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Introduction
41
D. McCrone et al. (eds.), National Days
Palgrave Macmillan, a division of Macmillan Publishers Limited 2009
42 National Days
Ecstatic England
15 years ago ying a St. Georges Cross would have been more or less
unthinkable for most people in England (Perryman, 2005: 203).
This overview of developments in England suggests that something
signicant may be happening. I will return to this idea in due course as
it again points to a crucial aspect of the relationship between banal and
ecstatic forms of nationalism. First, however, a complementary, micro-
perspective can be provided by exploring the ways in which people
participated in such events, by examining data from a series of group
interviews conducted during the period 20057.
Lee: The thing is, with that situation [the world cup] youve actu-
ally got something tangible to grab on to as being an identity of
being English cos youve got an England football team, youve got
the tactics that they use, youve got the, yknow, the bravado that
they show on the pitch and so forth So, like, yeah, its, you can
grab onto something and say that it is England (Swindon Group)
and belong to, nations (Thompson, 2001: 19). As Barbro Blehr, writing
about Norwegian Constitution Day celebrations, observes, when
people engage, once a year, in the [days] activities they conrm
that the Norwegian community exists, and that they are themselves
part of it (1999: 37).
It is in relation to this important idea that the relationship between
the banal and the ecstatic needs to be explicated. For while Billig
rightly argues that sentiments of patriotic emotion (1995: 146) only
make sense in relation to the daily, banal agging of the nation (in a
world of nations), I also want to suggest that ecstatic forms of national-
ism are crucial because they illuminate the rather diffuse solidarities
that are presumed to underpin daily (national) life. These events tem-
porarily structure disparate lives, provide a sense of communal release
and realise the nation, albeit for a limited period, as a concrete com-
munity that can be seen and heard and idealised. In other words, they
provide us with powerful evidence that the banal symbols of the
nation that are daily taken-for-granted are still resonant, thereby allow-
ing them to recede into the background once the business of ordinary
life has again resumed (ibid: 156).
It is in this sense that I think we need to make a careful distinction
between assigning signicance to an event because of the numbers
involved and attributing underlying motivations to those that parti-
cipated, as onlookers, media audiences or through related, informal
activities.
This means that while understanding the manifold reasons why dif-
ferent people took part is important, it should not detract from the fact
that many, many people did participate, for whatever reason, and that
this is signicant in and of itself. As Bauman writes, sharing physical
space with other actors engaged in a similar activity adds importance
to the action, stamps it with the approval of numbers and so
justies it without the need to argue (2001: 97). For sporting and other
national celebrations, each of the participants contributed to the reali-
sation of the nation as a (temporarily) coherent and concrete entity,
through their collective endeavours, even if their reasons for taking
part might have been completely opposed.
However, engaging with the logic of practice (Handelman, 1998:
15), what motivates people to take part and how they evaluate these
activities, is also crucial to understanding the signicance of such
events for different groups. In the next section, I want to explore some
of the ways in which these types of national celebrations were per-
ceived by members of the groups I interviewed, notably the ways in
which they articulated their own and others participation or lack
thereof. These discussions provide fascinating insights into the way in
which discourses of national identity are being unsettled in England at
the current time and may be used as a strategic lens (Sassen, 2000:
143) with which to examine how different individuals are making
sense of and responding to wider social and political transformations.
Excessive nationalism
Charlie: See years ago they didnt, years ago they didnt y it
because they didnt fucking have to. We knew who we were
(Middlesborough Group)
Garry: .. maybe were just trying to show were an .. um .. an
indication, that there is still an English identity
National Events in England 51
Katie: Yeah, I think people are starting to get a bit paranoid, that
English is
Tina: fading out.
Dave: .. so like bringing out proof to show youre still here
Tina: .. its like its fading, isnt it, really. Theyve gotta try and hold
on
Garry: Its like, its like youre trying to prove something trying
to prove something but 40 years ago you wouldnt have to prove
anything. This is England (Eneld Group)
Simon: I think its just trying to show a bit of national pride isnt it?
To say that we are British and we English or whatever, we are here
(Devon Group)
Janet: It was wasnt in your face But its now in your face and you
think Hang on a sec, this is my country, so therefore I celebrate
what my country is (South London Group)
These examples again suggest that forms of national doxa, taken for
granted by particular, dominant groups, are perceived to be unravel-
ling, so that the tacit knowledge and assumptions about who belongs
and what matters can no longer be relied upon.
Furthermore, this is generating a tangible sense of anxiety or insecur-
ity, with the term paranoid, used by the Eneld Group, particularly
striking. As a result, there is a concomitant desire to seek a more secure
footing, which, in this case, may be achieved through overt expres-
sions of nationality in an attempt to re-establish the visibility, and
hence symbolic power, of the group. As Kong and Yeoh write:
Conclusions
Notes
1 The British state was legislated into existence in 1707 through Acts of Union
between England (and Wales) and Scotland. Overseas imperial expansion
and subsequently war and the creation of the welfare state bolstered British
institutions but there was no sustained attempt to integrate political, cul-
tural and economic structures [as] in the classical nation-state (McCrone,
1997: 585). As the signicance of the British state has waned in the post-war
era, there has been a gradual move towards devolution in the Celtic fringe
leading to the granting of political rights to a Scottish parliament and Welsh
assembly. Concomitantly, this has forced the dominant group within
Britain, the English, to re-evaluate their place and identity within a changing
socio-political landscape (cf Kumar, 2000).
2 Where such events do come to dominant wider institutional and popular
narratives even those who would rather ignore the proceedings will often be
forced to take up a position, whether critical or otherwise. In some cases, the
disinterested or dissenters will be provided with their own special events
(republican parties during the Jubilee or cinemas showing particular lms
during the world cup) or narratives (press stories about football refugees),
contributing to a sense of a compulsory mediated centre (Couldry, 2003:
66).
3 In terms of organisation, it should be noted that where ofcial events are
organised by commercial sponsors or government agencies their success or
otherwise is actually dened in terms of numbers. A similar observation is
made by Lyn Spillman in her study of national events in the US and
Australia, where she notes, for bicentennial organisers, sheer participation,
not any particular representation of the nation, was the goal (1997: 100).
4 In both everyday talk and elite discourse the term British is often used to
stand in for English, so that the two become conated in the popular English
imagination (It is difcult to imagine individuals from the other British
nations making the same mistake).
5 There is no space here to develop these ideas in any depth but see Skey
(2008) for a more detailed analysis.
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