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International
of International
SocietyRelations
and the Civilizing
and Area ProcessL INKLATER University
Studies, Ritsumeikan 1
LINKLATER, Andrew*
Abstract
Keywords:
Norbert Elias, civilization, civilising processes, English School,
international society
INTRODUCTION
I use the term in the technical sense that can be found in the writings
of Norbert Elias.1) For Elias, the expression refers to the process by which
Europeans came to think of themselves as more civilized than their medie-
val forebears and more advanced than peoples in other regions of the
world. It is important to stress from the outset that Elias s purpose was to
explain how Europeans came to see themselves in that way; his aim was
not to defend that image of cultural superiority.
Before I say more about Elias s thesis and its relevance for the argu-
ment of this paper, it is important to consider its place in the larger dis-
cussion about the place of international relations in the making of the
modern world. There are two points to make in this context. First, Elias s
examination of the civilizing process provides a deeper understanding of
the relationship between the state and world politics than can be found in
many better-known approaches to historical sociology. Pioneering works in
1) A short biography may be in order since Elias is not a well-known authority in the field of
International Relations. He was born in Breslau, in what was then Germany, in 1897. Hav-
ing initially studied philosophy and medicine, he moved to the emerging field of sociology,
before fleeing Germany for first Paris and then London in the 1930s. He published The
Civilizing Process in 1939, but relatively little over the next thirty years. Elias did not
have an academic appointment until joining the Department of Sociology at Leicester Uni-
versity in England in the 1950s. He was prolific in the final years of his life, and published
a number of works that refined the argument of The Civilizing Process and extended the
argument to explain long-term processes of development that had affected the whole spe-
cies from its formation to the present day. Elias died in Amsterdam in 1990. The best in-
troduction to Elias s work is Mennell (1998).
2011 International Society and the Civilizing ProcessLINKLATER 3
that field in the 1970s and 1980s they include the writings of Perry An-
derson, Charles Tilly, Theda Skocpol, Anthony Giddens and Michael Mann
- were mainly concerned with placing the state at the centre of sociological
inquiry. Their chief innovation was stressing its relative autonomy from
various social institutions and practices. Establishing the autonomy of
state power led those writers to emphasise the state s involvement in the
international competition for power and security, and its frequent partici-
pation in, and preparation for, war. Those writings represented an advance
towards a higher level of synthesis in sociology. No longer wedded to en-
dogenous explanations of social development, they focused on, in the case
of Tilly, how state-formation and capitalist development interacted to
shape modern societies; in the case of Giddens, how the modern world had
been shaped by the interplay between state-building, capitalism, industri-
alization and geopolitics; and in the case of Mann how the relations be-
tween economic, ideological, political and military power have shaped so-
cial and political organization since the first state-organised societies
appeared in the ancient Near East.
I will say more about those developments later and about their signifi-
cance for my core themes but, for now, let me simply stress that Elias of-
fers a higher level of synthesis than do the authors mentioned thus far.
That is not to say that Elias s analysis of the civilizing process which he
described as preliminary - is free from deficiencies. One limitation is the
failure to consider how the development of international society was con-
nected with the processes that Elias aimed to explain. And here there is
much that Elias and process sociology, as he called it, can learn from the
English school analysis of international society (and vice versa). Broaden-
ing the focus to consider the society of states can extend Elias s argument
about how the rise of states and relations between them form part of the
larger transformation of human society that first occurred in Western Eu-
rope but is evident in all parts of the world.
change that Elias discussed in The Civilizing Process hence the earlier
claim that the study of international relations has much to learn from
process sociology as well as much to contribute to it.2)
The rest of this paper is organized around the following four aims. The
first is to explain what Elias meant by the civilizing process. The second is
to note what he had to say about international relations in that account.
The third is to explain that he failed to pay much attention to how the rise
of the European society of states was influenced by and influenced - the
civilizing process. The fourth gathers together the main points in the earli-
er sections to show how process sociology and the English School can be
brought more closely together to explain the relationship between the Eu-
ropean civilizing process and the larger transformation of human society.
