Hofling & Tesucun - Itzaj Maya Grammar-University of Utah Press (2000) PDF

ITZAJ MAYA GRAMMAR
ITZAJ MAYA GRAMMAR
Charles Andrew HoDing
with Felix Fernando Tesucun
University of Utah Press
Salt Lake City

2000 by The University of Utah Press
All rights reserved
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Hofting, Charles Andrew

Itzaj maya grammar / Charles Andrew Hofting with Felix Fernando Tesucun
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references.
ISBN 0-87480-666-6 (pbk. : alk. paper)
1. Itza dialect-Guatemala-Puerto San Jose-Grammar.
2. Itza dialect-Guatemala-Puerto San Jose-Morphology.
I. Tesucun, Felix Fernando. II. Title
PM3969.5.I89 H6 2000
497'.41527-dc21 00-042314
For my teachers
CONTENTS
Preface Xl
Acknowledgments xii
Abbreviations and Symbols xiii
1. Phonology 1
1.0. Contents 1
1.1. Phonemic Inventory and Orthography 2
1.2. Stress, Juncture, and Pause 6
1.3. Phonological Processes 8
1.4. Phonotactics 25
1.5. Spanish Loan Words 33
MORPHOLOGY 34
2. Person Markers and Pronouns 35
2.0. Contents 35
2.1. Person Markers (Dependent Pronouns): Set A and Set B 35
2.2. Independent Pronouns 39
3. Verbal Complex 43
3.0. Contents 43
3.1. Tense, Aspect, Mood, and Status 44
3.2. Verb Root Classes 52
3.3. Verb Derivation and Voice 55
3.4. Sensory and Cognitive Verbs 75
3.5. Verb Compounds 76
4. Nominal Morphology 85
4.0. Contents 85
4.1. Noun Roots 87
4.2. Nominal Derivation 103
4.3. Nominal Inflection and Modification 117
4.4. Compound Nouns 120
4.5. Noun Phrases 130
4.6. Locative Expressions 136
5. Numerals and Numeral Classifiers 141

5.0. Contents 141
5.1. Numerals 141
5.2. Numeral Classifiers 142
5.3. Affixation on Numeral Classifier & Noun Compounds 145
5.4. Numeral Classifier Compounds 146
6. Adjectives, Adverbs, and Participles 147

6.0. Contents 147
6.1. Adjectives 148
6.2. Adverbs 158
6.3. Participles 165
6.4. Adjective and Adverb Compounds 173
6.5. Intensifiers 179
6.6. Quantifiers 179
6.7. Plural Marking 179
viii CONTENTS
7. Particles and Exclamations 181

7.0. Contents 181
7.1. Nominal 181
7.2. Locative 182
7.3. Prepositions 182
7.4. Manner and Intensity 182
7.5. Temporal 183
7.6. Modal-epistemic 184
7.7. Negative 185
7.8. InterrogativelRelative 186
7.9. Conjunctions and Subordinators 188
7.10. Exclamatory Words 189
MORPHOSYNTAX, SYNTAX, AND DISCOURSE

8. Typological Overview 190
8.0. Contents 190
8.1 Order of Major Constituents 190
8.2. Modifier + Modified Order 196
8.3. Modified + Modifier Order 198
8.4. Prepositional Phrases 200
8.5. Adverbs 200
8.6. Stative, Existential, and Equational Constructions 202
8.7. Interrogation 203
8.8. Negation 203
9. Nominal Morphosyntax 205

9.0. Contents 205
9.1. Introduction 206
9.2. Unmodified Nouns 206
9.3. Noun Classifiers 207
9.4. Proper Nouns, Titles, and Honorifics 214
9.5. Numerals and Numeral Classifiers 219
9.6. Plurals 227
9.7. Adjectives 234
9.8. The Determiner a' 247
9.9. The Topic Marker -e' 249
9.10. The Partitive Marker -i 'ij 251
9.11. Contrastive Focus 252
9.12. Demonstrative Adjectives 253
10. Possession 255

10.0. Contents 255
10.1. Unmarked Possessive Constructions 255
10.2. Marked Possessive Constructions 262
10.3. Existential Constructions withyaan 286
11. Pronouns in Discourse 288

11.0. Contents 288
11.1. Repetition and Redundancy of Pronominal Information 288
11.2. Information Flow, Reference Tracking, and Discourse Highlighting 288
11.3. Indirect Object Pronouns 295
11.4. Independent Possessive Pronouns 298
11.5. Demonstrative Pronouns 299
CONTENTS ix
12. Locatives 303

12.0. Contents 303
12.1. Distal Locatives 303
12.2. Proximal Locative 308
12.3. Ostensive Demonstratives 310
12.4. Locative Prepositions 310
13. Prepositions and Prepositional Phrases 312

13.0. Contents 312
13.1. Sentential Position 312
13.2. Basic Prepositions: PREP + NP 313
13.3. ti' + Relational Noun 326
13.4. Preposition (!Relational Noun) li'ij NP 327
14. Adverbials 329

14.0. Contents 329
14.1. Sentential Position 329
14.2. Temporal Adverbs 329
14.3. Manner Adverbs 338
14.4. Modal-Epistemic Adverbs 344
14.5. Adverbial Focus with -ik-il- -ik --il 352
15. Verbal Morphosyntax I: Tense, Aspect, and Mood 356

15.0. Contents 356
15.1. Tense-Aspect-Mood 356
15.2. Incompletive Status 357
15.3. Completive..Aspect and Status 367
15.4. Irrealis Modalities 371
15.5. Adverbial Incorporation 382
16. Verbal Morphosyntax II: Transitivity and Voice 384

16.0. Contents 384
16.1. Transitive vs. Intransitive 384
16.2. Active Transitive 384
16.3. Intransitive Voices 386
16.4. Topicality and Clause Linkage 399
17. Statives and Equational Constructions 401

17.0. Contents 401
17.1. Statives 401
17.2. Stative + Nominal 402
17.3. Nominal + Stative 403
17.4. Comparative Constructions 405
17.5. Contrastive-Focus Constructions 407
17.6. Existentialyaan 407
18. Interrogation 418

18.0. Contents 418
18.1. Intonation 418
18.2. Yes-No Questions 420
18.3. Interrogative-Word Questions 421
18.4. Interrogative Focus and Scope 428
x CONTENTS
19. Negation 432

19.0. Contents 432
19.1. General Negative ma ' 432
19.2. (mix) ... mix, '(neither) ... nor' 440
19.3. Negative Focus and Scope 442
COMPLEX SENTENCES
20. Coordination 445
20.0. Contents 445
20.1. Parataxis 445
20.2. Morphosyntactically-marked Coordination 447
21. Conditional Clauses 460

21.0. Contents 460
21.1. AffIrmative Conditional 460
21.2. Negative Conditional: waj ma' ( ... -e1 462
21.3. Counterfactual Conditional: waj V kuchij ( ... -e1 464
21.4. Conditional with ka'ax ... -e', 'even if' 466
22. Relative Clauses 468

22.0. Contents 468
22.1. Nonrestrictive Relative Clauses 468
22.2. Restrictive Relative Clauses 469
22.3. Reduced Relative Clauses 482
22.4. Contrastive-focus Constructions 483
23. Complements 486

23.0. Contents 486
23.1. Subject Complements 486
23.2. Object Complements 488
24. Adverbial Clauses 508

24.0. Contents 508
24.1. Temporal Adverbial Clauses 508
24.2. Manner Adverbial Clauses 521
24.3. Subordination with Intransitive Matrix Verbs and Statives 523
24.4. Purpose Clauses 526
25. Style and Poetics 535

25.0. Contents 535
25.1. Sound Symbolism and Sound Play 535
25.2. Parallelism and Repetition 539
25.3. Quoted Speech and Dialogic Repetition 543
25.4. Discourse Unit Boundaries 551
25.5. Discourse Genres 558
25.4. Cultural Schemata 559
Appendix: Texts 561

Text 1. The Yellow Crocodile, the Man-eater 562
Text 2. The Bandits (Wit's) 579
References 593
PREFACE
The Itzaj Maya language is a member of the Yukatekan Maya language family, along
with Mopan Maya, Lakantun Maya, and Yukateko (Yucatec) Maya. All are spoken in the Mayan
lowlands of Guatemala, Mexico, and Belize. Itzaj Maya is severely threatened with extinction. It
is a native language to perhaps several dozen older adults, most of whom are at least in their
seventies and who live in San Jose, Peten, Guatemala, on the shore of Lake Peten Itza.
In the last decade, efforts to revitalize the Itzaj Maya language and culture have attracted
local interest in San Jose, but the future of the language and associated traditional culture is
uncertain (Hofling 1996). The Mayan Language Academy of Guatemala (ALMG) continues to
take an active interest in supporting language revitalization.
While the details of the history of the modem Itzaj remain unclear, it is generally agreed
that their ancestors ruled the last major independent polity in Mesoamerica, which remained
independent of the Spanish until 1697, a century and a half later than most of their neighbors
(Jones 1998). At least some Itzaj Maya migrated to the Peten from Chichen Itza in pre-contact
times, perhaps returning to a former homeland, and intermingling with inhabitants of the Peten at
the time of their arrival or return (Hofling 1991: 1-2; Rice, Rice, and Pugh 1998).
After the Itzaj capital on the island Noj Peten was subjugated by the Spanish in 1697,
Mayans were forced to live in missionary towns, including San Jose, or flee into the forest (Jones
1998). Although intergenerationallanguage transmission was seriously disrupted in the 1930s,
San Jose is an isolated pocket where the language has survived until the present. The economy of
San Jose was dominated by traditional subsistence agriculture and the extraction of forest
products, especially chicle, the latex used in the manufacture of chewing gum, until the 1970s
(Schwartz 1990). For information on traditional culture see Hofling (1991), and Hofling and
Schwartz (1995).
I began research on the language in 1979 and have studied it ever since, intensively since
1990. Felix Fernando TesucUn has been my primary language consultant since the beginning of
my study and deserves much of the credit for the documentation ofItzaj Maya. I have long been
aware of its precarious language status and of variation in the linguistic competence of possible
language consultants. Early on I was convinced that Fernando Tesucun was as fluent a speaker as
any, an excellent teacher, and a pleasure to work with. I therefore decided to rely on him above all
others and to strive for depth of description and understanding of his idiolect, rather than attempt
to describe variation among speakers of differing degrees of fluency.
This grammar completes the basic documentation of the Itzaj Maya language,
complementing the earlier volume of texts (1991) and a dictionary (1997). I have attempted to
integrate the three and hope that they will be used together. This work has been done under time
pressure and many points merit further research. All documentary materials including fieldnotes
and tapes are archived at the Centro de Investigaciones Regionales de Mesoamerica in Antigua,
Guatemala, and at the Center for Native American Studies at the University of California at Davis.
This grammar builds on the work of Schumann (1971) and on my own dissertation
(1982) but is far more extensive and comprehensive in its coverage than these early works. I have
been guided both by current Mayan linguistic models, especially those of Kaufman (1990, 1991),
and by general linguistic typological models, especially those of Comrie (1989), Givon (1984,
1990), and those found in Shopen (1985). It is my hope that this grammar will be useful to the
general linguistic community as well as to Amerindianists and Mayanists.
xi
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
The project of documenting the Itzaj Maya language has taken me over twenty years.
Grants in support of various aspects of this work began with a pre-doctoral Fulbright Fellowship
to Guatemala, 1979-80. A University of Kentucky Summer Research Fellowship (1988) supported
text collection. Intensive work on grammatical research began in 1991-93, supported by the
National Science Foundation (NSF BNS-9009259). I received a grant from the National
Endowment for the Humanities for work on the dictionary during 1993-95 (NEHlRT-21447-93)
and another grant from NSF to continue grammatical research during 1996-98 (NSF SBR-
9507876). I received a Summer Research Grant from Southern Illinois University at Carbondale
and a grant from the Foundation for the Advancement of Mesoamerican Studies, Inc. (FAMSI) to
complete research on the grammar during the summer of 1998. I am very grateful to all of these
institutions for their support of this research; none of them is responsible for any of its
shortcomings.
Over the course of this research I have benefited from the help of hundreds of people and
dozens of institutions and cannot hope to thank all of them adequately. In the early to mid 1990s I
was based at the Department of Anthropology at the University of Cincinnati. I sincerely
appreciate their support of this project and especially want to thank Rhoda Halperin, Joseph F.
Foster, Vernon Scarborough, Pat Mora, and Barry Isaac. Since then, I have enjoyed the support of
my colleagues at Southern Illinois University at Carbondale, who have provided an immensely
stimulating environment for interdisciplinary anthropological research and a haven for Mayan
studies. I am especially grateful to Don and Pro Rice, and to Vice Chancellor Victoria Molfese for
their support of this project. I also thank my students, especially my student assistants David
Carlson, Laura Moll, and Bill Duncan.
Many colleagues in Guatemala have encouraged this work. I especially thank the
Academia de Lenguas Mayas de Guatemala, the Instituto Nacional de Antropologia e Historia de
Guatemala, the Centro de Investigaciones Regionales de Mesoamerica (CIRMA), and Oxlajuuj
Keej Maya' Ajtz'iib' for their interest and support. I also thank CIRMA for archiving the Itzaj
documentary materials in Antigua, Guatemala. The community of San Jose has always welcomed
me and encouraged my work and I hope that it is useful to them. I especially thank dona Castora
Colli for keeping my household together in the field.
I thank Norman Schwartz and Grant Jones for sharing knowledge and enthusiasm about
the Itzaj and the Peten. My friends and colleagues Jill Brody, Laura Martin, Nora England,
Katherine Hall, and Nancy Adamson have never wavered in their support of this seemingly
endless task. Nora England and Jill Brody made many valuable comments on the entire
manuscript, helping me to improve it significantly. Laura Martin gave constant encouragement
and offered excellent suggestions for improving the final chapter on style. I thank Marta Macri for
her assistance in archiving the Itzaj materials at the University of California at Davis.
I am grateful to the University of Utah Press and its director, Jeff Grathwohl, for
supporting the publication of the documentaion of the Itzaj Maya language over the last decade. I
also thank Richard Firmage and Rodger Reynolds for their editorial assistance.
This book is dedicated to my teachers. In particular I would like to acknowledge my
intellectual debt to Marshall and Mridula Durbin, Bernard Comrie, Fernando Tesucun, and my
parents, Madelyn L. and Charles K. Hofling.
Last and most important, I thank my wife, Lynne, and daughter, Helen, for being so
wonderful through it all.
xii
Abbreviations and Symbols
Glossing Abbreviations
#A Set A person marker MASC masculine noun classifier

