Medelln Cartel

1989
I am a decent man who
exports flowers.

- Pablo Escobar
 Contents
Historical Background.............. 1

Main Topic... 3
Austria............... 3
Sudetenland............ 4
Alsace-Lorraine and the Saar 5
Poland............ 6
Dutch Claims........... 6
Questions to Consider......... 7

Subtopic A: Denazification.. 7
Questions to Consider......... 7
Subtopic B: Japan.......... 7
Questions to Consider......... 7

Delegate Positions......... 8

Bibliography......... 15
 Historical Background
Colombia Colombia declared independence from Spain in 1810 but did not formally
separate until 1819, when Venezuelan military leader Simn Bolivars troops won
the battle of Boyac and created the Republic of Greater Columbia, a conservative
state consisting of present day Venezuela, Columbia, Panama and Ecuador. The
republic quickly shrunk when Venezuela and Ecuador were lost to separatists in
1830, followed by Panama in 1902.
Colombia is politically unique from most of Latin America due to its long
history of party politics and fair
elections. Citizens enjoy political and
civil rights under a constitution, and
political power has rarely been seized
by the military. The constitution of
1886 formally changed Colombia from
the United States of Colombia to the
Republic of Colombia. Under
President Rafael Nuez, the country
moved from a decentralized federal
system to a centralized system with a
Map of Colombia strong executive. The president
Image Credit: CIA effectively controlled all of the
World Factbook executive levels; the chamber, the
departmental assemblies, and the
municipal councils were chosen by
popular vote.
The constitution has gone through numerous reforms since its ratification
in 1886, most of which have been the will of the party in power rather than the
will of the people or an agreement between political parties. As a result, a strong
polarization between political parties has led to extreme tension and violence in
Colombias recent history.
Political Parties The two main parties, the Liberal Party (Partido Liberal) and the
Conservative Party (Partido Social Conservador), have clashed since their
formation. Fierce political loyalty is established through family or community
ties, and often becomes an integral part of a Colombians way of life. The Liberal
Party is generally associated with industrialized and urban areas, has pro-welfare
and anti-clerical tendencies, and prizes separation of church and state. The

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 Conservative Party centers around support groups that include the military, the
Roman Catholic Church, large landowners, and much of the rural population.
Despite their differences, the parties have always agreed that political positions
should be held by the elite and be acquired through birth or personal
connections. Popular support is maintained through promises of political favors.
Almost every political decision is influenced by outside interest groups,
specifically a small group of elite composed of business, political, religious, and
some military leaders. These support groups strategically infiltrate emerging
sectors in society in order to maintain their network of leverage.
The power struggle that has emerged as a result of blind political
following has lead to numerous periods of interparty violence. The Thousand
Days War, which occurred from 1899 to 1902, and a period in the 1950s called La
Violenciaeach claimed hundreds of thousands of lives. Political affiliation alone
was sufficient reason to kill or be killed during these outbreaks. Following this,
both parties recognized the desperate need for reform and unified behind a
movement called the National Front. While it should be pointed out that many
democratic ideals had to be sacrificed in this agreement, it did serve to quell the
violence. The parties conceded to hold elections every four years and alternate
the presidency between the two groups. It also dictated that all cabinet offices,
legislative and judicial posts and other government jobs not covered by civil
service would be divided equally between the two parties. The National Front
widened the scope of governmental authority by putting the state in charge of
the general direction of the economy. This authorized the government to
intervene in all matters relating to economic planning and development.
Competitive presidential elections were held again in 1974 after the
termination of the National Front treaty. Liberal Alfonso Lpez Michelse won by
a landslide vote. Unfortunately he was able to do little to curb the labor unrest
and steadily increasing guerrilla violence of the time. By the end of his term he
was being was criticized for taking repressive measures to deal with a surge of
political violence and accused of corruption within his government involving the
drug trade. A Conservative candidate named Belisario Betancur Cuartas replaced
Michelse in the 1982 elections. Cuartas was known for his unsuccessful attempts
to bring peace to the tumultuous state of the nation by facilitating peace talks
with the guerilla groups. Less than a year before his term ended, a guerilla raid
known as the Palace of Justice Siege took place. The leftist M-19 group held the
Supreme Court hostage and demanded that the president meet with them to
stand trial and negotiate terms to end the Extradition Treaty with the United
States. The president refused. It is believed (but unproven) that the M-19 rebels
purposely burned legal documents containing proofs of the warrants of members
of the group and possibly those of Pablo Escobar as well. The siege resulted in 11
members of the Supreme Court and all of the rebels dead, as well as 6000 legal
documents destroyed.

