TRADE AND EARLY STATE FORMATION IN THE

NORTHERN TITICACA BASIN, PERU

Abigail Levine, Charles Stanish, P. Ryan Williams, Cecilia Chvez, and Mark Golitko

Recent theoretical work has underscored the importance of multiple strategies in the dynamic political and economic land-
scapes in which archaic states developed. This research emphasizes how the interaction among various non-state polities
drives the growth of political centers within a region. It is in this context that numerous intermediate peer-polities emerged,
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and, on rare occasions in a few places around the world, it is the context of state development. War and trade have emerged
as particularly important forms of strategic interaction in the theoretical literature, representing strategies of both coop-
eration and competition between and within complex, non-state polities. In this paper we present a detailed case study that
tests and illustrates one of these theoretical propositions. We examine the role of trade in this process of social evolution
as evidenced in the northern Titicaca Basin ca. 500 B.C.A.D. 300. Based on intensive analyses of a large excavated data
set, we suggest that the emergence of one regional center, called Taraco, is strongly linked to strategic participation in local
and long-distance exchange networks.

El reciente trabajo terico ha puesto de relieve la importancia de las estrategias mltiples en los panoramas polticos y econmi-
cos en los cuales los estados arcaicos se desarrollaron. Esta investigacin enfatiza cmo la interaccin entre diferentes orga-
nizaciones polticas no estatales conduce al crecimiento de centros polticos en una regin. Este es el contexto en el cual
numerosas entidades polticas intermedias surgieron, y en raras ocasiones en unos pocos lugares en todo el mundo, es el con-
texto para el desarrollo del Estado. El conflicto y el intercambio econmico se han convertido en formas particularmente

T
importantes de la interaccin estratgica en la literatura terica, representando estrategias de cooperacin y competencia
entre y dentro de entidades polticas complejas no estatales. En este artculo presentamos un detallado estudio de caso que
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contrasta e ilustra estas propuestas tericas. Examinamos el rol del intercambio econmico en este proceso de evolucin social
como es evidenciado en la cuenca norte del Titicaca ca. 500 a.C.300 d.C. Basndonos en un anlisis intensivo de un gran
conjunto de datos excavados, sugerimos que la emergencia de un centro regional, denominado Taraco, est fuertemente vin-
culada a la participacin estratgica en las redes de intercambio local y a larga distancia.
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he aggregation of people into dense popu- long and complex process involving numerous
lations living in regional political centers is peaks and troughs in terms of sociopolitical com-
one of the most important transitions in the plexity (Feinman and Marcus 1998; Flannery and
history of human complex societies. This transi- Marcus 2003; Spencer 2003). It is a process char-
tion from small, settled villages to larger villages acterized by numerous non-state polities spread
or towns occurred in many areas of the world and across a landscape that involves intense forms of
represents a shift from economically and politi- interaction in which political units frequently rise
cally egalitarian village societies to a ranked or and fall in a competitive environment.
chiefly one, in which leadership status is differen- This transition from villages to political centers
tially held by individuals and groups. This transi- also involved a number of structural changes in the
tion is not unilineal or progressive; rather, it is a social, economic, ideological and political spheres.
Abigail Levine Cotsen Institute of Archaeology, University of California, Los Angeles, CA 90095
(abigail.levine@ucla.edu)
Charles Stanish Cotsen Institute of Archaeology, University of California, Los Angeles, CA, 90095, and Santa Fe
Institute, Santa Fe, NM 87501 (stanish@anthro.ucla.edu)
P. Ryan Williams Field Museum of Natural History, 1400 S Lake Shore Dr., Chicago, IL, 60605
(rwilliams@fieldmuseum.org)
Cecilia Chvez Programa Collasuyo, Puno, Per (collasuyopuno@gmail.com)
Mark Golitko Field Museum of Natural History, 1400 S Lake Shore Dr., Chicago, IL, 60605 (mgolitko@fieldmuseum.org)

Latin American Antiquity 24(3), 2013, pp. 289308

Copyright 2013 by the Society for American Archaeology

289
 290 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY
Archaeologically, this change can be recognized by
the appearance of a number of villages that are sub-
stantially larger than neighboring settlements. These
centers contain complex public or corporate with complex, non-state societies constantly fis-
architecture that is distinct from domestic residen-
tial buildings. Their appearance marks the devel-
opment of a hierarchical settlement pattern in the
region, which is often characterized by a lattice-like
pattern that is typical of a number of geographical
models (see Earle 1987; Marcus 1973, 2008; Stan-
ish 2003). These models further suggest that, over
time, through a number of processes, some of these
places become more successful than their neighbors.
Success is defined as the ability to concentrate mate-
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rial resources into a political center and use it to
attain social power relative to others in the region.
In anthropological terms, these centers are signifi-
cant because they present a level of supra-commu-
nity political influence (if not outright control) over
smaller settlements within their region (e.g.,
Carneiro 1981; Earle 1987; Spencer 1998).
An impressive body of empirical evidence sug-
gests that archaic states develop in a competitive
cultural environment, which forms the basis of the
rise-and-fall dynamic of these contexts (Marcus
1998; Redmond and Spencer 2006). Importantly,
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the existence of a competitive landscape does not
necessarily imply that all villages or groups are
fighting one another all the time. Conflict is, in
fact, quite costly, and a competitive landscape actu-
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ally fosters higher levels of cooperation within peo-
ples and groups in any area. Intensive within-group
cooperation is necessary for defense, war, eco-
nomic production, trade, and so forth.
The key here is how the group is constituted.
One way to look at alliances in a competitive, non-
state landscape is to view them as forms of regional
cooperation vis vis other groups. An important
development in chiefly societies is that alliances
form between kin and non-kin alike (Mathew and
Boyd 2011), creating mutually supportive political
relationships across a wide geographic area. These
relationships can be sustained in a variety of ways,
including exchange, shared religious traditions,
shared political relationships, and the like. The
larger the alliance, the more people are included
within the cooperative group. The larger the group,
the greater is their ability to concentrate resources
and compete with other groups. However, large
groups also pose a number of risks, as well as the
[Vol. 24, No. 3, 2013
potential for political friction that could contribute
to factionalism and resistance. The ethnographic,
historical, and archaeological records are replete
sioning and reforming due to internal disputes
between factions (Anderson 1994; Bandy 2004;
Blitz 1999; Leach 1965; Petersen 1982). Recent
archaeological and ethnographic studies (e.g.,
Mathew and Boyd 2011) have suggested that coop-
eration and competition are not mutually exclusive
categories of human behavior. Rather, they repre-
sent a continuum of strategies by individuals and
groups to survive and thrive in a competitive envi-
ronment. The cycles of chiefly politics, in effect,
are driven by the oscillating alliances in any polit-
ical system and may be particularly magnified in
stateless societies.1
Trade as a Chiefly Strategy
Of the many cooperative and competitive behav-
iors that contribute to the dynamic cycling of inter-
mediate societies, war and trade have emerged as
particularly important forms of interaction.