ABIL abilitative NCL numeral classifer
ABST abstract NEG negative
AD] adjectival NOM nominal
ADMON adrnonitive NUM numeral
AFV affective verb OBLIG obligative
ANIM animate OST ostensive
AP antipassive PART participle
ASSUR assurative PART! general participle
AVN active verbal noun PART2 passive participle
#B Set B person marker PART3 intransitive participle
CAUS causative PART4 affective participle
CELER celeritive PARTIT partitive
CIS completive intransitive status PAS(l) (canonical) passive
COM completive aspect PAS2 agentless passive
COND conditional PERF perfect
COUNTER counter expectative PL plural
CTS completive transitive status PN proper noun
CUST customarily POS possession marker
DEP dependent status PR pronoun
DER derivational affIx POSIT positional
DES desiderative PREP preposition
DET determiner PROX proximal
DIS dependent intransitive status PRT particle
DIST distal QUOT quotative
DTR detransitive REDUP reduplication
DTS dependent transitive status REFL reflexive
DUB dubitive REPET repetitive
DUR durative aspect REPORT reportative
EMP emphatic SG singular
EXIST existential SUB subordinator
FEM feminine noun classifier TEMP temporal
GER gerund TOP topic marker
HON honorific TRN transitive
HORT hortative TS transitive status (-ij, for
lIS incompletive intransitive cognitive verbs)
status
IMM immediate past
IMP imperative
IMPIS imperative intransitive status
IMPTS imperative transitive status
INAM inanimate
INC incompletive aspect
INCH inchoative
INTER interrogative
INTR intransitive
#IOPR indirect object pronoun
#IPR independent pronoun
IRREAL irrealis
ITS incompletive transitive status
LOC locative
xiii
Dictionary Abbreviations!
Root Classification adjphr adjective phrase

adv adverbial
A Adjective root advcpd adverbial compound
Af Affective root advphr adverbial phrase
E Expletive root afv affective verb with -b 'aj
I Intransitive verb root afvn affective verbal noun with
N Noun Root -b'aj
Num Numeral root agn agentive noun (with aj- or ix-)
P Positional root agncpd agentive noun compound
Pt Particle root ap antipassive
T Transitive root apl antipassive of transitive root
X Undetermined root apIa eve, evve (no suffix)
aplb antipassive with - Vi
Stem, Word, and Phrase Classification aplc antipassive with -aj
ap2 antipassive ofI with -EsA-aj
actv active intransitive verb apcpd antipassive compound
actvcpd active intransitive verb aspadv aspectual adverb
compound aspaux aspectual auxiliary
adj adjective aux auxiliary
adj (redup) partially reduplicated form of avn active verbal noun
adjective avnl active verbal noun
adjr adjective from adjective root avnla VVor V'V root, transitive
adjl adjective derived with -vc derived with -t
adjla adjective with - Vch avnlb short root vowel, transitive
adjlb adjective with - Vk derived with -in-t
adjlc adjective with - VI avnlc transitive derived with -(t)
adjld adjective with - Vm -EsA
adjle adjective with - Vn avn2 active verbal noun derived
adjlf adjective with - Vt with -ve
adjlg adjective with - V' avn2a active verbal noun with - Vch
adj2 adjective with -kij avn2b active verbal noun with - Vi
adj3 adjective with - Vtak avn2c active verbal noun with - Vn
adj4 adjective with other avn2d active verbal noun with - Vt
derivation avn3 active verbal noun derived
adj4a adjective with -il from I with -EsA-aj
adj4b adjective with -al avn4 active verbal noun derived
adj4c adjective with -b'e'en, -e'en, fromT
-b'en, -en avn4a active verbal noun of T of
adj4d adjective derived from T with form eve or evve
vowel change avn4b active verbal noun of T of
adj4e adjective with -inkil (cyclic) form cv've
adj4f adjective derived with avn4c active verbal noun of T with
reduplication -Vi
adjcpd adjective compound avn4d active verbal noun of T with
adjcpd (redup) reduplicated adjective -aj
compound avnS active verbal noun with other
adjn adjectival noun (with aj- or derivation (-aj, -b'al, -b'e'en,
ix-) -een, -ii, -(i) in, -kif)
adjncpd adjectival noun compound avncpd active verbal noun compound
I Dictionary abbreviations are those used in Hofling (1997) and are often referred to in
morphology chapters 2-7.
XIV
causl causative (with -EsA, -b'-EsA, n2cii noun may take determiner
-k'-EsA, -m-EsA) when topicalized
caus I (celer) celeritive causative (with -k' 2ciia noun takes either aj- or ix-
-EsA) (not both)
caus2 complex causative n2ciib noun takes both aj- and ix-
caus2a causative with kUn-t n2d noun takes classifier aj- or ix
caus2b causative with kUn-t-EsA regardless of sex (if one is
caus2c causative with t-EsA preferred, it is noted and given
celer celeritive (-k~ as the citation form; if no
cpd compound preference, aj- is given)
excl exclamation n2di noun takes a classifier when
exist existential topicalized
foc focus n2dii noun may take the determiner
ger gerund (with -if) when topicalized
imp imperative n3 noun derived with -if
inchv inchoative (versive) verb n3a inanimate possession with -if
inchn inchoative noun n3b part or place of (origin) with
inter interrogative -il
interphr interrogative phrase n3c beneficiary or goal with -il
IOpro indirect object pronoun n3d abstract derivation with -il
Ipro independent pronoun n3e kind, member of a group with
iv intransitive verb -il
iv (celer) intransitive celeritive verb n4 noun takes inalienable
ivcpd intransitive verb compound possession marker -el
ivn intransitive verbal noun nS noun derived with - VC
ivphr intransitive verb phrase nSa noun derived with -Vch
loc locative nSb noun derived with - Vk
n noun nSc noun derived with - VI
ni noun root (possession with -0) nSd noun derived with - Vm
nia noun root, optionally nSe noun derived with - Vn
possessed nSf noun derived with - Vt
nIb noun root, obligatorily nSg noun derived with - V'
possessed (in phrases, nIb n6 noun derived with -al
indicates noun is possessed in n6a possessed noun with -al
that construction) n6b noun with -al regardless of
nic noun root, not possessed possession
n2 noun takes noun classifier aj- n7 other nominal derivation
or ix- n7a noun with -(in)tzil
n2a noun takes classifier aj- n7b noun with -nal
n2ai noun requires aj- when ncl numeral classifier
topicalized nclcpd noun classifier compound
n2aii noun may take determiner ncpd noun compound (noun
when topicalized compounds may be
2b noun takes classifier ix- subcategorized like nouns)
n2bi noun requires ix- when neg negative
topicalized nphr noun phrase
n2bii noun may take determiner num numeral
when topicalized numcpd numeral compound
n2c noun takes classifier aj- or ix- onom onomatopoeia
marking sex of referent part participle
2ci noun requires classifier when part 1 participle with -a'an
topicalized part 1a participle with (-aj)-a 'an
n2cia noun takes either aj- or ix- partlb participle with -I-aj-a'an, -n-
(not both) aj-a'an, m-aj-a'an, p-aj-a'an,
n2cib noun takes both aj- and ix- or k'-aj-a'an
xv
partic participle with (l-)a 'an-ki! Other Abbreviations
part2 participle with -b'i!
part3 participle with -al hyphens mark morpheme
part4 participle with -nak breaks
pas passive compound juncture in
pas I passive with -b I examples
pas2 passive with -paJal & compound juncture in text
phr phrase + word juncture
pn proper noun () parentheses indicate that the
pos possessive enclosed letters were not
posd possessed pronounced or were part of
posdnphr possessed noun phrase (n of n) corrections made after
prep preposition reviewing transcripts
prepphr prepositional phrase alternates with
prfv perfect transitive verb appears as, becomes (in
pro pronoun phonological rules)
prt particle < is derived from
pv positional verb > appears as, becomes (in
pvn positional verbal noun phonological rules)
quant quantifier / in the environement (in
recip reciprocal phonological rules)
redup reduplication [] brackets enclose phonetic
refl reflexive symbols or features in
rel relative phonological rules; they
rn relational noun enclose subordinate clauses in
riv root intransitive verb examples; and they enclose
rtv root transitive verb speech errors in text
rv reflexive verb transcripts
stphr stative phrase {} enclose backchannels,
topo toponym laughter in conversation
tv transitive verb # word boundary (in
tvia tv derived with -t phonological rules)
tvlb tv derived with -t-EsA * precedes ungrammatical or
tvic tv derived with -EsA non-occurring forms
tv2 tv derived with -in-t A: Speaker A
tv3a tv derived with -I B: SpeakerB
tv3b tv derived with -1-EsA C consonant
tvcpd transitive verb compound e.g. for example
tvn transitive verbal noun with -ik esp. especially
tvphr transitive verb phrase cf. see, compare with
vn verbal noun fig. figurative
vphr verb phrase lit. literally
x undetermined N nasal consonant
a direct object
obI obligatory
op optional
prob probably
S subject
Sp Spanish
syn. synonym
V vowel in phonology; verb in
syntax
-vc harmonic vowel-consonant
suffix
var variant
xvi
Textual Reference Conventions
References to sources of examples taken from

texts take the form: year.text number.line
number(s), e.g., 91.12.3-4 refers to lines 3-4
of text 12 of the 1991 collection (Hofling
1991). Texts included in the appendix are
referred to as txU and txt2, followed by line
numbers. Text 92.3 is published as Hofling
and Tesucun (1992). These and all other texts
are archived at Centro de Investigaciones
Regionales de Mesoamerica in Antigua,
Guatemala and at the Center for Native
American Studies at the University of
California at Davis.
xvii
1. PHONOLOGY
1. Phonologyl
1.0. Contents
1.1. Phonemic Inventory and Orthography
1.1.1. Phonemic Inventory
1.1.2. Pronunciation Guide
1.2. Stress, Juncture, and Pause
1.2.1. Stress
1.2.2. Juncture and Pause
1.3. Phonological Processes
1.3.1. Aspiration of Voiceless Stops: C(+ stop, -voice] - [+ aspiration] 1_#
1.3.2. Allophones of /l!
1.3.2.1. [1] (- [h]) - 0 I V[-stress] _ {~}

(optional)
1.3.2.2. L - 0 _C (obligatory)
1.3.3. Allophones of the glottal stop 1'1
1.3.3.1. [1] - [h] - 0 1_# (optional)
1.3.3.2.1'1 - 0 I #_V (optional)
1.3.3.3.1'1 - 0 I V_V) (optional)
1.3.3.4. 1'1 - 0 I _b' (morphophonemic)
1.3.3.5. Allomorphy of Set A Person Markers with 'V-initial Roots
1.3.3.5.1. !'I - [glide] (usual)
{in-} {in}
1.3.3.5.1.1. a- 'VC - a wVC
1.3.3.5.1.2. u- 'VC - uyVC
1.3.3.5.2. Firm glottal ('V-initial) Roots
1.3.3.6. VI'-V I' - VIV I' (morphophonemic)
1.3.3.7. V'C - V'VC alternations
1.3.3.7.1. CV'C - CV'VC I_{~} (obligatory)

1.3.3.7.2.V'~ LV(V)~} 1_C(+labial, +stop] (morphophonemic)
1.3.3.7.3. Glottal insertion: CVC - CV'C (morphophonemic)
1.3.3.7.4. C='V - C'V
1.3.4. [h] - 0.
1.3.4.1. Ijl - 0 I _ {~}

(variable)
1.3.4.2. J - 01_ C (obligatory)
1.3.4.3. Ijl - 0 I VI_VI (variable)
1.3.4.3.1. VIJ-VIC - VIVIC (obligatory)
1.3.4.3.2. V J-VIC - VIVIC (optional)
1.3.5. Iyl - 0 I i _ i (morphophonemic)
1.3.6. Nasal Assimilation
1.3.6.1. INI - [n] 1_C(+alveolar, -nasal] (optional)
1.3.6.2. INI - [m] I _C [+labial, -nasal] (optional)
1.3.6.3. N - lIJ] I _ {C(o~er]} (optional)
I For a comparison with other Yucatecan languages see Bruce (1968) on Lakantun
(Lacandon); Ulrich and Ulrich (1976) on Mopan; on Yukateko (Yucatec) see Blair (1964:1-39);
Blair, Vermont Salas and McQuown (1993); Hanks (1984: 1-4); Ayres (1982: 1-2, 68-72); Ayres
and Pfeiler (1997:91-98); Bricker et al. (1998:xi-xiii); and for an overview of the Yucatecan
family see Fisher (1973) and Kaufman (1991:2-6).
2 ITZAJ MAYA GRAMMAR
1.3.6.4. 1m! vs. In! contrast I{~}_ V

1.3.7. Consonant Reductions
1.3.7.1. /b'1 - [7] 1 _ {;} (optional)
1.3.7.2. {~} - [7] I V'V _ s (optional); V'V's - V's (optional)
1.3.7.3. C[+velar] - [7] I _ {~ } (morphophonemic)

1.3.7.4. C1C 1 - C 1 (optional)
1.3.8. Vowel Length and Stress
1.3.8.1. Vowel Lengthening
1.3.8.1.1. Emphatic Lengthening
1.3.8.1.2. Vowel Lengthening in Antipassives (optional)
1.3.8.1.3. CliC - CaC in Mediopassives (obligatory)
1.3.8.1.4. Vowel Lengthening of Set B Person Markers
1.3.8.2. Vowel Shortening
1.3.8.2.1. Derived Transitives
1.3.8.2.2. Grammatical Morphemes
1.3.8.3. -aC - -liC I [-stress] (variable)
1.3.8.4. Vowel Elision: -V/- -I I [-stress] (variable)
1.4. Phonotactics
1.4.1. Syllable Structure
1.4.2. Consonant Clusters
1.4.3. Vowel Clusters
1.4.4. Vowel Harmony: CV1C-VC - CV1C-V1C (obligatory)
1.4.5. Vowel Disharmony: -kUn (optional)
1.4.6. Reduplication
1.4.6.1. Complete Reduplication: C 1V 1C2 > CIVIC2CIVIC2
1.4.6.2. Partial Reduplication: C 1V 1C 2 > CIVI(')CIVIC2
1.4.6.2.1. Reduplication of Plain Adjectives and Numerals
1.4.6.2.2. Reduplication of Affective Roots
1.4.6.2.3. Reduplication of Verbs
1.4.6.2.3.1. Moderate or Incomplete Action: C 1V 1C2 > C 1V/)C 1V 1C2
1.4.6.2.3.2. Repeated Action with Glottal Insertion: C 1V 1C 2 > CIVI'CIVI'VI C 2
1.4.6.2.3.3. Repeated Action with Complete Reduplication: C 1V 1C 2 > C 1V 1C 2 C 1V 1C 2
1.4.7. Contraction
1.5. Spanish Loan Words
1.1. Phonemic Inventory and Orthography

The practical orthography proposed by the Guatemalan Academy of Mayan Languages
and approved by the Guatemalan government is employed throughout this work. The transcription
is phonemic. Certain problems of orthographic standardization remain to be resolved regarding
phonemic and morphophonemic changes. When morphophonemic representation is intended (as
opposed to phonemic representation) capitals are used. The phonemic inventory and values of the
practical alphabet are indicated in the following chart. Consonants found only in Spanish loans are
in parentheses.
1. PHONOLOGY 3
1.1.1. Phonemic Inventory
Consonants
Labial Alveolar Palatal Velar Glottal