Current Political The current president, Virgilio Barco Vargas, is a member of the
Situation Liberal party and has been active in Colombian politics since his involvement in
the terms of the National Front in 1954. He has spent most of his term battling

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 extreme leftist guerilla warfare but has recently begun to turn his attention to the
war on drugs.
As Colombia gears up for the 1990 elections, violence and assassinations
are reaching a peak. Leftist guerillas such as the FARC, ELN, and EPN are rising
up to challenge the political hegemony of the ruling Conservative and Liberal
parties. Right-wing death squads and drug traffickers are attempting to quash
these movements through extreme violence, not wanting to break down the
system that allows them to function so effectively. It isnt just the leftist groups
that feel that Colombias democratic system is in need of reform. The younger
generation is pushing for a more legitimate democracy and calling for repeals to
some of the amendments outlined by the National Front. Evidently, Colombians
are becoming less inclined to strictly affiliate with either traditional party,
making this election anyones game.
Currently, the front-runner in the 1990 presidential election is Luis Carlos
Galan Sarmiento of the Liberal Party. Galan ran for president in 1982, but lost to
Belisario Betancur of the Conservative Party. After his loss, Galan began to focus
his efforts on the New Liberalism Party that he founded in 1979 within the
Liberal Party. He returned to the greater Liberal Party last year in order to
participate in the upcoming election. However, Galan has been very outspoken in
his stance against Colombian drug cartels and is a strong supporter of the
extradition of Colombian drug smugglers to the United States. Under an
extradition treaty between the United States and Colombia, any Colombian
suspected of drug trafficking could be sent to the United States and put on trial
for their crimes, which would, in almost all cases, lead to imprisonment. Given
that the United States government is now offering assistance to the Colombian
government and has made the Colombian drug cartels a main target, Galan is
expected to be the favored candidate of the current Colombian government under
Barco. However, Galans outspoken stance on extradition poses a huge threat to
the success of the Colombian drug cartels operations and as such has made him
many enemies. The cartels do not have the power or influence to affect criminal
charges in the United States the way they do in Colombia, so the threat of
extradition significantly increases the risks of smuggling the cocaine products
into the United States. Because an
extradition treaty also allows for
Colombians suspected of drug
trafficking to be sent to the
United States, extradition would
threaten not only the individual
drug smugglers but also key
players behind the drug
trafficking operations based in
Colombia. In particular, Galan
Pablo Escobar opposes the Medelln Cartel,
Image Credit:
led by Pablo Escobar, who was
miami.com involved in Galans New
Liberalism Movement in earlier
years.

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 The Medelln The Medelln cartel often found that procuring and smuggling drugs in
Cartel the United States was the least of their problems. A tense and fractured
socioeconomic environment in Colombia created more difficulties for the cartels
operations than anything else. Competition with the Cali cartel, rich landowners
upset with the drug trade, paramilitary groups, and factions within the
government prove to be the largest hindrances to Escobars drug smuggling
operation.
As Escobar and the Ochoas brothers consolidated their power within Colombia,
they also began to invest their newfound wealth in cattle ranches and other
ventures within Colombia. This investment in legal businesses gave the Medelln
cartel numerous advantages. First, it gave then an effective means of laundering
their illicit cash from the drug trade. The Ochoas, already an established crime
family in Colombia, had some experience in money laundering and utilized
preexisting contacts to expand their operation. Second, the large tracts of land
necessary for cattle ranching also proved to be excellent training for the cartel's
private armies, as well as for hiding and protecting drug shipments before their
export to markets. Cattle ranching was also a legitimately lucrative business. By
shrewdly investing their drug money, the Ochoas and Escobar, along with the rest
of the high-ranking cartel members, effectively became a class of extremely
wealthy agricultural elites within Colombian society. They used this wealth to
begin to establish themselves as legitimately wealthy businessmen within the
country and to garner public support through various public works projects, as
well as other acts of philanthropy. Additionally, this wealth gave them the money
they needed to bribe, or if necessary kill, those who stood in their way.
This newfound power had one severe drawback for the cartel. Previously,
they had hired FARC and other military rebel groups to protect their shipments
and serve as their military arm within Colombia. However now that Escobar and
the Ochoas had the means to hire their own armies, who were beholden only to
them, as well as the land to train them on, they no longer had a need for
paramilitary protection. FARC and these other groups, however, still demanded
money for the 'protection' of the cartel member's ranches, which the cartels
refused to pay, leading to tension and violence between these two groups.
Ideologically, the communist-minded FARC rebels also disagreed with the idea of
an elite group of Colombians controlling large tracts of lands and lucrative cattle
ranches, increasing the tension between the two groups.

