De La Salle University-Manila

College of Liberal Arts

Political Science Department

A Study on the Correlation of a Candidates Ethno-linguistic

Background and Voting Behavior of Bicolanos in Camarines Sur, Bicol
Presented to
Ms. Lolita Shaila Safaee Chalkasra

In Fulfillment
For the course THSPOM2 section A51
3rd Term, AY 20152016

Layug, Michaella Claire P.

Santos, Anicia Margerette C.

July 28, 2016

Table of Contents:
i. Table of Contents.p. 1
ii. Abstract.p. 2
I. Introduction
1.1 Background of the Study.p. 3
1.1.1 National Electoral Data .......p. 4
1.1.1.1 2010 National Elections...p. 4
Table 1. Presidential Candidates of the 2010 National Elections.....p. 5
Table 2. Vice Presidential Candidates of the 2010 National Electionsp. 6
1.1.2 Social and Demographic Data.p. 6
Table 3. Demography by Ethnicity/Mother Tongue.....p. 7
Table 4. Region V Demographics 2010...p. 7
Table 5. Region V Provincial Demographics.....p. 7
II. Review of Related Literature
2.1 Ethnicities, Ethno linguistic Groupings, and Political Participation..p. 8
2.2 Voting Behavior.p. 12
2.3 Social and Economic Determinants.p. 14
2.4 Synthesis of the Review of Related Literaturep. 16
III. Conceptual/Theoretical Framework
3.1 Research Problem..p. 17
Table 6. Summary of Research Question and Methodology..................p. 18
3.2 Significance of the Study...p. 19
3.3 Scope and Limitations...p. 20
3.4 Theoretical Framework.p. 21
Diagram 1. Vermeersch (2011) and Fearon (2004).........p. 22
3.5 Conceptual Framework.p. 22
3.5.1 Definition of Termsp. 22
3.5.2 Operational Framework...p. 23
Diagram 2. Variables of the Study...p. 24
IV. Research Methodology
4.1 Setting of the Studyp. 24
4.2 Type of Method Usedp. 25
4.3 Selection of Respondents...p. 25
V. Results and Discussion
5.1 Demographics of Respondents from San Jose, Camarines Surp. 26
Table 7. Demographics of Respondents........p. 28
5.2 2010 National Presidential and Vice Presidential Elections..p. 28
Table 8. Past 2010 National Elections...p. 30
5.3 Upcoming 2016 National Elections..p. 30
Table 9. 2016 National Elections...p. 31
5.4 Voting Preferences of Bicolanos for Vice President.. p. 31
Table 10. Voting Preference of Bicolanos for Vice President.....p. 32
5.5 Summary of Qualitative Findingsp. 33
VI. Conclusion...p. 35
VII. Appendix..p. 37
VIII. Bibliographyp. 39

1
 Abstract

The premise of this research paper is to illustrate whether or not there is a correlation between
the two variablesvoting preference of Bicolanos in Camarines Sur and the ethno-linguistic
background of a candidatethrough past studies in the literature and key informant interviews in
the rural and urban areas San Jose and Naga City, Camarines Sur respectively. Moreover, it
seeks to explain the voting behavior and preference of Bicolanos in Camarines Sur along with its
social, political, and economic determinants. Furthermore, it aims to answer the four sub-
questions of the research: (1) how does ethno-linguistic background play a role in the Filipinos
voting behavior and choice of candidates, (2) how do social and economic interests of Bicolanos
play a role in voting preference for candidates in national elections, (3) what kind of policies do
Bicolanos prefer and how does this affect their voting preference and, (4) how does the
belongingness of an individual (voter) in an ethno-linguistic group influence their choice of
candidate. Results of the study demonstrate that there is a correlation between ethnolinguistic
affiliation and voting behavior as past studies similarly suggest. Chosen respondents (Bicolanos)
prefer a co-ethnic candidate because of the belief that they will prioritize and direct positive
changes towards their ethnic group in that specific region (Camarines Sur). Moreover, the results
of the key informant interviews conducted by the researchers strongly establish that
ethnolinguistic background plays a pivotal role in determining voting behavior and voter
preference more than other manifesting determinants such as political, social, and economic
factors taken into consideration by the Bicolanos themselves.

Key words: ethno-linguistic background, voting preference, voting behavior, social

determinants, political determinants, economic determinants, Camarines Sur

2
Chapter I: Introduction

1.1 Background of the Study:

The Philippines, both a democratic country and a multi-cultural state, suggests

that there could be surrounding issues which may affect participatory plans of citizens
most especially through their voting patterns and behavior with the differences that exist
between ethno linguistic groups as an example. With over a hundred million in
population, the Philippines is considered as a diverse country. Although the main
language used in the country is Filipino, it holds various ethnic groups amongst the
countrys 7,107 islands. Being a diverse and divided country, it has different dialects that
Filipinos use in their habitual conversational proceedings.

According to the Philippine Statistics Authority (2015), the biggest ethnic group
in the country based on their mother tongue are the Tagalogs (22,512,089 people),
followed by the Cebuanos (9,125,637), Ilocanos (8,074,536), Ilongos (7,773,655),
Bicolanos (6,299,283), and Warays (3,660,645). Furthermore, the regional groups in the
country are of great number; hence the purpose of this research, which is to prove
whether or not the difference in beliefs, cultures and traditions affect the patterns and or
behaviors of the Filipino voters in the past and upcoming national elections. Researches
regarding race and class, were geared towards the claim that regional differences may
affect political behavior as affirmed by the works of Junn (2000), Wolfinger (1965),
Long (2012), and so on. As a result, this then leads us to the generation of the question
whether or not the composition of the Philippine society in its diverse populations, affect
political activity most specifically, in the voting process of the country in the national
elections.

Political participation is an important activity because it significantly affects and

shapes not only society but the political sphere as well. For Deimer (2012), political
participation is the engagement with traditional mechanisms in the ... political system,
such as voting in elections and joining political organizations. Furthermore, Political

3
 participation derives from the freedom to speak out, assemble and associate; the ability to
take part in the conduct of public affairs; and the opportunity to register as a candidate, to
campaign, to be elected and to hold office at all levels of government. (United Nations,
n.d.). With political participation being an extensive topic, the researchers intend to focus
their study on political participation in the form of voting in the national elections; which
plays an integral part in the countrys practice of democracy.

Every six (6) years, a national election is held in the country for the two highest
positions, namely the President and the Vice-President, as mandated by the 1987
Philippine Constitution. Section 4 states that, the President and the Vice-President shall
be elected by direct vote of the people for a term of six years which shall begin at noon
on the thirtieth day of June next following the day of the election and shall end at noon of
the same date, six years thereafter. Filipinos eighteen (18) years and older are highly
encouraged to practice their constitutional rights and privileges as citizens of the country
in voting for the leader which they believe is fit for the position.

1.1.1 National Electoral Data

1.1.1.1 2010 National Election

For the first time since the 1986 rebirth of democracy, party coalitions did not
materialize in the results of the Presidential and Vice Presidential elections in the country.
Current President Benigno S. Aquino III, together with his running mate Manuel Roxas
focused a campaign propaganda of targeting corruptiona prevailing topic during the
regime of former president Arroyoand promised to steer the country towards a
corruption free administration. Their main campaign platform of the tuwid na daan led
the Aquino-Roxas tandem of the Liberal Party in the different surveys and polls before
the national elections.