Stops
voiceless p k
glottalized p' t' k'
voiced b' (d') (g)
Affricates
voiceless tz ch
glottalized tz' ch'
Fricatives
voiceless (f) s x J
Liquid I
Vibrant r3
Nasals m n
Sernivowels w y
Vowels
Front Central Back
High ii u uu
a
Mid e ee 0 00
Low a aa
In addition to long and short vowels, syllabic nuclei may be composed ofV'(V). Ia! is
always short, except in forms derived from iijii where the intervening consonant is deleted, e.g.,
miijiin, 'lend' - miiiin (cf. 1.3.4.3.1).
Examples of each consonant phoneme are given below.
Labial
# medial #
paak 'stack' jup 'insert'
p'ak 'tomato' jep' 'tighten'
b'ak 'bone' jeb' 'open'
farol 'torch' kafej 'coffee' (Sp)
maak 'person' jum 'sound'
waak= 'seis' jaw 'end'
2 It/, It'l, IdI, Itz/, tz'/, IV, and In! are generally articulated as dental consonants and were
previously categorized separately from alveolars (Hofling 1991, 1997), but I now think they are
better grouped with other alveolars.
3 While the overwhelming majority of examples of Irl occur in Spanish loanwords, there
are Mayan examples, particularly onomatopoeic words and sound-symbolic words derived from
affective roots (cf. 25.1). Some Mayan examples: p'irich, 'tiptop'; ajchikirin, 'locust'; ajkiritz',
'kinkajou'; ajkuri', 'shrew'; k'eres, 'cross-eyed'; ixk'uruch, 'cockroach'; ixpuruwok, 'a dove';jiiriiiit',
'make lines'; kirich'b'aj, 'creak'; kurupb'aj, 'grate' (teeth); k'irich, 'strike' (a match); 'arux, 'goblin'.
Alveolar
taan 'front' kot 'fence'
t'an 'language' xot' 'chop'
d'oktor 'doctor' (Sp) nesesid'ad' 'need' (Sp)
tzik 'respect' litz 'small fishhook'
tz'ik 'give' litz' 'skink'
siik 'eaves' tus 'lie'
lak 'clay dish' kol 'milpa'
riiyoj 'river' (Sp) 'aroos 'rice' (Sp)4 motoor 'motor' (Sp)
nak 'bump' kon 'sell'
Palatal
chuy 'sew' pich 'mimosa tree'
ch'uy 'hang' ch'uch' 'mute'
xux 'wasp' pix 'cover'
yux 'crab' ch'uy 'hang'
Velar
kab' 'honey' tak 'until'
k'ab' 'ann' tak' 'ripe'
gas 'kerosene' (Sp) maangoj 'mango' (Sp)
Glottal
'et 'with' a' 'determiner'
jet 'split' aj- 'masculine'
Voiceless StopS
pich 'mimosa tree' kop 'roll up'
tuch 'gizzard' p'ot 'crest'
kuch 'bundle' kok 'stingy'
'ich 'eye' p'o' 'wash'
Glottalized Stop
p'aj 'chicken louse' top' 'flower'
t'aj 'drop' mot' 'shrink'
k'aj 'bitter' tok' 'flint'
Voiced Stop
b'ak 'bone' jeb' 'open'
d'oktor 'doctor' (Sp) suurd'oj 'left' (Sp) nesesid'ad' 'need'
gas 'kerosene' (Sp) b'iigas 'rafters' (Sp)
Voiceless Affricate
tzay 'follow' kutz 'turkey'
chay 'glass sliver' kuch 'bundle'
4 Both Spanish r and Spanish rr ordinarily appear as Irl in Itzaj, but some speakers may
distinguish between them.
S Voiceless stops (except the glottal stop) are aspirated in word-final position (cf.
1.3.l).
1. PHONOLOGY 5
Glottalized Affricate
tz'ik 'give' pitz' 'spin thread'
ch'ik 'flea' pich' 'ani' (bird)
Voiceless Fricative
sup' 'overgrown' k'as 'ugly'
xup 'expense' k'ax 'tie'
jup 'insert' k'aj 'bitter'
farol 'torch' (Sp) koofrej 'chest' (Sp)
Liquid
lak 'clay dish' kol 'milpa'
Vibrant
riiyoj 'river' (Sp) 'arux 'dwarf' motoor 'motor' (Sp)
'aroos 'rice' (Sp)
Nasal
mak 'top' tam 'deep'
nak 'bump' tan 'durative'
Semivowel
waj 'tortilla' jaw 'end'
yaj 'painful' jay 'thin'
Examples of vowel contrasts:
Vvs. VV Vvs. V'(V) VVvs. V'(V)

ii k'iix 'tie' kiin 'learn'
a k'ax 'knot' kan 'snake' taan 'front'
k'aax 'forest' ka'an 'sky' ta'an 'lime'
e ek' 'star' ch'ej 'wedge' ch'eem 'sleep in eye'

eek' 'dark' ch'e'ej 'packed' ch'e'em 'cave'
kij 'henequen' kil 'when' siis 'cold'

kiij 's/he said' ki'il 'flavor' si'is 'nape'
0 kok 'stingy' jol 'hole' jool 'tump line'

kook 'deaf' jo'ol 'head' jo'ol 'head'
u kuch 'bundle' suk 'tame' k'uum 'ayote'

kuuch 'place' su'uk 'grass' k'u'um 'leached com'
1.1.2. Pronunciation Guide
Ii mid-high central vowel, somewhat higher than the schwas in thfl. soh
a low central vowel, like the English a infather or Spanish a in gato
aa long low central vowel
b' glottalized bilabial stop, like English b, but imploded
ch palatal affricate, like English ch in church or the Spanish ch in chile
ch t glottalized palatal affricate
6 ITZAJ MA YA GRAMMAR
d' glottalized alveolar stop, like English or Spanish d with tip of tongue against upper front
teeth and imploded
e mid front vowel, ranges from English e in met to Spanish e in dedo
ee long mid front vowel
f labio-dental fricative like English or Spanish!
g voiced velar stop like English g in good or Spanish g in gato
high front vowel, ranges from English i as in pin to Spanish i as in pino
ii long high front vowel
j glottal fricative, like English h in house or Spanish g in gente
k voiceless velar stop, like English k in keep or Spanish c in copa; aspirated word-fmally
k' glottalized voiceless velar stop
I lateral liquid, like English I in look or Spanish I in libra with tip of tongue against upper
front teeth
m bilabial nasal stop, like English m in many or Spanish m in mana
n alveolar nasal stop, like English or Spanish n with tip of tongue against upper front teeth
o mid back vowel like English a in bold or Spanish a in coco
00 long mid back vowel
p voiceless bilabial stop, like Englishp in pen or Spanishp in poco; aspirated word-finally
p' glottalized voiceless bilabial stop
r alveolar vibrant flap, like tt in English kitty or Spanish r in pero
s alveolar sibilant, like English s in some, or Spanish s in son
t voiceless alveolar stop, like English or Spanish t with tip of tongue against upper front
teeth; aspirated word-finally
t' glottalized voiceless alveolar stop
tz voiceless alveolar affricate, like English ts in cats
tz' glottalized voiceless alveolar affricate
u high back vowel, like English 00 in moon or Spanish u in nuda
uu long high back vowel
w labio-velar glide, like English w in wood or Spanish hu in huevo
x voiceless palatal fricative, like English sh in shell, or Spanish x in Uxmal
y palatal glide, like English y in yell, or Spanish y in yerba
glottal stop, like the catch in English uh-uh
1.2. Stress, Juncture, and Pause
1.2.1. Stress
Lexical stress generally falls on the first syllable of the root and on alternate syllables.
Every word receives at least one stress except monosyllabic particles (clitics), where it is optional,
as in (2bt In addition, stress falls on heavy syllables, which have VV or V' as their nuclei,
wherever they occur in a word, as in (2d).
Phrasal stress generally falls on the last syllable of the phonological phrase, usually
marked with a rise in pitch, and this rule may supercede the lexical stress rule. Syllables
preceding heavy syllables or final syllables may lose stress, as in (1 b) and (2a). Lack of stress may
condition other phonological changes (cf. 1.3.8.3, 1.3.8.4).
Variation in stress may be due to the variation in speakers' phonological phrasing and
may involve conflicts between the principles of lexical and phrasal stress. When the phrasal stress
rule conflicts with the lexical stress rule, alternating stresses end on the last syllable of a word or
phrase as shown in (lb), (lc), (2a), (2b), (3b), (3d), (4a), (5a), and (6b), or two adjacent syllables
may be stressed the same. Thus, the phrase may end in two stressed syllables (or in a lightly
stressed final syllable) as in (2d), (6a); or two unstressed syllables may precede a final stressed
6 The masculine noun classifer aj- and the feminine noun classsifier ix-, which are clitics,
generally are stressed except in possessed forms (cf. 1.3.8.3).
1. PHONOLOGY 7
syllables as in (3a), (3c), (5b). Phrases frequently end with the topic marker, l-e'l, which is usually
marked with stress and a rise in pitch. When CV'VC forms appear phrase-finally, stress may shift
to the fmal vowel. This is common with phrases ending in the particle -i'i), as in (6b). In rapid
speech the differences between stressed and unstressed syllables may be minimal.
In the following examples, stress is marked by acute accents.
(la) tal
'come'
(lb) tal-ij 'he came'

come-3S0.B
(lc) tal-i) ten 'slbe came to me'

come-3S0.B ISO.lOPR
(2a) winik
'man'
(2b) a' winik-ej or a' winikej 'the man'

DETman-TOP
(2c) nuk-uch winik-oo' 'great men'

great-ADJ man-PL
(2d) a' nukuch winik-oo'-ej 'the great men'

DET great-ADJ man-PL-TOP
(3a) k-uy-il-ik - kuyilik 'slbe sees it'

INC-3A-see-ITS
(3b) k-uy-il-ik-ech 'slbe sees you'

INC-3A-see-ITs-2so.B
(3c) ta(a)n-uy-il-ik 'slbe is seeing it'

DUR-3A-see-ITS
(3d) tanuyilik-ech 'slhe is seeing you'

-2S0.B
(3e) k-uy-il-ik ma(a)k a' winik-ej 'the man sees someone'

INC-3A-see-ITS person DET man-TOP
(4a) k-u-jan-al 'slhe eats'

INC-3A-eat-NOM
(4b) a' kujanal-ej 'the one who eats'

DET -TOP
(4c) kujanal ma(a)k 'a person eats'

person
(4d) a' k-a-jan-t-ik-e'ex-ej 'what you all eat'

DET INC-2A-eat-TRN-ITS-2pL.B-TOP
8 I1ZAJ MAYA GRAMMAR
(Sa) u-naj-il (tzimin) 'its (the horse's) house'

3A-house-POS (horse)
(Sb) u-naj-i(l) tzimin 'the horse's house'
(6a) kim-oo' - kimoo' 'they died'

die-PL
(6b) kimoo'-i'ij 'they died there'

-LOC
(6c) a' kim-ij-i'ij-ej 'the one who died there'

DET die-3sG.B-LOC-Top
1.2.2. Juncture and Pause

Several junctures are indicated in the transcription. Hyphens (-) indicate morpheme
boundaries, equal signs (=) indicate compound junctures, and spaces () indicate word boundaries.
Short pauses (of about .5 seconds or less) may be indicated by two dots on the text line ( .. ).
Longer pauses ( over .5 seconds) may be indicated by three dots ( ... ) on the text line.
Distinguishing among morpheme, compound, and word boundaries is difficult at times. Itzaj, like
other Mayan languages, has a significant number of particles that are clitics. At times they behave
like words, and at other times like affixes. Similarly, the difference between compounds and
phrases is not always clear. These issues are considered further in chapters 2-7.
1.3. Phonological Processes'
1.3.1. Aspiration of Voiceless Stops: C[+ stop, -voice] [+ aspiration]

-0 I_'
Voiceless stops are aspirated word-fmally (1)-(6) (cf. Ola and Bricker n.d. on Yukateko).
(1) /cop [koph]

roll up
(2) xup UUph]

spend
(3) jet [hEft]

split
(4) p'ot [poft]

gush
(5) /cok [kokh]

stingy
(6) tz'iik [ts'i:~]

fierce
, The variation described for phonological processes is based primarily on natural

discourse samples of Fernando Tesucun's speech.
I. PHONOLOGY 9
1.3.2. Allophones of /1/
1.3.2.1. [I) (- [h)) -'" V[-stress) _{~} (optional)

IV is often realized as zero (or sometimes [hD when it occurs in an unstressed syllable at
the end of a word or before a consonant (1 )-( 12) (cf 1.3.4).
(1) jun=tuul winik juntu winik

one=ANIM man 'one man'
(2) u-naj-il tzimin unaji tzimin

3A-house-POS horse 'horse barn'
(3) k-u-yan-tal tak'in kuyanta tak'in

INC-3A-EXIST-INCH money 'money increases'
(4) tzik-b'al-t-ik tzikb'atik

talk-NOM-TRN-ITS 'converse about it'
(5) ojel-t-ik ojetik

know-TRN-ITS 'know it'
(6) aj-tanxeel=kaj-il ajtanxeO)kajil

MAsc-foreign=town-pos 'foreigner'
(7) ichkil=mak-ech ichkimakech

bathe=person-2sG.B 'you are bathed'
(8) ix-ch 'up-ul=paa/ ixch 'upupaa/

FEM-female-AD1=child 'girl'
(9) xi'mal-n-en! xi'manen!

walk-AP-IMPIS 'walk!'
(10) aj-jan-iil=b'iik' ajjaniib'iik'

MASC-eat-NOM=meat 'meat-eater'
(11) t-inw-ool-t-aj tinwootaj

COM-lsG.A-want-TRN-CTS 'I wanted it'
(12) k-u-b'o 'ol-t-ik kub'o'tik

INC-3A-pay-TRN-ITS 'slhe pays it'
1.3.2.2. L - "'_C (obligatory)

In a number of derived forms, a root-fmal /1/ always appears as zero when preceding a
consonant (1)-(3). In these contexts, IV is represented by L, but it is never pronounced. The IV is
pronounced in other contexts (4)-(5).
(1) taL-s-ik tasik

come-CAUS-ITS 'bring it'
(2) chiL-tal chital

lie-INCH 'lie down'
(3) chiL-kun-t-ik chikuntik

lie-CAUS-TRN-ITS 'lay it down'
(4) k-u-tal
INC-3A-Come
'slbe comes'
(5) chil-a'an
lie-PART
'lying down'
1.3.3. Allophones of the glottal stop /,1
1.3.3.1. (7)- [h)- g 1_# (optional)

The change of a glottal stop to a fricative is standard in phrase-fmal position, where it
typically appears in a stressed syllable (1)-(4) (cf. 1.2.1). The disappearance ofword-fmal glottal
stops is more common phrase-medially (cf. 1.3.4). 8
(1) je'-lo' je'loj je'lo

OST-DIST 'that'
(2) a'winik-e' a'winikej a' win ike

DETman-TOP 'the man'
(3) wajma' wajmaj wama

CONDNEG 'if not'
(4) ti' k'aax ti k'aax

in forest 'in the forest'
1.3.3.2./'1 - g 1 #_V (optional)

In practical orthography, word-initial vowel symbols represent glottal-stop vowel
sequences ('V). These initial glottal stops may disappear (1)-(4). In (4), below, both word-fmal
and word-initial glottal stops disappear. See also 1.3.3.4.
(1) 'a' winik-e' a'winikej

DET-man-TOP 'the man'
(2) 'u-jol u-jol

3A-hole 'its hole'
(3) t-u-kin-s-aj 'u-pek' tukinsaO) upek'

cOM-3A-die-CAUS-CTS 3A-dog 'slbe killed his dog'
(4) ma' 'u-jan-t-ej ma ujante

NEG 3A-eat-TRN-DTS 'slbe hasn't eaten it'
1.3.3.3./'1 - g 1 V_VC) (optional)

Intervocalic glottal stops may be lost in casual speech (1)-(4) (cf. 1.3.3.6, 1.3.3.7).
When the glottal stop is lost before a voiceless consonant, the vowel is obligatorily short (4).
8 The determiner a', however, generally retains the glottal stop, which distinguishes it
from the masculine noun classifier aj- and the second-person Set A person marker a-.
1. PHONOLOGY 11
(1) in-ti'-a'al inti(')aal

ISG.A-to-pos 'mine'
(2) pa'-a'an pa(')aan

break-PART 'broken'
(3) la'ayti' l(a)ayti'

3IPR 'helshelit'
(4) ma'tz'o'(o)k-ok ma'tz'okok

NEG end-DIS 'it hasn't ended'
1.3.3.4./'1 - " I_b' (morphophonemic)

In a small number of words, glottal stops disappear when preceding lb'l (1)-(3). This is
not a general process.
(1) chi'-b'al chib'al

bite-NOM 'bite'
(2) je'-b'ix jeb'ix

OST-how 'as', 'like'
(3) je '-b'a 'ax-ak jeb'a'axak

OST-what-IRREAL 'whatever'
1.3.3.5. Allomorphy of Set A Person Markers with 'V-initial Roots
1.3.3.5.1. ['] - [glide] (usual)
{in-} 've - {ain}wve

1.3.3.5.1.1. a-
A root-initial glottal stop generally changes to a glide with fIrst- and second-person Set A
person marker prefIxes (in- and a-, respectively) for the majority of 'V-initial roots (1)-(5) (cf.
2.1.1). Occasionally, roots that regularly undergo this change (i.e., not roots with 'fIrm' glottal
stops, cf. 1.3.3.5.2) appear in discourse with the glottal stop and are accepted as grammatical,
e.g., ka'ilik (instead of kawilik), 'you see it', is a possible form (2). In forms that have undergone
this change, it is arguable whether a morpheme division should be made before or after the glide.
Blair (1964:35) and Hofling (1991:8) suggest that the glottal is replaced by the glide so that the
boundary precedes the glide. Bricker (1981a) and Kaufman (1991:28) indicate the boundary after
the glide. The later representation (with the boundary marked after the glide) is adopted here
because it permits a useful distinction between glottal-initial and glide-initial roots that might
otherwise be lost (e.g., in-witz, 'my hill', vs. inw-itz, 'my resin').
(1) k-in- 'i/-ik kinwilik

INC-1SG.A-see-ITS 'I see it'
(2) k-a-'i/-ik kawilik

INC-2A-see-ITS 'you see it'
(3) ki-'il-ik kiwilik

INCll PL.A-see-ITS 'we see it'
(4) in-'atan inwiitan

ISG.A-wife 'my wife'
(5) a-'iitan awiitan

2A-wife 'your wife'
1.3.3.5.1.2. u-'ve - uyVc.