Muerte a This tension between the cartels and leftist rebels continued to escalate
Secuestadores and finally reached a boiling point by 1981. When one of Jorge Ochoa's sisters,
Martha Nieves Ochoa, was kidnapped by a leftist group known as M-19 in 1981,
(MAS) the Medelln cartel, along with the Cali cartel and Colombian and American
businessmen, formed Muerte a Secuestradores (MAS), a paramilitary
organization meant to combat kidnapping and other threats to cartel interests.
The MAS troops received training from various foreign mercenary groups
through the connections of Jos Rodrguez Gacha, including ex-British, -Israeli,
and -US military officials. They were also well-armed, utilizing state-of-the-art
weaponry and aircraft, bought from the black market and acquired through

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 corrupt Colombian military officials. Having successfully raised a well-equipped
and trained private army, the Medelln cartel and its allies (including the Cali
cartel until about 1983) used MAS death squads to carry out various
assassinations on cartel enemies, mainly political figures and community
organizers. During this time over 240 of these killings were successfully carried
out.
ACDEGAM An economic front, known as the Asociacin Campesina de
Ganaderos y Agricultores del Magdalena Medio (ACDEGAM), or
'Association of Middle Magdalena Ranchers and Farmers' was created to funnel
money and supplies towards strengthening MAS and creating propaganda and
public support for the organization. The ACDEGAM served as a semi-legal entity
within Colombian society that advocated for the cartel. Besides allowing MAS
and the cartels to acquire large amounts of weaponry and aircraft, ACDEGAM
also attacked advocates of workers' rights and organized labor, often threatening
them. The MAS would effectively and usually lethally follow up on any threats
ignored by opponents of ACDEGAM. ACDEGAM also built large-scale public
works projects like schools, bridges, roads, clinics, and promoted anti-socialist
and anti-communist ideals through schools and rallies.
Conflict with A byproduct of the creation of MAS was a tentative alliance between the
the Cali Cartel Cali cartel and the Medelln cartel in the early 1980s. The two cartels agreed to
split up the American cocaine market, with the Medelln cartel ceding
distribution rights in New York City in return for free reign in Miami and the rest
of Florida.
This alliance began to crumble by the mid '80s as supply and distribution
chains became well established and the drug market in the US began to saturate.
Cartels began looking to expand their business and as such, Jos Rodrguez
Gacha attempted to enter the New York cocaine market. This incident, as well as
the 1986 arrest of Jorge Ochoa under dubious circumstances which may have
been related, at least partially, to the Cali Cartel, led to the dissolution of the
alliance between the cartels.
Following this fracture, the Medelln cartel took full control of MAS and
began to utilize its military capacity more heavily, putting far less emphasis on
the ACDEGAM propaganda machine. As violence between the cartels heightened
and more civilians became caught in the crossfire, public sentiment began to turn
against the cartels. While Pablo Escobar did his best to manipulate Colombian
peoples sentiment and prevent them from turning against the Medelln cartel,
and did at least succeed, to a degree, with his widespread construction of schools,
hospitals, football stadiums, and churches, especially in Medelln province itself,
there was a growing demand that cocaine smugglers such as the leaders of the
Medelln cartel either be tried in Colombia or extradited to the United States for
trial. This became especially true in the late '80s as the DEA and other extra-
national organizations began pressuring the Colombian government to cooperate
in extradition agreements for high-ranking Medelln cartel officials. Some cartel
members were in fact extradited, such as Carlos Lehder in 1987. With Lehder's
extradition, it became clear to other cartel leaders such as Escobar and the
Ochoas that extradition for them would spell not only an end to their freedom but
also their drug empire. This extradition drastically changed the cartels strategy,

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 with Escobar drastically ramping up efforts to ensure his and the cartels safety
and to prevent any further extraditions.

