Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 57, part 2,199 1, pp.

183-202

Furstensitze, Celts and the Mediterranean World:

Developments in the West Hallstatt Culture
in the 6th and yth Centuries BC
By CHRISTOPHER PARE 1

The traditional definition of a Furstensitz, outlined in I969 by W. Kimmig, is in need of modification. Greater
precision is needed in the interpretation of imported and imitated Mediterranean pottery and elite burials. From
our discussion, it becomes clear that both rich settlements and burials underwent crucial changes within the late
Hallstatt period: the elite burial rite was becoming increasingly exclusive, and imported or imitated Mediterranean
pottery generally appeared on hillforts only after the end of Hallstatt D I. Clearly, a model for the West Hallstatt
culture should take account of its dynamic nature. Some important trends are described: (I) the spread of elite
burial practices, (2) the foundation of the Furstensitze, and (3) the 'concentration of power' in the late Hallstatt
culture north-west of the Alps.
The emergence of an elite during the Hallstatt period had an internal logic which did not necessarily require a
Mediterranean instigator. The foundation of Massalia in 600 BC has traditionally been seen as providing the
impulse for the emergence of the 'princely' culture of Hallstatt D. But neither the internal developments of the
Hallstatt culture, nor the degree of contact with the Greek colonies in Hallstatt DI, can support this view.
Previous emphasis on influence from the Greek colonies in the South of France has obscured the effects of
contacts and trade with Italy, although it is certain that the increasing acquaintance with the civilized neighbours
across the Alps led to events ofhistoric importance: the Celtic invasion ofItaly and the start ofthe Celtic diaspora.
This process of acquaintance must be assigned to the late Hallstatt period (Hallstatt D2/3), when Italic imports
became frequent north of the Alps. In fact, the transalpine areas which in the late Hallstatt period had especially
close trading relations with Italy (particularly east central France) seem to have been the origin of most of the
important contingents of Celtic invaders. The imported or imitated Italic objects in Hallstatt D2/3 and La Tene A
reflect the changed political situation before and after the Celtic invasion. Whereas in both phases the Celts
imported luxurious feasting equipment, only in the Early La Tene period is Italic influence apparent in Celtic
weaponry.

The foundation of Massalia by Phocaean colonists in
600 BC is generally held to mark the start of Greek trade
along the Rhone and Saone valleys, and thereby the
introduction to Central Europe of a more civilized,
Mediterranean kind of culture. This Mediterranean
influence has been seen as the cause for the formation of
a new kind of social organization in the late Hallstatt
period in the area north-west of the Alps (Ha D:
c. 60o-c. 450/440 BC), 1 documented by the establish-
ment of 'princely settlements' (Furstensitze) and the
burial of an elite in 'princely graves' (Furstengraber).
1 Romisch-Germanisches -Z entralm useum, Ernst-Luduiig-Platz
6500 Mainz, Germany
This model was presented by W. Kimmig in 1969, in
a famous article entitled 'Zum Problem spathallstat-
tischer Adelssitze'. Since then, a central role has been
attributed to the Furstensitz and Fiirstengrdber, not
only by German scholars (e.g. Harke 1979; Spindler
1983), but also by their French (e.g. Brun 1987,
94- 1 15; Olivier 19 88, 289-90; Mohen et al. 1987) and
English-speaking colleagues (e.g. Frankenstein & Row-
lands 1978; Wells 1980,47; Cunliffe 19 88, 24-32).
However, this dominant model has recently been
attacked by M. K. H. Eggert (1989), who criticized
Kimmig's methodology and particularly the Furstensitz
2,
model. Eggert argued for a radical re-appraisal and a
new discussion of the evidence. This article is intended
 THE PREHISTORIC SOCIETY
as a contribution to the new discussion, and was
prompted by the results of the author's own research,
which suggested that trade between the West Hallstatt
area and the Greek colonies need not be dated before
the last quarter of the 6th century BC (Pare 1989). If
Greek trade started after the formation of the 'princely'
West Hallstatt culture, then the question arises whether
trade with the Greek colonies was really of primary
causal importance, or a by-product of internal changes
within the West Hallstatt culture. In order to examine
these questions, we will discuss the Furstensitz model,
and evidence for internal social developments in the
West Hallstatt culture. Finally, contacts with Italy will
be analysed - which have been rather neglected owing
to the previous concentration on the Greek colonies.
THE FURSTENSITZ
After a discussion of the Heuneburg, Mont Lassois and
Hohenasperg, Kimrnig came to the conclusion that
these three sites represent a specific settlement type, the
Furstensitz, and thereby a specific strongly hierarchical
social structure, which existed during the later Hallstatt
period in the area north-west of the Alps. He then raised
the question how to recognize further examples of the
settlement type which, either owing to lack of excava-
tion or poor archaeological preservation, do not allow
such a clear classification. For this purpose he selected
three criteria which, judging from the three classic sites,
seemed characteristic of the Furstensitz:
(1) Internal settlement organization with an acropolis
and suburbium, having residential and workshop quar-
ters. As comparisons for this type of settlement struc-
ture he mentioned the Greek poleis (specifically Athens)
and late Celtic oppida (specifically Vesontio, Alesia and
Bibracte).
(2) Imported Greek pottery or local imitations of
mediterranean wares, and in general valuable materials
such as precious metals, amber and coral. These finds
suggest that the settlements were inhabited by a wealthy
elite.
(3) The proximity of rich burials under large tumuli.
Because such tumuli can be relatively numerous and are
often not contemporary, Kimmig believed that they
represent the burials of the Furstensitz dynasties.
Owing either to the second or third criteria, Kimmig
suggested the presence of Furstensitze in a further 11
locations."
Whereas his detailed interpretation has not gone
without criticism, with its feudal terminology borrowed
without modification from the Middle Ages, the
Fiirstensitz model has been adopted almost unani-
mously. One reason for this was the ability for subse-
quent discoveries to be accommodated within the
model. In fact, the discovery of Greek pottery or imita-
tions of mediterranean wares on a number of hillforts
was predicted by Kimmig in 1969: at Breisach, Mont
Vully and in the Chatillon-sur-Clane region (compare
note 2 and table 1).
But a closer look at Kimmig's three criteria shows
that his model is in need of modification. The first
criterion, internal settlement organization with
acropolis, suburbium and specialized quarters, can only
be applied with certainty to the Heuneburg in phase IV,
when it seems to have comprised a defended acropolis
overlooking an open settlement measuring c. 500 m in
length and more than 220 m wide (S. Kurz, pers.
comm.). During this period the Heuneburg was fortified
with a mud-brick wall with close-set rectangular butt-
resses which was definitely inspired by Mediterranean
prototypes, probably the Greek colonies in the South of
France (Kimmig 1983a, 64-81). Kimmigsuggested that
the Mont Lassois was likewise divided into acropolis
and suburban settlement areas. But the small sondages
excavated by R. Joffroy in the supposed suburban quar-
ter did not clarify the true nature of this part of the site
(Joffroy 1960, 32). And there is, as yet, no firm evidence
for this type of internal organization on any other
Furstensitz (despite Kimmig's suggestion for the
Hohenasperg: 1988, 22). Others have suggested that
the Furstensitze can be characterized by a further cri-
terion' namely that they played a central role in the
economy of their territories (see Eggert 1989, 57, note
40; also Brun 1988, 137-42). Now while this seems
quite likely within the framework of Kimmig's model, it
is again the Heuneburg which remains the only site
which has been sufficiently excavated to indicate an
intense concentration of production (e.g. weaving,
metalwork ...). Once again, lack of excavation pre-
cludes a judgement of the economic function of the
other Furstensitze.
Kimmig's second criterion is of more importance,
with imported or imitated Mediterranean pottery being
known from a number of sites. The most frequent
imported wares include attic black-figured pottery, so-
called 'ceramique grise monochrome' and 'pseudo-
ionienne', and transport amphorae, manufactured in
Greece or in the Greek colonies of the French Midi. On
 11. C. Pare. FURSTENSITZE