However, based on the data of the Presidential Museum and Library (2010),
while Aquino stayed in the lead, the polls indicated Binay was catching up with Roxas.

4
On election day, Aquino was elected by a landslide, but his running mate Roxas lost to
Binay by a mere 800,000 votes or a little over 2% of the vote. With 81 provinces, 144
cities, 1,490 municipalities, 42, 036 barangays in the Philippines, and a voting population
of 48, 275, 594 Filipinos, Benigno S. Aquino III and Jejomar Binay were declared as the
winners of the 2010 Presidential and Vice Presidential elections.

As illustrated in Tables 1 and 2 below which was based on the 2010 National
Presidential and Vice Presidential Results presented by the Commission on Elections
(COMELEC), Aquino and Binay had a total number of 15,208,678 and 14,645,574 votes
respectively; all of which were casted by local and overseas registered Filipino voters in
the year 2010. (Commission on Elections, 2015).

Table 1. Presidential Candidates of the 2010 National Elections

Source: (Commission on Elections, 2015)

5
 Table 2. Vice Presidential Candidates of the 2010 National
Elections

Source: (Commission on Elections, 2015)

1.1.2 Social and Demographic Data

The results of the 2010 Census of Population and Housing Highlights, showed
that the Philippines during the year 2010, had a total population of 92, 337, 852.
According to the Philippine Statistics Authority (2015), based on ethnicity/ mother
tongue criteria alone; out of the total population given, 22, 512, 089 are Tagalog, 9, 125,
637 are Cebuano, 8, 074, 536 are Ilocano, 10, 539, 816 are Bisaya, 7, 773, 655 are
Ilongo, 6, 299, 283 are Bicolano, 3, 660, 645 are Waray and 24, 029, 005 for the unstated
local languages as presented in Table 3 on Demography and Ethnicity/Mother Tongue.

As shown in Table 3 below, it is apparent that with a great number of

ethnolinguistic groups, and voting being a significant part of a countrys effective system
of governance, the need to identify the relationship between these two variables are
essential especially in todays context wherein the national elections will be held on May
2016.

6
 Table 3. Demography by Ethnicity/Mother Tongue

Source: (Philippine Statistics Authority, 2010)

The researchers will focus on the ethno-linguistic groups of the Bicol Region who
are also known to have a solid vote similar to the Ilocos Region. During the last national
elections held in the year 2010, the Bicol region had a total population of 5, 420, 411 and
a registered voter count of 2, 774, 327 (Philippine Statistics Authority, 2010). Although
the number of registered voters in Bicol during the 2010 National Elections were roughly
3 million in total, as shown in Table 4. Region V Demographics 2010, the regional vote
of Bicol still plays a vital role in the vote count of the candidate that it will support in an
election.

Table 5. Region V Provincial Demographics, present the income classes,

municipalities, barangays, registered voters, and population of the six (6) provinces in the
Bicol region namely: Albay, Camarines Norte, Camarines Sur, Catanduanes, Masbate,
and Sorsogon. The researchers however, would only limit their focus in Camarines Sur,
the province with the highest number of registered voters in the Bicol region as of the
year 2010.

7
 Table 4. Region V Demographics 2010

Source: (Philippine Statistics Authority, 2010).

Table 5. Region V Provincial Demographics

Source: (Philippine Statistics Authority, 2015)

8
Chapter II: Review of Related Literature:

The hypothesis of this research asserts that ethno linguistic groupings mobilize political
participation by means of voting for their co-ethnic candidates. Similar literature and studies
regarding the correlation between ethnicities and political participation have already been
presented by various researchers and scientists congruent to the presumed relation of the two
variables of the study; namely: ethno linguistic groupings and voting behavior.

2.1 Ethnicities, Ethno linguistic Groupings, and Political Participation

In the paper The Significance of Race and Class for Political Participation
(2000), the author scrutinized the United States electoral system and whether or not a
specific race or ethnicity affects the voter turnouts of the country. Furthermore, Junn
(2000) highlighted how race and ethnicity have always been an important story in the
study of political participation, particularly the period in which the power of urban
political machines and political parties were built on coalitions of ethnic voting blocs.
This is somewhat similar to the researchers hypothesis regarding the Philippine electoral
system and how ethno linguistic groups have a correlation with voting behavior; and in
turn, may affect the results of the countrys national election, similar to one of the
countrys voting bloc called the solid north vote. According to Nicolas (2015), this
consists of five million Ilocano votes coming from the first three regions in the north
namely: Region 1 (Ilocos region), Region 2 (Cagayan Valley), and the Cordillera
Administrative Region (CAR). These three (3) regions tallied 82.52, 78.85, and 77.74
percent voter turnouts respectively during the 2013 National Elections Statistics.

Likewise, Bird (2003) thinks that essentially, ethnic groups in the United States
are well represented and are given various rights like the ethnic groups in the Philippines.
However, in her comparative research on The Political Representation of Women and
Ethnic Minorities in Established Democracies (2003), she stated that in general, an
ethnic group group must form a substantial enough part of the population to attract
attention in terms of the competition among traditional political parties (or to form their

9
own parties). Additionally, the group must express a fairly strong collective identity,
such that members will tend to vote as a bloc for a party that appeals to group identity
and interests.

Wolfinger (1965) mentions in The Development and Persistence of Ethnic Voting

the essential aspects of voting behavior and how ethnicity is often an important
independent variable. In relation to the researchers claim regarding the correlation of
ethnolinguistic affiliation and its effect on voting behavior, Wolfinger (1965) also states
two manifestations of Ethnic voting that links group membership to voting preference.
First he notes, members of an ethnic group show an affinity for one party or the other
which cannot be explained solely as a result of other demographic characteristics.
Secondly, Members of an ethnic group will cross party lines to vote for-or against-a
candidate belonging to a particular ethnic group. Both claims Wolfinger (1965) suggests
an existing relationship between group affiliation and voting behavior.

In the paper The Determinants of Ethnic Voting, author Long (2012) conducts a
study on individual motivations relating to voting behavior in Kenya. He looks into
evidences which prove that some voters rely heavily on co-ethnic ties and how this
translates in their voting calculus and will only choose co-ethnic candidates. Long (2012)
further states In Kenya, ethnicity correlates strongly with vote choice for voters who
have a co-ethnic candidate in the race. This study links to the researchers supposition
that ethno-linguistic groups would apply such behavior in a similar manner. In this paper,
the methods used to come up with the determinants of ethnic voting include surveys
organized before the elections in Kenya back in 2007. Similarly, the researchers would
recourse to the utilization of a closely related method by which respondents (voters) will
be interviewed before the 2016 Philippine national elections.