Questions to Consider:
How should the cartel deal with the immediate threat of extradition?
Ramping up the violence? Affecting change through the Colombian
government? Fleeing the country?
In the longer term, what can be done to permanently prevent threats like
extradition?
The Cali cartel is becoming increasingly difficult to deal with. They are
beginning to move into Medelln territories like Los Angeles and Miami,
with little regard for previous agreements between regarding distribution
in the U.S. How are they to be dealt with?

Medelln & Beginning in the 1980s, kingpins of the Medelln cartel began to compete with
Politics government interest groups, using methods such as bribery and assassination of
government officials. The cartels estimated revenue is rumored to be upwards of
$8 billion US dollars, making them an extremely powerful force regardless of
their political influence. They had their hand in almost every facet of society, even
funding beneficial social programs such as education and public housing. Until
the mid 1980s, the cartels were generally viewed in a positive light by the public
because of this.
In 1984 the Medelln cartel came forward with a proposal the
government. They offered to pay the national debt, terminate drug production
and smuggling, and invest the drug money in national development programs
exchange for immunity to prosecution and extradition to the United States. This
proposal was considered but finally rejected by the government, political elites,
and the public on principle.
After the assassination of the Minister of Justice Rodrigo Lara Bonillo
(who was responsible for launching one of the first campaigns against the drug
trade), the government implemented the extradition treaty signed with the
United States. Four minor drug traffickers were sent to the US four trials,
spurring a campaign against the treaty sponsored by the Medelln cartel with the
slogan better a grave in Colombia than a jail in the USA. Despite a moderate
nationalist support for the campaign, the government has remained firmly
behind the treaty. Medelln has responded with assassinations of the outspoken
treaty supporters. Last year, the anti-narcotics police cooperated with the DEA to
extradite a top drug lord Carlos Lehder.
Pablo Escobar Pablo Escobars rise to power was predicated on his growing role in a
rapidly expanding drug trade industry. He and his brother were involved in
smuggling cocaine, the demand for which was ballooning in the 1970s. They used
their new profits to develop a new, more expansive operation, one which focused
on cocaine at first but would soon include other drugs and illicit activities.
Escobars role also developed rapidly; when his operation began, he actually was
responsible for flying some of the planes, but soon he had enough money to buy
dozens of planes. Soon, his operation began partaking in other illegal activities.

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As he sought to overtake new territory, it is widely believed that he had other
dealers in the area murdered and soon claimed authority over the whole region.
His first arrest came in 1976 when he and his partners were found by local
authorities with white paste while returning to Medelllin. He tried to bribe the
local judges, and when that failed he bribed the arresting officers so as to have the
charges dropped. This became his preferred form of dealing with the authorities;
he generally tried not to resort to murder when bribery was possible. His
business continued to naturally expand as the US continued to demand more and
more cocaine. To meet this rising demand, he continued to expand his operation,
adding new bases for his smugglers to reach the US. He purchased a small island
and upgraded its airstrip and airport so as to make it a center of his smuggling
trade. At the peak of his trade, he was smuggling 70 to 80 tons of cocaine to
California every month and was making more than $60 million each day. By all
accounts, things were going smoothly until his ill-fated adventures in the politics
of Colombia.
Escobar ran for and won office as a representative to the Congress of
Colombia in 1982, at a time when his operations were running at their peak
capacity and demand. His network began to spread internationally, to countries
other than the US and Colombia. Most of the cocaine came from Peru and
Bolivia and then was distributed to the US, Mexico, Puerto Rico, and the
Dominican Republic, and eventually reaching even farther, perhaps so far as
Asia. Though he was extremely popular with the citizens of Colombia thanks to
his generous charitable donations, his actual behavior in the government of
Colombia was mostly defined by corruption and violence. He was willing to bribe
and/or murder whenever necessary to ensure the success of his drug trade.
There came a point, however, when he went too far and attracted too much
attention from international authorities.
In the late 1980s, Escobar was behind several high publicity events which
prompted the actions of the authorities. He was involved in a high profile drug
war with the rival Cali cartel, and allegedly backed the deadly storming of the
Supreme Court. These events made government intervention seem nearly
inevitable and only served to fuel Escobars attempts to escape arrest and
extradition.

