Вы находитесь на странице: 1из 11


politics or the political? an

historical perspective on a
contemporary non-debate
kari palonen
Department of Social Sciences and Philosophy, University Jyvaskyla,
P.O.B. 35, Jyvaskyla FIN-40014, Finland
E-mail: kpalonen@cc.jyu.fi


Conceptualisations of the political and politics tend to diverge quite
significantly from one another in contemporary literature. The origins of this
split can be traced back to the works of Carl Schmitt and Max Weber. By
accentuating the opposition between these conceptions, we are able to detect
two different attitudes toward politics. The Schmittian ideal of the political longs
for stability that extends beyond the daily quarrels of politics, whereas the
Weberian thinkers understand politics as a contingent activity par excellence.

Keywords politics; the political; Max Weber; Carl Schmitt

n 1981, Regis Debray, the former modes of conceptualisation exists in
revolutionary and later advisor to France or elsewhere.
President Francois Mitterrand, pub- Should we understand politics by going
lished a book with the classical title, behind the term itself to examine the
Critique de la raison politique. He opposes political or by rendering the activity itself
politics (la politique) to the political more intelligible? In this essay I shall
(le politique): Bref, la politique ma long- track the conceptual origins of the two
temps masque le politique (Debray, perspectives to the opposition between
1981: 13). For Debray, the decline of Carl Schmitt and Max Weber. The pre-
political activism was indeed combined sence of the Schmittian and Weberian
with the reflection of the political as problematic already played a role in the
superior to mere politics. A number of inter-war literature and is even more
other French authors shared this view, distinct in the post-war conceptualisa-
(see Marchart, 2003) whereas others, as tions of the political and politics. Finally,
the title of Alan Badiou Peut-on penser la I shall conclude with the thesis that
politique (1985) indicates, have contin- the Schmittian search for the political
ued to reflect on the practical activity of devalues the practical activity of
politics. No real debate between the two politics, whereas the Weberian style of
european political science: 6 2007 69
(69 78) & 2007 European Consortium for Political Research. 1680-4333/07 $30 www.palgrave-journals.com/eps
conceptualising politics as contingent Schmitts famous opening sentence on
activity re-values the politicians. the political as a precondition of the state,
[d]er Begriff des Staates setzt den des
Politischen voraus, (Schmitt, 1932: 20) is
SCHMITT AND THE CONCEPT a direct inversion of Jellineks view. It is
OF THE POLITICAL no longer the concept of the state but that
of the political that is the key problem for
Both the expression the political in constitutional lawyers. Schmitts call for
English and le politique in French refer radical novelty to become the norm in
historically to translations of the German legal discourse is marked by this empha-
das Politische. The catalyst for the rise of tic turn against Jellineks authority. For
the political in recent academic literature many practical purposes of legislation and
is, of course, Carl Schmitts Der Begriff jurisprudence, such as the political char-
des Politischen. It was first published as acter of a crime or an association, the
an article in 1927, and the book version political can no longer be determined in
appeared in 1932 and was subsequently terms of the state (Schmitt, 1932: 2226).
revised during the Nazi regime, although An intense thematisation of politics and
Schmitt himself canonised the 1932 ver- the rise of controversial calls for politici-
sion in 1963. Today, the literature on the sation took place in the German academic
political tacitly refers to Schmitt, despite and cultural context during the years
the notoriety of the author. between the publication of Allgemeine
The use of the adjective as a noun in the Staatslehre and Der Begriff des Poli-
expression das Politische was certainly tischen (see Palonen, 1985, 1989). The
not Schmitts innovation. Friedrich Schiller criteria of the political were broadly dis-
and Friedrich Schlegel had already used cussed particularly among constitutional
the term in the 1790s (see the references and international lawyers, both in relation
in Palonen, 2006: 4546) as referring to a to the disputes surrounding the Weimar
distinct sphere or sector. The demarcation republican constitution and the contro-
of the political refers to a new level of versy between the legal positivists and
abstraction that illustrates the increasing their fierce opponents (see esp. Veroffent-
thematisation of the phenomenon over lichugen der Vereinigung der Deutschen
the course of the second half of the Staatsrechtslehrer vol. 5, 1929, and vol.