2) I will go further and argue, though there is no space to defend this here, that breaking
down the divisions between Sociology and International Relations is essential if deeper
analyses of the relations between domestic and international factors are to develop.
6 R ITSUMEIKAN I NTERNATIONAL A FFAIRS Vol. 9
3) Elias (2000: 87ff) maintains that the expressions, courtoisie, civilite and civilisation, sym-
bolised three stages of a larger social development. The first concept was central until in
the course of the sixteenth century, civilite replaced it as the dominant term that was
used in the courts during the seventeenth century, only to be replaced in turn by civiliza-
tion in the mid-1770s. The new concept, which found greatest support amongst the upper
classes in France, was linked in the nineteenth century with the idea of a condition of al-
most innate superiority - its long formation having been forgotten - that had to be dissemi-
nated to the unrefined lower strata and to the members of other societies.
2011 International Society and the Civilizing ProcessLINKLATER 7
Absolutism was the source of the civilizing of conduct and the transforma-
tion of the structure of mental and emotional life (Elias 2000: 190-1, 205).
What were the psychological changes that Elias discussed? They ex-
tended from new sensibilities with regard to methods of eating (examples
include changing table manners such as rules governing the use of the knife
a weapon of attack and a symbol of death that was gradually civilized).
Regulations governing the use of the knife were symbolic illustrations of
how society at that time was more and more involved in limiting the real
dangers threatening people (Elias 2000: 103ff). The use of the fork became
widespread as a result of distaste for dirtying one s hands . Changing atti-
tudes were evident in the dominant emotional responses to the slaughter of
animals which was gradually moved behind the scenes as a result of the be-
lief that anything that was gory and bloody, and incompatible with civilized
refinement, should be hidden from public view (Elias 2000: 103).
Here it is worth pausing to note the comparison that Elias made with
the civilizing process in China. Many Chinese people regarded the Europe-
ans use of the knife as barbaric (Elias 2000: 107). Repugnance at eating
with swords , Elias speculated, may have reflected the earlier replacement
of a Chinese warrior class by a standard-setting class of scholarly officials
8 R ITSUMEIKAN I NTERNATIONAL A FFAIRS Vol. 9
4) Elias (2000: 540, 547-8) stressed the contrast with Japan where soldiers did enjoy very
high social prestige . Suganami (1984: 196-7) maintains that the fact that Japan was ruled
by a warrior class gave it an advantage over China in dealing with the West, the reason
being that it was highly attuned to the need to import superior Western technology
whereas the Chinese civilian mandarinate had almost no interest in military and techno-
logical matters, and even disdained them (see also the discussion in Ralston 1990: chs. 5
and 6, and in particular the discussion of the significance of the taming of the samurai for
Japan s rapid response to the challenges that resulted from the shock of external influenc-
es, as well as comments on the debates about measures to expel the barbarians ).
2011 International Society and the Civilizing ProcessLINKLATER 9
that parents would refrain from using what came to be seen as cruel and
barbaric ways of punishing children. Other examples from more recent
times spring to mind: they include public concerns about harassment in the
workplace, or bullying in schools, or the brutal treatment of army recruits,
and so forth. To summarise the overall process that Elias described, refer-
ence was made to Caxton s late fifteenth century treatise, Book on Curtseye,
where the author maintained that things that were once permitted are now
forbidden . That comment, Elias (2000: 70-1) added, could stand as the mot-
to for what was about to develop across Europe.
On that account, the civilizing process has suppressed some of the lust
for killing that existed in earlier times.5) But, in reality, all that changed
5) With monopolisation and growing interconnectedness, physical strength lost its impor-
10 R ITSUMEIKAN I NTERNATIONAL A FFAIRS Vol. 9
was the manner of killing and the number of those involved. Elias ex-
plained that phenomenon in broadly realist terms (without drawing ex-
plicitly on any realist works). It was noted earlier that the modern state
emerged from elimination contests between nobles; exactly the same
process affected relations between states. They too had to compete for pow-
er and security not because they necessarily wanted to extend their influ-
ence as far as possible, but because they were forced into competition to
prevent rivals from gaining control of strategically-vital territory. The ar-
gument is similar to defensive realism in International Relations, and to
the notion of the security dilemma . There is a rough parallel with the
neo-realist conception of the self-help system that breeds levels of suspi-
cion and distrust that frequently end in war. Such competition and the re-
sulting elimination contests, Elias (2000: 445-6) argued, might continue
until humanity comes under the dominion of a universal state that pro-
ceeds to pacify world society.