A research on the Assimilation and Voting Behavior: A Study of Greek-

Americans, is central to the inquiry on the relationship of ethnicity and the voting
behavior of Greek-Americans focusing on residents in a certain community of the
Southeastern United States. Humphrey and Louis (1973) examines the impact of the

10
existence of differences between ethnicity highlighting the concept of we-ness among
immigrant groups and ethnic voting, defined by the authors as the support for a certain
party or candidate. Although the researchers study will focus on an ethno-linguistic
group within the Philippines as a determining factor instead of nationality, the
aforementioned literature would aid the researchers in their conceptualization of the
correlation between ethnicity in relation to the level of we-ness and voting behavior of
people having similar ethnic affiliations.

Furthermore, a study done by (Diaz, 2012) in a similar manner considers ethnic

organizing as a probable factor affecting voting behavior among others within racial
communities in place of ethno-linguistic groups. The research is aimed towards the
understanding of Asian voting behavior and looks at Asian-American communities. The
author suggests other factors related to social integration and assimilation along with
ethnic organization. Unlike the researchers assumption, the paper Asian Embeddedness
and Political Participation: Social Integration and Asian-American Voting provides
alternative factors which influence the voting behavior of Asians more than ethnic
organization. Moreover, the study also dwells on explaining how group segregation
facilitates collective action such as electoral participation (voting) especially with an
established group identity.

In another literary work, Norris and Mattes (2003) asserts that ethnicity is a
significant predictor of voting behavior in most of the African societies under the
evaluation conducted by the authors. The researchers conducted surveys among African
societies and were able to come up with the assumption which confirmed the significance
of ethnicity in electoral politics. While the study did not focus on ethnicity alone and
mostly explained its impact on party identification relating to ethnic cleavages, Norris
and Mattes (2003), were able to address that in the national models, ethnicity remained
significant in eight out of twelve countries indicating that ethnicity is one of the primary
ties factored when it comes to party ties and voting behavior. The researchers would be
able to provide cases in the Philippines that may play a role in influencing voting

11
behavior in several societies in other parts of the world. This links to the researchers
supposition that ethnic affiliation does impose a certain impact on voting behavior.

The studies mentioned above all propose the similar assumption on ethnicity as an
important factor of political participation. Literature by Junn (2012), as well as Bird
(2003) suggest that groups with a collective identity will result to electorates voting as a
bloc. Wolfinger (1965), suggest that there is a strong relationship between group
affiliation and voting behavior which manifests in Ethnic voting. In a study conducted
by Long (2012) in Kenya, he claims that ethnicity has an extremely observable
correlation to voting preference of voters having co-ethnic candidates vying for office.
Similarly, Humphrey & Louis (1973) along with Diaz (2012) focuses on specific
geographic areas in examining the said relationship of voting preference and ethnic
grouping. On a certain community of the Southeastern United States, Humphrey & Louis
(1973) looks at the support for a party or candidate determined by the concept of we-
ness or ethnic affiliation. Conversely, Diaz (2012) studies Asian-American communities
where ethnic organizing is identified as a probable factor affecting voting behavior within
racial communities instead of ethno-linguistic groups. In addition, Norris and Mattes
(2003) claim that ethnicity is of high significance in electoral politics as it is a predictor
of voting behavior. Albeit the study does not centrally look at ethnicity alone and mostly
explained its impact on party identification relating to ethnic cleavages, it was able to
establish that ethnicity affects voting behavior. The aforementioned literature having
different areas under evaluation, would aid the researchers in considering other
perspectives in order for them to come up with more in-depth assumptions consisting of
several layers of analysis.

2.2 Voting Behavior

In Contemporary Political Participation Research: A Critical Assessment (2013),

it was emphasized how political participation is vital. For social scientists, it is of the
essence due to the quintessential act of democratic citizenship voting at election for
the House of Representatives. (Lamprianou, 2013). While elections and voting

12
behaviour attract the attention of many social science researchers, various manifestations
and forms associated with political engagement in a broader sense have also received
extensive study.

On the other hand, the research of Logan, J. R., Darrah, J., & Oh, S. (2012)
claimed otherwise. They examined whether or not racial or ethnic differences affect
electoral participation. The result of the study was that group differences are not solely a
function of the resources and rootedness of group members or a consequence of the high
proportion of immigrants among Latinos and Asians. With this result, the researchers
were challenged to understand the specific circumstances of each group's arrival and
incorporation into American society; for it was something that they failed to look at in
their study.

Additionally, the concept of bloc voting with regards to the major ethnic groups in
the country are also being taken into consideration by the researchers. In the book The
Matrix of Policy in the Philippines (1971), the data presented by the material highlighted
the relevance ethnic factors in Philippine politics most specifically, in the voter turnouts
during elections. Averch, H. A., Koehler, J. E., & Denton, F. H. (1971), stated that
Ilocanos appear to be a cohesive bloc trading their votes for promise and delivery of
material reward. According to these researchers no other ethnic group in the Philippines
are as cohesive as the Ilocanos hence, a candidate who comes from the Ilocos region
with a very large majority stands a good chance of winning the election.

Furthermore, a similar hypothesis relating to the concept of the existence of

voting patterns among specific groups was suggested in the sociological model of voting
behavior found in the book Politics (2007) within the chapter on Representation,
Elections and Voting. This model relates voting behavior to group membership and states
that electorates voting pattern tend to manifest in the economic and social position of the
group to which they belong (Heywood, 2007, p. 267). Furthermore, the sociological
model establishes that there is a significance in social alignment where divisions as well
as tensions within a society are mirrored. Ethnicity is among the common divisions stated

13
along with class, gender, religion and region. Despite the effect of socialization not being
this models focal point, it does however, make use of elucidations which are socially-
based therefore relating rationality insofar as group interests as factors in shaping party
allegiances.

The Philippine Office of the Ombudsman, had conducted a psychographics study

in 1995 and was published in the year 2003. The seven-year research was an in depth
study regarding the voting behavior of Filipinos and the deciding factors for an electorate
to cast their right to vote. The study presented the prevalence voting behavior in the
Philippines used by most politicians is the patron-client approach. In the research, the
second chapter Studying the Voter and Elections (n.d.) stated that, in this framework,
political leaders who are of a higher socioeconomic status (patron), acquire power by
providing material benefits to people of lower status (client), who in turn, commit their
votes to the patron during elections.

The following literature mentioned above have similar and different claims with
regards to voting behavior. The study Averch, H. A., Koehler, J. E., & Denton, F. H.
(1971) and Heywood, (2007), similarly asserts that, voters are divided by the following:
class, gender, ethnicity, religion, and region, as stated in Politics (2007); however, as
Matrix of Policy in the Philippines claimed, there is certainly a relevant link between an
individuals ethno-linguistic background that affects the voter turnout in the national
elections as manifested by the regional vote of Ilocanos. Likewise, the Ombudsman of
the Philippines (2003) and Heywood (2007) both claim that, social and economic
determinants play a vital role in the voting behavior of the electorates in voting for a
candidate in a specific position. On the other hand, Lamprianou (2013) and Logan, J. R.,
Darrah, J., & Oh, S. (2012) have contrasting beliefs regarding the relevance of political
participation in Cyprus and the United States, respectively. Given the varying results
from past studies and literature, the researchers aim to consider the factors mentioned
above to further understand the voting behavior of Bicolanos.