nineteenth century. In his Allgemeine 7, 1931). Schmitts construction of a
Staatslehre, the leading constitutional new criterion for the political took
lawyer Georg Jellinek used a more ab- place within the range of legal discourse;
stract expression of the concept of the he no longer regarded the political as a
political, namely der Begriff des Poli- residual concept that can neither be de-
tischen, although subordinating it to that fined in legal terms nor considered a moral,
of the state (Jellinek, 1900: 158). economic, or other type of phenomenon.
The question of the criterion for politics He aimed at identifying the political by its
or the political was a controversial topic in categorically distinctive criteria (in eigen-
the Wilhelminian and Weimar debates. In en letzten Unterscheidungen, Schmitt,
addition to Max Weber and Carl Schmitt, a 1932: 26). It is to this end that he
number of other authors from various proposes his famous friendenemy distinc-
backgrounds, including, for example, tion, Unterscheidung von Freund und
Hans Morgenthau, Karl Mannheim and Feind (Schmitt, 1932: 26).
Walter Benjamin, should be recognised Schmitts understanding of the political
as relevant to the present-day debates on was opposed to that of his legal collea-
the concept (see Palonen, 1985, 2006). gues, such as Heinrich Triepel (1927),
70 european political science: 6 2007 politics or the political?
who still thought in terms of spheres. Schmitts understanding
Although Schmitt offers distinctive criter-
ia for the moral, aesthetic and economic
of the political was
spheres and compares the political with opposed to that of his
them, his point is that the political does legal colleagues, such as
not form a separate sphere of its own,
kein eigenes Sachgebiet (Schmitt, 1932:
Heinrich Triepel (1927),
38). Although this distinction to Sachge- who still thought in terms
biete is not clearly formulated in the first of spheres.
version (see Schmitt, 1927: 4, 1011), it
appears to be the result of the introduc-
tion of the degree of intensity as a
supplementary component of the criter- Politics, which is the activity of struggling,
ion, which is indebted to Hans is conceptually secondary to the criterion
Morgenthaus dissertation from 1929 of the political, which also marks the
(Schmitt, 1932: 2728, 3839). priority of structure over passing tempor-
From the perspective of conceptual al events. Accordingly, for Schmitt, the
history, the distinction of the political political decision regarding the identifica-
alludes to a higher degree of abstraction. tion of the enemy has already been made
The Schmittian concept of the political and, as such, is not left to the struggling
constructs a metaphorical space of inclu- soldier (Schmitt, 1932: 34). However,
sion and exclusion. The distinction be- the very act of distinguishing or deciding
tween friend and enemy by the decision between friend and enemy marks an
(distinction) of a quasi-sovereign agent exceptional situation that refers to time
(in terms of Schmitts 1922 thesis) also and action within his thinking.
eliminates all the ambiguous intermedi- Der Begriff des Politischen evoked in-
ate Spielraum for action. It is, however, tense debates among Schmitts contem-
the degree of intensity that gives the poraries, who frequently transcended his
distinction between friend and enemy its limited juridical problematic as well as the
temporal variability. With the additional terms of his conceptualisation. As an
criterion of the necessity of political unity example of this among historians, we
among friends and enemies (politische can mention the medievalist Otto Brunner,
Einheit, Schmitt, 1932, esp. 4345), who uses Schmitt in his polemic against
Schmitt reaffirms the exclusive character the anachronistic projection of the state
of friendship and enmity and delimits the onto the Middle Ages and refers to the
role of the purely formal criterion of non-territorial concept of Fehde (feud) as
intensity. Schmitt later specified that the the mark of enmity between political units
figure of the partisan is one that attempts (see Brunner, 1942).