settlements with imported pottery, locally produced
wares which clearly imitate Italic or Greek pottery are
also found. These show a clear break with traditional
Hallstatt pottery-making practices, not only in their
techniques of production, but also in their 'Mediterra-
nean' shapes and decoration. Only one of these wares
has been studied 'in detail, the grooved wheel-made
- 2
o_ _ _i======:JilOcm
pottery best known from the Heuneburg (Lang 1974;
1976). In this case, the inspiration for production
apparently came from Italy (figs I and 2). Lang was able
to show that the grooved wheel-made pottery found on
the Heuneburg represented the remains of services, each
made up from a bottle-shaped vessel (fig. I, I), a cup
(fig. I, 2) and two bowls (fig. I, 3). Presumably this can
be understood as a special service for the table.
Their contexts of discovery make these wares impor-
tant for the Furstensitz question because in the West
Hallstatt culture imported or imitated Mediterranean
pottery has only been found on hillforts, which gener-
ally occupy prominent topographical locations and
often dominate the surrounding countryside (the 15
hillforts, with their most important wares, are listed in
table I, see note 3). And, owing to this correlation, it
seems valid to hypothesize that these types of pottery
were only used on hillforts. Moreover, because the
imported wares were specifically designed for drinking
or transporting wine, it is very probable that they were
used in the West Hallstatt culture for drinking and
feasting: but only on hillforts.

TABLE I: THE FIFTEEN HILLFORTS OF THE WEST HALLSTATT

Fig. I CULTURE WITH IMPORTED OR IMITATED MEDITERRANEAN
Examples of grooved wheel-made pottery from the POTTERY
Heuneburg (after Lang 1974)
~ ~
~
~ ~
0
~
~
'"~
.~
"'~
~ ~
~ ~ ~
~ ~ c.o ~ ~
.~ ~
~ ~ ~
~
~ ~ ~ .9 ~
~~
0 ~
.~
~ 0 6 ~ ~
....tt
~
V') ~ ~ ~~
o~
~ ~
~
~
~
~
~ ~ o 0
~ '~ V') ~~
Cj ~ ~ ~ Cj

I Chatillon/Clane X X X X X
2 Heuneburg X X X X
3 Breisach X X X X
4 Mt. Lassois X X X X
5 Chateau/Salins X X X
6 Uetliberg X X
7 Montmorot X X X
8 Camp-de-Chassey X X X
Grooved wheel-made pottery 9 Britzgyberg X X
10 Wiirzburg X
Fig. 2 11 Ipf/Bopfingen X
Distribution map of grooved wheel-made pottery (after 12 Mt. Cuerin X
Lang 1974; additions: Mont Vully, Chatillon-sur-Glane, 13 Hohenasperg X
Uetliberg, Bragny-sur-Saone, Montmorot; for the pottery 14 Hohennagold X
from Gergy, see Gallia Informations 19 87-88/ 2, 43,
15 Mt. Vully X
fig. 35)