A similar change occurs when the third-person Set A person marker appears with 'V-
initial roots, as in (1 )-(2), where the root-initial glottal stop changes to y.
(1) k-u-'i/-ik kuyilik

INC-3A-See-ITS 'he sees it'
(2) u-'iitan uyiitan

3A-wife 'his wife'
1.3.3.5.2. Firm glottal ('V-initial) Roots

Virtually all 'V-initial Spanish borrowings and a considerable number of other 'V-initial
Mayan words do not undergo the change described in 1.3.3.5.1 (cf. Durbin (1970) on Yukateko).
In these items the initial glottal stop appears with Set A person markers and is always written (1)-
(10).
(1) in-'om 'my avocado'

(2) in-'uj 'my bead'
(3) a-'ik 'your chile'
(4) a-'oop 'your anona'
(5) u-'alil 'his/her weight'
(6) in- 'amiigoj ( < Sp amigo) 'my friend'
(7) u-'eklis Sp eclipse) 'its eclipse'
(8) a-'iskiyeerd'aj ( < Sp izquierda) 'your left'
(9) u-'ooraj Sp hora) 'its hour'
(10) a-'uulej ( < Sp hule) 'your rubber'
1.3.3.6. VI'-Vt' - V1V1' (morphophonemic)

When glottal-fmal roots take a harmonic -V' dependent transitive status (DTS) suffix (cf.
3.1.3), the root-final glottal stop disappears (1)-(7). No examples with -u' have been observed.
(1) ka' u-cha'-a' ka' uchaa'

SUB 3A-allow-DTS 'that s/he allow it'
(2) ka' u-ch'a'-a' ka' uch'aa'

SUB 3A-grab-DTs 'that s/he grab it'
(3) ka' u-pa'-a' ka'upaa'

SUB 3A-break-DTS 'that s/he split it'
(4) ka' u-tze'-e' ka' utzee'

SUB 3A-grind-DTs 'that s/he grind it'
(5) ka' u-chi'-i' ka' uchii'

SUB 3A-bite-DTS 'that he bite it'
(6) ka' u-cho'-o' ka'uchoo'

SUB 3A-husk-DTS 'that s/he husk it'
(7) ka' u-p'o'-o' ka'up'oo'

SUB 3A-wash-DTS 'that s/he wash it'
J. PHONOLOGY 13
1.3.3.7. V'C - V'VC alternations
1.3.3.7.1. CV'C - CV'VC I_{~} (obligatory)

Roots of the shape CV'C, most commonly intransitive verb roots, appear as CV'VC when
they precede a consonant or are word-fmal, but as CV'C before vowels. For some speakers this
rule optionally applies in pre-vocalic contexts as well (1)-(5). Roots with fmal voiceless
consonants may also shorten from CV'(V)C to CVC, as in (1) (cf. 1.3.3.3, 1.3.8.2).
v C
(1) 1Z'O'K, I. kutz'o'{o)kol kutz'o 'o{k)sik kutz'oksik
'end' 'it ends' 'he ends it'
(2) JE'L, I. kuje'{e)lel kuje'elsik

'rest' 'he rests' 'he rests it'
(3) JO'M, I. kujo'{o)mol kujo'omsik

'end' 'it ends' 'he ends it'
(4) je'-lo' je'{e)lo'

OST-DIST 'that'
(5) MA'LO', A. ma'{a)lo' .

'good'
Most noun roots with a V' nucleus always appear in the CV'VC form (6)-(8). However,
some derived forms, particularly transitive verb forms derived from active verbal nouns with -I
(cf. 3.3.3.2), show the CV'C - CV'VC alternation (9)-(10). A root-fmal t typically merges with
the transitivizing -t suffix in transitive forms (9b) (cf. 1.3.7.4).
V _C #
(6a) KA'AN, N. a' ka'an-ej ka'an

DETsky-TOP
'the sky' 'sky'
(6b) ka'n-al
skY-NOM
'above'
(7) CHE'E), N. uche'ejej kuche'ejtik kuche'ej

'hislher laugh' 'slhe laughs at it' 'slbe laughs'
(8) K'A'AY, N. uk'a'ayej kuk'a'aytik kuk'a'ay

'hislher proposal' 'slhe proposes it' 'slbe proposes'
(9a) NA'AT, N. una'atej

'hislher idea'
(9b) kuna'tik kuna'at{t)ik kuna'at

'slbe understands it' 'slbe understands it' 'slbe understands'
14 ITZA) MAYA GRAMMAR
(10) SA 'AT, N. kusa'tesik kusa 'a(t)sik kusa'at

'slbe forgives it' 'slbe forgives it' 'slbe forgives'
1.3.3.7.2.V'{~ LV(V){~ } / _C([labial stop]) (morphophonemic)

Transitive roots of the shape eV'1 or eV'y lose the glottal stop and optionally lengthen
the vowel when followed by a labial stop (1)-(3).
V _C([labial stop])
(1) K'E'Y, T. kuk'e'yik kuk'e(e)yb 'el kuk'e(e)ypaJal
'slbe scolds him' 'slbe is scolded' 'slbe is scolded'
(2) U'Y, T. kuyu'yik kuyu(u)yb'ul kuyu(u)ypaJal

'slbe hears it' 'slbe is heard' 'slbe is heard'
(3) A'L, T. kuya'lik kuya(a)lb'iil uya (a) lmaj

'slbe says it' 'it was said' 'slbe has said it'
1.3.3.7.3. Glottal insertion: CVC - CV'C (morphophonemic)

Some intransitive stems are derived from transitive roots with glottal insertion (1 )-( 5) (cf.
3.3.1.1.2.1.1). Glottal insertion also occurs with the transitive stemsiy when it is followed by a
labial stop (6) (cf. 1.3.3.7.2, 1.3.5).
Transitive Intransitive
(1) B'UL, T. kub'ulik kub'u'lul
'slbe sinks it' 'it sinks'
(2) CH'UL, T. kuch'ulik kuch'u'lul

'slbe soaks it' 'it soaks'
(3) TUP, T. kutupik kutu'pul

'slbe puts it out' 'it goes out'
(4) K'AI, T. kuk'iilik kuk'a'liil

'slbe blocks it' 'it sticks'
(5) XUL, T. kuxulik kuxu'lul

'slbe ends it' 'it ends'
(6) SlY, T. kusi(y)ik kusi'b'i/

'slbe gives it' 'it is given'
1.3.3.7.4. C='V > C'V

In one case, a plain t appears to have become glottalized when followed by a glottal stop.
This is an historical artifact and is not a productive process.
(I) et= 'ok > et'ok

with=foot 'companion'
1. PHONOLOGY 15
1.3.4. [hI - 89
1.3.4.1. Ijl - 8 I _ {~}

(variable)
In words of two or more syllables, fmal glottal fricatives often disappear (1)-(14). This
may occur regardless of stress, i.e., phrase-medially or phrase-fmally, but is especially likely in
unstressed phrase-medial position (1)-(9). This rule also regularly applies to the fIrst word in
compounds (10)-(11). It is common when Ijl occurs as the coda in an unstressed syllable in multi-
syllabic verbal forms (12)-(14), and with unstressed -Vj verbal suffIxes (1), (4)-(5), (10). Final/j/s
on most monosyllabic words are not lost, but fmal Ijls on particles regularly disappear (6)-(7).
(1) b'in-i} keej b'in-i keej

go-3SG.B deer 'a deer went'
(2) aj-chokoj winik ajchoko winik

MASC-hot man 'a hot (excited) man'
(3) chokoj-tal chokotal

hot-INCH 'become hot'
(4) t-uy-il-aj ten tuyila ten

cOM-3A-see-CTS ISG.lOPR 's/he saw it for me'
(5) sat-i} ten sati ten

lose-3sG.B ISG.lOPR 'I lost it'
(6) waj b'in-i} wa b'ini

COND go-3SG.B 'ifhe went'
(7) miiyaj k-u-tal-i'i} miiya kutali'i}

maybe INC-3A-Come-LOC 'maybe he's coming there'
(8) u-k'a'aj ti Peten uka'a ti Peten

3A-go to PN 's/he's going to Flores'
(9) ti'i} la 'ayti' ti'i la'ayti'

for 3IPR 'for himlher'
(10) k-u-kin-s-aj=b 'alum kukinsiib 'alum

INC-3A-die-cAus-DTR=jaguar 'he kills jaguars'
(11) ix-moraad'oj='om ixmoraad'o 'om

FEM-purple=avocado 'purple avocado'
(12) ka' kil-b'aj-n-ak ka' kilb'anak

SUB shake-AFv-AP-DIS 'that it shake'
9 Historically there was both a glottal fricative [h] and a velar fricative [X] in Yucatecan
languages. In Itzaj these have largely undergone a merger and there is no longer a velar fricative
phonetically. However, it appears that the deletions of the fricative described in this section apply
primarily to reflexes of what was the glottal fricative historically (cf. Kaufman [1991]; Ola and
Bricker [n.d.])
(l3) k-u-yaj-kun-t-ik kuyakuntik

INC-3A-Ioving-cAus2-TRN-ITS 's/he esteems himlher'
(14) ch 'i-ch 'il-kij-kun-a 'an ch 'ich 'ilkikuna 'an

REDUP-stiff-ADJ -CA us2-PART 'stiffened'
1.3.4.2. J - ,,/ _ C (obligatory)

Whenever an underlying /j/ is written with a capital J, it is not pronounced, as in (1 )-(2)
where it is followed by a consonant. The /j/ is pronounced when followed by a vowel (3).
(1) tz'aJ-b'-ij tz'ab'ij

give-PAS-3sG.B 'it was given'
(2) u-tz'aJ-m-aj utz'amaj

3A-give-PERF-CTS 's/he has given'
(3) tz'aj-a'an
give-PART
'given'
1.3.4.3. /j/ - ,,/ VI_VI (variable)
1.3.4.3.1. VIJ-V1C - VI VIC (obligatory)

The capital letter J is written in contexts where an underlying /j/ obligatorily disappears,
as when harmonic -VC (but not V'(V)C) suffixes are added to stems ending in J (1)-(7) (cf.
1.3.4.2, 1.3.3.6). It is most common in agentless passive and celeritive verbal constructions,
with -p-aJ-aC and -k'-aJ-aC, respectively (cf. 3.3.1.2.1, 3.3.1.2.2).
(1) k-u-chuk-p-aJ-al kuchukpaal

INC-3A-reach-PAs2-DTR-I1S 'it is completed'
(2) ma' chuk-p-aJ-ak ma' chukpaak

NEG reach-PAS2-DTR-DIS 'it hasn't been completed'
(3) k-u-sut-k'-aJ-al kusutk'aal

INC-3A-return-CELER-DTR-IIS 's/he returns (unexpectedly)'
(4) in-kaJ-al inkaal

ISG.A-town-POS 'my town'
(5) k-u-miiJ-iin-t-ik kumiiiintik

INC-3A-Iend-NoM-TRN-IIS 's/he lends it'
(6) alkii '-t-eJ-en alkii'teen

run-TRN-IMPTS-1SG.B 'chase me!'
(7) ka' u- 'alkii '-t-eJ-ech ka' u-'alkii'teech

SUB 3A-run-TRN-DTS-2SG.B 'that s/he chase you'
The /j/ in the detransitive -aj suffix does appear when non-harmonic vowels follow (8)-
(9).
(8) chuk-p-aJ-ij chukpajij

complete-PAs2-DTR-3sG.B 'it was completed'
1. PHONOLOGY 17
(9) sut-k'-aJ-oo' sutk'ajoo'

return-CELER-DTR-PL 'they returned'
1.3.4.3.2. Ijl - D I VI_V, (optional)

Ijl optionally disappears between two like vowels (1)-(5). For this rule, lal and lal are like
vowels, as in (1 )-(2).
(1) k-u-kaj-iil kukaal

INC-3A-begin-IIS 'it begins'
(2) k-u-k'aj-iil ten kuk'aal ten

INC-3A-remember-IIS lSG.IOPR 'I remember'
(3) noj-och nooch

big-ADJ 'big'
(4) mejen meen

small 'small'
(5) aj-pujuy ajpuuy

MAsc-roadrunner 'roadrunner'
1.3.5. Iyl - DI i _ i (morphophonemic)

The finallyl of the transitive root SlY, 'give', disappears when followed by an Iii (1)-(3),
but appears otherwise (4) (cf. 1.3.3.7.3).
(1) k-u-siy-ik kusiik

INc-3A-give-ITs 'slhe gives it'
(2) k-u-siy-il kusiil

INC-3A-give-Ils 'slhe gives'
(3) siy-i' sii'!

give-DTs 'give it!'
(4) siy-a'an
give-PART
given
1.3.6. Nasal Assimilation

Both In! and 1m! may assimilate to the place of articulation of a following non-nasal
consonant. This is an optional phonological process for both In! and 1m! but is more common for
In!. It may cross word boundaries. Homophonic clash may obstruct it, e.g., tam-tal does not
change to tantal, apparently due to clash with tan, 'durative aspect'.
1.3.6.1./NI - [n) I _C[+alveolar, -nasal) (optional)

Nasal consonants assimilate to the place of articulation of following oral alveolar
consonants (1)-(6). In one case, the assimilation is complete and the nasal disappears (7).
1m!
(1) k-u-kim-s-ik kukinsik
INC-3A-die- CAUS-ITS 'slhe kills it'
18 InAJ MAYA GRAMMAR
(2) k-u-chu 'um-s-ik kuchu 'unsik

INC-3A-begin-cAuS-ITS 's/he begins it'
(3) k-u-tem-tal kutental

INC-3A-puddle-posIT 'it puddles'
(4) ixo 'om-t-e) ixo'ontej!

shuck-TRN-IMPTS 'shuck it!'
In!
(5) in-tat intat
ISG.A-father 'my father'
(6) k-u-men-t-ik kumentik

INC-3A-make-TRN-ITS 'he makes it'
(7) k-u-b'in-s-ik kub'isik

INC-3A-go-CAUS-ITS 's/he carries it'
1.3.6.2. INI .... [m] 1_ [+Iabial, -nasal] (optional)

Nasal consonants optionally assimilate to the place of articulation of following oral
bilabial consonants (I )-( 5).
1m!
(1) k-u-lom-b '-01 kulomb'ol
INC-3A-pierce-PAs-IIS 'it is pierced'
(2) tz'am-b'il tz'amb'il

sink-PART2 'sunken'
In!
(3) k-in-b'el kimb'el
INC-l SG.A-go 'I go'
(4) in-paal impaal

ISG.A-child 'my child'
(5) k-u-man-b '-al kumamb'al

INC-3A-buY-PAS-IIS 'it is bought'
1.3.6.3. N .... [U] 1_ {~[other]} (optional)

Nasals optionally appear as the velar [u] at the end of a word or before other consonants,
including other nasals, but excluding bilabial and alveolar oral consonants (1 )-( 10) (cf. 1.3 .6.1,
1.3 .6.2). Phonemic 1m! does not undergo this change when homophonic clash would result (e.g.,
tam, 'deep' and tan, 'durative aspect').
1m!
(1) 'ayim 'ayi!}
crocodile 'crocodile'
(2) a)-pim che' a)pi!}che'

MASC-thick tree 'the thick tree'
1. PHONOLOGY 19
(3) lem-k'-etak le{jc'etak

shine-cELER-ADJ3 'brilliant'
(4) k-u-jom =k'ak'-t-ik kujo{jc'ak'tik

INC-3A-light=frre-TRN-ITS 's/he torches'
In!
(5) in-k'a't-i) i{jc'a'ti)
1SG.A-want-Ts 'I want it'
(6) in-chem ig:hem