to deny the exclusivity of the distinction Helmuth Plessners Macht und mens-
between friend and enemy and, corre- chliche Natur (1931) offers the most
spondingly, dissolve the definite political original application of the Schmittian
units (Schmitt, 1963, esp. 93). categories. Plessner was a philosophical
Schmitt never explicates the relation- anthropologist who was indebted to We-
ship between das Politische and Politik, ber, and he already defended politics
although he presupposes the real possi- against the popular claims of the commu-
bility of the struggle as a precondition of nity in his Grenzen der Gemeinschaft
speaking of Politik (Schmitt, 1932: 32). (Plessner, 1924). Plessner incorporates
The point is that the political does not lie the friendenemy distinction within Politik
in the struggle itself (Schmitt, 1932: 35). as existing in the situation of taking
kari palonen european political science: 6 2007 71
a stand for and against (in einer Situation (entscheidendes Merkmal, Schmitt,
des Fur und Wider zu leben, Plessner, 1927: 2). The activity of striving receives
1931: 195). The distinction creates a no attention.
zone of ones own affirmation against that Similarly, most of the textbook refer-
of the stranger (Plessner, 1931). Friend- ences to the Weberian concept of politics
ship and enmity are thus relativised and do not refer to striving. Even specialists in
temporalised into zones within the range the field frequently disregard the point
of the situation at hand and the activity that, for Weber, even social orders (see
oriented toward it. Plessners book is a Weber, 1922) are constituted in terms of
strange combination of Weberian and human activities, the relationships be-
Schmittian inspired views, although tween them and their contingent constel-
Weber clearly takes priority. lations. The canonisation of Weber as a
Schmitts joining the Nazi Party in May sociologist and the almost total neglect of
1933 changed both his own formulations his merely political writings also contrib-
and the reception of his work both in and uted to the dismissal of the action per-
outside Germany. In some French works, spective on politics.
the very expression le politique was The notion of the striving for power as a
regarded as belonging to the Nazi voca- characterisation of politics is, as such,
bulary (see Palonen, 1990: 4445). Most nothing new. The legal philosopher Fritz
of the British authors who were concep- Berolzheimer, for example, considered it
tualising politics in the thirties made no to be essential to politics, der Wesenszug
reference at all either to the abstraction of aller Politik (Berolzheimer, 1907/1908:
the political or to Schmitt. One exception 243). He did not, however, further ex-
to this general rule is Ernest Barker, who plicate either striving or power.
in his Reflections on Government dis- Weber marks the contrast by present-
cusses the alternatives to democracy ing politics in terms of verbs referring to
after World War I and analyses those activities. In addition to Streben and
writers who idealised the memory of Erstreben, he uses the expression Politik
war. The consequent conception of poli- treiben (all in Weber, 1919: 9) as well as
tics and of the nature of the political the artisan metaphor of drilling or boring
may be seen in a pamphlet published in planks: Politik bedeutet ein starkes lang-
Germany by Dr Carl Schmitt in 1932. sames Bohren von harten Brettern
(Barker, 1942: 270) Schmitts strictly (Weber, 1919: 67). In other words, for
juridical justifications for re-determining Weber, the conceptual reflection on poli-
the criterion of the political were clearly tics takes place in the explication of what
lost in such interpretations. the actors are doing and who is acting
politically. One major difference between
WEBER AND POLITICS AS the politician and its counter-concept,
AN ACTIVITY namely the official, can be described in
terms that refer to the differences in
In a footnote, Carl Schmitt (already in performance. Officials do not need to
Schmitt, 1927: 2) quotes Max Webers strive for power, but instead use existing
formula from Politik als Beruf of politics as power shares. They are not engaged in
striving for power shares and influencing politicking, but execute or accomplish a
their distribution, Streben nach Machtanteil given policy. Above all, they have no need
oder nach Beeinflussung der Machtvertei- slowly and patiently to remove the ob-
lung (Weber, 1919: 8). Characteristically, stacles in their way in order to open up a
Schmitt only sees the point in Webers new Spielraum for action, but instead
use of power as the decisive criterion remain within the existing one.