Although seemingly antithetical behaviors, both
require a certain level of within-group cooperation,
an unequivocal precondition to the formation of
increasingly large and complex forms of social
organization. In an earlier paper, we discussed the
role of war in the dynamic cycling of chiefly soci-
eties (Stanish and Levine 2011). In this paper, we
focus on the role of trade in this process.
There is a large body of theoretical literature
linking trade to the development of political com-
plexity in the premodern world. A generation ago,
leading theorists forcefully argued for trade as one
of the primary catalysts of cultural change (e.g.,
Adams 1974; Renfrew 1969). Over the last three
decades, archaeologists from a wide range of cul-
ture areas have focused on the role of long-distance
exchange, commodity production, and the devel-
opment of sociopolitical and economic complex-
ity in states and complex chiefly societies (e.g.,
Blanton and Feinman 1984; Oka and Kusimba
2008). The early notions of trade as a prime
mover have been discarded because we now view
the development of complex societies as a more
complex phenomenon involving a number of fac-
tors. However, the acquisition of highly valued
objects from long distances remains one of the
 Levine et al.] TRADE AND EARLY STATE FORMATION IN THE NORTHERN TITICACA BASIN
essential factors in the development of social com-
plexity (Marcus 2008; Stanish et al. 2010).
Both empirically and theoretically, trade is
linked with the successful concentration of mater-
ial resources, the economic basis of rank and hier-
archy. Trade builds alliances, concentrates wealth
into quasi-urban and later urban areas, and results
in the consolidation of political hierarchies (Blan-
ton et al. 1996; Clark and Blake 1994; Hirth 1996;
Junker 2002; Martn 2010; Steponaitis 1991;
Vaughn 2006). Among competing polities, institu-
tional reciprocity inherent in the relationship
between trading partners would have critical inte-
grative force in a region, creating obligations and
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fostering alliances among dispersed contacts
(Adams 1974; Malinowski 1961 [1922]). Kevin
Vaughn (2006) nicely points out that exchange pro-
motes unequal power relationships in intermediate
societies, providing an advantage to aspiring elites.
While the physical exchange of goods is important,
in these sociopolitical contexts, trade transcends
simple material exchange. Trade provides the con-
text in which social relationships are formed and
negotiated and in which elites compete for pres-
tige. In many cases, trade was not the single factor
that bound often-volatile chiefly networks;
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alliances among competing groups were also built
through marriage, war-coalitions, feasting, and
public ceremonialism (Junker and Niziolek 2010).
However, from an economic perspective, such
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activities would have been impossible without trade
and the external source of wealth that it provided.
From the evolution of cooperation perspective
utilized here (Boyd and Richerson 2005; Dye 2009;
Henrich et al. 2001; Henrich et al. 2004; Mathew
and Boyd 2011; Stanish 2010; Stanish and Haley
2005), trade is a form of cooperative interaction,
and it follows that a groups successful negotiation
of exchange relationships is an index of its level of
within-group cooperation. In evolutionary terms,
increased within-group cooperation is the central
component in the formation of larger and more
complex forms of social organization. It is not sim-
ply that the acquisition of resources allows for the
expansion of the political economy, but also that
groups that can successfully organize long-distance
trading expeditions, or collectively create a venue
for the local exchange of materials, are at a selec-
tive advantage over groups that are less well-orga-
nized. Groups that engage in trade expand their
291
networks and extend their influence by enhancing
their villages or towns with non-domestic archi-
tecture, hosting feasts, brokering marriage
alliances, and generating reciprocal debt obliga-
tions (Blitz 1993; Hayden 1998). Such demon-
strations of power may serve to convince other,
smaller communities to relinquish some measure
of political autonomy in order to participate in these
larger, cooperative social networks. Over time,
through their successful negotiation of alliances
and dominance of local networks, these commu-
nities emerge as central places and political cen-
ters and come to dominate the political landscape.
It is also necessary to distinguish between long-
distance and local networks of trade and exchange.
Marcus (1983) distinction of intra-regional, inter-
regional, and long-distance exchange remains a
powerful way to conceptualize the economic rela-
tionships in a complex political landscape. Intra-
and interregional exchange within polities and
between neighboring polities provides the bulk of
the basic provisions, from foodstuffs to domestic
pottery. Bulk, low-value domestic items are rarely
imported from long distances. Long-distance trade,
in contrast, is generally focused on highly-valued
and rare commodities.
Long-distance exchange networks provide eco-
nomic links between independent settlement sys-
tems (Johnson 1975) and are part of the cooperative
strategies seen in non-state contexts. Local trade
provides economic links within settlement systems.
Through a series of local transactions, for exam-
ple, individuals may obtain exotic or imported
goods, even if they themselves lack faraway con-
tacts. In general, transactions at the local level are
motivated by the need for everyday items, and
through this exchange, ordinary goods take on a
symbolic value. In local trade, goods become the
physical manifestation of social bonds and are ways
for individuals to declare affiliation or advertise
their group identity. The value of the social bonds
created through the local exchange of everyday
items (even objects that communities can produce
themselves) cannot be understated, particularly
when political structures are weak (Smith 1997:42).
The Northern Titicaca Region
The circum-Titicaca region is a large geological
basin situated between the Cordillera Blanca and
 292 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY
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Figure 1. Map of South America.
the Cordillera Real. The entire drainage is quite
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large, covering more than 50,000 km2 (DAgostino
et al. 2002) (Figures 1 and 2). Although technically
classified as an inter-tropical climatic zone, the
basins high altitude (the regions lowest point is
the surface of the lake itself, which sits at 3,810 m
asl) produces a general environment that is cold,
windy, and stark. That is not to say that this region,
known as the altiplano, is inhospitable; on the con-
trary, the area is an extremely productive agricul-
tural zone well-suited to the cultivation of tubers,
chenopods, and legumes. Climatically sensitive
crops such as maize, which normally cannot be
grown above 3,600 m (Seltzer and Hastorf 1990),
can occasionally be grown near the lake edge under
special environmental conditions (Stanish
2003:6263). Herding of camelids and fishing are
also essential components of the subsistence econ-
omy. These favorable conditions were one factor
that allowed the Titicaca region to become one of
the few areas in the world in which archaic states
independently developed (Griffin and Stanish 2007).
[Vol. 24, No. 3, 2013
Trade in the Formative Titicaca Basin
Regional political centers emerged in the northern
Lake Titicaca Basin during the late Middle (ca.