2.3 Social and Economic Determinants

14
 An article by (Kostelecky, 1994) entitled Economic, Social and Historical
Determinants of Voting Patterns, relationships between voting patterns and factors which
which affect spatial variation are examined. The article is central on the geography of
voting patterns and other possible explanatory factors which are social, economic and
historical in nature. The differences between the 1990 and 1992 parliamentary election
results in the Czech Republic are looked into in order to examine the variation of
importance of the individual explanatory factors. Further stated by (Kostelecky, 1994) is
that Generally, the most frequent independent variables indicate a districts political
traditions, ethnicity/regionalism, the populations religious and occupational structure,
retrospective voting and environmental damage. On the other hand, the populations
educational and age structure, the level of urbanization, social pathology and the long
term stability of the population were not very effective predictors of the spatial variation
of the electoral outcomes in either 1990 and 1992. This statement upholds the
probability of the existence of several other factors. With this, the researchers will be able
to make use of this article as a reference in evaluating other elements that will arise
throughout the research.

In a similar manner, a research by (Hoffman & Long, 2013) on Parties, Ethnicity,

and Voting in African Elections, challenges the aforementioned views on ethnicity as the
strongest determinant of voting behavior. This article examined the results of Ghanas
2008 elections by dissecting and probing for possible non-ethnic predictors of voting
behavior. The authors question the sufficiency of ethnicity as a factor of predicting an
electoral winner. Despite Ghana being the country under inspection and the country for
which these stated conclusions apply, the framework and method used in the
establishments of these facts would provide the researchers significant means to consider
in accomplishing their own assumptions in the context of the paper. Further stated in this
article are several conditions that are considerably stronger explanations than ethnic
grouping such as party performance and economically related conditions. (Hoffman &
Long, 2013, p. 144) mentioned They were not likely to vote for a party or candidate
simply because of their ethnic label. Nor were perceptions of parties filtered wholly
through an ethnic lens.

15
 The study on Identity, Grievances, and Economic Determinants of Voting in the
2007 Kenyan Elections, a study on the post-2007 election violence in Kenya, several
issues were studied which caused division among Kenyans in the 2007 Presidential
election. Kimenyi & Romero (2008), examined data of voter opinions and led to the
assumption that Kenyan voters are strategic, seeking to maximize their well-being and
influenced by a number of factors that go beyond their ethnicity such as their absolute
and relative living standards, access to public goods and also grievances arising from
perceptions of discrimination. This conclusion suggests that voting behavior of Kenyans
is motivated by other means more than ethnicity. These factors are economically driven
as well as a display of varying interests.

The literature provided under social and economic determinants all suggest
factors other than ethnicity as probable predictors which may affect voting behavior. The
article by (Kostelecky, 1994) looks at the parliamentary election results in the Czech
Republic in 1990 and 1992 to prove that other factors of varying importance may exist
including those of ethnic origin when it comes to voting preference. In a similar manner,
(Hoffman & Long, 2013), seems to go beyond prior researches claiming in their study set
in Ghana that ethnicity may not be the strongest determinant of voting behavior. They do
not adhere to the assumption that ethnicity is the most influential factor affecting the
voting preference of individuals. The supposition of (Kimenyi & Romero, 2008) does not
lead away from the aforementioned claims of the various authors mentioned before them.
They also believe that a number of factors that go beyond ethnicity such as living
standards, access to goods and other economically related conditions may be considered
more than ethnic affiliation. Although the researchers claim is not similar to those of the
authors in this section of the related literature, being exposed to the actuality that there
may be other factors stronger than ethnicity would help in the extraction and evaluation
of other elements which will emerge from the data gathered. Moreover, the following
literature did not expunge ethnicity as a factor of voting behavior, but rather only state
that it is not the lone factor to take into consideration.

2.4 Synthesis of the Review of Related Literature

16
 In summary, the researchers gathered and examined literature regarding (1)
Ethnicities, Ethno linguistic Groupings, Political Participation, (2) Voting Behavior, and
(3) Social and Economic Determinants; all of which were deemed relevant and important
with regards to the development of the research on the correlation between ethno-
linguistic background and voting behavior. Although some of the past studies claim that
there are other factors which drives an individuals political participation, like the
research of Kostelecky, (1994), and Kimenyi & Romero, (2008); authors like Junn
(2012), Bird (2003), and Heywood, (2007), believe otherwise. Given the disparity in
literature, the researchers posit that other factors are correlated with voting behavior such
as religion, gender, and class; nevertheless, in the context of the Philippines, specifically
in the Bicol region, ethno-linguistic background plays a vital role in the results of the
national election. Highlighting the study Averch, H. A., Koehler, J. E., & Denton, F. H.
(1971) regarding the bloc vote of Ilocanos and how a candidate with the same ethno-
linguistic background will most likely win in the national election, the researchers hold
similar claims as applied to the premise of their thesis. Although prior studies claim that
ethnicity and voter turnout relate to one another, as illustrated by the Ilocanos, no further
study has been made, with regards to the correlation of a candidates ethno-linguistic
background and the voting behavior of Bicolanos.

Chapter III: Conceptual Framework

3.1 Research Problem:

As mentioned in the preceding paragraphs, the researchers believe that it is of

high importance to discover where the majority of the Philippine population is heading
with regards to their voting behaviors and or patterns in order to make accurate
assumptions of its possible effects to the electoral process. Thus, the researchers seek to
answer what is the impact of ethno-linguistic affiliation to voting for a candidate in the
national elections. The researchers will look into the causal mechanisms regarding the
correlation between the variablesethnolinguistic background and voting behavior
among Bicolanos. In scrutinizing this inquiry, the researchers will further delve into the

17
 role of the Bicolanos voting behavior and how it affects their candidate preference in the
national elections; their social and economic interests and the policies they prefer as a
region; and lastly, the belongingness of an individual (voter) in his or her ethnolinguistic
group which in turn, might influence the voters choice of candidate. Table 6. below
presents the summary of research questions and methodology in order to further aid the
understanding of the research.

Table 6. Summary of Research Question and Methodology

Research Source, Data Method Analysis (Plan)

Questions Required

Is there a correlation Bicolanos in San Key informant The researchers

between the
Jose and Naga, interview conducted key
variables
ethnolinguistic Camarines Sur; desk analysis from informant interviews
background and
Philippine Statistics past researchers, with the residents of
voting behavior of
Bicolanos in San Authority government Naga City and San
Jose and Naga City,
agencies, local Jose, Camarines Sur
Camarines Sur?
government units to verify the data
gathered from the
Philippine Statistics
Authority.

