerable density in this test. However, the blacks did not prefer closer
interaction distances than the whites, despite that they usually lived in a
crowded environment. Thus, the results indicated that adaptation to crowded
circumstance made people to withdraw from interaction, instead of interacting
each other at close quarters (Edward, 1980).
have hundreds of Facebook friends but never see any of them face-to-face,
there's only a facade of being connected. It can only make you lonelier.
Social Moving
into 1 km2 in the east part of China. However, in spite of being surrounded by
millions, people in China nevertheless feel lonely. Adapting older people in
China, Yang and Victor (2008) conducted two surveys in 1992 and in 2000
respectively, and they found that the prevalence of loneliness was 15.6 percent
in 1992 and 29.6 percent in 2000. The evidence from both surveys suggested
that loneliness was relatively prevalent among Chinese, especially those aged
65 or more years.
People in China received collectivistic ideas since they are very young.
The collectivism/individualism facet of culture may moderate the effect of
population density on perceived crowding. Iwata (1975) required a group of
Japanese and Americans to image a situation in which they shared an elevator
with strangers. The results suggested that Japanese males generally had greater
sensitivity of crowding than Americans did. Another study conducted also by
Iwata (Iwata, 1990, cited by Iwata, 1992) indicated that compared to
Canadians, Japanese had less altruistic behaviors towards the less intimate
friends, although they were equally amicable to their close friends. Since
ingroup members are more clearly delineated from nonmembers or outsiders
in the collectivistic culture than in the individualistic culture, people are
friendlier to ingroup members than to nonmembers or outsiders in the
collectivistic culture (Iwata, 1992). It is reasonable to assume that people in
China under collectivistic culture might have more difficulty in sharing space
with members of outgroups.
Furthermore, some special social-economic factors in China might also
modulate the perceived loneliness, since Chinese society has undergone
dramatic social and economic changes since the late 1970s. In the past years
China has speeded up urbanization. Due to economic reforms in late 20th
century, many Chinese rural residents have migrated to towns and cities,
especially big cities. Big city living has its many appeals more chances and
opportunities, better medical care and education service etc. Ironically, it is the
place with most of people can often be the loneliest. Nowadays, China has
about 900 million rural residents and about 150 million of them have left their
hometowns to work in cities. Meanwhile many Chinese youngsters have to go
to college or find a job in another city that is far from their hometown, since
China has vast land. Consequently, the number of migrating people sometimes
is larger than the resident population. For the emigration, they have generally a
special loose context in the cities and experience social loneliness, since their
originally stable and strong family ties exist not any more (Zhou, Sedikides,
Wildchut, & Gao, 2008).
Being Lonely in a Crowd: Population Density 145
The restrictive Hu Kou system might also poses a problem. Hu Kou is the
household registration system in China, which assigned each person and
household a residential status, either urban or rural (Kirkby, 1985). If city
residents have Hu Kou that is not registered in the city where they live, they
have little access to social welfare and are imposed restrictions on receiving
some public services, such as education, medical care, housing and
employment etc., regardless of how long they have lived or worked in the
cities. For the migrants who have no Hu Kou, their sense of belonging to the
city is rather weak, so that they are apt to perceive more loneliness than others
in the daily life. On the other hand, with the implementation of the One-child
policy, only children spend their childhood alone without siblings, which
might also augment their loneliness and impact their social life in future. It is a
paradox that such a country with high population density should have so many
lonely people living in it. Future studies should be conducted to identify the
influence of these factors upon loneliness in China.
CONCLUSION
Loneliness is a particularly relevant psychological outcome in modern
societies. We hold that loneliness could be exacerbated in a crowded
environment. People tend to disconnect themselves from others as a protective
mechanism in heavily populated areas because crowding environment is
harmful to them physiologically and psychologically. People adapt social
withdrawal as coping strategy, thereby exacerbating feeling of loneliness. In
addition to China, it is worth investigating this issue further in diverse social
and cultural contexts.