1300500 B.C.) and early Upper Formative (ca.
500 B.C.A.D. 400) periods. These sites are rec-
ognizable by the presence of multiple sunken court
complexes replete with elaborately carved stone
stelae and monoliths. By 20002500 years ago, a
number of such centers had developed in the region,
scattered some 2025 km apart across the pampa.
In the northern Titicaca area, only a handful of
sites, most notably Taraco and Pukara, became
major political centers during the Upper Formative.
There is little doubt that trade, at the very least,
is a correlative factor in the relatively rapid rise of
complex societies in the far northern Titicaca region
(see Bandy 2005). There is abundant evidence for
the long-distance exchange of commodities
throughout the Titicaca region as early as the
Archaic period. Obsidian is the earliest known
exotic material to enter the Basin, appearing in
 Levine et al.] TRADE AND EARLY STATE FORMATION IN THE NORTHERN TITICACA BASIN
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Figure 2. Map of the Titicaca Basin.
small quantities at the site of Quelcatani as early
as the Middle Archaic (Aldenderfer 2002; Plourde
2006). Excavations on the Island of the Sun in
Bolivia indicate trade in obsidian and basalt from
as early as the latter part of the third millennium
B.C. This obsidian had been transported from the
Colca Valley in the Arequipa area, more than 175
km away (Stanish et al. 2002).
By the early Formative period, the long-dis-
tance trade networks required for the acquisition
of exotics had been firmly established (Janusek
2008), and early residents of the Titicaca region uti-
lized a host of exotic goods. The earliest gold arti-
facts in the basin, discovered at the site of
Jiskairumoko, date to this period and possibly ear-
293
lier (Aldenderfer et al. 2008). This rare material
would likely come from the eastern valleys that
descend towards the Amazonian Basin, as the Titi-
caca region contains very little of this resource
(Plourde 2006). The excavations at Jiskairumoko
also yielded the earliest evidence of a non-local blue
stone in contexts dating to the early Terminal
Archaic (Craig and Aldenderfer 2002). This stone
(either lapis lazuli or sodalite) was fashioned into
beads used in personal adornment and may have
been imported from a source in Cochabamba, south
of the Titicaca Basin (Browman 1981). A variety
of hallucinogenic plants and other organic materi-
als, including coca, ayahuasca, and brugmansia,
grown in the Amazon lowlands and tropical east-
 294 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY
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Figure 3. Topographic plan of Area A, indicated by dashed lines, showing excavation areas.
ern slopes, were used in conjunction with snuff
tubes and tablets, which were also traded (Janusek
2008; Plourde 2006).
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Other materials have permitted the study of
intra-regional trade networks during the Formative
period. Bandy (2005), for example, has traced the
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movement of olivine basalt artifacts during the
Middle Formative period. This material is exotic
to the southern Basin, and the only documented
quarries are located in the Chucuito area along the
western margin of the lake (Frye and Steadman
2001). Agricultural implements manufactured from
this stone, found at sites along the south side of the
lake, were likely procured through exchange with
northern populations.
Research at Taraco
The site of Taraco is located at the edge of the
Rmis River in the far north Basin, approximately
15 km from the lake, in the modern-day town of
the same name. Scholars have long recognized the
significance of the Taraco area; the modern town
is renowned for the quantity and quality of its
monoliths carved in the Yaya-Mama style. In fact,
the original Yaya-Mama stela first described by
Chvez and Chvez (1975) was discovered at
[Vol. 24, No. 3, 2013
Taraco (and see Kidder 1943; Mujica 1978; Rowe
1942; Tschopik 1946).
Recent survey in the Taraco area indicated a
dense cluster of Formative period settlements,
linked by a network of causeways and modern
roads, in the area surrounding the modern town.
Together, these mounds form the Taraco site com-
plex. As represented by the survey data (Stanish
and Umire 2004), the entire area of the Qaluyu and
early Pukara occupation totals well over 100 ha,
providing key evidence that Taraco was a major
central place and, along with Pukara, one of two
principal political centers competing for regional
dominance during the late Middle and early Upper
Formative periods. With an uninterrupted occupa-
tion dating from the Archaic period through the pre-
sent day, the site is an ideal locale for testing models
of cultural evolution in detail.
Excavations were conducted on a large artifi-
cial terrace, known as Area A, located just below
the highest part of the modern town and measur-
ing approximately 2 ha (Figure 3). Three random
quadrants, totaling 36 m2, were excavated to depths
of approximately four meters, or until sterile soil
was reached. In addition, two profiles along the
margin of the river, each measuring 35 m in length,
were made vertical and cleaned in order to obtain
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Figure 4. Excavation profile of Units I and II, showing occupational sequence and radiocarbon dates (adapted from Stanish and Levine 2011).
 296 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY
long transects of the mound. The spatial data pro-
vided by these profiles indicated that the deposi-
tional sequence represented in the excavated
quadrants was actually an example of a general
pattern repeated across a very large area of the ter-
race. From this work, it was determined that Area
A was characterized by a stratified cultural
sequence corresponding to eight occupational
phases dating from as early as 1200 B.C. (Figure
4). The earliest three occupations date to the For-
mative period and have been termed Phase 1, Phase
2, and Phase 3. Each of these occupations was asso-
ciated with a building made of fine stone, with the
later two occupations superimposed over the ear-
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lier ones. These occupational phases, while domes-
tic in character, were also associated with prestige
goods, including obsidian, in addition to high qual-
ity ceramics and ritual paraphernalia, such as trum-
pets and braziers.
The Phase 1 occupation at Taraco most likely
was characterized by a small settlement that was
loosely integrated into any kind of regional politi-
cal system. This phase would be comparable to the
Early Qaluyu periods characterized by a series of
small, competing polities around the northern Basin
(Stanish 2003:99136). Phase 2 dates to the late
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Qaluyu period in which competition in the region
was brisk and there was an intense period of polit-
ical and economic expansion in the region as a
whole.
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Phase 3, the latest of the Formative occupations,
corresponds with early Pukara and represents the
highest level of sociopolitical complexity in the
Taraco region. This occupation, which included sev-
eral structures composed of finely cut stone, was
destroyed in a major burn event dated to the first
century A.D. (Stanish and Levine 2011). Two of
these structures, in fact, were found in association
with a roof and roof beams, all of which had been
burned. The two river cut profiles indicated that this
burn was not an isolated feature, but a major event
stretching over a very large area of the terrace. This
event demarcates a change in Taracos economic
and political status. Post-burn levels contained
decreased quantities of obsidian, a general reduc-
tion in the quality of the entire ceramic assemblage,
and increased evidence of agricultural activities.