1SG.A-canoe 'my canoe'
(7) in-na' i!Jna'

1SG.A-mother 'my mother'
(8) in-muk' i!Jmuk'

1SG.A-strength 'my strength'
(9) inw-ok i!JWok

1SG.A-foot 'my foot'
(10) ka'an ka'au

sky 'sky'
1.3.6.4. 1m! vs. In! contrast I }{~ V

The phonemes 1m! and In! always contrast word-initially and inter-vocalically.
In! 1m!
(1) na' ma'
'mother' 'no'
(2) mol nol

'collect' 'grandfather'
(3) k-u-mool k-u-nool

INC-3A-collect INC-3A-Suck
's/he collects' 's/he sucks'
1.3.7. Consonant Reductions
1.3.7.1. [b'] - [7] 1_ {~} (optional)

The reduction of [h'] to [7] before a consonant or at the end of a word is an ongoing
historical process (1 )-( 15). At present there are several doublets showing this alternation. Several
examples also involve a related alternation between [a] and [a] (1), (2), (13)-(15) (cf. 1.3.8.3).
All of the reduced examples below may take additional suffixes except [Ia'], which only appears
preposed to nouns (13)-(15).
[b'] [7]
(1) k'ab' k'ii' 'hand'
(2) 'ak'ab' 'ak'ii' 'night'
(3) pUb' pii' 'baking'
(4) lob'(-i/) lo'(-il) 'bad(ness)'

bad(-ABsT)
(5) tz'iib'-b'i! tz'ii'b'i/ 'written'

write-PART2
(6) jeb'-b'i! je'b'i! 'opened'

open-PART2
(7) leb'-b'i! le'b'i! 'put face down'

put.face.down-PART2
(8) leb'-p-aJ-al le'paal 'be put face down'

put.face.down- PAs2-DTR-IIS
(9) leb'-k'-aJ-al le'k'aal 'fall face down'

put.face.down-cELER-DTR-lIS
(10) k'ab'=naab' k'a'naab' 'sea'

?=waterlily
(11) aj-xib'=paal aj-xi'paal 'boy'

MAsc-male=child
(12) seb '-kun-t=a-b 'a}! se'kuntab 'a} 'hurry up!'

hurry-CAus2-TRN=2A-REFL
(13) lab' Iii' 'old' (preceding noun)
(14) ix-lab' pek' ix-Iii' pek' 'the old, worn-out dog'

FEM-old dog
(15) a' b'aat lab'-e} vs. a)-Iii' b 'aat 'the worn-out ax'
DET ax old-TOP MASC-old ax
1.3.7.2. {~} [1) N'V _ s (optional); V'V's V's (optional)

-0 -0
ItJ and Ik/ may reduce to a glottal stop when appearing between V'V and lsi, and the
resulting V'V's may further reduce to V'SIO (cf. 1.3.3.3, 1.3.3.7).
(1) k-u-tz'o'ok-s-ik kutz'o'o'sik -0 kutz'o'sik 'slbe fmishes it'

INC-3A-end-CAUS I-ITS
(2) k-u-sa'at-s-ik kusa'a'sik kusa'sik 'slbe pardons him'

INC-3A-pardon-cAusi-ITS
10 Examples of other consonants in this context are too rare to make general statements
about them, but: tan-u-tze'ek-t-ik, 'he is splintering it', *tanutze'e'tik, *tanutze'tik; tan-u-'o'op'sik,
'he is toasting it', *tanu'o'o'sik, *tanu'o'sik; tanuchu'pul, 'it is swelling', tanuchupsik, 'he is swelling
it'.
1. PHONOLOGY 21
~ I_{~ }
1.3.7.3. C[+ velar) (1) (morphophonemic)
Velar consonants shift to glottal stops in restricted morphophonemic contexts (1)-(3).
(I) jun =tuul-il-ik jun =tuul-il-i' 'only one'

one=ANIM-FOC-PERF
(2) y-ok'-ol-al (- yok'lal) yo'lal 'in order to'

3A-over-POS-NOM
(3) la'aylik la'ayli' 'still'
1.3.7.4. C 1C 1 ~ C 1 (optional)
Geminate consonant clusters may reduce to single consonants (1)-(7). Initial kk clusters
obligatorily reduce, as in (6). In one case, a germinate tt may change to jt, as in (7), but this is not
a general process (8).11
(I) ix-nuk=kax ixnukax 'hen'

FEM-adult.fem=chicken
(2) ix-nuk=kutz ixnukutz 'turkey hen'

FEM-adult.fem=turkey
(3) ix-ch 'up=paal ixch'upaal 'girl'

FEM-female=child
(4) tz'iib'-b'il tz'iib'il 'written'

write-PART2
(5) k-in-niik-kun-t-ik-ech kiniikuntikech 'I seat you'

INc-1 SG.A-sit-CAus2-TRN-ITS-2SG.B
(6) k-ki-tal kital 'we come'

INC-IPL.A-come
(7) awat-t-ej wajtej 'shout at him!'

shout-TRN-IMPTS
(8) b'et-t-ej b'etej! 'make it!'

make-TRN-IMPTS
1.3.8. Vowel Length and Stress

Under certain conditions short vowels may be lengthened and long vowels may be
shortened. As mentioned above ( 1.1.1), there are three values for central vowels: Iii!, la!, and laa!.
11 This is related to the process described for Yukateko (Blair 1964:33-34; Ayres and
Pfeiler 1~97:93-94) whereby 1kI, It! and Icb! appear as [h] when followed by a voiceless consonant
of the same point of articulation.
1.3.8.1. Vowel Lengthening
1.3.8.1.1. Emphatic Lengthening

Stressed vowels may be paralinguistically lengthened to mark special emphasis,
iconically indicating the intensity of the speaker's emotive involvement (1)-(4) (cf. 1.2.1,
11.2.1.3).
(1) tulakal tuulakal 'all!'

all
(2) et-el eteel 'with (them)!'

with-pos
(3) ma'lo' ma'loo' 'good!'

good
(4) in-tech inteech 'you!'

EMP-2SG.IPR
1.3.8.1.2. Vowel Lengthening in Antipassives (optional)

The vowels of most transitive verb roots optionally lengthen in antipassives (1)-(2) (cf.
3.3. 1. 1.2.2). This is especially common when the root appears in word-fmal position. CliC
transitive roots optionally change to CaC in the antipassive instead oflengthening (3). The second
syllable of some active verbal noun roots also lengthens in active verb forms (4) (cf. 3.3.2.3). In
object-incorporated forms, the fmal vowel of the incorporated object may be lengthened (5)-(6).
Transitive Antipassive
(1) k-u-k'up-ik k-u-k'up kuk'uup
INC-3A-cut-ITS INC-3A-cut
's/he cuts (it)' 's/he cuts (something),
(2) k-u-b 'ol-ik k-u-b'ol kub'ool

INC-3A-dull-ITS INC-3A-dull
's/he dulls (it)' 's/he dulls (something),
(3) k-u-b'lik'-ik k-u-b'lik' kub'ak'

INC-3A-coil-ITS INC-3A-Coil
's/he coils (it)' 's/he coils (something),
(4) k-uy-utz'in-t-ik k-uy-utz'iin

INC-3A-kiss-TRN-ITS INC-3A-kiss
's/he kisses (it)' 's/he kisses'
(5) k-u-mus= 'ik'-t-ik k-u-mus = 'iik'

INC-3A-sniff=air-TRN-ITS INC-3A-sniff=air
's/he sniffs (it)' 's/he breathes deeply'
(6) k-u-jel=sum-t-ik k-u-jel=suum

INC-3A-change=rope-TRN-ITS INC-3A-change=rope
's/he halters (it)' 's/he halters (something)'
1.3.8.1.3. CitC .... CaC in Mediopassives (obligatory)

Transitive roots of the shape CliC appear as CaC in mediopassive forms with -liC status
suffixes (1) (cf. 3.3.1.1.2.1). Likewise, root intransitives have the shape CaC with -liC status
I. PHONOLOGY 23
suffixes (2) (cf. 3.2.2).
(Ia) B'.A'K', T. 'coil'
(Ib) k-u-b'iik'-ik 's/he coils (it)'

INC-3A-coil-ITS
(Ic) k-u-b 'ak'-iil 'it coils, tangles'

INC-3A-coil-ns
(2a) JAK', I. 'frighten'
(2b) k-u-jak'-iil 's/he is frightened'

INC-3A-frighten-ns
(2c) k-u-jak'-s-ik 's/he frightens (himlher),

INC-3A-frighten-CAUS I-ITS
1.3.8.1.4. Vowel Lengthening of Set B Person Markers

The vowels of the first-person singular and the second-person singular Set B person
markers (-en and -ech) lengthen when they appear with completive intransitive verbs and as the
direct-object pronouns of transitive verbs in the dependent or imperative statuses (1)-(4) (cf.
2.1.2, 3.2.1.2). In both cases, the lengthening is probably the result of fusion with -Vj or -V'
suffixes. For completive intransitives one may hypothesize a historic change: -ij-en > een, -ij-ech
> eech; for transitives -ej-en > -een, -ej-ech > eech (cf. 1.3.4.3) and then by analogy V'-en > een,
V'-ech > eech (cf. 1.3.3.3).
(Ia) b'in-een 'I went'

go-ISG.B
(Ib) b'in-eech 'you went'

go-2SG.B
(2) ka' u-cha'an-t-ej-ech ka' ucha'anteech

SUB 3A-watch-TRN-DTS-2SG.B 'that s/he watch you'
(3) ka' uy-il-a'-ech ka' uy-il-eech

SUB 3A-see-DTS-2SG.B 'that s/he see you'
(4) ka' u-b'on-o'-ech ka' u-b'on-eech

SUB 3A-paint-DTS-2SG.B 'that s/he paint you'
1.3.8.2. Vowel Shortening

Long vowels optionally shorten in causal speech. This is particularly notable in derived
transitive verbs and grammatical function words.
1.3.8.2.1. Derived Transitives

Long root vowels of active verbal nouns often shorten in derived transitive forms with -t,
including object-incorporating compounds (1)-(3) (cf. 3.3.3.2, 3.5.1.1).
24 InA) MAYA GRAMMAR
(la) B'OOK', N. 'stirring'
(lb) k-u-b'ook' 'slhe stirs (something)'

INC-3A-stir
(lc) k-u-b '0(0)k'-t-ik 'slhe stirs (it)'

INC-3A-stir-TRN-ITS
(2a) CH'OOCH', N. 'drilling'
(2b) k-u-ch 'ooch ' 'slhe drills (something),

INC-3A-drill
(2c) k-u-ch 'o(o)ch '-t-ik 'slhe drills (it)'

INC-3A-drill-TRN-ITS
(3a) K'AAK', N. 'ftre, roasting'
(3b) k-u-k'aak' 'slhe roasts'

INC-3A-roast
(3c) k-u-k'a(a)k'-t-ik 'slhe roasts (it)'

INC-3A-roast-TRN-ITS
(3d) k-u-k'a(a)k'-b 'iik'-t-ik 'slhe meat-roasts (it)'

INC-3A-roast-meat-TRN-ITS
(3e) k-u-tich '=k'a(a)k'-t-ik 'slhe illuminates (something)'

INC-3A-pass=frre-TRN-ITS
1.3.8.2.2. Grammatical Morphemes

Long vowels in numeral classifters, aspect markers, and other grammatical morphemes
also frequently shorten (1 )-(7).
(1) jun=tu(u)/ pek' 'one dog'

one=ANIM dog
(2) jun=ku(u)/ naj 'one house'

one=round house
(3) jun=p'e(e)/ che' 'one tree'

one=INAM tree
(4) ta(a)n 'durative aspect'

DUR
(5) ya(a)n 'existential be'

EXIST
(6) ma(a)k 'someone' (indefmite)

person
(7) a' che'-(o)o' 'the trees'

DEI tree-PL
1. PHONOLOGY 25
1.3.8.3. -aC .... -liC I [- stress) (variable)

In addition to the alternations between [a] and [a] noted in 1.3.8.1.3, Ia! may appear as
[a] in a number of other morpho-phonologically conditioned contexts. The masculine noun
classifier shows the [a] - [a] alternation with the allomorph [aj-] appearing in unpossessed forms,
and [iij-] in possessed forms, where it is unstressed (1)-(3) (cf. 1.2.1).
(1) aj-kax 'chicken'

MASC-chicken
(2) inw-ilj-kax 'my chicken'

1SG.A-MASC-chicken
(3) uy-iij-kax 'hislber chicken'

3SG.A-MASC-chicken
In addition, the verbal suffixes -aj and -al optionally reduce to -ilj and -ill, respectively,
in non-stressed environments (4)-(5). A similar alternation occurs between [an] and [an] in
stressed and non-stressed environments (6)-(7).
(4) k-in-kin-s-aj=k'ek'en kinkinsiimk'ek'en

INC-l sGA-die-cAus-DETR=pig 'I am pig butchering'
(5) k-in-jan-al=b'iik' kinjanil(l)b'ilk'

INC-l SGA-eat-NoM=pig 'I eat meat'
(6) siikan 'maize dough'
(7) silkiin=sa' 'maize dough atole'
1.3.8.4. Vowel Elision: -Vi .... -II [- stress) (variable)

The -VI suffix occurring on active intransitive verbs (of class avn2b) reduces to -I when
transitive suffixes are added (1)-(3). Because stress in these forms regularly falls on the last
syllable, this change corresponds to a stress-pattern change (cf. 1.2.1).
Intransitive Transitive
(I) k-u-tuk-ul k-u-tuk-I-ik
INC-3A-think-NOM INC-3A-think-NOM-ITS
'slbe thinks' 'slbe thinks it'
(2) k-u-k'ok'-ol kuk'ok'lik

INC-3A-roll-NOM INC-3A-roll-NOM-ITS
'slbe rolls (something)' 'slbe rolls it'
(3) y-ok'-ol-al yo'lal

3A-over-POs-NOM 'in order to'
1.4. Phonotactics
1.4.1. Syllable Structure

Syllables of the following basic types occur (periods mark syllable breaks):
CV ti 'to'
b'a.lam 'jaguar'
CVV keejoo' 'deer' (pI)
26 l1ZAJMAYA GRAMMAR
CV'V b'a'a.xoo I 'things'

(VC et 'with'12
CVC ja' 'water'
CVVC keej 'deer'
CV'VC b'a'ax 'thing'
1.4.2. Consonant Clusters

Clusters of two consonants may appear intervocalically, but not word-fmally (1)-(2).
Sibilant clusters are rare intervocalically as well (3)-(5). Clusters of three consonants are never
permitted (Ic), (2b), (2c), (5)-(6). Where such clusters would otherwise result with the causative
suffix -EsA.", the underlying vowels surface (cf. 3.3.3.1). In other (vocalic) contexts, the
underlying vowels of the causative suffix do not appear. Word-initial clusters only appear in
Spanish loan words (7)-(8).
(Ia) k-u-jok'-s-ik 'slbe takes it out'

INC-3A-Ieave-cAus I-ITS
(Ib) jok'-est 'take it out!'

leave-CAuS 1/IMPTS
(Ic) u-jok'-sii-m-aj 'slbe has taken it out'

3A-Ieave-CAUS I-PERF-CTS
(2a) k-u-wen-el 'slbe sleeps'

INC-3A-sleep-lls
(2b) k-u-wen-t-es-ik 'slbe puts him/her to sleep'

INC-3A-sleep-TRN-CAUS I-ITS
(2c) u-wen-t-esii-m-aj 'slbe has put him/her to sleep'

3A-sleep-TRN-CAUS I-PERF-CTS
(3) k-u-b'utz'-es-ik - k-u-b'utz'-s-ik 'slbe smokes it'

INC-3A-smoke-CAuS I-ITS
(4) k-u-k'och-es-ik 'slbe brings it'

INC-3A-arrive-CAUSI-ITs
(5a) k-u-p'ich-es-ik 'slbe sprouts it'

INC-3A-sprout-causl-its
(5b) k-u-p 'ich-sii-b '-iii 'it is sprouted'