tance for the individual s success: Martial success was a necessary precondition of success
and prestige for a man of nobility , but as human interweaving increased, those attributes
came to be regarded as outmoded, profession and money (became) the primary source of
prestige , and middle-class traits emerged as important means of succeeding in the face of
the new social realities (Elias 2000: 243, 405, 425ff).
2011 International Society and the Civilizing ProcessLINKLATER 11
by external restraints or the fear of retaliation ; only rarely have they re-
alized that it might be in their long-term interests to cooperate to create
restraining international principles (Elias 1996: 137-8).
6) The full statement is that international society is the most basic and at the same time the
most articulate institutional arrangement that humans have yet come up with in response
to their common recognition that they must find a settled and predictable way to live side
by side on a finite planetary space without falling into mutual hostility, conflict, war op-
pression, subjugation, slavery, etc (Jackson 2000: 181). Jackson prefers civility to civiliza-
tion because it lacks the latter s connotations of superiority and inferiority (but conveys
many of the ideas that have long been associated with a civilized way of life mutual re-
spect, self-restraint, compliance with the rule of law and so forth). One could just as easily
say that the question is how far a global civilizing process has taken place or seems like-
ly to take place that rises above the civilizing processes of different societies or regions
and provides the basis for relations of trust and respect.
12 R ITSUMEIKAN I NTERNATIONAL A FFAIRS Vol. 9
7) There is no space here to consider the relationship between court society and the diplomat-
ic community in the Renaissance. See Frigo (2008) for further discussion, and the other ar-
ticles in the special issue of the Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies in which
Frigo s article appears.
8) See Bell (2007: 34ff) on how aristocratic custom and politeness applied to the battlefield.
Strachan (1983: 12) maintains that mutual respect between monarchs underpinned limit-
ed war where the aim was to prevail but without destroying the enemy or posing a threat
to the institution of monarchy. Best (1998: ch. 20) argues that the Habsburg aristocratic
military elite, with its close connections with the court, was especially committed to civility
in war, and was possibly the last of the great powers to appreciate that the Napoleonic con-
quests had transformed the conduct of warfare. It is important not to give the impression
that all European societies were incorporated in the society of states in much the same
terms because of their admiration for the French court. Elias (2000) opens with a lengthy
discussion of the distinction between the German idea of Kultur and the French idea of
civilization to explain why many in Germany dismissed the French court on the grounds
that it was concerned with superficialities and appearances. The discussion of Kultur and
civilization was designed to cast light on the different paths of development that France
and Germany followed in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.
2011 International Society and the Civilizing ProcessLINKLATER 13
9) Mastenbroek (1999) locates Callieres writings within the longer-term trend towards the
control of the emotions that took place not only in diplomacy but in the business sphere as
a result of growing interconnectedness between people. I am grateful to Stephen Mennell
for drawing this article to my attention. Callieres writings need to be seen as part of a tra-
dition of thought that was concerned with civilizing princely rule. Crucial here is Castigli-
one s reflections on the courtier which were first published in 1528 but written around ten
to fifteen years earlier. He had himself been a member of several courts (and of embassies
to England, France and Spain). Book IV of The Book of the Courtier attached great impor-
tance to the courtier s civilizing role in the quest to persuade the prince to govern virtuous-
ly, subordinating passions such as anger to moderation and temperance. A related aim was
to encourage restraint in foreign relations, specifically by ensuring that the populace was
equipped to defend itself from attack but not trained in the art of domination (Castiglione
1959: 310ff). Significantly ancient courts such as Alexander the Great s were standard-set-
ting for the interlocutors in Castiglione s dialogue. Aristotle s influence on Alexander was
noted in a passage that commented on his restraint towards royal women in the Persian
court, and general civilizing influence, it was presumed, in Asia (Castiglione 1959: 42,
242ff, 321, 332-3). Also important was Bernard Du Rosier s 1436 work, Short Treatise
About Ambassadors, which outlined the courtesies of ambassadorial office. According to
Mattingly (1973: 26ff) who provides a short summary of that work, Du Rosier may have
completed it while on a mission to the court of the King of Castile.