How does ethno- Bicolanos in San Key informant Residents of Naga

linguistic affiliation
Jose and Naga, interview, desk City and San Jose,
play a role in the
Filipinos voting Camarines Sur; analysis from past Camarines Sur were
behavior and choice
Commission on researchers, chosen as
of candidates?
Elections government respondents to obtain
agencies, local the information
government units needed

How do social and Bicolanos in San Key informant Key informant

economic interests
Jose and Naga, interview interviews were
of Bicolanos play a

18
role in voting Camarines Sur; carried out with the
preference for
Philippine Statistics residents of Naga
candidates in
national elections? Authority City and San Jose,
Camarines Sur in the
process of obtaining
information on the
stated question

What kind of Bicolanos in San Key informant The answers were

policies do
Jose and Naga, interview extracted from the
Bicolanos prefer and
how does this affect Camarines Sur chosen respondents
their voting
of Naga City and San
preference?
Jose, Camarines Sur
in form of a key
informant interviews

Does the Bicolanos in San Key informant Naga City and San
belongingness of a
Jose and Naga, interview, desk Jose, Camarines Sur
candidate in an
ethnolinguistic Camarines Sur; analysis from past residents were
group influence their
Commission on researchers, randomly chosen by
choice of candidate?
How? Elections; Philippine government the researchers to
Statistics Authority agencies, local participate in key
government units informant interviews

3.2 Significance of the Study:

The stated subject matter needs to be addressed in order to isolate probable

outcomes relating to the voting behaviors of the citizens situated in the chosen region.
Having access to this kind of data would provide information for candidates running for
office who aim to serve the concerns and earn the votes of the electorates. Furthermore,

19
this will lead to the introduction of new ways to increase political participation to the
benefit of a certain course of action. For instance, candidates will have an idea of the
voters positions on specific qualities of a leader they would favor either affected by the
knowledge that they belong to the same ethnolinguistic group or otherwise. As a result,
candidates vying for office would be more aware of the necessary measures in aiming for
higher levels of involvement through engaging a particular ethnolinguistic group in the
voting process to consequently bring forward possible solutions to policy issues on their
most significant concerns. More importantly, this research would not only be beneficial
to the candidates aiming for office, but also for the majority of people belonging to the
different regions of the Philippines. Furthermore, the issue of unequal distribution of
political goods which was a result of the gap created by a possible lack of participation
from ethnolinguistic groups that never had opportunities to forward their concerns,
interests and needs will also be addressed. Lastly, these assumptions lead to a deeper
understanding of the correlation between ethno-linguistic background and voting
behavior of voters.

3.3 Scope and Limitations:

The scope of this inquiry will focus on the registered voters of Region V or the
Bicol region specifically in Naga City, and San Jose, Camarines Sur thus, it might not be
representative of other ethno-linguistic groups. The attention will be central on examining
whether or not there is a correlation between the ethnolinguistic group and their particular
voting behavior thus, imposing an effect on their preference of candidates. Additionally,
it will include data gathered from qualitative research in the form of key informant
interviews. The Bicol region was chosen as the location for study due to various practical
reasons which were not apparent factors in other regions as stated in the methodology.
With the upcoming 2016 elections, the researchers considered region V among others for
the reason that 4 out of 6 vice presidential candidates will be coming from Bicol. The
candidates are only limited to: Camarines Sur Representative Leni Robredo, Senator
Antonio Sonny Trillanes IV, Senator Francis Chiz Escudero and Senator Gringo
Honasan II who are all Bicol natives. Along with the purpose of the research, this

20
circumstance would provide the researchers an environment that would help in the
collection of valuable data needed in the development of the study; with all four
candidates who belong to the same ethnolinguistic competing for votes in the same
region.

3.4 Theoretical Framework:

The theory that will be used as the basis of this research is the Cultural
Perspective model by Peter Vermeersch. The stated theory is one of the theories
developed by Vermeersch on ethnic mobilization. The Culturalist Perspective views the
cultural socialization process as the most fundamental factor explaining ethnic
mobilization (Vermeersch, 2011 p. 4). It emphasizes the significance of strong subjective
bonding and values within ethnic groups for shaping the lines of ethnic mobilization. This
view is in some ways similar to Primordialism. Primordialists assume that certain ethnic
categories are always socially relevant, and that political relevance follows automatically
from social relevance (Fearon, 2004 p. 6).

This theory, as presented in Diagram 1 below, indicates that people from the same
ethnic group will have some sort of a fundamental connection because of their shared
culture and will therefore organize in similar ways. Although the argument of this study
is central on ethnic mobilization it can be used for the purpose of the stated research. As
applied to the conducted study, this theory holds that the researchers would expect the
independent variable: ethnolinguistic background to influence or explain the dependent
variable: voting behavior.

Taking into consideration that the Philippines is a multi-cultural state, an

individual that has a fundamental connection with his community and with his decision to
participate in political activities based on his ethnic affiliation, and sharing a similar
ethnolinguistic group of candidates running for a certain position with the voters of a
specific region would generally influence their voting preference and affect the countrys

21
level of political participation in the form of electoral participation (voting) from
members of regional groups.

Diagram 1. (Adapted from Vermeersch, 2011 and Fearon, 2004)

3.5.1 Definition of Terms:

The researchers will adapt the following definitions of the given terms as applied
in the context of the study:

Voting - Filipinos eighteen (18) years and older have the freedom and
right to exercise their power to vote every six (6) years for the national
presidential and vice presidential elections in the Philippines. Voting is a
formal expression of opinion or choice, either positive or negative, made
by an individual or body of individuals; the means by which such
expression is made, as a ballot, ticket, etc. (Dictionary.com, 2016.) The
results of the votes casted by the electorates would then be counted, hence

22
 the voter turnout in an election. This is the the ratio of the number of
votes cast to some population measure (Geys, 2006).

Ethnicity - as defined by Heywood (2007), is a sentiment of loyalty

towards a distinctive population, cultural group, or territorial area...more
commonly, it is understood as a form of cultural identity albeit one that
operates at a deep and emotional level. (p. 174). Ethnicity is considered
as the cultural root of a certain group of people; and since ethnicity would
be difficult to measure in the context of this study, the researchers will use
the definition of Navarro (2013) of ethno linguistic groups a socially
defined category based on: common cultural heritage, shared ancestry,
history, homeland, language or dialect, region, culture, and tradition. The
operational definition of ethno linguistic groups in this research is based
on the mother tongue of major regional groups in the country such as the
Ilocanos, Bicolanos, Cebuanos, Warays, etc.

3.6.2 Operational Framework

As shown in Diagram 2. The researchers intend to measure the voting

behavior (dependent variable) of Bicolanos in the province of Camarines Sur
(independent variable), with socioeconomic class, age group, and education as the
probable intervening variables of the study. The dependent variable in the
research is voting behavior. Winters (1996), believes that voting behavior
explores not only the reasons why some Americans do not vote, but also the
factors that influence the decisions of those who do vote. In this case, the
researchers define voting behavior as to the patterns or behaviors as to why
Filipinos exercise their right to votewhat drives them to vote for a certain
candidate.

23
 Diagram 2. Variables of the Study

Chapter IV: Research Methodology:

4.1 Setting of the Study

The researchers will conduct their study in the Bicol region (Region V),
specifically in Camarines Sur. As of 2010, the province has 1, 822, 371 in total
population, and 758,854 registered voters in the same year. Camarines Sur consists of 35
municipalities, 2 cities, and 1, 063 barangays. (Philippine Statistics Authority, 2010).
The researchers intend to conduct the study in 2 different municipalities to further
compare and contrast their voting behavior or preferences in terms of the presidential and
vice presidential candidates in the upcoming 2016 national elections.