72 european political science: 6 2007 politics or the political?
The broad range of verbs applied by When interpreting Macht
Weber to describe the activity of politics
indicates that there can be no guarantee
and Herrschaft in terms
that politicians will be successful. For of chances, Weber
Weber, this is not a sign of the power- (1922: 2829) insists
lessness of politics, but refers instead to
the openness of politics as a struggle. The
that they be expressed
contingency of politics as an activity is and actualised only in
constituted by his concept of Chance, and through action.
which links Webers political and metho-
dological writings to one another (see speak of the Weberian moment as hav-
Palonen, 1998). When interpreting Macht ing taken place in his twentieth century
and Herrschaft in terms of chances, political thought (Palonen, 1998).
Weber (1922: 2829) insists that they In its contemporary context, Webers
be expressed and actualised only in and Politik als Beruf was much less contro-
through action. Power is neither property versial than Schmitts Begriff des Poli-
nor a given structure, but a contingent tischen, and his radically nominalistic
constellation between struggling or com- action perspective was seldom recog-
peting political agents. In a consistently nised. Nonetheless, the Weberian con-
nominalistic fashion, for Weber, power is ception inspired a number of Weimar
not a whole that is distributed into authors, including Helmuth Plessner and
shares, but, rather, is something which Hans Morgenthau. Webers views soon
exists only in the form of singular shares gained international recognition in
and their contingent constellations. Nor France, especially through the work of
does there exist any readily available Raymond Aron (1938a, b). In the British
repertoire of power shares, but, rather, context, a Weberian inspiration can also
anything can be turned into a crucial be detected in the early work of George
power share in the situation at hand. As Catlin, who referred, for example, to
such, the redistribution of power shares politics as an Activity, not a Thing
contains the use of existing shares as well (Catlin, 1929: 68). Independently of
as the creation of new shares and the Weber, there also exist other attempts to
dissolution or devaluation of some of the reflect upon politics from the perspective
old ones. of the politician, such as Louis Barthous
Now we are able to understand better portrait of the French politician (1923) or
how Weber and Schmitt differ in their F. S. Olivers (1930) introduction to his
problematics of conceptualisation. For study on Walpole.
Schmitt, the political marks an element
in politics that extends beyond its obvious THE POLITICAL IN
contingency, an ontological foundation POST-WAR LITERATURE
anchoring politics in something that is
more than politics. Weber, by contrast, The academic study of politics became
attempts to conceptualise the passing, institutionalised in the western world
fluid, fragile and contingent activity of during the post-war years, which was
politics itself, without reducing its con- quite a discouraging development for
tingency. In this sense, for him, contin- the conceptual reflection on politics and
gency is neither merely residual nor the the political. The leading metaphor of the
fortuna, but the concept of Chance offers academic discipline of political science,
him a principle of the intelligibility of the the political system, as it was canonised
contingent activity. In this sense, we can by David Easton (1953) and others,
kari palonen european political science: 6 2007 73
signified the return to a division of sec- movement between political units (1980:
tors, one of them being the political. The 36). Meiers historical interpretation ac-
political thus refers to a metaphorical centuates the opening of the horizon of
space within the holistic order of the decidability and controversiality as the
system. In the functionalist version of main political novelty of the dethroning
systems thinking, political science was of the Areopagos and its conceptualisa-
reduced more or less to a sub-discipline of tion by Aischylos a few years later (Meier,
sociology, the imperialistic discipline of 1980: 144246). He thus plays with the
the post-war decades. The result was the ambiguity of the German concept of
priority of order over action and struggle, Entscheidung and takes from it much of
a kind of Hegelianism without history. the Schmittian emphasis on the closure
Two German sociologists have more of the situation.