18 5
 THE PREHISTORIC SOCIETY
By contrast, south-west of the West Hallstatt cultural
zone, in the Rhone valley and in the Saone valley below
the Doubs, imported Greek pottery has been found in a
variety of contexts such as cave sites, lowland settle-
ments and a burial or cult shaft (Pare 1989). In this
region, owing to its greater proximity to the Greek
colonies, the imported pottery probably did not have
such a marked prestige value, and seems to have been
more widely available - as the relatively dense concen-
tration of sites with such wares shows. Among these,
the site of Bragny, situated by the confluence of the
Saone and Doubs, requires a special interpretation. The
excavation of this lowland settlement uncovered Cl sur-
prising quantity of imported objects similar to those
found on the hillforts discussed above, including black-
figured attic sherds, 'ceramique grise monochrome' and
'pseudo-ionienne', transport amphorae, grooved
wheel-made pottery and fragments of glass balsamaries
(Feugere & Guillot 1986). The excavators interpreted
the site as a bridgehead for Phocaean trade, indeed, the
site seems to be located precisely on the border of the
West Hallstatt culture and it could have functioned as a
port-of-trade, articulating exchange between two cul-
tural zones."
While the contexts of imported and imitated Medi-
terranean pottery in the West Hallstatt culture seem to
indicate a degree of exclusivity, we must nevertheless be
cautious in applying these wares as a criterion for
defining Fiirstensitze, because of their chronology.
When associated with other settlement material in the
area north-west of the Alps, this type of pottery is dated
to the phase Ha D2-3 (Pare 1989; e.g. Camp-du-
Chateau, Chatillon-sur-Glane, Mont Lassois, Breisach,
etc.). The only exceptions are two small black-figured
sherds from the Heuneburg (manufactured around
540/530 BC), which can be assigned to the end of Ha
D 1. But the mass of Greek pottery from the Heuneburg,
and all the transport amphorae and wheel-made
grooved ware, can be assigned to the layers after the
destruction of the mud-brick fortification and
suburbium settlement (i.e. Heuneburg phases 111-1 or
Ha D2-3; for the most recent comments on the earliest
imported pottery, see Van den Boom 1989, 82-83).
Clearly, as a criterion to define Furstensitze, imported
and wheel-turned pottery can onlyusefully be applied
to the period when it was imported en masse to the area
north-west of the Alps, i.e. the second part of the later
Hallstatt period, Ha D2-3.
We are relatively well-equipped to judge Kimmig's
third criterion for defining Furstensitze. The so-called
186
Fiirstengrdber have attracted intensive research and
numerous specialized studies. First, what is meant by
Kimmig's 'rich graves under large tumuli'? I believe that
the key to understanding the Furstengrdber is that the
richest graves are characterized by a specific set of grave
furnishings. In fact, throughout the Hallstatt period,
apart from personal goods or rare exceptional objects
(e.g. ornaments, hunting equipment, the Hochdorf
kline, etc.), the richest graves of the West Hallstatt
culture contain a remarkably restricted range of goods,
namely wagons, services of pottery and bronze vessels,
and elaborate weapons. In the later phase of the period,
Ha D2-3, the range is augmented by gold neck-rings
and arm-rings. During the whole period, these graves
are marked by burial in especially large tumuli which
are often located slightly apart from the rest of the
tumuli in a cemetery, or stand completely alone, form-
ing a special tumulus group.
While the rich graves did not always contain all these
objects, we can list numerous graves with a full set of
furnishings, from the start (Ha Cl) to the finish of the
period (Ha D3), which clearly indicates a conscious,
traditional burial custom. Furthermore, it is possible to
cite even earlier examples of this type of burial rite, e.g.
at Hart a. d. Alz (Miiller- Karpe 1956). This grave, of the
r z.th century BC, contained a four-wheeled wagon, a
sword, a bronze situla, strainer and drinking-cup, and a
quantity of fine pottery. While the types and quality of
the goods obviously vary from grave to grave and from
phase to phase, the underlying regularity of the set
remains clear. It seems that high status could be
expressed in a remarkably uniform way over a span of
several hundred years. We will call this the 'elite burial
rite'.
The different elements of this rite probably refer to
aspects of life which were characteristic of the elite:
drinking and feasting, warfare and wagon-driving. The
conservative nature of the rite, clearly expressed by the
continued use of the four-wheeled wagon instead of the
two-wheeled chariot already adopted by neighbouring
cultures, suggests that the elite burial rite might refer
back to a 'heroic' lifestyle located somewhere in the
past. In fact, such an idealized, 'heroic' lifestyle seems to
have been an old and widespread tradition which can
also be recognized in neighbouring cultures. Among the
Etruscans, for example, similar classes of object are
found in rich graves of the 8th and 7th centuries, and
weaponry, chariot-driving and feasting are often
prominent in pictorial representations. For example, a
bucchero chalice of the early 6th century BC made in
 11. C. Pare.
- --- ~~
~Wf\ 'fk q~ ~ (N\{(A(~ ~u V Fig. 3
Stamped decoration from a bucchero chalice (after Scalia 1968,
Chiusi (fig. 3) shows an abbreviated representation of
this type of lifestyle.
The burials with the elite rite throw considerable light
on the Furstensitze: during the Hallstatt period, these
graves become both less numerous and more richly
furnished. For example the idea of wagon burial could
be expressed either by the burial of a complete wagon
together with harness for the draught horses, or by the
burial of yokes and/or paired sets of harness, serving as
pars pro toto for the (imaginary) wagon (table 2).
TABLE 2: THE NUMBER OF WAGON BURIALS IN SOUTH
GERMANY (BADEN-WURTTEMBERG AND BAVARIA) IN HA C,
HA D1 AND HA D2-3.
Wagon and Harness/Yoke
Horse-Gear (without wagon)
HaC 46 45
HaD1 36 10
Ha D2-3 20 0
. male and female burials: males being characterized by a
Whereas these types of burial, taken together, are quite
common in Ha C, with 9 I burials in south Germany
alone, they decrease sharply in Ha D, with 46 known in
Ha DI and only 20 in Ha D2-3 (Pare, in press). A
similar process of increasing exclusivity is also notice-
able with elaborate weapons - passing from the fre-
quent swords in Ha C to the small number of daggers
restricted to rich graves at the end of the period (Sievers
19 82; Pauli 1985, 30). A comparable trend for the
drinking and feasting-services seems likely: the prestige
value of pottery, which was initially common, appears
to have been undermined by the increased use of bronze
vessels. In the latest phase, Ha D2-3, large sets of
pottery vessels were no longer provided in graves, and
the drinking and feasting services in bronze were
restricted to a much smaller number of rich burials.
FURSTENSITZE
(\ ' tj
I'~ _ r')~
\ ~WI
380, fig. 7b). Not to scale
As a criterion for defining Furstensitze the elite
burials are therefore problematical, themselves chang-
ing character during the Hallstatt period. The question
arises whether the elite burials were already 'princely'
(Furstengraber) in Ha C, or whether the term can be
used only for the graves of Ha DIor even Ha D2-3.
Judging by the increasing exclusivity of the rite, the later
graves would be the most suitable candidates for classi-
fication as Fiirstengrdber, because they reached a peak
of exclusivity and 'richness' in Ha D2-3. However, the
developments in the burial rite were essentially gradual,
and it would be arbitrary to attempt a strict definition of
the Furstengrab.
The 39 graves of Ha D2-3 whose contents corres-
pond to the traditional elite rite are listed in table 3. 5
The table shows a certain variety in the composition of
the furnishings. Whereas graves with gold rings were
apparently always provided with bronze vessels, the
gold ornaments themselves show the presence of both
gold neck-ring and a single gold arm-ring, females by
pairs of gold arm-rings and gold ear-rings. This explains
the absence of weapons in a number of (female) graves
(table 3, 24-28). The absence of wagons in seven graves
(table 3, 33-39), which were otherwise furnished nor-
mally with gold, weapons and bronze drinking services,
seems to form a discrete sub-group in Wiirttemberg
which might be interpreted as of lower status than the
rest of the elite graves (see Ziirn 1970, 125-28). Finally,
a number of graves lacking gold or bronze vessels
suggests a deviation from the normal elite rite in certain
regional groups, especially in the Middle Rhine area
and around the Jura mountains (table 3, 1-5). Never-
theless it seems valid to include the atypical graves in
our list, which is dominated by the classic elite set (table
3, 6-3 2).
This discussion of Kimmig's model makes it quite
clear that both the settlement and burial criteria
 THE PREHISTORIC SOCIETY