REFERENCES
Aiello, J. R., DeRisi, D., Epstein, Y. & Karlin, R.(1977). Crowding and the
role of interpersonal distance preference. Sociometry, 40, 271-282.
Baum, A. & Valins, S. (1977). Architecture and Social Behaviour. Hillsdale,
NJ: Erlbaum.
Baum, A. & Valins, S. (1979). Architectural mediation of residential density
and control: crowding and the regulation of social contact. In L.
146 Zhenzhu Yue, Cong Feng, Xinyue Zhou and Ding-Guo Gao
G
I
gay men, 124, 128, 130, 133, 134, 135
gender differences, 15, 82, 105, 131 ideal, 31
gene expression, 83 image, 144
genes, 108 imagination, 80
genetic factors, 124 immobilization, 81
genre, 42 impulses, 57, 109, 110, 117
gerontology, 45 incarcerated sex offenders, 53
graduate students, 94, 106 incarceration, ix, 49, 53, 60
group processes, 121 independence, 34, 45, 71, 81
group work, 111 India, 140, 147
Guangzhou, 137 individual character, 103
guidance, 92 individual characteristics, 103
guilt, 34, 118 individualism, 144
individuality, 37
infancy, 103, 131
H
infants, 56
information processing, 16
habituation, xi, 101, 138, 141
ingest, 115
happiness, 12, 30, 31, 32, 34, 40, 45, 47, 96
integration, 9, 12
harassment, 127
interdependence, 51
harmony, 79
interest groups, 73
health problems, 70, 109
internal consistency, 19, 40, 42, 74, 96, 98
height, 70
Index 155
international affairs, 90 life satisfaction, 32, 33, 35, 40, 42, 45, 46,
Internet, 122, 129, 130, 131, 135, 142, 147, 148
148 linear model, 102
interpersonal contact, x, 107, 117 linear modeling, 102
interpersonal interactions, 141 living conditions, xi, 138, 141
interpersonal relations, 11, 50, 120 living environment, 138, 139, 143, 146
interpersonal relationships, 11, 50, 120 locus, 3, 16, 46
intervention, 20, 23, 86 longevity, 36
intimacy, 2, 21, 22, 34, 51, 52, 53, 55, 56, longitudinal study, 18, 27, 85
57, 58, 59, 60, 63, 64, 65, 67, 68, 70, 78,
79, 80, 85, 140
M
Ireland, 105
isolation, 3, 6, 9, 26, 37, 50, 51, 68, 71, 74,
magazines, 128, 130
78, 80, 81, 87, 88, 109, 111, 113, 126,
majority, 78, 79
127, 130, 139, 142, 146, 148
manipulation, 114
Israel, 69, 94, 148
marginalization, 134
Italy, 103
marital status, 72, 73, 75, 76, 86
marriage, 78, 80, 81
K mass communication, 131
mass media, 129, 133
Kentucky, 107 matrix, 74
Keynes, 49 media, 124, 128, 129, 130, 131, 132, 133,
kindergarten, 10, 22, 24, 25 134
kindergarten children, 10 mediation, 120, 145, 146
medical care, 144, 145
menopause, 71
L
mental health, x, 43, 45, 90, 91, 93, 102,
103, 106, 119, 139
landscape, 124
messages, 124
language acquisition, 90
meta analysis, 79
languages, 112
meta-analysis, 85, 86, 121
later life, 83
meter, 108, 109
law enforcement, 127
methodology, 54
learning, 13, 25, 96, 105, 118, 128, 129, 135
migrants, 145
learning disabilities, 25
minorities, 131, 133
lesions, 122
modeling, 102
lethargy, 34, 121
modelling, 41, 42
level of education, 73
moderators, 106
life changes, 80
modern society, 129
life course, 85
mood change, 48
life expectancy, viii, 29, 30, 37
mood swings, 70
life experiences, 32, 82
morphine, 115, 120
life quality, 44
156 Index