14 R ITSUMEIKAN I NTERNATIONAL A FFAIRS Vol. 9
Callieres maintained that it was best that ambassadors were not re-
cruited from the higher nobility with its love of war, or from the military
which was naturally violent and passionate and coarsened by participa-
tion in warfare, but from the court officials that formed the lower nobility
(Callieres 1983: 75, 86, 166ff).10) Experienced in court rituals, they pos-
sessed the civilized qualities required by ambassadors acting as the repre-
sentative of the king; they were less likely to behave in a severe rugged
manner that commonly disgusts, and causes aversion ; they could be re-
lied on to have a civil and engaging carriage , an aptitude for civil conver-
sation that was suited to ambassadorial roles in foreign courts, and a ca-
pacity for flattering others that would find favour and win influence
amongst princes and courtiers (Callieres 1983: 75, 140- 3).11)
10) Callieres preference for the more civilized qualities of the lower nobility is an interesting
illustration of Elias s discussion of the relationship between the civilizing process and the
taming of the warrior . See Elias (2006: ch. 5) on the courtly way of dealing with people
which describes the etiquette and ceremony that Callieres regarded as central to the art
of diplomacy. It is worth adding that Elias (2006: 118) states that the idea of diplomacy has
been narrowed to refer to aspects of the relations between communities, but diplomatic
conduct with its emphasis on sensitivity to the rank and situation of other people was cen-
tral to the everyday life of court society .
11) Keens-Soper and Schweizer (1983: 11) state that with 40 ambassadors representing the
acutely status-conscious diplomatic society of Europe, every gesture, ceremonial trifle, offi-
cial or unofficial act outwardly reflected the contemporary hierarchy of States and as such
was a source of tedious disputes and delay . Sensitivity to hierarchy, order of precedence,
and ceremony was a vital ambassadorial quality.
2011 International Society and the Civilizing ProcessLINKLATER 15
amongst princes which was to act on the principle, sic volo, sic jubeo; stat
pro ratione voluntas let the fact that I wish this, be sufficient reason
when moderation could bring benefits to all involved (Callieres 1983: 62).
The contention that impulsive conduct should be replaced by the dispas-
sionate calculation of common interests was anchored not in some version
of political idealism, but on an assessment of the compulsions of intercon-
nectedness that brings to mind the English School claim that most states
have an interest in preserving international society (Bull 1977). Change in
one state, Callieres argued, was capable of disturbing the quiet of all the
others ; in reality, all societies were members of one and the same Com-
monwealth with common interests in the diplomatic art of promoting mu-
tual advantages ; all had to consider the merits of earning and retaining a
reputation for truthfulness and honesty, just as they had to recognise that
deceitfulness could back-fire by ruining faith in the ambassador and dam-
aging his ability to uphold the honour and interest of his Prince (Callieres
1983: 68, 70, 83, 97, 110-11).
12) Callieres has been described as advancing a view of diplomacy in which power politics and
civilized behaviour are considered in unison , rather than in a state of tension (Keens-Sop-
er and Schweizer 1983: 41). There was no sense of a conflict between statecraft and univer-
sal moral principles that could only be solved by transforming international society. Calli-
eres did not comment on the peace schemes that had been advanced by the Abbe de Saint-
Pierre and others (Keens-Soper and Schweizer 1983: 39). But he did believe that
ambassadors should recognise that obedience...has its bounds , and that they should not
countenance promoting rebellion in another state; an ambassador who was instructed to
commit such acts that were against the laws of God and justice should advise the Prince
accordingly and, if rebuffed, ask to be recalled, while observing the duty not to disclose his
master s secret (Callieres 1983: 122-3).
