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To understand this work, one needs look no further than the first sentence: Osman is to
the Ottomans what Romulus is to the Romans.i The subtitle is something of an illusion as the
book focuses on the persona of Osman and his successors, the Osmanli, and only by implication
the formation of an empire. Ottoman lore proffers that the ancestors of Osman fled from central
Asia with the threat of the Chingisid juggernaught in the 13th century.ii The forebears of Osman
were the second-wave of Turkish migrants from Central Asia. The first wave included the
Seljuks, who quickly became political powers in Baghdad, and eventually matured into an
empire.iii These two empires evolved into competing Islamic entities, referenced multiple times
by Kafadar.iv
Whatever the provenance of the Osmanli, it was the Seljuk Empire which decisively
defeated the Byzantine Empire in the Battle of Mantzikert in 1071 AD.v This defeat played a
crucial role in diminishing Byzantine influence in Anatolia and Armenia, ultimately leading to
Turkification of these regions.vi The defeat of the Byzantines in 1176 by the Seljuk Empire at
Myriokephalon further cemented Seljuk preeminence in Anatolia for a time.vii During this
extended period, the frontier between the Christian and Islamic worlds was known as the land of
Rm. The inhabitants represented different, intermingled religious, linguistic, and political
groups.viii The Ottomans beginning with Osman did not find it incongruous to ally with
Christian rulers or to utilize Christian warriors. Nor was this unusual. Kadafar comments:
cooperation between Anatolian Muslim warriors and Byzantines is beyond doubt.ix One
striking story relates the close relationship between Byzantine Emperor John VI Kantakouzenos
(1341-1354) and Aydinolu Umur Beg, the Emir of Aydin (1334-1348), located on the Aegean
coast of Anatolia.x The Byzantine Emperor asked Aydinolu Umur not to destroy his empire.
Reportedly they became brothers, and the Beg even offered his daughter in marriage.xi
Despite the inclination of both Christian historians and Muslim chroniclers to emphasize the
religious conflict between East and West, it was apparently less important to adversaries in
Anatolia in the 14th century. Kadafar illustrates this in the case of Kantakouzenos, who certainly
was aware of the Islamic nature of Ottomans and their contemporaries, yet chose to minimize it
in his writings.xii
What distinguished the Muslims inhabiting Anatolia in the era of Osman and for
centuries thereafter was the tradition of az. According to Kadafar the original use of the term
referred to irregular raiding; that is a predatory raid or incursion into foreign territory. At
some indeterminable point the term acquired a religious connotation: a raid by Islamic warriors
into Christian-held lands.xiii Kadafar relates that some historians such as Paul Wittek
postulated the az thesis, which theorized that the growth of the power and influence of the
Ottomans, more correctly the Osmanli, was premised primarily upon the Holy War ideology.xiv
This assumption devolved into a tableau of the frontier between the Byzantine and Seljuk
Empires of bands of gazis warriors of the Islamic faith who spread across that frontier as
Seljuk power declined. Within this milieu, the band led by Osman gained preeminence. xv Later
historians such as Rudi Paul Lindner argue that the Holy War ideology is inconsistent with
real ethos of the early Ottomans, who recruited Byzantines into their ranks, fought against
other Muslim groups, exerted no pressure to convert or persecute Christians, and displayed
moderation, etc.xvi About Osman, Lindner asserts as a tribal chief, Osman acted as a fulcrum or
as mediator, protecting the rights of ethnically and ecologically diverse groups. Acting to keep
the peace and to help his tribesmen prosper, the chief renders himself indispensable; and if he
succeeds, his tribes grows.xvii [Emphasis added.] While not denying religious zeal, Lindner
posits that the tribal orientation of early Ottomans allowed alliances with Christians when it
benefited the Osmanli. Indeed, Ronald C. Jennings observed that using Christian soldiers
along with Muslim ones on campaign violates almost everyones standard of a holy war, and
leading Christian soldiers against Muslim ones is reprehensible.xviii Interestingly, in the history
of the Osman dynasty written by Aikpaazade, written in Turkish in the latter 15th century,
labeled the armies of Sultan Bayazid I as the army of Islam. However, this Ottoman
chronicler noted that Serbian (Christian) army joined the Ottomans in defeating the forces of the
Christian allies under the leadership of the King of Hungary Sigismund, who became the Holy
Roman Emperor in 1433. The Sultan had a Serbian wife, employed Christian advisors,
introduced Byzantine court practices, and waged war on other Turkish begliks.xix Kafadar
suggests that most Ottoman historians recognize that early Ottoman practices were conciliatory
toward Christian neighbors, thus unorthodox in the practice of Islam. Further, these early
Ottomans did not perceive this attitude as inconsistent with the gazi spirit.xx No doubt this
contributed to the view of central authority in the Seljuk Empire that the Ottomans and their
peers were ziyn, which translates to scoundrels, and potential troublemakers and socially
unstable elements.xxi
Kadafar recognizes the warrior aspect of the gazi. As a general observation based on my
experience, experienced soldiers adhere to the warrior ethosxxii This code compels respect for
the enemy soldier who likewise observes it. Alexios Angelos Philanthropenos, the Byzantine
Greek nobleman who ruled Thessaly (c. 1373-1390), was so respected by the Turks that they
were willing to halt the siege of Philadelphia in 1323 recalling his kindness and valor in 1295.
Another example more familiar to Western readers is Salh al-Dn al-Ayyb commonly
known in the West as Saladin.xxiii Kadafar classifies him as a warrior who displayed
statesmanlike compassion and magnanimity toward the enemy.xxiv Historians relate during the
Third Crusade (1189-1192) when King Richard I of England (Richard the Lionhearted) became
ill, Saladin offered the services of his personal physician and sent Richard fresh fruit with snow
to reduce his fever. Richard won an impressive victory over Saladin in the Battle of Arsuf
(1191).xxv Nonetheless, hearing that Richard lost his horse during the battle, Saladin sent him
two replacements.xxvi
There is much to commend this tome by Kafadar. In closing, there is one practice by
Osman and his heirs which contributed greatly to the success and longevity of the dynasty. That
is the adoption of primogeniture.xxvii This avoided the division of Osmans patrimony, as was
the common practice among other begliks.xxviii Primogeniture hopefully would insure the
integrity of the ever expanding world of the Osmanli united under a single leader.
Between Two Worlds is a noteworthy introduction into Ottoman history. Its breadth is
such that an in-depth review is impossible in but a brief synopsis. It was a pleasure to review it.