Questions to Consider:
Escobar's increasingly violent antics are beginning to antagonize the
general populace and are making the already-difficult process of
exporting drugs to various markets even more difficult, something needs
to be done.
Consequently, the cartel is facing a PR problem, how can we improve our
image?

The Medelln cartel participated in a variety of illicit activities, but primarily

smuggled cocaine into the United States. Their cocaine operation utilized Pablo
Escobar and the Ochoa family's pre-existing drug smuggling routes to deliver the
cocaine to America. Cocaine either grown in Colombia or imported from Peru or
Bolivia was flown directly into the United States via small planes. Some of these

7
planes were stolen to ensure they could not be traced back to the cartel. This was
an entirely new method of smuggling, pioneered by Carlos Lehder and his then
partner George Jung. By using small planes,Lehder was able toimport much
larger quantities of cocaineinto the States than anyone had ever previously
imported, and therefore do so far more efficiently than any other organization.
Later in the 1980s the cartel utilized a private island known as Norman's
Cay, owned by Medelln Cartel member Carlos Lehder, as a mid-point between
Colombia and the United States. Norman's Cay boasted a 3,300 foot long runway
and was protected by a private army, as well as sophisticated radar detection
equipment to ensure the cartels assets were protected from outside influence.
Norman's Cay was the center of a large network of smuggling routes between
various Caribbean islands utilized by the cartel for drug transport. By bribing
various Caribbean government officials, the Medelln cartel was able to stay
ahead of law enforcement throughout the 1980's. Once again, Lehder created a
revolutionary system of smuggling. His vast network of small boats and aircraft
was nearly impossible to track and allowed for various permutations on any given
smuggling route to allow cartel members to avoid detection or capture.
Sophisticated radar and communication equipment also facilitated this highly
successful smuggling scheme.
The cartel also utilized the corrupt dictator Manuel Noriega of Panama.
Through bribery of Panamanian officials, including Noriega, they successfully
laundered billions of dollars through the Panamanian National Bank.
Additionally, in 1984, after the Cartel successfully assassinated Minister of
Justice Rodrigo Lara, who was threatening to prosecute several high-ranking
cartel members, Pablo Escobar fled to Panama with the Ochoas and was
protected by Noriega following a threat by then president Bellisario Betancur to
extradite known cartel members to the United States.
At its height, the Medelln cartel was responsible for over 80% of the
entire world cocaine trade and raked in billions of dollars a year. Pablo Escobar,
Jos Rodrguez Gacha, and Jorge Ochoa were all listed by Forbes in the World's
Richest Men in the late 1980s.
The Medelln cartel is known for brutal displays of force against its
enemies. The cartels trademark assassination method, known as a Rolling
Kills, entailed pulling up next to a targets car on a motorcycle and emptying a
full clip from a MAC-10 or Uzi automatic weapon into the driver-side window,
instantly killing the offending person. Other methods include extremely large
car-bombs, usually TNT, capable of leveling one more city blocks. The cartel has
also been known to utilize stinger missiles to shoot down small passenger planes
to kill targets.
In general, Medelln militants are armed with a variety of American-made
arms that spread throughout the Americas during the 1970s. These include a
large quantity of M-60 machine guns as well as considerable amount of FIM-92
surface to air missiles and M-72 LAW rockets. The cartel also acquired MK 19
automatic grenade launchers. The M-72 LAW rocket launchers were especially
effective at destroying vehicles or small buildings. The cartel also made heavy use
of land-mines and booby traps to protect their jungle compounds. Not only did

8
these weapons effectively protect cartel members, they also spread fear and terror
to their enemies.
Suppressed Uzis were particularly favored among the Medelln cartel, as
although they were virtually silent from 10 feet away, they were still able to fire
around 900 rounds a minute. This meant that not only were the weapons
frighteningly effective, they were also fairly easy to hide. While the Cali cartel
relied heavily on Soviet weaponry, the Medelln cartel relied more on weapons
from former US aid that had managed to make their way through Latin America,
as well as supplementing their weaponry with purchases from Europe. They were
known to use the Barrett .50 cal, an American anti-material rifle with the ability
to pierce through cars and buildings, and even had the capability to penetrate the
engine of a lightly armored vehicle from a mile away. They also utilized Stingers,
personal portable honing surface-to-air missiles, which are fairly effective at
bringing down aircraft.
The private armies raised by Medelln Cartel leaders also had access to
MD500 light transport and attack helicopters, known colloquially as little birds.