INC-3A-sprout-cAUS I-PAS-IIS
(6a) k-u-wak'-s-ik 'slbe explodes it'

INC-3A-explode-cAus I-ITS
(6b) k-u-wak'-k'-es-ik 's/he suddenly explodes it'

INC-3A-explode-CELER-CAUS 1-ITS
(7) klaasej (Sp clase) 'class'
12 VC syllables are the result of erosion of initial glottal stops (cf. 1.3.3.2).
1. PHONOLOGY 27
(8) b'leed'oj (Sp bledo) 'amaranth'
1.4.3. Vowel Clusters

Vowel clusters only appear as the result of the disappearance of intervening consonants,
which is especially common with the glottal stop 1'1, and the palatal diphthong liyl (cf. 1.3.3.3,
1.3.5).
(1) kiyep kiep 'penis'

(2) miiyaj - miiaj - miaO) 'perhaps'
(3) k'a'ool - k'aool 'know'
(4) cho'ik - choik 'husk it'
1.4.4. Vowel Harmony: CV1C-VC - CV1C-V1C (obligatory)

Intransitive verbs take harmonic -VC status-marking sufftxes: a -VI sufftx for the
incompletive status (1)-(5) and a -Vk sufftx for the dependent status (6)-(13) (cf. 3.2.2.2).
Transitive verbs take a harmonic -V' SUffIX in the dependent and imperative statuses (14)-(16) (cf.
3.2.1.2). The vowels of these sufftxes harmonize with the preceding root vowel. If the root vowel
is Ia! or lill, the intransitive harmonic suffIXes appear as -ilC (4)-(5), (9)-(10). Positional verbs and
antipassive verbs take an -ak sufftx in the dependent status (11)-(13) (cf. 3.3.2.1, 3.3.1.1.2.2).
As described in 1.3.3.6, transitive roots of the shape CV' additionally elide the root-final glottal
stop in the dependent status (16). Harmonic verbal derivational sufftxes are described further in
chapter 3.
(1) k-uy-uk'-ul 's/he drinks'

INC-3A-drink-IIS
(2) k-uy-uk'-b'-ul 'it is drunk'

INC-3A-drink-PAS-IIS
(3) k-u-wen-el 's/he sleeps'

INC-3A-sleep-IIS
(4) k-u-pa'-ill 'it breaks'

INC-3A-break-lls
(5) k-u-kiln-b'-ill 'it is learned'

INC-3A-Iearn-PAS-IIS
(6) ka'uk'-uk 'that s/he drink'

SUB drink-DIS
(7) ka' uk'-b'-uk 'that it be drunk'

SUB drink-PAS-DIS
(8) ka'wen-ek 'that s/he sleep'

SUB sleep-DIS
(9) ka'pa'-lik 'that it break'

SUB break-DIS
(10) ka' kiln-b'-ilk 'that it be learned'

SUB learn-PAs-DIS
28 11ZAJ MA YA GRAMMAR
(11) ka' chi/-I-ak 'that s/he lie down'

SUB lie-POSIT-DIS
(12) ka' uk'-n-ak 'that s/he drink'

SUB drink-AP-DIS
(13) ka' kiin-n-ak 'that s/he learn'

SUB learn-PAs-DiS
(14) uk'-u'! 'drink it!'

drink-IMPTS
(IS) ka' u-kiin-ii' 'that s/he learn it'

SUB 3A-Iearn-DTS
(16) ka'im-paa' 'that I break it'

SUB 1SG-break/DTs
1.4.5. Vowel Disharmony: -kUn (optional)

A disharmonic causative suffix -kUn functions to derive transitive verbs from nominal or
adjectival stems (1)-(6) (cf. 3.3.3.3). Its vowel varies according to the vowel of the preceding
stem. Following liil, lal, lei, or Iii, I-kunl appears (1)-(4), but following a stem vowel of 101 or lui,
the form optionally changes to I-kin I (S)-(6).
-kun
(1) k-uy-iik-kun-t-ik 's/he puddles it'
INC-3A-puddle-cAus2-TRN-ITS
(2) k-u- 'al-kun-t-ik 's/he makes it heavy'

INc-3A-heavy-cAus2-TRN-ITS
(3) k-u-b 'ej-kun-t-ik 's/he makes a road'

INC-3A-path-cAus2-TRN-ITS
(4) k-u-chich-kun-t-ik 's/he makes it hard'

INC-3A-hard-cAus2-TRN-ITS
-kin (or -kun)

(S) k-u-b'ok-kin-t-ik ~ kub'okkuntik 's/he makes it smell (good)'
INC-3A-smell-cA us2-TRN-ITS
(6) k-u-b'utz'-kin-t-ik ~ kub'utz'kuntik 's/he makes it smoke'

INC-3A-smoke-CAUs2-TRN-ITS
Adjectival roots, affective roots, numerals, and certain verbs involving motion regularly
undergo reduplication, often iconically marking intensity (cf. 3.3.4, S.1.3, 6.1.2.1, 6.1.2.2.2,
6.1.2.2.4.7).
1.4.6.1. Complete Reduplication: CIVIC z > CIVICZCIVICZ

Complete reduplication occurs with adjectives to mark high intensity. Plain, long, and
glottalized vowels are copied (1 )-(6) (cf. 6.1.2.1.2, 6.4.1.1). Adjective stems of two syllables
may also be fully reduplicated (7).
/. PHONOLOGY 29
Plain Reduplicated
(I) k'an k'an =k'an
'yellow' 'very yellow'
(2) b'ox b'ox=b'ox

'black' 'very black'
(3) ch'ooch' ch 'ooch' =ch 'ooch'

'salty' 'very salty'
(4) jay jay=jay

'thin' 'very thin'
(5) kuy kuy=kuy

'mischievous' 'very mischievous'
(6) k'a'am k'a'am=k'a'am

'rough' 'very rough'
(7) job'on job'on=job'on

hollow 'very hollow'
1.4.6.2. Partial Reduplication: C\V\C z > C\V\(')C\V\C 2
1.4.6.2.1. Reduplication of Plain Adjectives and Numerals

Partial reduplication of plain adjectives (adjr or adjl) indicates moderate intensity (1)-(4)
(cf. 6.1.2.l.I). With numerals, the reduplicated forms indicate numbered groupings (5), (9) (cf.
5.1.3, 9.5.6). If there is a glottalized vowel or if the second consonant of the root is glottalized,
a glottal stop optionally appears in the reduplicated form (6)-(9).13
C\V\C\V\C z
(I) k'an k'ak'an
'yellow' 'rather yellow'
(2) b'ox b'ob'ox

'black' 'rather black'
(3) jay jajay

'thin' 'rather thin'
(4) kuy kukuy

'mischievous' 'rather mischievous'
(5) jun jujun

'one' 'one by one'
C\V\'C\V\C 2 C\V\C\V\C 2
(6) ch'ooch' ch '0 'ch 'ooch' ch'och'ooch'
'salty' 'rather salty'
13 The glottal b' appears to be a partial exception to the rule of glottal stop insertion, with
forms such as lab', 'old'; la-lab', 'rather old', without glottal insertion, in addition to examples such
asjo'-job', 'five by five', where the glottal stop appears.
(7) k'a'am k'a'k'a'am k'ak'a'am

'rough' 'rather rough'
(8) suutz' su'suutz' susuutz'

'astringent' 'rather astringent'
(9) job' jo'job' jojob'

'five' 'five by five'
1.4.6.2.2. Reduplication of Affective Roots

Adjectival (adj2) and participial (part4) forms are also derived from affective roots with
partial reduplication (1 )-(5) (cf. 6.1.2.2.2, 6.3.4). As with the adjectives described in 1.4.6.2.1,
if the second consonant of the root is glottalized, a glottal stop optionally appears in the
reduplicated form (3)-(5).
Root Adj2 Part4

(1) BrA"'!' Af. b'iib'iijkij b 'iib 'iijnak
'firm' 'firm'
(2) K'IT, Af. k'ik'itkij

'scratchy'
(3) JEP', Af. je(')jep'kij je(')jep'nak

'tight' 'tight'
(4) LITZ', Af. li(')litz'kij li{'}/itz'nak

'slippery' 'slipping'
(5) SA1Z', Af. sii(')siitz'kij sii(')siitz'nak

'stretchy' 'stretching'
1.4.6.2.3. Reduplication of Verbs

TIrree types of partially reduplicated forms have been observed with verb roots. Simple
partial reduplication indicates moderate intensity and incompleteness. Partial reduplication with
glottal insertion in the root indicates repeated action, as does complete reduplication (cf. 3.3.4).
1.4.6.2.3.1. Moderate or Incomplete Action: CtVtC z > CtVt(')CtVtCZ

Partial reduplication of verb roots indicates moderate intensity (1)-(5). If there is a
glottalized vowel or if the second consonant of the root is glottalized, a glottal stop is optionally
inserted in the reduplicated form (3)-(5).
Plain Reduplicated
(1) b'ax b'ab'ax
'play' 'half play'
(2) 10m lolom

'stab' 'pretend to stab'
(3) jiitz' jii(')jiitz'

'whip' 'play whip', 'pretend whip'
(4) siitz' sii(')siitz'

'stretch' 'stretch somewhat'
1. PHONOLOGY 31
(5) xi 'mal xi(')xi'mal

'walk' 'walk a little'
1.4.6.2.3.2. Repeated Action with Glottal Insertion C1V1C1 > C1Vt'C1Vl'Vl C 1

Glottal insertion in the verb root and in the reduplicated prefix indicates repeated action
(1)-(5).
Plain Reduplicated
(1) 10m lo'lo'om
'stab' 'stab repeatedly'
(2) siitz' sii'sii'iitz'

'stretch' 'extend and retract repeatedly'
(3) muul mu'mu'ul

'pile' 'make various piles'
(4) xot' xo'xo'ot'

'cut' 'make a series of cuts'
(5) yuum yu'yu'um

'sway' 'sway back and forth'
1.4.6.2.3.3. Repeated Action with Complete Reduplication: C 1V1C1 > C 1V1C1 C 1V1C1
Completely reduplicated forms also indicate repeated action (1)-(3) and may include
glottal insertion (4) (cf. 3.3.4.2). Long vowels shorten in the frrst reduplicated element (3)-(4)
(C.V.V.C2 > C.V.C2 C.V.(')V.C2)
Plain Reduplicated
(1) ch'in ch 'in =ch 'in
'throw' 'throw a lot'
(2) k'at k'at=k'at

'cross' 'cross repeatedly'
(3) leet' let'=leet'

'notch' 'notch repeatedly'
(4) yuum yum=yu'um

'swing' 'swing back and forth'
1.4.7. Contraction
The degree of contraction (the fusion of two or more morphemes) evident in speech
varies considerably both among speakers and depending on the occasion. Contraction has not
been systematically studied, but some examples are given below (1)-(14). Naturally occurring
examples are noted in the texts in the appendix and in Hofling (1991).
(1) ma'yan > ma'an (op)

NEG EXIST 'there aren't any'
(2) wa'-a'an > wa'an (obI)

stand-PART 'standing'
(3a) taan-in(w) > tin(w)- (op)

DUR-1SG.A DURlISG.A-
(3b) taan-a(w)- > tan(w)- (op)

DUR-2A- DuRl2A-
(3c) taan-u(y)- > tun(y)- (op)

DUR-3A- DuRl3A-
(4) k-u-tz'aj-ik > kutz'ik (obI)

INC-3A-give-ITs 'he gives it'
(5) ka'tal-ak > ka'tak (obI)

SUB come-lIS 'that he come'
(6a) ka' u-kim-es > kukimes (op)

SUB 3A-die-CAUS 'that slhe kill it'
(6b) ka' inw-il-a' > kinwila' (op)

SUB lSG A-see-DTS 'that s/he see it'
(6c) ka' a-jeb'-e' > kajeb'e'(op)

SUB 2A-open-DTS 'that slhe open it'
(7a) k-u-b'el u-kim-es > kul ukimes (op)

INC-3A-go 3A-die-cAus 'slhe goes to kill it'
(7b) k-im-b'el in-kim-es > kil inkimes (op)

INC-1sG.A-go lsG.A-die-cAus 'I go to kill it'
(8) b'el in-ka'aj in-chiik-ii' > b'el inkinchiikii' (op)

go lsG.A-go lSG.A-cut-OTS 'I'm going to cut it'
(9a) ti' a' b'alum-ej > ta' b'alumej (obI)

to DET jaguar-ToP 'to the jaguar'
(9b) ti' aj-kax > tajkax (obI)

to MASC-chicken 'to the chicken'
(9c) ti'ix-ch'up > tixch 'up (obI)

to FEM-woman 'to the woman'
(9d) ti'in-naj > tinnaj (obI)

to lSG.A-house 'to my house'
(ge) ti' a-naj > tanaj (obI)

to 2A-house 'to your house'
(9f) ti' u-naj > tunaj (obI)

to 3A-house 'to hislher house'
(10) jek'-ij a' che'-ej > jek' a' che'ej (op)

open-3SG.B DET Iog-TOP 'the log opened'
1. PHONOLOGY 33
(11) t-uy-a'l-aj a' winik > tuya'i a' winik (op)

cOM-3A-say-CTs DET man 'the man said'
(12) la'ayti' a'-Io' > layt a'lo' (op)

3SG.IPR DET-DIST 'that one'
(13) jotz'-o'in-k'ab' > jotz' ink'ab' (op)

take-IMPTS ISG.A-hand 'take my hand'
(14) jan-t-ej-oo' > jantoo'! (obI)

eat-TRN-IMTS-PL 'eat them!'
1.5. Spanish Loan Words

Spanish loan words undergo a number of phonological changes in ltzaj (1)-(12). Most
personal names are Spanish borrowings and most also have special diminutive forms, as in (1)-(2).
Day and month names are also borrowed from Spanish (3)-(4). Spanish loans that are common
discourse markers, such as como, 'as', or que, 'that', are often pronounced as they are in Spanish
(5)-(6).
For Spanish words with stress preceding the final syllable, the stressed vowel is
lengthened, as in (2)-(5), (7)-(8). Spanish vowel sequences are diphthongized, as in (2) and (12).
If the stress falls on the fmal vowel in Spanish, it remains short unless it ends in Irl or Inl.lfthe
Spanish word has a final stressed syllable ending with r, its ltzaj counterpart generally has a long
vowel in the fmal syllable, as in (10)-(11). If the Spanish word has a fmal stressed syllable ending
with n, its ltzaj counterpart may optionally have a long vowel in the fmal syllable, as in (12).
Unlike Spanish, ltzaj does not have vowel-initial or vowel-fmal words. /jl is added to
Spanish words ending in a vowel, as in (2)-(3), (5)-(8), and a firm glottal stop precedes V-initial
Spanish words, as in (1), (3), (8), and (12).
Spanish consonants that do not occur in ltzaj undergo the following changes: b, v > b'
(8)-(9), (11)-(12); d> d' (1), (10); and rr > r (9).
Spanish Itzaj
(1) Andres > 'And'res 'Andrew'
D'ex 'Andy'
(2) Maria > Mariiyaj 'Maria'
Marij 'Mary', 'Mar'
(3) enero > 'eneeroj 'January'
(4) lunes > luunes 'Monday'
(5) como > ko(o)moO) 'as'
(6) que > keO) 'that'
(7) mesa > meesaj 'table'
(8) abuela > 'ab'weelaj 'grandmother'
(9) barril > b'aril 'barrel'
(10) regidor > rejid'oor 'councilman'
(11) favor > fab'oor 'favor'
(12) avian > 'ab'iyo(o)n 'airplane'
34
MORPHOLOGY
Words, Roots, Affixes, Stems, and Clitics
Words are divided into several major classes on the basis of their internal morphological
structure and their morphosyntactic behavior. In chapters 2-7, each form class will be introduced
and dermed with brief examples. Later chapters elaborate on the functional properties of each
class.
There is a range of independence of morphological units from independent words, which
may stand alone, to affixes, which must be attached to other morphemes. Morphemes are the basic
units of meaning or grammatical function used in word formation. Roots are morphemes that
contain the core meaning of a word. Affixes are morphemes that are attached to roots or stems in
word formation. Derivational morphemes are used to derive new words or change a word's form
class; for example, to change a verb to a noun. Inflectional affixes generally precede derivational
prefIxes or follow derivational suffixes and provide grammatical meaning such as person, number,
or tense. Stems are the bases to which inflectional affixes attach, and may be simple root
morphemes or roots plus derivational affixes. Clitics are semi-independent units which generally
carry grammatical information. Simple words may be free roots (composed of single roots) or
stems composed of roots and affixes. Compound words contain two or more roots.
The major categories of roots in Itzaj Maya are adjective (A), affective (At), intransitive
verb (I), noun (N), positional (P), and transitive verb (T) roots. Minor classes include expletive (E)
and particle (Pt) roots. Particles are dermed as words that have neither derivational nor inflectional
morphology (Kaufman 1990). Many roots are polyvalent, which means they enter into the
paradigms of more than one root type. In the chapters following the description of the pronominal
system (chapter 2), each root/stem type will be described beginning with the root, after which
derived forms and compounds are considered.
2. PERSON MARKERS AND PRONOUNS 35
2. Person Markers and Pronouns I
2.0. Contents
2.1. Person Markers (Dependent Pronouns): Set A and Set B
2.1.1. Set A Person Markers
2.1.2. Set B Person Markers
2.1.3. Split Ergativity
2.1.4. Ambiguity and Disambiguation of Subject and Object
2.2. Independent Pronouns
2.2.1. Plain Independent Pronouns (IPR)
2.2.2. Indirect Object Pronouns (IOPR)
2.2.3. Independent Possessive Pronouns
2.2.4. Reflexive Pronouns and Reciprocals
2.2.5. Demonstrative Pronouns
2.2.6. Interrogative, Relative, and Indefmite Pronouns
2.2.6.1. Interrogative and Relative Pronouns
2.2.6.2. Indefmite Pronouns
2.1. Person Markers (Dependent Pronouns): Set A and Set B