TABLE 3: THE ELITE BURIALS OF HA D2-3 IN THE WEST

form over the whole West Hallstatt culture, but also
HALLSTATT CULTURE
static, not changing during the whole of the Ha D phase.
Wagon Weapon Vessel Gold Both implications are insupportable: the former due to
the extremely poor state of excavation of almost all
I Saraz W D these settlements, rendering the statement untestable;
2 Ins VI/upper W D the latter because of the developments within Ha D
3 Foret-des-Moidons W V
W S V
described above. Within this development, the familiar
4 Bell
5 Hundheim I W V association of Furstensitze and Furstengrdber, the clas-
6 Niederweiler W ':""s V sic expression of the Furstensitz model, is a feature of
7 Hundersingen IV W ?D ?V the last stage of the Hallstatt period, Ha D2-3. Thus the
8 Grandvillars W ? V distribution map of settlements with imported or imi-
9 Sainte-Colombe, La G. W ? V
10 Apremont I W (D) V G(m) tated Mediterranean pottery (table I) and elite burials
I I Chatonnaye W D V G(m) of Ha D2-3 (table 3) shows a distinct correlation
12 Hochdorf W D.S. V G(m) between these two classes of find (fig. 4). Elite burials
13 Hundersingen 1/1 W D.S. V G(m) are grouped closely around the Heuneburg, Hohena-
14 Kappel I W D V G(m) sperg, Mont Lassois, Breisach, Camp-du-Chateau and
15 Ludwigsburg I W D V G(m)
16 Apremont 2 W D ? G(m) Chatillon-sur-Glane settlements. Furthermore, above-
17 Hatten W S V G(m) average finds are known from destroyed graves near the
18 Savoyeux W ? V G(m) Uetliberg (a golden bowl: Kimmig 1983b) and Mont-
19 Diidingen W ? V G(m) morot (a gold arm-ring and Etruscan bronze amphora
20 Hermrigen W ? V G(m) from Conliege: Mohen et al. 1987, 203-206). In some
21 Asperg W ? V ?G
22 Bad Cannstatt I W S V G(m) areas, however, especially on the eastern fringe of the
23 Mercey/Saone ?W ? V G(m) West Hallstatt culture, elite burials have not yet been
24 Vix W V G(f) found near the settlements (e.g. Wiirzburg 'Marien-
25 Adiswil W V ?G(f) berg'; Bopfingen 'Ipf') and in others the elite burials lack
26 Ins VIII W V G(f) associated settlements with above-average finds (espec-
27 Urtenen W V G(f)
28 Sainte-Colombe, La B. ? G(f)
ially the Middle Rhine area). It is not unlikely that this
W
29 Allenluften W ? G(m) reflects regional cultural differences in settlement and
3 Payerne W ? G(m) burial, rather than the chance lack of archaeological
31 Ihringen ? V G discoveries.
32 Ludwigsburg 2 ? D ?V ?G Although the correlation between the settlement type
33 Hundersingen 1/2 D V G(m)
Bad Cannstatt 2 S V G(m)
(hillfort), settlement finds (imported pottery etc.) and
34
35 Duiilingen S V G(m) ~ graves (elite rite) can be accepted for Ha D2-3, we are
36 Baisingen ? V G(m) still far from understanding its implications. However,
37 Ensisheim S ?V G(m) we will see from the following discussion that the link
38 Hundersingen 1/3 V G(m) between hillforts and elite burials seems to have existed
39 Hundersingen 1/5 S ?V G(m)
before Ha D2-3, in Ha Dr and even in Ha C. And both
classes of find suggest a process of increasing exclusivity
Wagons (W); weapons: daggers (D), spearheads (5); bronze vessels - i.e. a gradual 'concentration of power' - represent-
(V); gold ornaments (G): male sets (m), female sets (f)
ing an essential feature of the West Hallstatt culture.

underwent crucial changes within the late Hallstatt

period. The elite burial rite was becoming increasingly
exclusive, and imported or imitated Mediterranean
pottery generally appeared on hillforts only after the
end of Ha Dr. Clearly, any model for the West Hallstatt
culture must take account of its dynamic nature. But
Eggert, in his critique (1989), emphasized that a defini-
tion, in Kimmig's sense, implies that the Furstensitz
(and therefore the social structure) was not only uni-
INTERNAL DEVELOPMENTS WITHIN THE WEST
HALLSTATT CULTURE
The spread of elite burial practices
As well as increasing in exclusivity, the elite burial rite
spread to areas where it was previously unknown.
Whereas in Ha D2-3 this sort of grave reached as far
west as the upper Seine, the French Jura and western

188
 11. C. Pare. FURSTENSITZE

Fig. 4
Distribution map of the elite burials (circles) and settlements (stars) of the ,Vest Hallstatt culture in Ha D2-3
(see tables I and 3), of the Greek colonies (triangles), and of the Etruscan towns (black squares) and
inscriptions (empty squares) in north Italy

Switzerland, even reaching the Middle Rhine area, in
Ha C and Ha DI the rite is hardly represented west of
the Rhine valley. Apart from rare exceptions," the
western limit of the Ha C-DI distribution is marked by
the graves of Frankfurt-Stadtwald, Ohnenheim (Alsace)
and Ins (Canton Bern). This expansion is best under-
stood as part of a more general change in cultural
boundaries: the cultural border formed by the Rhine,
which was important during Ha C and Ha DI, dis-
solved in Ha D2-3. Now the regions east and west of
the Rhine are joined in the classic West Hallstatt culture
(roughly corresponding to the area of the settlements
and graves on fig. 4). This cultural zone is characterized
not only by the so-called Furstengrdber and Furstensitze
but, among other things, also by common types of
pottery (e.g. fig. 2) and bronze ornaments (see note 4).
The reasons for this cultural reorientation are
obscure. However, an analysis of the elite graves cer-
tainly points to south-west Germany playing a crucial
role. Thus the phase Ha D2-3 saw a general radiation
of burial practices typical for this area. Finds docu-
menting this influence include graves with gold