recently attributed an autonomous role In France, for example, Charles de
to the political. Niklas Luhmann has Visscher (1953) relies on the criterion of
related systems to environment (Umwelt) the political presented in Morgenthaus
and attributed a constitutive role to con- early work (1929, 1933) on international
tingency. In his posthumous Die Politik law. For the phenomenologist Paul
der Gesellschaft (Luhmann, 2000), Ricur, [l]e politique est organisation
Luhmann polemicises against voluntar- raisonnable, la politique est decision
ism, but allows room for opportunistic (Ricur, 1957: 729). For him, as for
politicking as a part of the vitalisation of Schmitt, politics as action is secondary
the relationship between system and to the deeper level of the political, but the
environment. Ulrich Becks reinvention difference between the juridical criterion
of politics (1993) has its roots in the and philosophical reason is obvious.
radicalisation of risks, the individualisa- Julian Freund, who as a former resistant
tion of life-styles and biographies, and was initially suspicious of Schmitt,
activist movements. He opposes the sub- mediated Schmitts concept of the politi-
politics of everyday agency to the sys- cal to the French audience. The title itself,
temic view of ordinary politics, not to Lessence du politique (1965), already
replace or revolutionise it, but to expand indicates a clear distinction between his
politics into a Doppeltheater containing thought and that of Schmitt. Instead of a
both the systemic ordinary polity and the criterion, Freund presents the political as
activities of sub-politics. Beck thus at- an essence, an invariable condition of la
tempts to combine action and systems politique (Freund, 1965: 12). The poli-
thinking, although, perhaps unwittingly, tical refers to the weight, pesanteur, of
still attributing a certain priority to the the political (1965: 15). For Freund, the
spatial metaphors. Schmittian friendenemy distinction
In Germany, the reception of Schmitts serves as one of the presupposes of the
work among historians led to the modi- political, the other pairs being those of
fication of his ideas. In his study of the command and obedience and the public
Greek origins of the political, the classicist and the private. In the conflict between
Christian Meier revises the political into a these presuppositions dialectical relation-
field of action (Handlungsfeld) between ships prevail, and the dialectic of friend-
political units (Meier, 1980: 3439). Meier ship and enmity lies in the struggle, and it
wants to incorporate action and time, that is here that we can detect Freunds debt
is, he wants to incorporate politics into a to Weber.
constitutive element of the political field. Similarly to Schmitt, Ricur and
He retains the priority of the political, but Freund, the former revolutionary Regis
in the sense of its being an element of Debray also regards the political as the
74 european political science: 6 2007 politics or the political?
unchanging element beyond the contin- Debrays work is clearly
gency of politics, although his views are
more inspired by the structuralist thin-
tinged with the tone of a
kers. He defines the critique of political disappointed activist.
reason as the study of stable human
groups, their conditions of organisation
and functioning (Debray, 1981: 45). Such To sum up, the post-war literature on
a study aims at the understanding of the the political decontextualises the concept
limits of the entire political project (en- from Schmitts strictly juridical aims and
terprise) (1981: 60). Debrays work is frees it from its ideological implications.
clearly tinged with the tone of a disap- Still, it shares the Schmittian problematic
pointed activist. Since then, the level of of the priority of the political over politics,
reflection on the political has significantly including a certain disregard for the daily
increased among French philosophers. activities of politicians and the corres-
Much of this reflection remains strictly ponding search for an ontology behind
philosophical and far removed from the politics.