Tamped surfaces, rather than carefully prepared
floors, and fieldstone foundations characterize the
subsequent Huaa occupation (Chvez 2008). We
[Vol. 24, No. 3, 2013
have argued (Stanish and Levine 2011) that this
site-wide event was an episode of deliberate destruc-
tion that represents evidence for intensive raiding,
most likely by the Pukara polity and/or its allies.
Monitoring Trade at Taraco
These excavations of this high-status residential
sector at the site of Taraco yielded data that permit
evaluation of residents participation in long-dis-
tance and local exchange networks over the course
of the Formative period.
Monitoring Long-Distance Trade: Obsidian
There are no locally available, usable sources of
obsidian in the immediate Titicaca region. Though
this material must be imported from sources located
at a significant distance, obsidian figured promi-
nently in the political economy of the Formative
north Basin (Burger et al. 2000) and likely had
symbolic or ritual value (Tripcevich et al. 2012).
Our excavations discovered the presence of obsid-
ian in all occupational phases at Taraco, and a sam-
ple of 76 artifacts from unmixed Formative
contexts was selected for analysis. This assem-
blage, while typical of major north Basin centers
like Pukara (Klarich 2005), stands in marked con-
trast to samples recovered from Formative centers
in the southern Basin both in volume and charac-
ter. The total weight of the Taraco Formative sam-
ple is 155.4 g, a figure that is nearly double the total
amount of obsidian (87.1 g) recovered in four sea-
sons of excavation at the south Basin center of
Chiripa (Bandy 2001, 2005; Hastorf 1999). More-
over, only two artifacts from the Taraco sample
could be identified as finished bifaces; all other
specimens were classified either as debitage or as
retouched flakes, although, notably, no cores were
found. The Chiripa excavations, in contrast, yielded
a predominance of bifaces, but only a very small
amount of debitage (Bandy 2005), a pattern that
suggests that residents were acquiring their obsid-
ian in the form of finished points (Melson 2010;
Perls et al. 2011; Seddon 1994). The opposite pat-
tern in the Taraco data indicates that the site was
likely a locus of tool manufacture (Blomster and
Glascock 2011) and almost certainly a preliminary
node in a down-the-line exchange network (Ren-
frew 1975, 1977) from very early in the occupa-
tion of the site. Finished bifaces were redistributed,
 Levine et al.] TRADE AND EARLY STATE FORMATION IN THE NORTHERN TITICACA BASIN
Table 1. Count and Weight Data for Obsidian vs. Non-Obsidian Flaked Tools from Taraco.
Occupational Obsidian
Phase (count; % total)
Formative Phase 1 6; 29%
Formative Phase 2 15; 75%
Formative Phase 3 55; 82%
Post-Formative (Huaa) 11; 44%
Totals 87; 65%
most likely to allies or supporters, and the large
flakes, still useful for household tasks such as cut-
ting or slicing, remained at the site.
Geochemical characterization of a randomly
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selected subsample of 58 of these artifacts was per-
formed using portable X-ray fluorescence spec-
trometry (Craig et al. 2007). Results indicated that
all materials were from the Chivay source in the
Colca Valley (Burger et al. 1998), near Arequipa (see
Figure 1), with the exception of one artifact from
Phase 3 levels, which was traced to the Alca source
(Glascock et al. 2007). The abundance of Chivay
obsidian is consistent with previous compositional
studies in the Titicaca region (Aldenderfer 1999;
Burger et al. 2000; Craig et al. 2007). These results
indicate the persistence of regular trade routes, as
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well as a long-distance trade relationship, dating
back to the inception of the settlement.
The temporal distribution of Taracos obsidian
artifacts alongside analogous, non-obsidian tools
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provides a useful lens for understanding residents
preference foras well as access todifferent
material types. Table 1 shows counts and weights
for obsidian vs. non-obsidian flaked tools (usually
chert, but also basalt, andesite, rhyolite, and quartz)
for the three Formative occupational phases. These
data indicate statistically significant patterning in
the lithic assemblages of the three occupational
phases (Levine 2012:299302). In the Phase 1 sam-
ple, 71 percent of flaked tools are manufactured
from raw materials other than obsidian. A complete
reversal of this pattern is seen in Phase 2, with
nearly a threefold increase in the frequency of
obsidian relative to other materials (X2 = 7.08, p =
.008). By Phase 3, there is essentially a glut of
obsidian, with 82 percent of the flaked tools being
made of this exotic import.
The implications of this distribution are pro-
found. While obsidian is present in the earliest
phases, there is greater use of locally available raw
297
Obsidian Other Stone Types Other Stone Types
(weight, g; % total) (count; % total) (weight, g; % total)
11.8; 13% 15; 71% 81.3; 87%
32.8; 52% 5; 25% 30.6; 48%
110.8; 66% 12; 18% 57.7; 34%
14.5; 26% 14; 56% 41.5; 74%
169.9; 45% 46; 35% 211.1; 55%
materials, which are of high quality and relatively
cheaper to acquire. During the late Middle and
early Upper Formative, obsidian is imported in
ever increasing quantities such that by the early
Pukara period, there is a clear preference for this
expensive material over other equally useful,
locally available alternatives. The Phase 3 obsid-
ian supply is so plentiful, in fact, that wasteas
indexed by the size and the frequency of debitage
(Surovell 2003)is rampant.
This level of success was ultimately short-lived,
however. Following the burn event, there is a steep
drop in both the abundance and the average size of
obsidian artifacts, two shifts that indicate a loss of
access to the Chivay obsidian source. A statistically
significant decline in the mean size of obsidian
debitage following the burn event (p = .01168) sug-
gests conservative manufacturing behaviors that
are consistent with more limited access to
resources, as well as the recycling of old materi-
als, which results in smaller artifacts and debitage.
The reuse and retouching of artifacts would also
indicate new restrictions on raw material (Stanish
and Levine 2011).
Monitoring Local Trade:
Incensarios and Trumpets
Highly decorated, finely made ceramics
(finewares) constitute another class of artifact
through which trade activity may be monitored. In
the northern Titicaca Basin, the Formative period
is associated with two regional pottery styles:
Pukara and Qaluyu. Qaluyu-style decorated wares
define the Middle Formative, and diagnostic forms
include flat-bottom bowls (tazones), plainware
neckless cooking pots (ollas), and braziers (incen-
sarios) with heavy incision (Chvez 1985; Stead-
man 1994). Qaluyu-style bowls are often slipped
in brown cream or red, and many finewares are
embellished with other surface decorations, such
 298 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY
as painted geometric motifs, as well as curvilinear
designs with wide, shallow incisions. Ceramic
trumpets also appear for the first time during the
Middle Formative (Chvez 1988; Plourde 2006).