13
 THE PREHISTORIC SOCIETY
ring-jewellery, bronze cauldrons and certain types of
wagons (wagon-type 7, see Pare, in press). All these
types are characteristic of the south-west German area,
but were transmitted in Ha D2-3 to areas as distant as
Moravia, the Middle Rhine and Poitou.
Even without further detailed argument, it is clear
that the elite burials in east central France, western
Switzerland and the Middle Rhine area represent the
appearance of new practices in Ha D2-3, adopted from
a core area located in south-west Germany and perhaps
northern Switzerland.
The foundation of the Fiirstensitze
We already mentioned that imported pottery from
settlements generally dates to Ha D 2-3. In fact , on most
sites with imported pottery (the so-called Furstens itzei,
settlement in the Hallstatt period seems either to ha ve
started, or attained importance, precisely in this phase.
The Heuneburg, of course, is a notable exception. With
its mud-brick wall, suburban settlement and imported
pottery, it is the only site in Ha Dr which corresponds to
Kimmig's model, and it remains unique in central
Europe.
The dating of the settlements is most clearly reflected
by fibulae, which are often found in large quantities.
Thus of almost 300 fibula fragments from Mont
Lassois, none can be dated before Ha D2/3, and the vast
majority (particularly Doppelpauken and Fufizier
types) are typical for that phase. At the Camp-du-
Chateau and Chatillon-sur-Glane, the excavations
uncovered Hallstatt stratigraphies clearly starting in H~
D2. The other sites are less extensively excavated, or
await publication (Breisach), but taken together their
finds almost always point to Ha D2-3, with Ha C and
Ha Dr hardly represented.
This date for the settlements west of the Rhine is only
to be expected since the great mass of elite Hallstatt
burials in these areas can be dated to Ha D 2-3. The
chronological coincidence is most clear for the settle-
ments of Chatillon-sur-Clane, Mont Lassois, Camp-du-
Chateau, Montmorot, and their associated graves.
Judging from the groups of elite burials in the area of
Apremont-Mantoche, Savoyeux-Mercey and around
the Hohenasperg, one suspects that these 'elite centres'
might also have begun in Ha D2-3: at any rate, elite
burials are not known from these areas from preceding
Hallstatt phases. However, the lack of information
from the settlements of these three 'centres' means that
this remains speculative.
Two facts deserve emphasis: first the correlation
between the dating of elite hillforts and graves west of
the Rhine, and second their dissemination from a core
area located in south-west Germany.
Developments in south-west Germany and the
'concentration of power'
The south-west German area of the West Hallstatt
culture is special in having evidence for early elite
burials and settlements. In this 'core area' a number of
finds point to a process which can best be characterized
as a 'concentration of power'." One important element
of this process, the increasing exclusivity of the elite rite,
has already been described. Thus, whereas the elite
burials formed a rather dense scatter in Ha C and Ha
Dr , for example on the Swabian Alb, north-west of
Lake Constance and in the Breisgau, in Ha D2-3 the
gra ves are numerically restricted and cluster in a few
groups (fig. 4).
A good example for this change is offered by the
section of the Swabian Alb between Albstadt-Ebingen
and Inzigkofen (Pare r989). Here, two groups compris-
ing r4 wagon-graves date to Ha C and Ha Dr, whereas
elite burials are completely lacking in the next phase.
What led to the cessation of elite burial here can be
illustrated by the Magdalenenberg near Villingen-
Schwenningen (Spindler r983, 65-67; r34-36). This
vast tumulus, originally measuring r02 m in diameter
with a height of 8 m, was built over a rich elite burial of
Ha Dr. The tumulus was then used as a cemetery and
contained about r40 secondary graves, all likewise
dating to Ha Dr. This burial-place belonged to a small
neighbouring hillfort, the 'Kapf', whose finds again
date to Ha Dr. Obviously both the hillfort and the
cemetery were abandoned at the transition from Ha D r
to D2: after this date the region has neither Hallstatt
hillforts nor elite graves. Small hillforts are also known
by Albstadt-Ebingen and Inzigkofen, near the groups of
wagon-graves mentioned above. Although not com-
prehensively excavated, the finds again point to a settle-
ment predominantly in Ha Dr. Thus in all three cases
(Albstadt-Ebingen, Inzigkofen, Villingen) it seems that
small centres with hillforts and elite burials were aban-
doned at the transition from Ha Dr to D2.
Research by Dr J. Klug on the hillforts in the Breisgau
has brought to light a similar phenomenon." Here, in
the course of large-scale landscape alterations, r 2 hill-
forts of the Hallstatt period have been examined. All the
excavated evidence suggests that they were occupied in
Ha Dr, often with settlement reaching back into Ha C.
 rr. C. Pare.
But after Ha Dr they were abandoned, leaving only
the Breisach 'Miinsterberg' settlement, defined by
Kimmig's model as a Furstensitz.?
Thus the dense network of small 'centres of power' in
the core area, characterized by hillforts and elite burials,
which emerged during Ha C and Ha Dr, was thinned
out at the transition from Ha Dr to D2. In Ha D2-3
there remained fewer hillforts associated with richer
elite burials, namely the Furstensitze.
This 'concentration of power' was presumably not
entirely peaceful. On the Heuneburg, for example, the
transition from Ha Dr to D2 is marked by a violent
destruction (between Heuneburg phases IV and Ill).
While the suburban settlement was totally abandoned,
never to be used again, the defences of the hillfort were
rebuilt with earth and timber, in traditional central
European manner, over the ruins of the famous mud-
brick fortifications. Indeed, the four large tumuli hous-
ing the elite burials of Ha D2-3 now built on top of the
levelled suburban settlement might suggest that the
hillfort had passed into the hands of a new elite, which
paid no heed to the memory of the destroyed
suburbium.
To summarize: in south-west Germany there was in
Ha Dr (probably also in Ha C) a network of numerous
hillforts, with unremarkable finds, associated with a
relatively dense scatter of elite burials. Comparing Ha
D2-3 with Ha Dr, we can detect a tendency towards
fewer, richer hillfort settlements (now with imports and
other above-average finds) and fewer elite burials (often
with luxurious furnishings). This tendency, character-
ized here as a 'concentration of power', involved the
abandonment of both hillforts and elite burial tradi-
tions in parts of south-west Germany. At the same time,
in Ha D 2-3, the distribution of elite burials expanded
from the core area to include the whole West Hallstatt
culture. And these graves are again associated with
hillforts, now often with imported pottery.
In short, our conclusions show the gradual emer-
gence of an elite life style, and its geographical expan-
sion, during a period of more than two hundred years,
spanning the whole of the Hallstatt period. In each
phase, it seems possible to recognize an association
between hillforts and elite burials. But these 'centres of
power' decreased in number. Eventually, only a small
number of hillforts survived, having been able to con-
centrate political power at the expense of their
neighbours.
It is within this dynamic context that we should
consider contact and trade with the Mediterranean
FURSTENSITZE
world. While many authors have seen the rise of the
so-called 'civilisation princiere' in the north-west
Alpine area as a reflex of trade with civilized Mediterra-
nean cultures (a 'core and periphery' relationship )., I
would suggest that the emergence of the elite during the
Hallstatt period has an internal logic which does not
require a Mediterranean deus ex machina - particu-
larly because regular trading with the Greek colonies
came rather late in the course of events. The foundation
of Massalia, in 600 BC, has traditionally been seen as
providing the impulse for the formation of the 'princely'
culture of Ha D. But neither the internal developments
in the Hallstatt culture nor the degree of contact with
the Greek colonies in Ha Dr can support this view.
Historical events in the Greek world, which seem to
account for their increased economic interest in the
north, provide necessary conditions for the upsurge in
trade, but are not sufficient as an explanation. Fur-
thermore, in its early years Massalia may not have
played a very important role in trade. Perhaps the
arrival of large numbers of Phocaean refugees following
the Persian invasion of their homeland in 545 BC was a
crucial factor quickly leading to Massalia's dominance
and far-reaching influence.
The volume of trade with the Mediterranean world
increased sharply in the Hallstatt phase Ha D2-3, in
absolute terms approximately dating between 530/520
and 450/440 BC. It was in this phase that trade with the
Greek colonies of the French Midi started, and only
now did the supply of Etruscan bronze vessels become
regular. The upsurge of trade must be explained pri-
marily by the receptivity and mounting power of the
West Hallstatt elite. The spread of elite burials and
settlements to the Saone valley in Ha D2-3 meant that
the distance separating the West Hallstatt elite from the
Greek colonies became much smaller. And the lowland
settlement of Bragny could have profited from the
proximity of the trading partners, acting as a port-of-
trade.
Imports from the south were confined almost com-
pletely to Mediterranean symposion equipment and
wine. This clearly reflects the requirements and interests
of the West Hallstatt elite, whose burial rites show that
drinking and feasting customs played an important role
for them. Thus the Mediterranean imports fitted into a
pre-existing niche in the West Hallstatt culture, which
had a traditional interest in producing and exchanging
fine drinking equipment - the manufacture of bronze
drinking vessels, for example, continued throughout
the Urnfield and Hallstatt periods. Elite feasting could
 THE PREHISTORIC SOCIETY