dirty world of everyday politics (see
Chantal Mouffe, a Francophone author ACTIVITY OF POLITICS
writing mainly for an Anglophone
audience, incarnates the leftist reception Although the student, feminist, environ-
of Schmitts work. In her Return of the mental and other movements of the
Political, Mouffe wants to think with sixties and seventies accentuated the
Schmitt against Schmitt (Mouffe, 1993: activity of politics beyond the conven-
2), particularly to replace the concept of tional polity-sphere, active reflection on
the enemy with that of the adversary the question of what this means for the
(Mouffe, 1993: 4; 2005: 2021). She activity of politics itself has remained
thus accepts, contra Schmitt, the plura- strikingly scarce. Is all of this merely the
listic character of democracy and defends extension of the old criteria for the
agonism as opposed to antagonism. Both activity of politics, as presented by Max
the use of Schmitt and the softening of his Weber or, for example, by Hannah Arendt
views is a tool used by Mouffe against the (1958, 1968, 1993) or Michael Oakeshott
tendency to reduce the role of the political (1962, 1975) to the politics of move-
in, for example, Rawlsian, Habermasian ments? Or, do the movements require
or even Marxist thinking. Unlike the different types of politicians, perhaps less
French philosophers, Mouffe is certainly formalistic and less institutional ones? So
not uninterested in daily politics. Still, like much the agents in those or later contexts
the other post-Schmittian thinkers, she spoke of the need for a new politics, so
looks beyond politics to the ontological little they themselves have specified how
level of the political (Mouffe, 2005: 8). For this new politics is manifested in the
her, the political refers to the constitutive expression and interpretation of the
dimension of antagonism, whereas by activity of politics itself.
politics I mean the set of practices and This does not, however, mean that no
institutions through which an order is new ideas were presented concerning the
created (2005: 9). For Mouffe, politics activity-concept of politics. Arendt,
also remains subordinated to order as a Oakeshott and Jean-Paul Sartre are
moving historical element, whereas she is three authors who in their post-war work
not interested in the closer explication of promoted, each of them in their own
the activity of politicians. direction, the instrumentalisation of
kari palonen european political science: 6 2007 75
contingency as a medium of the intellig- Politik als Beruf remains
ibility of politics (in the sense of Palonen,
1998). The Arendtian view accentuates
the best study to date on
the distinction of politics as action from the activity of politics,
fabrication by the criterion of novelty, and and this is largely due to
she uses the metaphor of the performing
arts to refer to politics (esp. Arendt,
Webers high regard for
1968: 177). Oakeshotts famous meta- politicians (see Palonen,
phor of politics as sailing on a boundless 2002).
and bottomless sea (1962: 60) is an
indication of his strong anti-foundational-
ism. Sartre was among the first to regard of them legitimate, and the attempts such
politics as a dimension of person (Sartre, as Plessners and Freunds to combine
1964), and he defends the oblique and them hardly sound convincing. No real
persuasive activity of the situated politi- debate between the problematics of the
cian against the paradigm of the social political and politics appears in sight, but
engineer (Sartre, 1972: 261262). clarifying the opposition helps us to
The action perspective is also close to understand the lack of debate.
the thought of those authors who have The problematic also has different value
closely followed the acts of politicians, for orientations. The search for the political,
example J. D. B. Miller (1958, 1962) and whether as a philosophical foundation or
Bertrand de Jouvenel (1963). For both, an ontological instance of stability, may
the Weberian inspiration is clearly visible. be understood as an attempt to create a
A new legitimation of the study of politics legitimate place for the political in the
through the activity of politicians has order of things. From this point of view,
been presented in the new rhetoric and the contingent temporal, passing and
the speech act theory. For example, John rhetorical aspect of the activity of
Pocock once published an article entitled politics necessarily remains unintelligible.
Verbalizing the political act (Pocock, The reverse side of this attitude lies in the
1973), and Quentin Skinner recently lack of interest in the dirty world of mere
affirmed that perhaps agency after all politics. Here, the highly academic search
deserves to be privileged over structure for the political comes close to joining the
(Skinner, 2002: 7). chorus of the widespread popular opi-
From this perspective, it would be nions expressed in politician-bashing.
senseless to go behind politics in order The scholars of politics should rather
to understand it. On the contrary, it is the attempt to understand better the activity
very activity of contingent politicking that of politicking; politicians seldom have
is the main objective of its understanding. either the time or the desire to explicate
Here, we can already detect a link to the what they are doing at the very moment
rhetorical tradition. at which they are acting as politicians.