Pukara pottery is generally associated with the
Upper Formative occupation of the northern Basin.
This stylistic tradition is characterized by poly-
chrome zone-incised wares, on which designs are
painted with red, black, cream, and yellow paint,
and outlined by incision. This decorative technique
is found on a variety of forms, including annular
base bowls, incensarios, and trumpets (Chvez
1992; Franquemont 1986; Klarich 2005). Polished
redwares are also diagnostic of this tradition, along
Society for American Archaeology - Latin American Antiquity access (804-58-837)
with a number of plainware types.
A few Formative ceramic forms, including trum-
pets, incensarios, and large tazones, were non-util-
itarian, special-purpose finewares. These fancy
objects have been interpreted as ritually and ideo-
logically significant, and they constitute an impor-
tant category of artifacts that signaled wealth and
prestige (Plourde 2006). Trumpets, for sound, and
incensarios, for smell, were used to create an impor-
tant sensory experience for participants in rituals and
ceremonies (Chvez 1985, 1988; Hastorf 2003).
Throughout the Titicaca area, large tazones, often
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embellished with paint or incision, were likely used
during supra-household food sharing events, includ-
ing the serving of important guests (Bandy 2005,
2007; Steadman 2007). Evidence suggests that these
IP Address: 128.97.6.27
objects circulated via intra- and extra-basin net-
works (Goldstein 2000; Ohnstad 2007; Stanish
2003). Unlike obsidian, which must be imported
into the Basin from a distance, these finewares can
theoretically be produced anywhere a suitable clay
source is found. In fact, recent ethnoarchaeological
work by Roddick and Klarich (2013) indicated a
wide availability of high-quality raw materials
throughout the Titicaca area and identified a num-
ber of factorsboth environmental and socialthat
can influence quarrying of raw materials and paste
preparation behaviors. For these reasons, patterns
of fineware manufacture and distribution are not
immediately clear. However, defining these pat-
terns is essential for understanding Taracos involve-
ment in local exchange networks and presents
another avenue for assessing the degree to which
Taraco was an economically central place with
access to/control over the production and distribu-
tion of certain prestige goods.
[Vol. 24, No. 3, 2013
A random sample of 257 fineware sherds was
selected for geochemical characterization using
Laser Ablation Inductively Coupled Mass Spec-
trometry (LA-ICP-MS; Speakman and Neff 2005)
at the Elemental Analysis Facility at the Field
Museum of Natural History (Dussubieux et al.
2007; Sharratt et al. 2009; Vaughn et al. 2011). The
objective of the LA-ICP-MS analysis was to iden-
tify groups or clusters of sherds that could serve as
chemical representatives of production in a region
or locale. Such groups can be used to chart the
movement of goods around a region, especially
one that is geologically diverse, such as the Titi-
caca Basin. The core sample consisted of 130
sherds from the Taraco excavations. In order to
monitor production and distribution on a regional
scale, samples were also selected from contempo-
raneous sites in the region for comparison with the
Taraco materials. These include various sites in the
Huancan-Putina Valley (88 specimens from 18
sites), TA-783, located near the Taraco site (19
specimens), Huatacoa (15 specimens), located in
the Pukara Valley, Machu Llacta (4 specimens), and
Machu Asillo (1 specimen). The latter two sites are
hilltop fortresses.
LA-ICP-MS analysis targeted the clay matrix
in the center of each sherd cross section, while tem-
per and pore spaces were avoided. This constrained
characterization to the clays used in manufacture,
avoiding biases introduced by aplastic inclusions,
surface slips, or edge contamination. Procedures for
analysis followed the protocol previously estab-
lished by Laure Dussubieux of the FMNH (Dus-
subieux et al. 2007). For each sample, elements of
58 major, minor, and trace elements were mea-
sured. Ten spots measuring 100 m in diameter
were ablated on a freshly broken surface of each
sample, and the measured values were averaged.
In order to identify chemical groups, elemental
concentrations were first log-transformed to elim-
inate scaling bias between low and high abundance
elements. RQ-mode principal components analy-
sis (PCA) was then performed as a means of sum-
mating patterning in the full set of measured
elements onto a smaller number of variable axes
(Neff 1994, 2002).
Provisional groupings formed after these steps
were then refined by the calculation of jackknifed
probabilities of group memberships as derived from
Mahalanobis distance from group centroids
 Levine et al.] TRADE AND EARLY STATE FORMATION IN THE NORTHERN TITICACA BASIN 299

Table 2. Results of LA-ICP-MS Analysis.

Region/Group Group 1 Group 2 Group 3 Group 4 Group 5 Group 6 Group 7 Group 8 Unassigned Total
Huancan-Putina 23 2 3 1 24 6 1 3 25 88
Huatacoa 1 0 2 1 0 0 0 5 6 15
Machu Asillo 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 1
Machu Llacta 0 0 1 0 0 0 2 0 1 4
Taraco/TA-783 88 2 18 0 6 0 1 3 31 149
Huancan-Putina 20.5% 50.0% 12.5% 33.3% 80.0% 100.0% 25.0% 27.3%
Huatacoa .9% 0% 8.3% 33.3% 0% 0% 0% 45.5%
Machu Asillo 0% 0% 0% 33.3% 0% 0% 0% 0%
Machu Llacta 0% 0% 4.2% 0% 0% 0% 50.0% 0%
Taraco/TA-783 78.6% 50.0% 75.0% 0% 20.0% 0% 25.0% 27.3%
Society for American Archaeology - Latin American Antiquity access (804-58-837)

(Golitko 2011:256). Membership probabilities
themselves were calculated using Hotellings T-test,
the multivariate version of the Students t-test. When
comparing the statistical separation of potential ref-
erence groups, so-called jackknifed probabilities
were calculated for samples relative to the groups
they are initially placed in. Jackknifing refers to
removing each sherd included in a postulated group
in turn, recalculating the group mean and standard
deviation, and then calculating the corresponding
membership probability. This step prevents sherds
that should not be assigned to a particular group
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size of this group (N = 6) precludes the determi-
nation of a potential source area with any degree
of certainty. Other chemical groups are more dif-
ficult to interpret from a purely geographical stand-
point, as they contain fewer sherds and are more
evenly distributed across sites in the study.
Some strong patterning is evident in these data.