Person markers, or dependent pronouns, appear with nouns, verbs, and adjectives. They
are traditionally divided into two sets: Set A, which are prefIxed to stems (or NPs), and Set B,
which are suffixed to stems (or NPS).2 As will be described below, Set A person markers are also
known as the ergative set, and Set B, the absolutive set.
2.1.1. Set A Person Markers

The Set A person markers are as follows:
(1) Singular Plural

lst person in(w)- excl. ki(w)-
incl. ki(w)- -e'ex
2nd person a(w)- a(w)- -e'ex
3rd person u(y)- u(y)- -00'
Set A (ergative) person markers reference the agents of transitive verbs (2)-(3) (cf.
3.2.1.2), the subjects of intransitive verbs in non-completive aspects, or the incompletive status,
(4) (cf. 3.1.1, 3.2.2.2), and nominal possessors (5) (cf. 4.3.1.1). Except for the fIrst-person
exclusive, plurals are marked by Set A person marking prefIxes and Set B suffixes, as shown in
(1). The parenthetic glides occur in prevocalic contexts (cf. 1.3.3.5).
1 See chapter 11 for a description of morphosyntactic and discourse functions of person

markers and pronouns.
2 In Yukateko, the Set A person markers are considered proclitics rather than prefIXes by
Bricker et al. (1998:329). As shown in 4.3.1.1, masculine and feminine classifIers may occur
between the the dependent pronoun and the stem. A distinction may also be drawn between the
fIrst- and second-person singular Set B person marker as suffixes and the plural Set B person
markers as second-position enclitics (Kaufman 1991 :9).
36 InA] MA YA GRAMMAR
(2) Incompletive Subject Paradigm of ii, 'see'
Singular Plural
151 k-inw-il-ik-O 'I see it' excl. kiw-il-ik-03 'we (alone) see it'
inc I. kiw-il-ik-O- e'ex 'we all see it'
2 nd k-aw-il-ik-O 'you (sg) see it' k-aw-il-ik-O-e'ex. 'you all see it'
3'd k-uy-il-ik-O 'slhe sees it' k-uy-il-ik-O-oo' 'they see it'
(3) Completive Subject Paradigm of ii, 'see'
Singular Plural
1st t-inw-il-aj-O 'I saw it' excl. ti-kiw-il-aj-O 'we saw it'
inc!. ti-kiw-il-aj-O-e 'ex 'we all saw it'
2 nd t-aw-il-aj-O 'you saw it' t-aw-il-aj-O-e'ex 'you all saw it'
3'd t-uy-il-aj-O 'slhe saw it' t-uy-il-ajO-oo' 'they saw it'
(4) Incompletive Subject Paradigm of tal, 'come'
Singular Plural
151 k-in-tal 'I come' excl. ki-tal 'we come'
incl. ki-tal-e'ex 'we all come'
2 nd k-a-tal 'you come' k-a-tal-e'ex 'you all come'
3'd k-u-tal 'slhe comes' k-u-tal-oo' 'they come'
(5) Possessive Pronoun Paradigm with naj, 'house'
Singular Plural
151 in-naj 'my house' excl. ki-naj 'our house'
incl. ki-naj-e'ex 'our (incl.) house'
. ,
2 nd a-naj 'your house' a-naJ-e ex 'your (pI) house'
3rd u-naj 'hislher house' u-naj-oo' 'their house'
2.1.2. Set B Person Markers

The Set B (absolutive) person markers, or dependent pronouns, are as follows:
(1) Singular Plural

1st person -(e) en exel. -o'on
inel. -o'on-e'ex
2nd person -(e)ech -e'ex
3rd person -0, _ij 4 -00'
Set B person markers indicate direct objects (patients) when suffixed to transitive verbs
(2)-(4) (cf. 3.2.1.2). They indicate subjects when suffixed to intransitive verbs in the completive
aspect or status (5) and in the dependent status (6) (cf. 3.2.2.2). They are also suffixed to
adjectives and nouns to mark subjects in stative constructions (7) (cf. 4.3.1.2). The -ij allomorph
of the third-person singular Set B person marker indicates intransitive subjects in the completive
status (5), while the -0 allomorph marks direct objects (2)-(4) or subjects of intransitive verbs in
the dependent status (6) and of statives (7). The lengthened vowels of the fIrst- and second-person
3 'il, 'see', also has the irregular fIrst-person plural incompletive form kikilik, 'we see it'.
4 Historically, the -ij suffix was a perfective marker (Bricker 1986:23), but it is
considered here to have undergone reanalysis as a third-person singular marker.

singular pronouns appear when they mark direct objects in the dependent and imperative statuses
(4) or intransitive subjects in the completive status (5) (cf. 1.3.8.1.4.).
(2) Incompletive Status Object Paradigm of ii, see'
Singular Object Plural Object

1II k-uy-il-ik-en 'slbe saw me' excl. k-uy-il-ik-o 'on 'slbe sees us'
incl. k-uy-il-ik-o 'on-e'ex 's/he sees all of us'
k-uy-il-ik-ech 's/he sees you' k-uy-il-ik-e'ex 's/he sees you all'
k-uy-il-ik-' 'slbe sees himlher/it' k-uy-il-ik-oo' 's/he sees them'
(3) Completive Status Object Paradigm of ii, 'see'
Singular Object Plural Object

1st t-uy-il-aj-en 's/he saw me' excl. t-uy-il-aj-o 'on 's/he saw us'
incl. t-uy-il-aj-o 'on-e'ex 's/he sawall of us'
t-uy-il-aj-ech 's/he saw you' t-uy-il-aj-B-e'ex 's/he saw you all'
t-uy-il-aj-, 's/he saw himlher/it' t-uy-il-aj-B-oo' 'slbe saw them'
(4) Dependent Status Object Paradigm of il, 'see'
Singular Object
ka' uy-il-a'-en - ka' uyileen 'that s/he see me'
ka' uy-il-a'-ech - ka' uyileech 'that he see you'
ka' uy-il-a'-' 'that s/he see himlher/it'
Plural Object
excl. ka' uy-il-a'-o'on - ka' uyilo'on 'that s/he see us'
incl. ka' uy-il-a'-o'on-e'ex - ka' uyilo'on-e'ex 'that s/he see all of us'
ka' uy-il-a'-e'ex - ka' uyile'ex 'that s/he see you all'
ka' uy-il-a'-oo' - ka' uy-il-oo' 'that s/he see them'
(5) Completive Subject Paradigm of tal, 'come'
(6) Dependent Status Subject Paradigm of k'och, 'arrive'
Singular Plural
1II ka' k'och-ok-en 'that I arrive' excl. ka' k'och-ok-o'on 'that we arrive'
incl. ka' k'och-ok-o'on-e'ex 'that we all arrive'
ka' k'och-ok-ech 'that you arrive' ka' k'och-ok-e'ex 'that you all arrive'
ka' k'och-ok-' 'that slbe arrive' ka' k'och-ok-oo' 'that they arrive'
(7) Stative Subject Paradigm ofwi'ij, 'hungry'
Singular Plural
1st wi'ij-en 'I am hungry' excl. wi'ij-o'on 'we are hungry'
incl. wi'ij-o 'on-e'ex 'we all are hungry'
wi'ij-ech 'you are hungry' wi'ij-e'ex 'you all are hungry'
wi'ij-I 's/he is hungry' wi'ij-oo' 'they are hungry'
2.1.3. Split Ergativity

To recapitulate the person-marking system described in 2.1.1 and 2.1.2: Set A person
markers indicate transitive subjects (semantic agents) regardless of aspect or status (and thus are
the ergative set). They also mark intransitive subjects in the non-completive status. Set B person
markers indicate all direct objects, as well as intransitive subjects in the completive and in the
dependent statuses (and are thus the absolutive set). The result is a split ergative system. It is
ergative in the completive and dependent statuses, where transitive agents are marked by Set A
person markers, but intransitive subjects and transitive objects are marked by Set B pronouns. It is
nominative in the incompletive status, where Set A person markers indicate both transitive and
intransitive subjects, while transitive objects are referenced by Set B person markers.
2.1.4. Ambiguity and Disambiguation of Subject and Object

Although plural Set A person markers incorporate Set B suffixes, there is little potential
for ambiguity about whether suffixes are marking subjects or direct objects. Examples which are
ambiguous in isolation such as (1) are rarely ambiguous in context. Sources of disambiguation in
the larger context include independent pronouns (2)-(5) (see chapters 9 and 11). If more than one
Set B suffix appears, they generally occur in the order of the person hierarchy: first> second>
third, regardless of case role, as indicated by (2)-(7). One exception to this rule is with second-
person plural, which may precede first-person plural generally (5), and must appear first in
imperatives (8). Overt mention by nouns or independent pronouns, verbal semantics, and implicit
marking (second-person for imperatives) aid in the disambiguation of case roles.
( 1) T-uy-i1-aj-oo'.
cOM-3A-see-CTS-3pL.B
'He saw them.' or 'They saw him.' or 'They saw them.'
(2) La'ayti'-oo't-u-cha'an-t-aj-e'ex(-oo?
3IPR-3pL.B cOM-3A-watch-TRN-CTS-2pL.B( -3PL.B)
'They watched you all.'
(3) In-te'ex t-aw-i1-aj-e'ex-oo'.

EMP-2PL.lPR COM -2A-see-CTS-2pL.B-3 PL.B
'You all saw them.'
(4) In-to'on-e'ex tan-kiw-il-ik-e-e'ex.

EMP-lpL.IPR-2pL.B DUR-l pL.A-see-JTs-3sG.B-2pL.B
'All of us are seeing it.'
(5a) In-te'ex t-aw-i1-aj-o'on(-e'ex}.

EMP-2pL.IPR cOM-2A-see-CTS-lpL.B(-2PL.B)
'You all saw us.'
(5b) In-te'ex t-aw-i1-aj-e'ex-o'on.

EMP-2pL.lPR cOM-2A-see-CTS-2pL.B(-1 PL.B)
'You all saw us.'
(6) T-uy-il-aj-o'on-e'ex-oo'.
cOM-3A-see-CTS-lpL.B-2pL.B-3pL.B
'They sawall of us.'
(7) Tan-kiw-il-ik-e'ex-oo'.
DUR-lpL.A-see-ITS-2pL.B-3pL.B
'We all are seeing them.'
(8a) Il(-a ,)-e'ex-o 'on.

see( -IMPTS)-2pL.B-1pL.B
'Look at us!'
(8b) *Il(-a,)-o'on-e'ex!
see( -IMPTS)-lPL.B-2pL.B
2.2. Independent Pronouns
2.2.1. Plain Independent Pronouns (IPR)

The set of plain independent pronouns is as follows: 5
Singular Plural
lst person (in-) ten excl. (in-)to'on
inel. (in-)to 'on-e'ex
2nd person (in-)tech (in-)te'ex
3rd person la'ayti' la'ayti'-oo'
Independent pronouns signal discourse highlighting and are commonly fronted in

topic-shift and contrastive-focus constructions (cf. 8.1.2, 11.2; Hofling 1982, 1991). They are
typically redundant, as their reference is additionally and obligatorily indicated by person
markers. First- and second-person independent pronouns (but not indirect object pronouns or
third-person pronouns of any kind) may also have the emphatic prefix in-, reflecting additional
discourse highlighting (cf. 11.2).
2.2.2. Indirect Object Pronouns (IOPR)

The set of indirect object pronouns is as follows:
Singular Plural
lst person ten excl. to'on
incl. to'on-e'ex
2nd person tech te'ex
3rd person ti'ij ti'ij-oo'
First- and second-person indirect object pronouns are formally identical to independent
pronouns (cf. 2.2.1), but 10 pronouns typically appear after the verb (cf. 11.3).
(1) a' noj-och winik-ej k-uy-a'l-ik b'in ti'ij-ej

DET great-ADJ man-TOP INc-3A-say-ITS REPORT 3IOPR-TOP
'they say the old man says to him'
5 From a historical perspective, plain independent pronouns and indirect object pronouns
appear to combine the general preposition ti' with Set B pronouns. Such morpheme divisions are
not regularly marked in this text (cf. Hanks 1985, 1990: 19-20 on Yukateko).
40 11ZAJMAYA GRAMMAR
(2) i t-uy-a'l-aj ten

and cOM-3A-say-cTs ISG.IOPR
'and he told me'
2.1.3. Independent Possessive Pronouns

There is also a set of independent possessive pronouns formed from Set A person
markers, the general preposition ti', and the suffix -a'al (cf. 11.4).
Singular Plural
1st person in-ti'-a'al excl. ki-ti'-a'al
incl. ki-ti'-a'al-e'ex
2nd person a-ti'-a'al a-ti'-a'al-e'ex
3rd person u-ti'-a'al u-ti'-a'al-oo'
(1) A' tzimin-ej yutzilje-b'ix in-ti'-a'al-ej.

DET horse-TOP pretty oST-like ISG.A-to-POS-TOP
'The horse is pretty like mine.'
(2) A' naj-ej a-ti'-a 'al.

DET house-ToP 2A-to-POS
'The house is yours.'
2.1.4. Reflexive Pronouns and Reciprocals

Reflexive pronouns are formed by combining Set A possessive pronouns with the
reflexive stem -b'aj (cf. 10.1.6).
Singular Plural
1st person im-b'aj excl. ki-b'aj
incl. ki-b'aj-e'ex
1ndperson a-b'aj a-b'aj-e'ex
3rdperson u-b'aj u-b'aj-oo'
Reflexive pronouns are typically objects of transitive verbs (1)-(3) or are found in stative
constructions (4)-(6). Plural reflexives are often reciprocal (4)-(6).
(1) Ma' tan-a-pek-s-ik a-b'aj.

NEG DUR-2A-move-CAUS-ITS 2A-REFL
'You aren't moving yourself.'
(2) Tan-u-b'os-ik u-b'aj tija'.

DUR-3A-soak-ITS 3A-REFL in water
'S/he is soaking herselflhimselfin the water.'
(3) Tan-u-tiis-ik u-b'aj-oo'.