Journalists often do a better job of that
THE POINT OF THE than politicians themselves, and scholars
NON-DEBATE should take politicians own words as the
first step in the assessment of their
The political in the Schmittian and poli- activity, which can then be explicated
tics-as-activity in the Weberian sense and interpreted in greater detail. Histor-
transcend much of the harmless daily or ians tend to be better at this than political
academic uses of the polit-vocabulary. scientists. Part of the problem may lie in
They indicate different problematics, both the very self-conception of those who
76 european political science: 6 2007 politics or the political?
study politics academically as social crucial role in his writings. Politik als Beruf
scientists. Faced with escalating contin- remains the best study to date on the
gency and a wide variety of political activity of politics, and this is largely due
action, the urge to retreat into a search to Webers high regard for politicians (see
for ontological narratives on the essence Palonen, 2002). He recognised that pro-
of politics, democracy, legislation, etc is fessional politicians are an indispensable
quite understandable. component of a parliamentary democ-
For Weber, the contingent aspect of the racy, particularly as persons with both
activity itself serves as a source of its the will and the competence to question
intelligibility. The reason why I consider the powers of bureaucracy (see Weber,
Max Weber and not Carl Schmitt as 1918).
marking the turning point in the under- The interest in the political also pro-
standing of politics is precisely because of vides the scholar with an excuse to retain
his attempt not only to understand but a pro-political attitude while remaining
also to re-value the activity of politicians. disinterested in the actions of politicians.
Max Weber was a life-long homo politi- However, politicians exist within a highly
cus. He keenly commented on daily competitive and contested environment,
events and occasionally served as a and from time to time they are obliged to
critical advisor to politicians such as revise both their stands and the legitima-
Friedrich Naumann, and his personal ob- tion of them. How they accomplish this is
servations and experiences also played a a fascinating topic.

Arendt, H. (1958) The Human Condition, Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Arendt, H. (1968[1977]) Between Past and Future, Harmondsworth: Penguin.
Arendt, H. (1993) Was 1st Politik? in Ursula Ludz (ed.) Munchen: Piper.
Aron, R. (1938a[1981]) Introduction a la philosophie de lhistoire, Paris: Gallimard.
Aron, R. (1938b[1970]) La philosophie critique de lhistoire, Paris: Vrin.
Badiou, A. (1985) Peut-on penser la politique?, Paris: Seuil.
Barker, E. (1942) Reflections on Government, Oxford: Clarendon Press.
Barthou, L. (1923) Le Politique, Paris: Hachette.
Beck, U. (1993) Die Erfindung des Politischen, Frankfurt/M: Suhrkamp.
Berolzheimer, F. (1907/08) Politik als Wissenschaft. Ihr Wesen und ihre Grenzen, Archiv fur Rechts- und
Wirtschaftsphilosophie 1: 210218.
Brunner, O. (1942) Land und Herrschaft, Brunn: Rohrer.
Catlin, G.E.G. (1929) A Study of the Principles of Politics, London: Allen and Unwin.
Debray, R. (1981) Critique de la raison politique, Paris: Gallimard.
Easton, D. (1953) The Political System, New York: Knopf.
Freund, J. (1965[1981]) Lessence du politique, Paris: Sirey.
Jellinek, G. (1900) Allgemeine Staatslehre, Berlin: Haring.
de Jouvenel, B. (1963) The Pure Theory of Politics, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Luhmann, N. (2000) Die Politik der Gesellschaft, Frankfurt/M: Suhrkamp.
Marchart, O. (2003) Politics and the Political. An Inquiry into Post-Foundational Political Thought, PhD
dissertation, Department of Political Science, University of Essex.
Meier, C. (1980) Die Entstehung des Politischen bei den Griechen, Frankfurt/M: Suhrkamp.
Miller, J.D.B. (1958) Politicians. An inaugural lecture, Leicester: University of Leicester.
Miller, J.D.B. (1962) The Nature of Politics, London: Duckworth.
Morgenthau, H. (1929) Die internationale Rechtspflege, Leipzig: Noske.
Morgenthau, H. (1933) La notion du politique et les differends internationaux, Paris: Sirey.