As indicated by the general survey of the data, the
entire Taraco sample is dominated by members of
ICP Groups 1 and 3, which, together, constitute 90
percent (N = 92) of the assigned specimens. The
remaining 10 percent (N = 10) of the sample

Friday, March 07, 2014 11:43:30 AM

from stretching its statistical boundaries, resulting includes sherds in Groups 2, 5, 7, and 8. However,
in erroneous assignments (Golitko 2011). Finally, these groups are not evenly distributed across the
Canonical Discriminant Function Analysis (CDA) three occupational phasesGroups 2, 5, and 7 are
IP Address: 128.97.6.27

was a further test of multivariate group separation
employed in this study (Baxter 1994).
Results of the LA-ICP-MS analysis are shown
in Table 2 (see full presentation and discussion of
statistics in Levine 2012). Statistical treatment of
the elemental data yielded eight distinct ICP groups,
and approximately 25 percent of the analyzed
sherds could not be assigned to any group (Figure
5). Suggestions as to where these sherds were pro-
duced and how they reached their final archaeo-
logical context are largely based on the criterion
of abundance (Bishop et al. 1982), the assump-
tion that chemical groups are likely to be most fre-
quently represented near their source of production.
The distribution of these ICP groups across sites
strongly suggests that Group 1 and Group 3 sherds
were produced at or near Taraco and TA-783,2 while
Group 5 is associated with sites in the Huancan-
Putina area located further east. Group 6 is also
found only among the sherds collected from sites
in the Huancan-Putina area; however the small
found only in Phase 3. Moreover, only a single
sherd belonging to Group 8 was discovered in the
Phase 2 assemblage, which was principally com-
posed (94 percent) of Groups 1 and 3.
Given that the overwhelming majority of Taraco
ceramics analyzed were produced using a very lim-
ited array of source material, and that contempo-
rary potters generally exploit raw materials from
consistent and often limited ranges (Arnold 2000;
Roddick and Klarich 2013), we argue that it is
unlikely that local potters were venturing far from
their territories to mine clay for the production of
such a small fraction of their total output.3 Rather,
we suggest it is far likelier that new clay sources
in Phase 3 were introduced into the Taraco sample
as finished products via trade with centers in other
areas of the region with geologically distinct clay
sources. Moreover, following the work of Costin
(1991:33) and Vaughn (Vaughn et al. 2006; Vaughn
and Neff 2000), the increased variability in source
material evident in the Phase 3 assemblage likely
 300 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY
Society for American Archaeology - Latin American Antiquity access (804-58-837)
Figure 5. Principal components bi-plot (calculated from the correlation matrix), showing principal chemical patterning
and identified chemical groups.
corresponds to increased numbers of producers
involved in the manufacture of these goods, which
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Friday, March 07, 2014 11:43:30 AM
would also suggest an intensification of trade in
elite finewares during this time.
The increase in source materials identified for
IP Address: 128.97.6.27
the Phase 3 sample from Taraco is consistent with
low levels of exchange that would be expected if
these objects were not regularly traded, but were
instead exchanged as part of reciprocal exchange
agreements or as tokens of affiliation during fac-
tion building activities. This idea is substantiated
by the distribution of chemical groups in the sub-
sample of trumpets and incensarios, non-domes-
tic finewares used only in rituals and ceremonies.
All but two of the trumpets and incensarios from
Taraco (N = 22) were assigned either to Group 1
or 3. In contrast, trumpets and incensarios from the
Huancan-Putina survey area are much more vari-
able, with seven of the chemical groups4 repre-
sented among the comparably smaller sample (N
= 19). The fact that 42 percent of the Huancan-
Putina specimens are from ICP Groups 1 and 3 is
noteworthy, and is likely a result of trade with the
Taraco area. The fact that ICP Group 5 was not
found among the Taraco trumpets and incensarios
suggests a one-way movement of ritual finewares
[Vol. 24, No. 3, 2013
between these two areas, and reflects Taracos dom-
inance of local exchange networks during this time.
Monitoring Domestic Practice:
Indirect Evidence for Trade-Related Activities
While the vast majority of Taracos domestic
ceramics were likely the products of local manu-
facture (as demonstrated for centers in the south
basin; see Roddick 2009), the analysis of the pot-
tery excavated from Area A identified a number of
patterns that are indicative of trade-related activi-
ties. The results of this analysis indicate a shift
between two distinct modes of supra-household
food consumption over the course of the Forma-
tive. While both of these patterns of food sharing
are relevant to our discussion of trade, this change
is of particular importance, as it reflects increased
involvement in public events that were certainly
geared towards faction building and financed with
external wealth.
Examination of the ceramic serving wares (N =
191) across all occupational phases unequivocally
points to involvement in supra-household food con-
sumption. When considered by phase, there is a
clear reduction in the size of bowls over the course
of the Formative (Table 3), a shift that likely reflects
 Levine et al.] TRADE AND EARLY STATE FORMATION IN THE NORTHERN TITICACA BASIN
Table 3. Rim Diameters of Ceramic Serving Vessels by Phase.
N (total
Occupational Phase assemblage) % Serving Wares
Formative Phase 1 30 20
Formative Phase 2 119 51
Formative Phase 3 582 26
changes in the nature of food consumption and
sharing. The decrease in mean bowl size was found
to be statistically significant.5 A series of post-hoc
Mann-Whitney U-tests indicated significant dif-
ferences between the means of the Phase 2 and the
Phase 3 samples (p = .007), as well as between the
Society for American Archaeology - Latin American Antiquity access (804-58-837)
means of the Phase 1 and Phase 3 samples (p =
.009). While the difference between the means of
the Phase 1 and Phase 2 samples was not found to
be statistically significant below the .05 level (p =
.06), this may be due, in large part, to the small size
of the sample from the Phase 1 contexts. The low
p value for this comparison nevertheless suggests
strong patterning in the data.
The composition of these three samples suggests
two likely sources for the decrease in mean diam-
eter over time. When the samples are divided into
direct-walled (tazones) and convex-walled (cuen-
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cos) categories, two facts are evident: 1) only the
tazones exhibit a statistically significant decrease
in size over time, and 2) the relative abundance of
tazones declines over time. Phase 1 tazones are quite
IP Address: 128.97.6.27
large, with a mean diameter of 28.4 cm. A substan-
tial decrease in the average size of the tazones is
seen in Phase 2 (mean = 21.43 cm) and again in
Phase 3 (mean = 18.08 cm). In contrast, the mean
size of the cuencos, which are notably absent from
the Phase 1 assemblage, remains relatively constant
from Phase 2 into Phase 3, with the two samples
differing by only .01 cm. Importantly, cuencos are,
on average, much smaller than tazones (mean =
17.27 cm and 20 cm, respectively; p = .0002). It is
therefore the case that the decrease in the size of the
serving vessels over time may be attributed to both
a decrease in the size of tazones and an increase in
the frequency of smaller-sized cuencos.