have played a part in festivals of religious or political refers to this pre-conquest stage of transalpine relations,
leagues (compare the Latin league: Alfoldi 197 1, 1-46), stating that the Celts were 'close neighbours of the
in prestigious hospitality (compare Homeric Greece: Etruscans and associated much with them' (Nat. Hist.
Finley 1956), or in competitive gift-exchange (see 11, 17). Archaeologically, this stage can be equated with
Frankenstein & Rowlands 1978). the upsurge of trade in the central European phase Ha
D2-3
In stark contrast to this peaceful picture of trans-
THE EFFECTS OF TRADE WITH ITALY alpine contacts in the late Hallstatt period, Livy, in a
The opening of the West Hallstatt zone to the Mediter- much-discussed passage, claimed that the Celtic inva-
ranean world left a deep impression on the conscious- sions began before the foundation of Massalia, of
ness of this 'barbarian' people. Although previous 600 BC (v, 34). Livy's 'high chronology' makes non-
emphasis on influence from the Greek colonies has sense of the other reports of the Celtic invasion, which
tended to obscure the effects of contacts and trade with consistently describe the Celts displacing the Etruscans,
Italy, it is certain that the increasing aquaintance with who themselves colonized the Po valley only during the
the civilized neighbours across the Alps bore fruit in 6th century. And his date for the start of the invasions
events of lasting importance: the Celtic invasion of Italy has been dismissed by most scholars. However, a num-
and the start of the Celtic diaspora. These events must ber of historians and archaeologists have recently
be dated after the end of the Hallstatt period, but the sought to rehabilitate the 'high chronology', finding
importance of a preliminary phase, corresponding to corroboration in an early inscription of a Celtic name at
Ha D2-3, in which the Celts gained knowledge of, Orvieto (Mansuelli 1978; Pallottino 1978; De Simone
among other things, the wealth and political geography 197 8; Nash 1985, 64, note 8). Our knowledge of north
of Italy, is reflected by a story told by Livy (V, 33, 2-5), Italy in the 6th and yth centuries BC speaks against
Plutarch (Camillus, XV) and Dionysius of Halicar- Livy's chronology, as the following will show.
nassus (XIII, 10-1 I). Dionysius, in his explanation of The Etruscan presence in the Po valley is well docu-
the reason for the Celtic invasion, first relates the mented in the ancient sources, which repeatedly men-
problems of a certain Arruns of Clusium, which led to tion Etruscans occupying the area between the
his preparations for a sojourn abroad, ostensibly for the Apennines and the Alps (e.g. Diodorus Siculus XIV,
purpose of trading; then he continues: 113; Justin XX, 5; Livy V, 33; Plutarch, Camillus XVI;
Polybius 11, 17). The Etruscans colonized large parts of
'[ArrunsJ loaded many skins of wine and olive oil and many
baskets of figs on the wagons and set out for Caul, the valley in the 6th century BC. The reason for the
The Gauls at that time had no knowledge either of wine sudden Etruscan interest in the north has been sought,
made from grapes or of oil such as is produced by our olive convincingly, in the waning fortunes of the Etruscans in
trees, but used for wine a foul-smelling liquor made from their traditional sphere of interest (the Tyrrhenian Sea
barley rotted in water, and for oil, stale lard, disgusting both with its adjoining coastal areas), increasingl
in smell and taste. On that occasion, accordingly, when for the
first time they enjoyed fruits which they had never before
threatened, in the period between the battles of Alalia
tasted, they got wonderful pleasure out of each; and they Cumae and Himera, by the fleets of the Greeks and
asked the stranger how each of these articles was produced Carthaginians (Szilagyi 1952). Among the 12 (Dio-
and among what men. The Tyrrhenian told them that the dorus Siculus XIV, 113; Livy V, 33) or 18 Etruscan
country producing these fruits was large and fertile and that it cities in the Po valley (Plutarch, Camillus XVI), a few
was inhabited by only a few people, who were no better than
women when it came to warfare; and he advised them to get
are known by name: Adria, Felsina, Mantua, Melpum,
these products no longer by purchase from others, but to drive Mutina and Parma. There is even an account of the
out the present owners and enjoy the fruits as their own. . colonization in the story of Aucnus who, in order to
Persuaded by these words, the Gauls came into Italy and to the avoid a dispute with his brother Aulestes (founder of
Tyrrhenians known as the Clusians, from whence had come Perusia), left Perusia and founded Felsina and other
the man who persuaded them to make war'.
defended colonies in the Po valley, including Mantua.!?
Leaving aside the scurrilous tale of Arruns' domestic Archaeology, too, has found evidence for the Etru-
problems, the story clearly documents the belief that scan colonization, for example in the wealth of Adria
trade, and thereby the acquaintance with luxurious and Spina, and of Bologna (Etruscan Felsina) in its
Mediterranean produce, was the cause for the Celts' so-called 'Certosa phase'. Furthermore, excavations
descent on Italy. Another passage, in Polybius, also have uncovered an Etruscan town at Marzabotto, and
 11. C. Pare. FURSTENSITZE

Fig. 5
The city of Como (Lombardy) and its cemeteries in the yth century BC. Squares: settlement finds.
Circles: cemeteries. (After De Marinis 19 84, 39)

R. De Marinis has recently brought to light an Etruscan
colony near Mantua at Bagnolo S. Vito (see two impor-
tant exhibition catalogues: Bologna 1960; Mantua
1986). Further Etruscan settlements may be represented
by the sites of San Polo d'Enza (Campo Servirolo) and
Castellarano (Mansuelli 1986, 708-709; Magagnini
195 5) Together with inscriptions in the Etruscan
language (Colonna 1974,6, fig. I; additions: Pandolfini
1986,116; Neppi Modona 1970; Bermond Montanari
19 86; Aigner-Foresti 1988, map 5; De Marinis 19 88,
255; Gambari 19 89, 215; Peretto 1990), these sites and
colonies show the approximate extent of the Po valley

193
 THE PREHISTORIC SOCIETY

Fig. 6
Distribution map of the arched fibula with notched bow and bent-up foot

occupied by the Etruscan settlers (fig. 4), in 'cities well map). At the time of the colonization, the Golasecca
equipped for profitable commerce and for sumptuous culture experienced a peak in its fortunes - perhaps in
living' (Plutarch, Camillus XVI). Today, as a result of part caused by the proximity of the advanced Etruscan
archaeological discoveries, the previous hypercritical settlements. Commerce with the Etruscans certainly
approach to the historical version of the Etruscan colo- intensified from the end of the 6th century, and the 5th
nization (e.g. Mansuelli 1959) no longer seems century saw the floruit of Como, which now formed the
appropriate. major centre of the culture (fig. 5). In the yth century,
To the north-west, the Etruscan colonists had as Como attained true urban proportions, with a settled
neighbours a people whose material remains are known area of more than 150 hectares and probably with an
archaeologically as the Golasecca culture. In the area of urban design (e.g. uniform house orientation, a street
the Golasecca culture, around Lakes Maggiore and plan, drainage system, etc., see De Marinis 1986).
Como, a language related to Celtic was spoken - Clearly, the story told both by historical and archaeo-
named Lepontic by philologists (Risch 1970, 133, logical sources speaks for the late 6th and yth centuries