16 R ITSUMEIKAN I NTERNATIONAL A FFAIRS Vol. 9
The revolt against the West would not have occurred but for extra-
European resistance to colonial domination. Since the focus of this paper
is on the significance of the civilizing process for international society and
the transformation of human society, it is also important to draw attention
to certain tensions and ambiguities within the European process of civili-
zation which were evident in the first contacts between European and
18 R ITSUMEIKAN I NTERNATIONAL A FFAIRS Vol. 9
To go back a step, those who took part in those debates thought they
belonged to a civilized world that was engaged in working out how to deal
with less civilized peoples - whereas now the inclination would be to say
that those were discussions about how one civilization should treat other
civilizations - alternatively, since the notion of civilization seems monolith-
ic and static, how those who are part of different civilizing processes
should behave towards each other.14) However the question is posed, the
political challenges are considerable for all peoples that have been accus-
tomed to think of themselves as superior, or who have been persuaded to
think of themselves as inferior to others. As Elias (2008) argued, most soci-
eties in human history seem to have felt the need to raise themselves in
their own eyes above others; they have found collective meaning and satis-
faction in the supposition that others were inferior to them. So much is
clear from the European civilizing process - from the earliest attempts by
13) Wight (1990: ch. 4) provides interesting insights into the tensions within the civilizing
process by distinguishing between the realist idea that barbarians have no rights , the
revolutionist belief that they are ripe for conversion (and any rights they have fit within
that scheme), and the rationalist conviction that they exist alongside Christian or Europe-
an societies in a wider community of humankind.
14) It is worth adding that Elias s whole method is implicitly hostile to the notion of static, ho-
mogeneous civilizations, and indeed to all process-reducing concepts . The emphasis is al-
ways on processes of civilization. Bull and Watson (1984: 2) maintain that the expansion of
international society incorporated several regional international systems with their dis-
tinctive forms of civilization . But it would be more accurate to argue that it consisted of
several regional civilizing processes. Various works have considered those linkages in more
detail, ranging from Benjamin Nelson s pioneering work in the late 1960s and early 1970s
on civilizational complexes and inter-civilizational relations to John Hobson s recent study
of the eastern origins of Western civilization .
2011 International Society and the Civilizing ProcessLINKLATER 19
the courts to distinguish themselves from the lower strata, to more recent
efforts to judge non-European societies by the standard of civilization. It
might be argued that the European civilizing process had some in-built
checks against an excess of self-congratulation that were evident in the
belief that imperialists had duties to other peoples by virtue of the fact
that all were created by God or were answerable to universal moral princi-
ples. But the point is not to claim any special distinction for the European
civilizing process. Elias was keen to stress that the Eurocentrism of so
much nineteenth century European thought had had its day, adding that
it was an obstacle to learning how to co-exist with others in the context of
rising levels of global interconnectedness. Europe and it was not alone in
this regard faced the problem of detachment: that is, the ability to ac-
quire some distance from its own perspectives, to see itself from afar, from
the standpoint of those who are placed farther along the global web of so-
cial relations. In The Civilizing Process it is noted that the foreign policy
challenge for many societies is precisely how to work out suitable princi-
ples of co-existence and standards of restraint that span very different civ-
ilizing processes (Elias 2000: 410). The study of inter-state activity would
be deficient without understanding those patterns of development (Elias
2000: ibid). Crucial here is the question of how far they can agree on simi-
lar standards of self-restraint with respect to their capacity to harm one
another (see Linklater 2010).
As noted above, some have argued that there has been significant
progress towards an agreement about ideas of civility that span different
cultures and civilizations. Elias was less confident that societies had found
ways of bridging their different conceptions of civilized conduct. It was in-
deed the case that, in the course of being forced together, people have come
under pressure to learn how to be better attuned to the needs and inter-
ests of other people over greater distances. But those are no more than
pressures, and they do not guarantee that societies will agree on the prin-
ciples that should regulate their interaction. Indeed, the more people are
forced together, particularly when bound together by processes they do not
understand and which seem to work to the advantage of others, the more
likely they are to resist what they see as challenges to their power and au-
tonomy. Various rebellions against European encroachment into non-Euro-
pean areas illustrate the point. They suggest that tensions between the
20 R ITSUMEIKAN I NTERNATIONAL A FFAIRS Vol. 9
CONCLUDING COMMENTS
A large literature awaits any scholar who wishes to analyse those di-
mensions of the relations between societies, much of it concerned with in-
teractions between court societies. There is no space to do more than men-
tion a few cases that could provide the starting-point for any future
research in this area.