Naga City and San Jose, Camarines Sur are the municipalities wherein the
researchers would administer their interviews and surveys to further compare the
differences of the two.

24
 Naga City, Camarines Sur - the provinces capital, were 174, 931 in total
population and 77, 784 registered voters during the 2010 national elections, based
on the data presented by the Philippine Statistics Authority (2010). The city
consists of 27 barangays which are all urban hence, the citys income
classification that falls under the second class, with an average annual income of
P 320, 000, 000 or more but less than P400, 000, 000.

San Jose, Camarines Sur - had a total population 38, 523 Bicolanos with a 24,
020 registered voters back in 2010. The municipality has a total number of 29
barangays which are mostly rural in nature with farming and fishing as its main
source of income. San Jose falls under the 4th class in terms of the income
classification; with an average annual income of P25, 000, 000 or more but less
than P 35, 000, 000. (Philippine Statistics Authority, 2010).

4.2 Type of Method Used

The primary source of data will be gathered through interviews using a pre-
prepared survey questionnaire. Secondary data from desk analysis by past researchers,
government agencies, local government units, and the like will be used; from such
procedures the researchers would be able to apply this in the comparison and analysis of
data in the search for an explanation of the correlation of the independent and dependent
variables. Moreover, the researchers will try to determine the factors affecting the stated
variables by filtering the significant units of measure which will help in production of
accurate and relevant assumptions that would further aid in the construction of the
foundation of the research paper. The data will be utilized in order to generate graphs and
tables that would help in elucidating the imperative areas of discussion, leading to the
process of answering the research questions.

4.3 Selection of Respondents

The data gathering process will utilize a purposive sampling method where
individuals from the population have equal chances of participation under simple criteria.

25
 This research will take place in Region V or the Bicol region focusing in Camarines Sur
where thirty (30) respondents will be chosen to participate in the individual interviews
and focus group discussions. The respondents will be chosen with uncomplicated criteria:
they should be (1) registered voters in San Jose and Naga City, Camarines Sur and (2) are
planning to participate electorally in the upcoming national elections in May. Thus, with
the commencement of the 2016 elections, the researchers would be able to look into the
results and from this derive information that would help in the process of developing
additional assumptions that can support the preliminary data.

V. Results and Discussion

5.1 Demographics of Respondents from San Jose, Camarines Sur

As illustrated in Figure 6 below, the plurality of the respondents which the

researchers have interviewed are 48 to 57 years old. A number of respondents are part of
the youth aged eighteen (18) to twenty-seven (27) years old. 33% of the respondents are
senior citizens within the age brackets: 58 to 67 years old (13%), 68 to 77 years old
(17%) and 77 to 87 years old (3%); and 10% are aged twenty-eight (28) to thirty-seven
(37). Majority of the respondents are single and only 27% are married.

In terms of educational attainment, 47% were able to graduate college while 37%
of the respondents had a secondary level of education. Only five out of thirty (17%)
reached an elementary level of education. Half of the respondents are farmers and the
remaining half are teachers (10%), politicians (3%), vendors (13%), clerks (7%),
secretaries (7%), and drivers of habal-habal (7%). Most if not all of the respondents are
not part of any organization within their community or field of work and only 27% have
organizations.

26
 Table 7. Demographics of Respondents

DEMOGRAPHICS OF RESPONDENTS FROM SAN JOSE AND NAGA, CAMARINES

SUR
N=30 %

Age Group
18-27 5 17
28-37 3 10
38-47 5 17
48-57 7 23
58-67 4 13
68-77 5 17
78-87 1 3

Marital Status
Single 22 73
Married 8 27
Widowed 0 0

Educational Attainment
Elementary 5 17
Secondary 11 37
Tertiary 14 47

Occupation
Farmer 15 50
Teacher 3 10
Politician 1 3
Vendor 4 13
Clerk 2 7
Secretary 2 7
Habal-Habal 2 7

*Organization
Yes 8 27
No 22 73

*Organization - whether or not they are part of an organization in their respective community or field of work .

27
5.2 2010 National Presidential and Vice Presidential Elections

As seen in Table 7, 100% of the respondents are registered voters; similarly,

100% voted during the 2010 National Elections. The plurality of the voters (43%)
exercised their right to suffrage due to their obligation as citizens of the Republic, 30%
stated hope for a change in governance as the reason for voting and 27% voted for the
reason that they consider the act as a basic right being Filipino citizens.

From the data gathered, it is observable that Aquino was voted for president by
the majority of the respondents garnering 63%, followed by Estrada totaling to 17% and
13% for the votes obtained by Villar. Teodoro, Villanueva, Gordon, Perlas, Madrigal and
De los Reyes have not earned any votes from the respondents while 7% chose to abstain.
Furthermore, the choices for the position of vice president provided in the table reveal
that Roxas gained 43% of the respondents votes, 37% registered votes for Binay, 17%
voted for Legarda and 3% of the respondents abstained.

With matters relating to policy implementation concerns by the governing

administration from 2010-2016, 40% stated that they consider policies as effective, 30 %
of the respondents rendered the claim that policies were highly effective and in a similar
manner, 30% suggested that policy implementation during the Aquino administration was
ineffective.

Results for the vice presidential responses by the respondents of matters on policy
implementation indicate that 30% expressed high satisfaction by stating that it was highly
effective, 23% showing less contentment with claims linked to ineffectiveness and 47%
convey that the policies were mostly effective during the former Vice President Jejomar
Binays term.

28
 Table 8. Past 2010 National Elections

2010 NATIONAL PRESIDENTIAL AND VICE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS

N=30 %

Number of Registered Voters

Yes 30 100
No 0 0

Voted (2010)
Yes 30 100
No 0 0

Reason for Voting

Its a right 8 27
Its my obligation 13 43
Change in governance 9 30

President Voted for 2010

Aquino 19 63
Estrada 5 17
Villar 4 13
Teodoro 0 0
Villanueva 0 0
Gordon 0 0
Perlas 0 0
Madrigal 0 0
De los Reyes 0 0
Abstain 2 7

Vice President Voted for 2010

Binay 11 37
Roxas 13 43
Legarda 5 17
Manzano 0 0
Fernando 0 0
Yasay 0 0
Sonza 0 0
Chipeco 0 0
Abstain 1 3

Policy Implementation (President) 2010-2016

Higly effective 9 30

29
 Effective 12 40
Not effective 9 30

Policy Implementation (Vice President) 2010-2016

Higly effective 9 30
Effective 14 47
Not effective 7 23

5.3 2016 National Elections

100% of the respondents will be voting during the 2016 National Elections. The
provided reason of 27% of the respondents is the universal right of suffrage, 30% state
that they long for positive changes in governance and 43% claim that it is an obligation to
be fulfilled as citizens of the Philippines.

Robredo, was strongly preferred by the candidates with a total of 70% of the
respondents while Escudero and Marcos each gained 10% of the respondents preference.
10% have abstained for the reason that they have no preferred candidate among the
provided at the period of the interview.