The ceramics collected from the river cut pro-
files substantiate the observation that the earlier
phases are associated with larger-sized serving
wares. Fragments of six finely made tazones were
discovered in association with Structure PII-9,
which was used for above ground storage during
301
Mean Diameter Standard Coefficient of
(cm) Deviation Variation
28.4 10.11 .36
19.96 5.84 .29
17.57 4.34 .25
Phase 2. These tazones were quite large on aver-
age and range from 1647 cm in diameter. In addi-
tion, a fragment of a very large bowl with a shelf
rim (TA-5118-01) was found while cleaning Struc-
ture PII-9 (Levine 2012). TA-5118-01 was once
part of an extremely large serving vessel measur-
ing 50 cm in diameter, and its enormous size sug-
gests that it may have been used to serve many
people. This specimen is very similar to a large
Qaluyu carinated bowl discovered by Cohen at the
site of Huatacoa in association with a sunken court
(Cohen 2010:176, 180182). Cohen (2010:180)
notes that large sherds like this are not generally
found in standard discard contexts, suggesting a
special or non-domestic function for this vessel
type. Accordingly, we believe that these forms may
represent a separate class of special-purpose serv-
ing wares. However, such large vessel forms are
conspicuously absent from the Phase 3 serving
assemblage, which was dominated by smaller-sized
cuencos, the majority of which (66 percent) were
undecorated.
The increased abundance of smaller, undeco-
rated bowls during the third phase of the Formative
occupation likely points to changes in modes of
supra-household food consumption; specifically, a
shift from household-based hosting of important
guests to larger-scale public food sharing and feast-
ing. A similar reduction in bowl size was docu-
mented for the Late Formative 1 (ca. 200 B.C.A.D.
300) serving assemblage from Kala Uyuni, an early
regional center located to the south on Bolivias
Taraco Peninsula (Bandy 2007; Steadman 2007).
Based on her analysis of the pottery, Steadman
(2007:110) suggests that during LF1, serving pat-
terns no longer involve large decorated bowls full
of food to be shared communally, but rather smaller
bowls sized for individual servings. Less food, or
different foods, may also have been served at these
events, as stable isotope analysis suggests that . . .
less meat/fish and more plant-based foods were now
being served in special purpose contexts. Bandy
 302 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY
suggests that these changes in the serving assem-
blage reflect a reconfiguration of commensality
that involved a shift from communal potluck-style
food-sharing events to more public events in which
participants were served in individually owned ves-
sels (Bandy 2007:141).
Two other patterns emerge from the analysis of
the ceramics. Foremost is the co-occurrence of
Qaluyu and Pukara fineware in unmixed Phase 3
contexts. Although these two styles have long been
assumed to represent discrete and sequential cul-
tural phenomena, this information instead points
to their simultaneous use in at least the early Pukara
period. It is also a possible indication of interaction
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and exchange of artistic canons between Pukara and
Taraco cultures. Secondly, in contrast to elaborate
serving wares, which are present in the ceramic
assemblage from the earliest occupations, ceramic
ritual paraphernaliatrumpets and highly deco-
rated incensariosdo not appear until the very end
of Phase 2. Of course, the burning of incense may
have taken place in plainer or undecorated bowls
prior to the end of Phase 2; indeed, some bases of
undecorated unrestricted vessels exhibit charring
on their interiors as early as Phase 1. We empha-
size, however, that such vessels were not part of
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the specialized ceramic assemblage designed
specifically as burners and that the tradition does
not begin until late Phase 2.
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Discussion
These data highlight the patterns of trade goods that
were exchanged during the Formative period. Long-
distance networks served to import valued exotic
goods. By the Upper Formative period, Taraco had
primary access to at least some of these resources
and exchanged finished products with other com-
munities. Other goods such as high-status ceram-
ics, in contrast, were generally produced locally, but
were also exchanged, likely as symbolic gestures
to allies and supporters, as they also locally manu-
factured fineware. While there is no evidence for
direct control over production, Taraco is the only
site, of those sampled, involved in the distribution
of ritual finewares by A.D. 100. As these gifts were
not reciprocally exchanged, they not only served as
tokens of affiliation, but also likely contributed to
unequal power relations in the region.
These results also indicate the presence of long-
[Vol. 24, No. 3, 2013
distance trade relationships that persisted from the
earliest occupational phases. Based on the data pre-
sented in this paper, it appears that this relationship
may stem from Taracos position as a transit com-
munity (Bandy 2005) during the Middle Forma-
tive. These strategically located communities
occupy territory through which traded goods must
pass and play a significant role in trade systems in
decentralized political contexts. It is no surprise that
the transportation of goodsespecially highly val-
ued exotic commoditieswas a risky endeavor, as
traders present easy targets for pirates or oppor-
tunistic bandits (Northrup 1978). Successful expe-
ditions would have required traders to cultivate
relationships with the people living along their reg-
ular routes, relationships that were maintained
across generations through marriage alliances and
gift-giving (Bandy 2005). In the absence of a
region-wide force responsible for safeguarding
trading expeditions, transit communities would
have served an essential function in the regional
economy, ensuring safe passage of goods. Security
seems to have been a legitimate concern for early
residents of the north Basin; the Middle Formative
settlement pattern of the upper Huancan-Putina
Valley, in fact, suggests that travel through the
areapossibly through hostile territorywas the
purpose of settlement in this part of the region
(Plourde 2006:485). During the earliest phases of
the occupational sequence at Taraco, individual
households likely offered a safe haven to traders,
providing lodging and food in exchange for pre-
sents of exotic goodsin this case, obsidian. The
large size and elaborate decoration of the serving
vessels discovered in the earliest occupational con-
texts lend weight to this hypothesis, as these would
have been used for small, household-based gath-
erings where food was shared family-style.
Geochemical characterization of randomly
selected obsidian artifacts from Formative levels
revealed a sample almost exclusively composed of
Chivay material. This is a significant difference
from the finds of Burger et al. (2000), who identi-
fied 16 percent (N = 58) Alca obsidian in the pre-
Pukara levels excavated by Sergio and Karen
Chvez. As these excavations were conducted
within 100 m of our excavation area, we suggest
that this differential distribution of source material
may reflect differentiation within Taracos high sta-
tus community. It is likely that trade relationships
 Levine et al.] TRADE AND EARLY STATE FORMATION IN THE NORTHERN TITICACA BASIN
were not maintained at the community level, but,
rather, different groups had their own access to
sources. It is possible that these groups were respon-
sible for the maintenance of their own long-distance
networks. While more data are needed to support
this hypothesis, this scenario is consistent with
other well-documented cases of long-distance
trade, such as the Trobriand Islander kula ring
(Malinowski 1961 [1922]), and could explain this
kind of variation in source material within such a
small area.