The first is Bull s reference to Portuguese contact in 1482 with the Af-
rican kingdom of Kongo with its centralized government and court offi-
cials . Bull implies that relations between Europeans and African political
communities were marked by a degree of mutual respect in that period be-
fore the diplomatic practices that are specific to the modern society of
states emerged. He maintains that Kongo tried to emulate various aspects
of Portuguese society in order to gain acceptance. Other examples from
later periods include Siam in the late eighteenth century which was keen
to win recognition as a civilized monarchy by learning directly from the
courts of St Petersburg, London and Berlin, or Japan which was eager to
satisfy Western standards of civilization in external affairs (see Anderson
1983: 27; Gong 1984: ch. 7; Suganami 1984: 198; and Vincent 1984: 244f
who notes Japan s failure to secure Western support for incorporating a
principle of racial equality in the Covenant of the League of Nations).
Second, there was the inter-court competition for power and prestige
in the Italian Renaissance that was linked with the establishment of resi-
dent ambassadors and movement towards the organised balance of power.
The Renaissance courts represented a model for other European ruling
elites, and provided the driving-force behind the diffusion of humanist
learning that was central to the evolution of the modern diplomatic system.
22 R ITSUMEIKAN I NTERNATIONAL A FFAIRS Vol. 9
No doubt those with the requisite historical knowledge can cast fur-
ther light on those relations (and supply many other examples). They are
listed here simply to stress that over and over again, courts were involved
in judging their relative importance and value - their standing in the light
of their own or others standard of civilization . They were engaged in dis-
tinguishing between societies that deserved respect as equals, societies
that could be looked down as inferior, and societies that had to be emulat-
ed because of their more advanced forms of life. The ways in which the Eu-
ropean courts dealt with each other, with the Ottomans, Japan, China and
15) Here, it is worth noting that Callieres (1983: 172) observed that it was important for the
Ottoman court that the French ambassador was an Ichoglan ( a man bred up at court ) and
not a Cadi ( a churchman ). See Gong (1984: 100ff) on Peter the Great s similar Westernis-
ing initiatives and changes in the Russian court.
2011 International Society and the Civilizing ProcessLINKLATER 23
so forth and the latter s attitudes to them reveal how the society of
states developed and expanded to other regions.16) Modern international
society is not exactly reducible to relations between court societies, but it
was shaped by assessments of moral worth that emerged as part of the
European civilizing process, and reflects the continuing hegemony of West-
ern values (Wight 1966).
The final point is that those observations point to the need for closer
links between English School analysis and process sociology. A synthesis of
core themes can overcome their respective weaknesses: the fact that Eng-
lish School reflections on the emergence of the European international so-
ciety have not considered its relationship with the civilizing process , and
the reality that Elias s examination of that process did not consider its sig-
nificance for notions of civilized statecraft in that society of states, or how
the standard of civilization was used to justify European power and to set
out the criteria that would have to be met before non-European societies
could be considered for membership (a discourse of civilization that has
been resisted as part of the revolt against the West and which has led to
fundamental questions about the principles that should govern post-Euro-
pean international society). International relations no longer revolve
around court societies, but the impact of the period in which they were
centred on such human arrangements is evident in the contemporary soci-
ety of states. That is why questions still arise about how far various West-
ern and non-Western processes of civilization can find common ground in
a global civilizing process that spans all of them a civilizing process that
places restraints on force, reflects the desire to shed doctrines of cultural
superiority, and enables different societies to display levels of mutual re-
spect that have not been the norm either in the development of modern in-
ternational society or in the longer history of international relations.
AUTHOR
16) As far as I know, examples from non-European regions have not been studied in depth in
Western International Relations (see Suganami 1984: 184 on relations between the Kore-
an and Japan courts in the Edo Period).
24 R ITSUMEIKAN I NTERNATIONAL A FFAIRS Vol. 9
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