Table 9. 2016 National Elections

2016 NATIONAL ELECTIONS

N=30 %

Will be voting in 2016 National Elections

Yes 30 100
No 0 0

Reason for Voting

Its a right 8 27
Its my obligation 13 43
For change in governance 9 30

Preferred Candidate for Vice President

Robredo 21 70
Escudero 3 10
Marcos 3 10

30
 Cayetano 0 0
Honasan 0 0
Trillanes 0 0
Abstain 3 10

5.4 Voting Preferences of Bicolanos for Vice President

According to the results of the interview, 53% of the respondents had a difficult
time choosing for a Vice President due to the fact that there are four (4) out of (6)
candidates that have a Bicolano background. On the other hand, 47% did not find it
difficult to choose for a candidate because they believe that their ethno-linguistic
background is related to their voting preferences.

80% of the respondents want a fellow Bicolano to win while only 20% believed
otherwise. However, majority (97%) believed that it would be beneficial for them if a
Bicolano would be the Vice President of the country. Plurality of Bicolanos (33%) prefer
that education would be the main focus of the upcoming administration, and 27% believe
that agriculture should also be given importance in terms of policies and programs. 10%
of the respondents favor health over other policies and only 3% wanted the
administration to focus on the countrys economy. Consequently, 27% of the respondents
claim that education, economy, agriculture, and health policies should all be highlighted
by the new administration for it is their responsibility to do so.

Majority of Bicolanos claim that there is definitely a relationship between their

ethno-linguistic background and their voting preference in terms of the candidate of their
choice for the upcoming 2016 National Elections. 17% of the respondents believe that
their ethno-linguistic background does not solely define their voting preferences
however, it still plays a vital factor with regard to their preferences most especially in the
upcoming Vice Presidential elections. On the other hand, only 13% of the respondents
assert that their ethno-linguistic background is not correlated with their voting
preferences rather, they choose a candidate based on his or her political background and
platform. Despite the echoing belief that the Bicolano respondents associate their ethno-

31
 linguistic background to their voting preferences, 80% claim that there is a non-existent
Bicol vote or the bloc vote of their entire region and only 20% content otherwise.

Table 10. Voting Preference of Bicolanos for Vice President

VOTING PREFERENCE OF BICOLANOS FOR VICE PRESIDENT

N=30 %

*Difficulty in Choosing for a Vice Presidential Candidate

Difficult 16 53
Not Difficult 14 47

Prefers A Bicolano Candidate to Win

Yes 24 80
No 6 20

Beneficial (voting a Bicolano candidate)

Yes 29 97
No 1 3

*Preferred Policy
Agriculture 8 27
Education 10 33
Economic 1 3
Health 3 10
All of the Above 8 27

Relationship to Ethno-linguistic affiliation (Voting Preference)

Definitely Yes 21 70
Partially Yes 5 17
None 4 13

*Perceived Existence of Bicol Vote

Yes 6 20
No 24 80

*Political Practice (Besides Voting)

Existent 15 50
Non-existent 15 50

*Difficulty in Choosing for a Vice Presidential Candidate - 4 out of 6 Vice Presidential candidates are Bicolanos.
*Preferred Policy - Favored policy in which they prefer the incoming Vice President to focus on

32
*Perceived Existence of Bicol Vote - whether or not there is a regional vote or voting bloc in the Bicol Region
*Political Practice - whether or not the respondents have other means of exercising their political right besides
voting.

5.5 Summary of Qualitative Findings

According to the results of our key informant interviews, there are indeed social,
political, and economic determinants affecting the voting behavior of Bicolanos in San
Jose, Camarines Sur. In terms of political determinants, the respondents considered the
platform and political background of the candidate they planned to vote for in the Vice
Presidential elections. Majority or 70% of the respondents were decided in voting for
Leni Robredo as the Vice President in the 2016 National Elections; not only because of
her Bicolano roots but also because of her platform and major commitment in being pro-
poor as she explicitly stated in her issues and policies found in the current Vice
Presidents official website. The province of Camarines Sur in general is a first class
municipality (Philippine Statistics Authority, 2015); however, the researchers conducted
their interview in a fourth class, rural area in San Jose. Hence the socio-economic
background of the respondents is apparent and is greatly mirrored by the number of
farmers the researchers have interviewed earlier in the year 2016. Half of the randomly
selected respondents were farmers and one of the resounding arguments in voting for
Robredo is because she is also from Camarines Sur; as a result, she is more than aware of
their status more so, their needs as a province. Quoting one of the respondents, he
claimed that charity begins at home thus, a vote for Robredo means that she would
repay that vote in terms of policies and programs that would in turn benefit her
constituents in Camarines Sur.

Noticeably, these three determinants play a vital role in the voting behavior and
choice of candidates by Bicolanos in the province of Camarines Sur. Reiterating the
claims of the study by the Philippine Ombudsman (2003), the framework of the countrys
politics is the patron-client relations; wherein political leaders with a considerably higher
socio-economic status or the patron will acquire power by means of providing material
benefits to the people of lower status or the client; which in turn, would cast their votes to

33
their patron during elections. Similarly, this was reflected by the results of both the key
informant interviews and the National Elections itself wherein patron-client politics were
practiced by the Bicolanos in Camarines Sur; as illustrated by Robredo where she tallied
the most number of votes along with other provinces like Eastern Samar, Cebu, Negros
Occidental, Samar, and Agusan del Sur (Avendano and Salaverria, 2016). Furthermore,
in the study of Averch, H. A., Koehler, J. E., & Denton, F. H. (1971), the authors stated
that Ilocanos appear to be a cohesive bloc trading their votes for promise and delivery
of material reward. In the case of Robredo, it was illustrated how the Bicolanos in
Camarines Sur regarded that their votes would be reciprocated in terms of policies that
would benefit them as a region should Robredo win in the Vice Presidential Elections.
Besides a voters ethno linguistic background, Kimenyi & Romero (2008) argued that
the absolute and relative living standards, access to public goods and also grievances
arising from perceptions of discrimination. are also considerable factors in terms of a
voters preference in a specific candidate. Access to public goods is an economic
determinant of voting for a candidate and as reflected by the votes in Camarines Sur. The
respondents considered Robredo as a key politician that would bear their economic
interests as a Vice President; quoting one of our respondents, the region or province
with a great number of votes would in turn, get a great number of funds.

Looking at the other aforementioned factors, the results indeed make way for
other assumptions that affect voting behavior aside from ethnic affiliation. Although it is
the most apparent determinant in the conducted study, ethnic affiliation is not the sole
variable affecting the voting behavior of Bicolanos. Other causal mechanisms have also
manifested as substantiated by socio-economic factors which minimally contributed to
the observed variation; such as the generation of policies on education seen in table 9
with 33% of the respondents preferring education to be the main focus of the incoming
administration, followed by favored agricultural reforms (27%), which indicate other
existing interests of voters thus influencing candidate preferences likewise,
manifestations of the occupational structure and educational attainment of the participants
of the study (most of which were farmers (50%) and a considerable number of high
school graduates (37%)). Moreover, the researchers were able to distinguish that most

34
 Bicolanos do not acknowledge the subsistence of a bloc vote or Bicol vote; shown in
table 9 where 80% of respondents gave statements supporting the claim of its non-
existence. Based on the gathered data, this proposes incongruence with the respondents
tallied responses totaling to 70% showing that they believed there is a relationship of
choosing a co-ethnic candidate pointing out the moral implications of candidate choice.
Most state that they prefer co-ethnic candidates yet, reject the probable existence of a
bloc vote.