194
 I I. C. Pare. FURSTENSITZE

Fig. 7
Distribution map of three types of bronze pendant

being a period of prosperity in north Italy, with towns
and cities being founded, not abandoned. The recent
attempts to corroborate Livy's 'high chronology' for
the Celtic invasions, which would have a long series of
waves of invasions throughout the 6th and yth cen-
turies, can hardly be reconciled with our knowledge of
north Italy.
Having clarified this problem and having obtained a
quasi-historical framework for contacts between the
Celts and the Mediterranean in the 6th and 5th cen-
turies BC, we can now look more closely at the archaeo-
logical evidence for the trading relations of the late
Hallstatt period. Within the Hallstatt culture, east cen-
tral France assumed an important role as a trading
partner in Ha D2-3. This is due partly to the trading
activity along the 'Rhone-Saone Passage', passing
through the area of the West Hallstatt culture of east
central France. But east central France also has an
important quantity of imported Etruscan bronze vessels
of this date: the amphora from Conliege, the Schnabel-
kanne and dishes from Vix, the Schnabelkannen from
Mercey-sur-Saone and from an unprovenanced find in

195
 I I. C. Pare. FURSTENSITZE

A-

~-0
3
4

Fig. 9
Bronze wagon fittings from Como, Ca'Morta (2,4,6), Vix (I, 3) and Savigne (5).
Scale 1:2

197
 THE PREHISTORIC SOCIETY
Duria passes; (3) the Cenomani led by Etitovius cross-
ing over the same passes; (4) the Libui and Salluvii; (S)
the Boii and Lingones, who crossed over the Poenine
pass; and (6) the Senones, lead by Brennus.
The areas settled by the invading tribes can only be
located in a few cases (for the Insubres, Cenomani,
Anari, Boii, Lingones and Senones: fig. 10), but the
position of their original homelands seems to be reflec-
ted by the territories occupied by the ancestral tribes in
the I st century BC, encountered and described by Julius
Caesar (fig. 10). While there is every reason to expect
that the political map of France did not remain perfectly
constant between the 4th and r st centuries BC, it is likely
that the general area inhabited by the tribes described
by Caesar, central and eastern France, corresponds
approximately with the homeland of many of the tribes
which invaded Italy. Thus in the Celtic invasions, the
tribes generally did not move en bloc, but divided, one
part remaining in the home territory, the other, pre-
dominantly made up of young men, setting out in search
of new land to settle. The best account of this process is
found in the story of Ambigatus, king of the Bituriges
who sent his nephews Bellovesus and Segovesus to
invade Italy and the Hercynian highlands. Moreover
the tribes involved, located in r st century Gaul by
Caesar, occupied a coherent region of central and
eastern France, strongly suggesting that Livy's list of
invading tribes was not fortuitous.
Archaeology has a decisive role to play in testing the
historical version of the Celtic invasion, particularly the
origin of the tribes involved. V. Kruta's research has
been able to recognize regional differences among the
Celtic material of north Italy, corresponding to the
territories of different tribes (Kruta 1980; 1983). Thus
the graves in the territory of the Boii, often cremations,
lacked ankle-rings and torcs. And the arm-rings in the
graves of this area are also characteristic: the burials
were often provided with at least one iron arm-ring, and
the arrangement of the rings was asymmetric, with
more being worn on the left arm than on the right. All
these characteristics find parallels in the central-east
area of the La Tene culture, in the region where the Boii
were reported to have dwelt in the r st century BC. In the
area of the Senones and Cenomani, by contrast, the
female burials were torcs, indicating an origin for the
tribes in the western part of the La Tene culture. And the
exclusive use of the inhumation burial rite, and the
symmetrical arrangement of the arm-rings in the graves
of the territory settled by the Senones, find good paral-
lels in the Marnian group of the La Tene culture, close
to the area where the Senones were encounte red by
Caesar. O.-H. Frey has also described a type of belt -
hook which once again is typical for the Marnian area
and found occasionally in north Italy (Frey 19 ,
17-18, fig. 7). And U. Schaaff has drawn attention to a
typically Marnian 'torque ternaire' from S. Polo d'Enz a
(Schaaff, pers. comm.; see Magagnini I9S S, pl. 4, 4).11
The earliest fixed historical date for the Celtic inva-
sion of north Italy is 396 BC, the destruction of the
wealthy Etruscan town of Melpum, by the Insubres,
Boii and Senones (Pliny Ill, xvii). Thus we can expect:
the series of invasions (starting with the Insubres and
ending with the Senones) to have started in the later part
of the yth century, therefore within the La Tene A phase
of central Europe (dating between C.4S0/440 and
c. 370/3 SO BC). This is reflected by the appearance of
Italic types of weaponry in La Tene A graves: two-
wheeled battle chariots (Custin & Pauli 1984), bronze
helmets (Schaaff 1988, 3IS-I6, note 4S) and shields
(Bockius 1989). These innovations presumably reflect
warlike contacts of the Celts with the area across the
Alps, either as raiders, mercenaries or invaders. We
have seen that the southern contacts of Ha D2-3 were
very different, dominated by peaceful trade in wine and
wine-drinking equipment, but in both stages the con-
tacts involved east central France.
Livy (V, 34-3S) gave details of the routes taken by
three invading Celtic armies; the armies led by Bell-
ovesus and Etitovius crossed the Alps over the Taurine
and Duria passes (around Mont Cenis) and the Boii and
Lingones used the Poenine pass (Great St Bernard). It is
interesting that these Celts avoided the routes used
earlier for transalpine trading activities, which sure l-
crossed over the Simplon and St Gotthard passes (e.g.
figs 6 and 7). These passes were probably controlled y
the people of the Golasecca culture ('Lepontii ), and
they could have stopped the Celts crossing the Alps at
these points. On the other hand, the close, possibly
friendly, contacts between the Golasecca culture and
the Celts could have led the Celts to seek land elsewhere,
explaining why their invasion route skirted around
the Golasecca territory and was directed chiefly at the
areas settled by the Etruscans. We may recall that
the 'Lepontii' spoke a form of the Celtic language,
and so may have found it easier to communicate with
the Celtic invaders. And the four-wheeled wagon from
Ca' Morta suggests contacts which transcended mere
trade.
Returning to the starting-point of the article, we must
finally pose the question of the role played by the West
 11. C. Pare. FURSTENSITZE

Fig. 10
The Celtic tribes which invaded Italy, mentioned by Livy and Polybius (italic script), and by Julius Caesar
(normal script). The arrows show the routes taken by the Celts over the Great St Bernard
and Mont Cenis passes