Questions to Consider:
The security of Norman's Cay and the generosity of foreign
presidents and dignitaries can only take us so far. What can be
done to ensure longer-lasting security for cartel operations?
The high-level nation of the cartel's actions has begun attracting
the attention of the DEA and other well-funded organizations.
Measures should be taken to ensure that the cartel remains
capable of protecting itself and its operation militarily.

Delegate Positions
Jos Gonzalo Rodrguez Gacha: Gacha was a kingpin in the cartel. He was
responsible for creating many of the cartels smuggling routes through Mexico to
reach California as well as for training and arming of the MAS and other Medelln
troops. He has ties to foreign mercenaries and the most direct control of a
private army within the cartel. Gacha has a stake in Colombia's emerald mines,
creating some powerful allies, as well as enemies among Colombia's elite.

Jorge Luis Ochoa Vsquez El Mxicano: El Mxicano was Escobar's

number two. He is the leader of the Ochoa crime family, one of the most
powerful and oldest in Colombia, and was one of the first Colombians to get into
the cocaine business. He is loyal to his family first. Ochoa was the chief
coordinator of the Medelln's U.S. and European cocaine operation. Since 1987
Ochoa has run into legal trouble with the DEA following a run-in with DEA
informant Barry Seal. At the moment he is still a free man, but only thanks to
vicious threats by the cartel on his behalf.

Roberto Escobar: Roberto was Pablos brother and accountant. He controls

the purse strings and the books. He is unyieldingly loyal to Escobar. Roberto has

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the final say on any decisions within the cartel involving money or financial
ventures. Any large new purchases for the cartel must be signed off on by him.

Dandeny Muoz Mosquera, also known as "La Quica": La Quica is the cartels
chief assassin. He has been responsible for the deaths of literally hundreds of
Colombians, both cartel members and enemies. If the Cartel needs someone
assassinated, it is his job to carry out the job and ensure the target is eliminated.
He has a network of assassins and enforcers to aid him in such tasks

Jos Rafael Abello Silva (alias: "Mono Abello"): Silva is a high ranking
member of the Medelln Cartel. He is known for being a prominent cattle
rancher and businessman in within the Colombia. He was the cartel's key
exporter of cocaine, responsible for Colombias Northern Coast.

Gilberto Molina: Molina was a key figure in the Colombian emerald mines. He
is the owner of a large ranch that housed plane and helicopter maintenance
facilities for the cartel, as well as sophisticated radio and communication
equipment to coordinate various operations within Colombia and warn cartel
members of any government movements and actions. He is very popular with the
people of Colombia, spending a large sums on philanthropy, nearly half a million
dollars. Although outwardly friendly toward Gacha, both are both quietly
competing for control of the emerald mines.

Chief ACDEGAM Coordinator: the ACDEGAM coordinator is primarily

responsible for ensuring that the front corporation is acting in the cartels best
interest. Their responsibilities include releasing anti-communist/labor
propaganda and arming as well as supplying the military wing of ACDEGAM, the
MAS. You have near unlimited funding, with the backing of Escobar and the rest
of the kingpins, and can therefore effectively and quickly spread propaganda
across the country.

Juan David Ochoa Vsquez: Juan is an Ochoa brother. He and his brothers
constitute one of the oldest and most powerful crime families in all of Colombia.
He's a prominent cattle rancher and loyal to his family above all.

Fabio Ochoa Vsquez: Fabio is an Ochoa brother. He and his brothers

constitute one of the oldest and most powerful crime families in all of Colombia.
He's a prominent cattle rancher and loyal to his family above all.

Chief MAS Coordinator: The MAS coordinator is primarily responsible for

carrying out assassinations and intimidations in the name of the cartel. His chief
responsibility is managing the numerous MAS death squads across the country.
These death squads have been trained by foreign mercenaries and are some of the
best killers in the country. The MAS coordinator reports to Gacha.

Head of Florida Operations: The head of Florida Operations is directly

responsible for all Cocaine shipments into the Florida/Miami market. This also

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includesprotecting imports from government interference and other cartels.

Head of Los Angeles Operations: The head of Los Angeles Operations is

directly responsible for all Cocaine shipments into the Los Angeles market. This
also includesprotecting imports from government interference and other cartels.
Dealers in Los Angeles are facing steep competition from Cali Cartel members.

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