VI. Conclusion

Political participation in the form of voting in national elections; which is an integral part
in the countrys practice of democracy plays a pivotal role in the development of assumptions
within the study. The central focus of the research is to determine whether or not there is a
correlation between the two variables: ethno-linguistic background and voting behavior; using
the Bicolanos in San Jose and Naga, Camarines Sur as the unit of analyses. The researchers
hypothesized that there is an existing interrelation between the two variables for ethnolinguistic
groupings mobilize political participation by means of voting for their co-ethnic candidates.
Given this argument, the researchers attempted to verify their claims by performing key
informant interviews through random selection among the registered Bicolano voters in
Camarines Sur in light of the recent 2016 National Elections. Moreover, desk analyses from past
researchers, government agencies, and local government units were also utilized in the study to
develop and support the arguments of the researchers.

Based on past studies, it is evident that there is a relationship between a voters

ethnolinguistic background and behavior; albeit there are still other factors to consider with
regards to the reason why a voter prefers a certain candidate. The literature suggests that there
are social, political, and economic factors which drives a voter to his or her right to suffrage.
Likewise, the results of the key informant interviews strongly show that ethnolinguistic
background plays a pivotal role in determining voting behavior and voter preference. This proves
that the difference in beliefs, cultures and traditions may or could affect the patterns and or
behaviors of the Filipino voters in the past and upcoming national elections as demonstrated by
the the respondents of the study.

35
 Furthermore, the results of the findings in Camarines Sur present congruity with the claims
of past researchers which indicate that there are other determinants to voting behavior like
political, social, and economic factors that are also taken into consideration by the Bicolanos
themselves. The manifestation of these claims can be observed in the gathered data where it is
apparent that the respondents regarded other matters in choosing a candidate such as their
intended central policy concerns, the hope for better governance, probable benefits in relation
to occupational structure, as well as perceived moral obligations.

Moreover, with 80% of the respondents claiming that they would vote for a candidate
with a similar ethno-linguistic background, most of them do not believe that there is an existence
of a Bicol vote. However, as exemplified by the Leni Robredos recent victory, it is apparent that
most of the residents in Camarines Sur voted for their fellow Bicolano; thus the existence of a
regional vote. Similarly, Ferdinand Marcos Jr. led the polls in the vice presidential race in the
Northern part of the country which is also a clear illustration of the existence of a regional vote.
Therefore, it is apparent that the composition of the Philippine society in its diverse populations,
affect political activity most specifically, in the voting process of the country in the national
elections.

The theoretical framework adapted by the researchers was able to aid in developing
accurate assumptions on the behavior of the selected variables. As shown earlier in the
Operational Framework (Diagram 2), the researchers measured how ethnolinguistic background
(independent variable) affects voting behavior (dependent variable). Moreover, the researchers
identified possible intervening variables in their study such as: gender, socioeconomic class, age
group, religion, and education. However, based on the results of the data the gathered, only
socioeconomic class and education served as the intervening variables in the study.

The Culturalist Perspective suggest that people from the same ethnic group will have some
sort of a fundamental connection because of their shared culture and will therefore organize in
similar ways. This statement strongly supports and explain the findings of the research whereby
chosen respondents (Bicolanos) prefer a co-ethnic candidate because of the belief that they will

36
prioritize and direct positive changes towards their ethnic group in that specific region
(Camarines Sur). Lack of participation from ethnic groups means having no opportunities to
forward their concerns, interests and needs. This in turn may have emerged from the issue of
unequal distribution of political goods thus, sustaining the gap between the government and the
people. In the Philippine context, this study may lead to the introduction of new ways to increase
political participation to the benefit of a certain course of action. However, it must be stated that
this study focuses on correlational aspects as demonstrated in the observed relationship of the
chosen variables in the case study conducted in Bicol, Camarines Sur thus; further research is
necessary in order to delve deeper into the causal relationship and mechanisms affecting selected
variables.

VII. Appendix

General Information
and Demographics

Pangalan

Edad

Marital Status

Edukasyon

Trabaho

Income (Magkano ang

kita)

Organisasyong
Kinabibilangan

Lugar na Tinitirahan

Past Elections
1. Rehistradong botante po ba kayo? Kailan pa?

37
2. Bumoto po ba kayo noong nakaraang National Presidential and Vice Presidential
elections? Bakit oo/ bakit hindi?
3. Kung naaalala niyo pa po, sino ang binoto niyo noong 2010 national elections bilang
presidente? Bilang bise presidente? (Presidente: Aquino, Estrada, Villar, Teodoro,
Villanueva, Gordon, Perlas, Madrigal, delos Reyes; Bise presidente: Binay, Roxas,
Legarda, Fernando, Manzano, Yasay, Sonza, Chipeco)
4. Anu-ano ang dahilan o mga dahilan sa inyong pagboto sa mga nasabi niyong kandidato
bilang presidente? bilang bise presidente?
5. Sa inyong palagay, natupad po ba ng mga kandidatong ito ang mga inaasahan ninyong
pagbabago? Maaari po ba kayong magbigay ng halimbawa ng mga ito?

Upcoming Elections
6. Boboto po ba kayo ngayong darating na eleksyon? Bakit?
7. Sa inyong palagay, sino ang karapat-dapat na maging bise presidente ng bansa? Bakit?
8. Sa inyong palagay, ano ang kwalipikasyon na dapat mayroon ang isang bise
presidente ng bansa?

Voting Preferences of Bicolanos

9. Sa 2016 national elections, 4 out 6 na tatakbo bilang bise presidente ay manggagaling
sa Bicol region, nahihirapan po ba kayong mamili ng kandidatong iboboto? Bakit?
10. Mas gugustuhin niyo po ba na Bikolano ang mananalo na bise presidente ng bansa?
Bakit?
11. Paano nakakatulong ang pagboto ninyo sa kapwa niyo Bikolano pagdating sa
benepisyo? Paano kayo nakikinabang sa mga benepisyong ito?
12. Anu-ano pong klase ng patakaran ang gusto niyong matugunan o mas mabigyang
pansin? Sa edukasyon? Sa ating ekonomiya? Sa kalusugan? Etc.
13. Sa tingin niyo po ba ay mas may makukuha kayong benepisyo kung ibinoto niyo ang
kapwa niyo Bikolano? Bakit?
14. Sa inyong palagay, may kinalaman po ba sa pagpili ng kandidatong iboboto ang
inyong pagiging Bikolano? Bakit?

38
 15. Sa inyong opinyon, mayroon pa rin po bang tinatawag na Bicol Vote o kabuuang
boto ng inyong rehiyon? (Bicol Region)
16. Maliban sa pagboto, ano pa ang ibang mga paraan na ginagawa mo bilang pagsali sa
politika? Ano iyon?

VIII. Bibliography
Asian Development Bank. (2002). Indigenous peoples/ethnic minorities and poverty reduction
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