Mouffe, C. (1993) The Return of the Political, London: Verso.
Mouffe, C. (2005) On the Political, London: Routledge.
Oakeshott, M. (1962[1991]) Rationalism in Politics, enlarged edition, Indianapolis: Liberty Press.
Oakeshott, M. (1975[1991]) On Human Conduct, Oxford: Clarendon Press.

kari palonen european political science: 6 2007 77

Oliver, F.S. (1930) The Endless Adventure, London: Macmillan.
Palonen, K. (1985) Politik als Handlungsbegriff. Horizontwandel des Politikbegriffs in Deutschland 1890
1933, Helsinki: Societas Scientiarum Fennica.
Palonen, K. (1989) Korrekturen zur Geschichte von Politisierung, Archiv fur Begriffsgeschichte 30:
Palonen, K. (1990) Die Thematisierung der Politik als Phanomen. Eine Interpretation der Geschichte des
Begriffs Politik im Frankreich des 20. Jahrhunderts, Helsinki: Societas Scientiarum Fennica.
Palonen, K. (1998) Das Webersche Moment. Zur Kontingenz des Politischen, Wiesbaden: Westdeutscher
Palonen, K. (2002) Eine Lobrede fur Politiker, Opladen: Leske and Budrich.
Palonen, K. (2006) The Struggle with Time. A conceptual history of politics as an activity, Munster: LIT.
Plessner, H. (1924[1981]) Grenzen der Gemeinschaft, Gesammelte Schriften, V, Frankfurt/M:
Suhrkamp, pp. 11133.
Plessner, H. (1931[1981]) Macht und menschliche Natur, Gesammelte Schriften, V, Frankfurt/M:
Suhrkamp, pp. 135234.
Pocock, J.G.A. (1973) Verbalizing a political act, Political Theory 1: 2745.
Ricur, P. (1957) Le paradoxe politique, Esprit 26/I: 721745.
Sartre, J.-P. (1964[1972]) Lalibi, in Situations, Vol. VIII. Paris: Gallimard, pp. 127145.
Sartre, J.-P. (1972) Lidiot de la famille, tome III, Paris: Gallimard.
Schmitt, C. (1922[1979]) Politische Theologie, Berlin: Duncker and Humblot.
Schmitt, C. (1927) Der Begriff des Politischen, Archiv fur Sozialwissenschaft und Sozialpolitik 58: 133.
Schmitt, C. (1932[1963, 1979]) Der Begriff des Politischen, Berlin: Duncker and Humblot.
Schmitt, C. (1963[1975]) Theorie des Partisanen, Berlin: Dunker and Humblot.
Skinner, Q. (2002) Visions of Politics 1, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Triepel, H. (1927) Staatsrecht und Politik, Berlin: de Gruyter.
Veroffentlichugen der Vereinigung der Deutschen Staatsrechtslehrer (1929) vol. 5, Berlin: de Gruyter.
Veroffentlichugen der Vereinigung der Deutschen Staatsrechtslehrer (1931) vol. 7 Berlin: de Gruyter.
de Visscher, C. (1953[1960]) Theories et realites en droit international public, Paris: Pedone.
Weber, M. (1918[1988]) Parlament und Regierung im neugeordneten Deutschland, Max-Weber-
Studienausgabe, Vol. I/15. Tubingen: Mohr, pp. 202302.
Weber, M. (1919[1926]) Politik als Beruf, Berlin: Duncker and Humblot.
Weber, M. (1922[1980]) Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft, Tubingen: Mohr.

About the Author

Kari Palonen is Professor of Political Science at the University of Jyvaskyla, Finland, co-founder
of the History of Political and Social Concepts Group, and editor of Redescriptions: Yearbook
of Political Thought and Conceptual History. Recent publications include Quentin Skinner
(2003), Die Entzauberung der Begriffe (2004) and The Struggle with Time (2006).

78 european political science: 6 2007 politics or the political?