Hallstatt elites in the Celtic invasions. The mass of rich
La Tene A burials outside the area of the West Hallstatt
culture, particularly in the Marnian, Middle Rhine and
Bohemian groups, which frequently contain imported
Etruscan bronzes, has led to the belief that these areas
somehow replaced the Furstensitz zone at the Hallstatt/
La Tene transition. This idea was reinforced by the
excavations of Mont Lassois and the Heuneburg, which
showed that both Furstensitze were destroyed and
abandoned at the end of the Hallstatt period. Perhaps
the gradually increasing social hierarchization, and the
'concentration of power' which had been attained by
the end of the Hallstatt period, collapsed with the start
of La Tene A. Now we see a far larger number of elite
burials - particularly graves of sword-bearers -
showing that this traditionally high status burial rite
was no longer restricted to such an exclusive social
group. In the early La Tene period a warrior class
reached ascendency, which previously had been domi-
nated by an elite of even higher social status.P This
social change may mark the time when the characteris-
tic tribal organization known from descriptions of the
Celtic invaders of Italy, was established in Central
Europe.
However, it should not be forgotten that some Fur-
stensitze, such as Breisach, Camp-du-Chateau,
Chatillon-sur-Glane, Britzgyberg, Uetliberg and the
Hohenasperg, continued in use during the early La Tene
period. Sadly, there is still very little known about these
settlements, which could provide crucial evidence con-
cerning the start of the La Tene culture. However, some
of these hillforts, particularly those in eastern France
and west Switzerland, were in the forefront in forming
close relations with north Italy before the Celtic

199
 THE PREHISTORIC SOCIETY
invasions. And some of the tribes which took part in the
invasions had their original territories in the area of the
West Hallstatt culture (compare figs 4 and la).
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Notes
1 In the Hallstatt period it is important to distinguish between three
major chronological phases, which reflect changes in essential parts of
life: Ha C, Ha DI and Ha D2-3. A number of less important
'sub-phases', which may just reflect peripheral aspects of life, such as
fashions in ornaments, may often be only of regional validity (such as
the distinction between Ha Cl and Ha C2, or the phase Ha D2). The
chronology used here can be summarized as follows: Hallstatt C
(c. 75O-c. 600 BC); Hallstatt DI (c. 60o-c. 530/520 BC) = Heuneburg
period IV; Hallstatt D2-3 (c. 530/52o-C. 450/440 BC) = Heuneburg
period Ill-I; La Tene A (c. 450/44o-C. 370/35 .0 BC).
2 According to the second criterion, three sites were mentioned:
Marienberg near Wiirzburg; Uetliberg near Ziirich; Camp -du-
Chateau near Salins. Eight sites were selected according to the third
criterion: Gray (graves: Apremont, Mantoche, Mercey-sur-Saone,
Savoyeux); Breisach (graves: Ihringen, Giindlingen, Schlatt,Colmar-
Kastenwald, Ensisheim, Kappel); ?Bern-Engehalbinsel (graves:
Grachwil, Urtenen, Zollikofen); ?Mont Vully (graves: Ins, Allen-
luften, Niederried, Hermrigen); uncertain location (graves: Payerne,
Chatonnaye, Corminboeuf, Lentigny, Cordast, Diidingen); ?Belfort
(grave: Grandvillars); ?Langres (grave: La Motte-St. Valentin);
uncertain location (grave: Magdalenenberg near Villingen).
3 For the Furstensitze and their pottery, see GaiHe (1985), Feugere
& Guillot (1986), Kimmig (1988), Pare (1989) etc. For the individual
sites, see the following works: Schwab 1983 (Chatillon-sur-Glane);
Kimmig 1983a (Heuneburg); Klein 1987 (Breisach); ]oHroy 1960
(Mont Lassois); Dayet 1.967, and older literature (Camp-du-
Chateau); Drack 1988 (Uerliberg); Scotto 1985 (Montrnorot);
Thevenot 1983; GaiHe 1985 (Camp-de-Chassey); Schweitzer 1973
(Britzgyberg); Zahn & Boss 1986 (Marienberg near Wiirzburg);
202
Schultze-Naumburg 1969 (Bopfingen-Ipf); Feuvrier 1914, 691-96
(Mont Guerin); Kimmig 1988 (Hohenasperg); Lang 1974, 21-22
(Hohennagold); Kimmig 1983c, 71, fig. 61, I (Mont Vully).
4 For the south-west border of the West Hallstatt culture, see
Wamser 1975, maps 11-15; Feugere & Guillot 1986,194-202, figs
34-41. For the concept of the 'port-of-trade', see Polanyi 1960;
Renfrew 1972, 460 H.
5 Full information on the wagon-graves can be found in Pare (in
press). Otherwise: Ludwigsburg 2, Bad Cannstatt 2, Dufslingen,
Baisingen: Ziirn (1987); Ihringen: Wagner (1908, 188); Ensisheim:
Plouin (1988); Mercey-sur-Saone: Mohen et al. (1987, 72-74). A
complete publication of the Hundersingen graves is being prepared by
S. Schiek (Stuttgart).
6 The exceptions are: La Cote-Saint-Andre and Marainville-sur-
Madon. Probably also Saulces-Champenoises, Poiseul and Magny-
Lambert. See Pare (1989).
7 The extension of the core area is marked by the following sites:
Heuneburg, Ins, Britzgyberg and Hatten/Hiigelsheim.
8 The author is grateful to]. Klug for making available the results of
her research, which are being prepared for publication. For an interim
report, see Klug (1985).
9 A number of grave finds in the Breisgau show that the inhabitants
of the hillforts practised the elite burial rite in Ha C and Ha DI (see for
example Pare 1992). But after this, in Ha D2-3, the gold arm-ring and
bronze cauldron from Ihringen constitute the only elite burial finds
from the region . This grave could be brought into connection with the
Breisach 'Miinsterberg', but it also seems likely that the tumulus
cemetery of this Furstensitz awaits discovery or has been destro yed.
10 Adria (Livy V, 33; Plutarch, Camillus XVI), Felsina (Pliny Ill, 15),
Mantua (Pliny Ill, 19), Melpum (Pliny Ill, 17), Mutina and Parma
(Livy XXXIX, 55). For the Aucnus story, see Virgil, Aen. X, 198; also
Pauly-Wissowa, Reallexikon (headings: Aucnus, Aulestes, Mantua).
11 Although it is tempting to locate the homeland of the Senones in
the area of the Marnian group of the La Tene culture, this is rendered
problematical by Caesar's location of the tribe to the south-west of
the distribution of typical Marnian finds. However, the Marnian
group experienced a cultural break in the 3rd century BC, suggesting
that the original inhabitants of the area may have been displaced by
newcomers from the Danubian cultural area (Kruta 1986, 44
Demoule & Het 1985, 208-11).
12 The princely grave of Apremont, excavated in 1879 by E. Perron
illustrates the social organization of the late Hallstatt period (see Pare
1989). The wooden burial chamber contained an inhumation pro-
vided with gold ring-jewellery, a wagon, a bronze cauldron and a fine
gold cup. At the feet of the inhumation was a cremation burial with an
iron sword - possibly representing a dependent armed reta iner.