By intensifying their participation in long-dis-
tance networks during the early Pukara period, res-
idents were able to accumulate the durable
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resources required to finance local faction-build-
ing and political expansion. This reciprocal rela-
tionship would allow these hosts to accrue wealth
and concentrate exotics faster than their neighbors,
thereby providing an important mechanism for
rapid socioeconomic differentiation both within
and among communities. Ultimately, the wealth
gained through hosting was used to finance a bud-
ding political economy, which would have included
new forms of public ceremonialism that featured
music, the burning of incense, and community-
sponsored feasts. During these events, followers
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would be allowed access to exotic imports, and
social bonds were cemented with gifts of high sta-
tus crafted goods. Such events provided a context
for status competition and alliance negotiation, and
IP Address: 128.97.6.27
likely served as a venue for local trade and other
types of social activities. In other words, this exter-
nal wealth allowed the early residents of Taraco to
buy into, and then later create and disseminate,
regional ideologies, which would have included
the Yaya-Mama religious tradition expressed in
their stone monuments.
This transition in the political economy is clear
in the distribution of ceramic finewares across
occupational phases. While elaborate serving ves-
sels are present since the beginning of Phase 1,
trumpets and incensarios do not appear until the
very end of Phase 2, immediately preceding the
economic shifts that characterize the Phase 3 occu-
pation. The ceramic data likewise suggest a shift
from small, household-based gatherings in which
food was shared communally to more public events
in which people were served in individually owned
bowls. This new style of feasting, described by
Bandy (2007:141) as one-to-many, represents a
303
shift to a more defined status of host and repre-
sents one of the various ways that leaders could
develop their political economy, thereby attracting
followers and further enhancing the growth of their
community. By the first century A.D., these strate-
gies successfully attracted populations from around
the northern Basin. The documented exchange of
high status goods between Taraco and Pukara rep-
resents a form of cooperation that may have been
complementary with their competition; after all, in
order to compete effectively, aggrandizers require
the cooperation and support of indebted clients,
probably including many kin, and other patrons or
trade partners (Clark and Blake 1994:19).
Conclusions
New data from Taraco indicate that the emergence
of Taraco as a regional center is strongly linked to
residents strategic participation in local and long-
distance exchange networks. While it is participa-
tion in long-distance trade in prestige goods that
allows for the accumulation of durable wealth, it
is through participation in the local exchange net-
works that social capital is accrued. The ultimate
success of a regional center is contingent on the
relationships built through local tradegood rela-
tionships with neighboring communities are effec-
tively what make a center powerful. However, these
centers need durable wealth, procured through
long-distance networks, in order to underwrite the
types of activities that foster alliance-building at the
local level.
Over the course of the Formative period, par-
ticipation in local and long-distance trade networks
had a profound effect on the political landscape of
the northern Titicaca Basin. As the cooperative net-
works built through trade became larger, the num-
ber of regional centers decreased, but those that
remained were larger and more powerful than any-
thing that had previously existed (Levine and Stan-
ish 2012). This scenario, representing an important
qualitative shift in the nature of regional settlement
(Carneiro 2000), effectively set the stage for the
ascendance of Pukara as the single dominant polity
in the first century A.D., adopting many charac-
teristics of a first generation state.
Of course, the procurement of resources and the
expansion of social networks can be achieved
through other means, such as warfare and organized
 304 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY
conflict. The fact that both war and trade can result
in similar material outcomes highlights the dual
importance of cooperative and competitive behav-
ioral strategies for the evolution of complex civi-
lizations. Importantly, evidence for trade in exotic
goods precedes all indication of organized conflict
in the occupational sequence of Area A. This may
suggest that large-scale raiding and warfare may
actually require a comparatively higher level of
within-group cooperation brought about through
years of cooperative interactions (i.e. trade) within
the competitive landscape of the northern Titicaca
Basin.
Both war and trade have been implicated in the
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evolution of complex chiefdoms and states in other
areas of the world (e.g., see Blanton et al. 1996;
Carneiro 2000; Keeley 1996). As we shift from a
cultural evolutionary perspective to the evolution
of cooperation we are able to build on this previ-
ous theoretical work in order to refine our concepts
of state formation. Cooperation and competition,
via war and trade, are critical factors in the devel-
opment of increasingly complex forms of social
organization, not just as a factor pushing people to
protect themselves or acquire external resources,
but also as a means by which increased intra-group
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cooperation can be intensified and lead to those rare
but highly stable sociopolitical formations that we
call states.
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Acknowledgments. Fieldwork at Taraco was conducted with
permission from the Instituto Nacional de Cultura of Per.
Many thanks to Laure Dussubieux and the Elemental Analysis
Facility (EAF) at the Field Museum of Natural History, where
LA-ICP-MS was carried out (project EAF046). PXRF was
also performed in collaboration with the EAF. Funding for
LA-ICP-MS was provided by a doctoral dissertation grant
from the National Science Foundation (BCS-0940287).
Financial support for this research was also provided by the
Cotsen Institute of Archaeology, the Department of
Anthropology, and the Latin American Institute of UCLA. We
also thank Lloyd Cotsen, Charles Steinmetz, Deborah Arnold,
and the Municipality of Taraco for their support for this pro-
ject. We thank Elizabeth Arkush and Amanda Cohen, both of
whom contributed materials for LA-ICP-MS analysis. Thanks
to Henry Tantalen for translating the abstract.
Data Availability Statement. A complete digital copy of the
chemical data presented in this article is available for inter-
ested parties through the Elemental Analysis Facility at the
Field Museum of Natural History (http://fieldmuseum.org/
explore/department/anthropology/archaeological-science/
policies). All other data are available through Abigail
Levines research website, http://abbyl.bol.ucla.edu.
[Vol. 24, No. 3, 2013
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Notes
1. States are those with institutionalized hierarchies where
an elite can exercise power over others. Stateless societies are
those in which the power of elites is ad hoc, contingent upon
community authority (see Stanish 2010 for an extended dis-
cussion of elite leadership in intermediate societies).
2. Because analysis focused only on the clay matrix,
Groups 1 and 3 likely reflect different clay source areas near
the Taraco area, rather than different paste recipes.
3. As this study considered only the clay matrix, avoiding
analysis of the non-plastic inclusions, the same cannot be said
for added tempering agents.
4. ICP Groups 1, 2, 3, 5, 6, 7, and 8.
5. A Kruskal-Wallis one-way analysis of variance was
used to assess the variability across the samples from each of
the three Formative occupational phases, and the results
(H(2) = 13.22, p = .001) indicate statistically significant dif-
ferences among the three samples.
Submitted November 21, 2011; Revised December 12,
2012; Accepted June 21, 2013.