DUR-3A-line.up-ITs 3A-REFL-PL
They are lining themselves up.
(4) natz' u-b'IIj-U-oo'

close 3A-REFL-POS-PL
'they are close to one another'
(5) k'it-a'an u-b'aj-oo'

spread-PART 3A-REFL-PL
'they are spread out from one another'
(6) k'iit-a'an u-b'aj-oo'

cross-PART 3A-REFL-PL
'they are crossed over one another'
2.2.5. Demonstrative Pronouns.

Demonstrative pronouns are usually composed of the determiner and a demonstrative
adjective in the form: DET-(OST-)DIST/PROX(-PL) (cf. 11.5).
Proximal Distal
a/-(je/-)la/ a/-(je~-lo/
DET-(OST-)PROX DET-(OST-)DIST
'this' 'that'
Like the independent pronouns described in 2.2.1, demonstrative pronouns mark

discourse highlighting in topicalization and contrastive-focus constructions (cf. 8.1.2, 11.5).
(1) A '-je'-loj ma/an u-tak'in.

DET-OST-DIST NEG/EXIST 3A-money
'That one doesn't have any money.'
(2) A'-la'-ej ma' ma/lo/ b'a'ax-i'i}.

DET-PROX-TOP NEG good thing-Foe
'This is not a good thing.'
(3) A '-laj keej.

DET-PROX deer
'This is a deer.'
(4) Chen a'-lo' u-meyaj-ej.

only DET-DIST 3A-work-TOP
'Only that is his work.'
2.2.6. Interrogative, Relative, and Indefinite Pronouns
2.2.6.1. Interrogative and Relative Pronouns

Interrogative and relative pronouns are as follows (cf. 7.8, chapters 18,22, and 24):
Interrogative Relative
bra/ax 'what' ba'ax 'what'
b'i=k'in 'when' (lit., 'what day') kil 'when' (incompletive status)
ba'ax /ooraj 'when' (lit., 'what hour') kat 'when' (completive, dependent)
b'ix 'how' jeb'ix ... -e/ 'just as'
b'aaylo' ... -e/ 'thus'
maax 'who' maax 'who'
tu'ux 'where' tu/ux 'where'
2.2.6.2. Indefinite Pronouns

Two sets of indefmite pronouns are formed from the interrogative/relative pronouns. One
set is formed with the ostensive deictic prefixje', an irrealis -ak suffix, and the topic marker
-e/ (cf. 15.4.2.6, 24.2.2). The other set is formed with the interrogative marker waj (cf. 18.2.1).
42 I1ZAJMAYA GRAMMAR
Je'-Interrogative-ak-e ' waj + Interrogative

je'-b'a'ax-ak-e' 'whatever' wa=b'a'ax 'something', 'anything'
je-b'ix-ak-e' 'however'
je'-max-ak-e' 'whoever' wa=max 'someone', 'anyone'
je'-tu'ux-ak-e' 'wherever' wa=tu'ux 'somewhere', 'anywhere'
3. VERBAL COMPLEX 43
3. Verbal Complex I
3.0. Contents
3.1. Tense, Aspect, Mood, and Status
3.1.1. Incompletive Status
3.1.1.1. Uninflected TAM Markers
3.1.1.2. Inflected TAM Markers
3.1.1.2.1. Adverbial Auxiliaries
3.1.1.2.2. Intransitive Verbal Auxiliaries
3.1.2. Completive Aspect and Status
3.1.3. Dependent Status
3.1.4. Imperative Status
3.1.5. Summary of TAM and Status Markers
3.2. Verb Root Classes
3.2.1. Transitive Roots
3.2.1.1. Transitive Root List
3.2.1.2. Transitive Inflection
3.2.2. Intransitive Roots
3.2.2.1. Intransitive Root List
3.2.2.2. Intransitive Inflection
3.2.3. Polyvalent Roots
3.3. Verb Derivation and Voice
3.3.1. Voice for Transitive Roots
3.3.1.1. Major Voices
3.3.1.1.1. Transitive Voice
3.3.1.1.1.1. Active Transitive
3.3.1.1.1.2. Perfect Transitive
3.3 .1.1.1.3. Reflexive
3.3.1.1.2. Intransitive Voices
3.3.1.1.2.1. Mediopassive (Middle) Voice
3.3.1.1.2.1.1 Mediopassive Voice with Glottal Insertion
3.3.1.1.2.2. Antipassive Voice
3.3.1.1.2.3. Canonical Passive Voice
3.3.1.2. Minor Voices
3.3.1.2.1. Agentless Passive
3.3.1.2.2. Celeritive Intransitive
3.3.2. Verbs Derived from Other Root Types
3.3.2.1. Positionals
3.3.2.1.1. Positional Roots
3.3.2.1.2. Positional Verbs
3.3.2.2. Inchoative (Versive) Verbs
3.3.2.3. Active Verbs
3.3.2.4. Affective Verbs
3.3.2.4.1. Affective Roots
3.3.2.4.2. Affective Verb Inflection
3.3.3. Deriving Transitive Verbs
3.3.3.1. Deriving Transitives from Intransitive Roots and Stems with -EsA.
3.3.3 .1.1. Intransitive Roots with -EsA"
3.3.3.1.2. Transitive Stems with -t-EsA"
3.3.3.1.3. Celeritive Transitive Stems with -k'-EsA.
1 Good overviews of verbal mmphology in Yukateko are found in Ayres and Pfeiler
(1997) and Bricker et al. (1998).
44 ITZA] MAYA GRAMMAR
3.3.3.1.4. Transitive Stems with -b'-EsA"

3.3.3.2. Deriving Transitives from Active Verbal Nouns
3.3.3.2.1. Deriving Transitives from Active Verbal Noun Roots with (-in)-t, (-tJ-es
3.3.3.2.2. Deriving Transitives from Derived Active Verbal Nouns
3.3.3.3. Deriving Transitives from Other Stems with kUn-t
3.3.3.3.1. Deriving Transitives from Other Stems with kUn-t-es
3.3.3.4. Voice Alternation for Derived Transitive Verbs
3.3.3.4.1. Antipassive Voice
3.3.3.4.2. Canonical Passive
3.3.3.4.4. Intransitive Celeritive
3.3.3.5. Reflexives and Reciprocals
3.3.4. Reduplication in Verb Stems
3.3.4.1. Partial Reduplication
3.3.4.2. Complete Reduplication
3.4. Sensory and Cognitive Verbs
3.5. Verb Compounds
3.5.1. Noun Incorporation
3.5.1.1. Active/Antipassive Incorporating Forms
3.5.1.1.1. Object Noun Incorporation
3.5.1.1.2. Incorporation of Reflexive -b'a)
3.5.1.1.3. Incorporation ofIntrumental and Locative Nouns
3.5.1.2. Retransitivized Noun-Incorporated Forms
3.5.2. Adverbial Incorporation
3.5.3. Compounds with Two Verb Stems
3.5.4. Verb Phrases with Specialized Meanings
Verbs may be formed from transitive (T) and intransitive (I) verb roots or derived from
adjective (A), affective (At), and positional (P) roots. Verbs are composed of roots and affixes and
are morphologically distinct from other form classes.
The affIXes may be derivational, deriving verbs of one class from another (including
other verb classes), or inflectional, marking grammatical information oftense-aspect-mood
(TAM), subject and object person marking, and voice.
3.1. Tense, Aspect, Mood, and Status

Verbal affixes and auxiliaries indicate a complex of information traditionally labeled as
tense, aspect, and mood. Tense refers to an event's location in time relative to the discourse
present, typically past (anterior in time), present (at same time) and future (posterior in time).
Aspect refers to an evaluation of the manner of the event with respect to its completion, such as
durative or continuous (ongoing action), perfective or completive (completed action), or
iterative (repeated action). Mood refers to point of view regarding certainty or intention about an
event, such as irrealis, indicating that an event is imagined but not claimed to have occurred, or
assurative, indicating a speaker's assurance that an event will occur. These categories blend in
Itzaj and the abbreviation TAM is used for the more inclusive tense/aspect/mood category.
Tense/aspect/mood in Itzaj are contained in preverbal elements, some of which are auxiliaries.
Status is a related category marked by verbal suffixes that encode features of transitivity
(whether or not the verb has a direct object) and TAM. TAM information may thus be marked
before the verb stem and by suffixes. For example, verbs in the incompletive status have the
following structure:
TAMIAUX (-)A.PR-Root(-DER -Voice)-Status(-B.PR)2
Four statuses are marked: incompletive, completive, dependent, and imperative.
3.1.1. Incompietive Status

The incompletive status is marked by an -ik suffix on transitive verbs (I) and a harmonic
-VI suffix on canonical intransitive verbs (2)-(3) (cf. 1.4.4). The incompletive-status form is used
as the entry form in the Itzaj dictionary (Hofling 1997). A variety of prefixes and preverbal
adverbial and intransitive auxiliaries appear with the incompletive status (cf. Bricker 1981 :viii-ix;
Bricker et a1.1998:330-331; Ayres and Pfeiler 1997:13-23 for comparison with Yukateko).
(1) k-uy-il-ik 'slbe sees it'

INC-3A-see-JTS
(2) k-u-wen-el 'slbe sleeps'

INC-3A-sleep-IIs
(3) k-u-Iub'-ul 'slbe falls'

INc-3A-fall-IIs
3.1.1.1. Uninflected TAM Markers

Uninflected TAM markers are not marked for status, in contrast to adverbial and
intransitive auxiliaries (3.1.1.2). A variety of these aspect markers may appear as independent
words or as prefixes to the verb. The incompletive aspect marker, k-, and the durative aspect
marker, taan, are very common. The incompletive aspect is shown in (I).
(la) k- incompletive
INC
(1 b) k-in-wen-el 'I sleep' (habitually)

INc-l sG.A-sleep-IIs
(lc) k-a-wen-el 'you (sg) sleep' (habitually)

INC-2A-sleep-lls
(1 d) k-u-wen-el 'slbe sleeps' (habitually)

INC-3A-sleep-IIs
(Ie) ki-wen-eP 'we sleep' (habitually)

INc/ I PL.A-sleep-liS
The durative aspect marker, taan, is commonly used to indicate ongoing action (2). Its
vowel frequently shortens and it may contract with Set A person markers (2b )-(2e) (cf. 1.4.7,
2.1.1). It is not ordinarily inflected for the completive status but can be, and so it is also listed in
3.1.1.2. Other common incompletive TAM markers appear in (3)-(5).
2 The parenthetic Set B pronoun suffix appears with transitive verbs, but not with
intransitive verbs. According to root and stem type, different derivational and voice suffixes may
occur.
3 The incompletive marker k- merges with the first-person plural Set A person marker ki-
(cf. 1.3.7.4, 2.1.1).
46 ITZAJ MA fA GRAMMAR
(2a) ta(a)n(-) durative

DUR
(2b) taan-in(w)- > tin (w)-

DUR-lSG.A- DuRllSG.A-
(2c) taan-a(w)- > tan(w)-

DUR-2A- DuRl2.A-
(2d) taan-u(y)- > tun (y)-

DUR-3A- DuRl3A-
(2e) tan-u-wen-el- tun-wen-el 'slhe is sleeping'

DUR-3A-sleep-IIS
(3a) je'-(le') ... -e' assurative

OST-(?)- ... -TOP
(3b) je'-(le') u-wen-el-ej 'slhe will sleep' (assuredly)

OST-(?)-3A-sleep-IIs-TOP
(4a) kil ... -e' 'when', 'whenever' (non-past)

when
(4b) kil u-wen-el-ej 'when slhe sleeps'

when 3A-sleep-lls-TOP
(5a) tantoj - tant- 'immediate past'

IMM
(5b) tantoj u-wen-el 'slhe just slept'

IMM 3A-sleep-I1s
Other adverbial forms may appear as TAM markers but do not have this function
predominantly (6)-(9). As shown in (8) and (9), some adverbials may function as incompletive
TAM markers or appear with completive verbs.
(6) samal u-wen-el 'slhe will sleep tomorrow'

tomorrow 3A-sleep-I1s
(7) jo'm-a'an u-k'och-ol 'slhe haslhad already arrived'

ftnish-PART 3A-arrive-lls
(8a) seeb' u-b'et-ik 'slhe does it quickly'

fast 3A-do-I1s
(8b) seeb t-u-b'et-aj 'slhe did it quickly'

fast cOM-3A-do-CTS
(9a) uch-ak im-b'el 'maybe I'll go'

happen-IRREAL lSG.A-go
(9b) uch-ak b'in-ij 'maybe slhe went'

happen-IRREAL go-3SG.B
3.1.1.2. Inflected TAM Markers
3.1.1.2.1. Adverbial Auxiliaries

Adverbial auxiliaries may be inflected for the completive status like inchoative verbs, but
they are not marked for the incompletive status, in contrast to intransitive auxiliaries (1)-(8) (cf.
3.1.1.2.2, 3.3.2.2).
(la) chich
hard
(lb) chich u-b'et-ik 's/he does it hard, quickly'

hard 3A-do-ITS
(Ic) chich-aj-ij u-b'et-ik 's/he had to do it hard, quickly'

hard-CIS-3sG.B 3A-do-ITS
(ld) ka' chich-ak-fJ u-b'et-ik 'that s/he do it hard, quickly'

SUB hard-DIS-3sG.B 3A-do-ITS
(2a) k'ab'eet
need
(2b) k'ab'eet im-b'et-ik 'I need to do it'

need lSG.A-do-ITS
(2c) k'ab'eet-aj-ij im-b'et-ik 'I needed to do it'

need-CIS-3SG.B ISG.A-do-ITS
(2d) ka' k'ab'eet-ak-fJ im-b'et-ik 'when I need to do it'

SUB need-DIS-3SG.B ISG.A-do-ITS
(3a) olak u-wen-el 'slhe almost slept'

almost 3A-sleep-lls
(3b) olak-aj-ij u-wen-el 'slhe almost slept'

almost-cIs-3SG.B 3A-sleep-lls
(3c) "'ka' olak-ak

SUB almost-DIs
(4a) pat- abilitative

ABIL
(4b) pat-al u-wen-el 'slhe can sleep'

ABIL-? 3A-sleep-lls
(4c) pat-aj-ij u-wen-el 'slhe could sleep'

ABIL-CIS-3SG.B 3A-sleep-lls
(4d) wa ka' pat-ak u-wen-el 'if s/he could sleep'

if SUB ABIL-DIS 3A-sleep-lls
(Sa) suk 'customarily'

CUST
(5b) suk u-wen-e/ 's/he is accustomed to sleep'

CUST 3A-sleep-IIS
(5c) suk-aj-ij u-wen-e/ 's/he was accustomed to sleep'

CUST-CIS-3so.B 3A-sleep-lls
(5d) ka'suk-ak u-wen-e/ 'when s/he is accustomed to sleep'

SUB CUST-DIS 3A-sleep-IIS
(6a) ta(a)n durative

DUR
(6b) ta(a)n u-wen-e/ 's/he is/was sleeping'

DUR 3A-sleep-IIs
(6c) ta(a)n-aj-ij u-wen-e/ 's/he was sleeping'

DUR-CIS-3so.B 3A-sleep-IIs
(6d) *ka'taan-ak
SUB DUR-DIS
(7a) tak desiderative

DES
(7b) tak u-wen-e/ 's/he wants to sleep'

DES 3A-sleep-IIS
(7c) tak-aj-ij u-wen-e/ 's/he wanted to sleep'

DES-CIS-3so.B 3A-sleep-IIS
(7d) ka' tak-ak-{} u-wen-e/ 'when s/he wants to sleep'

SUB DES-DIS-3so.B 3A-sleep-IIs
(8a) ya (a) n obligative

OBLIO
(8b) ya(a)n u-wen-e/ 's/he has to sleep'

OBLIO 3A-sleep-IIs
(8c) ya(a)n-aj-ij u-wen-e/ 's/he had to sleep'

OBLIO-CIS-3so.B 3A-sleep-IIs
(8d) *ka' yaan-ak

SUB OBLIO-DIS
3.1.1.2.2. Intransitive Verbal Auxiliaries

Intransitive verbal auxiliaries are inflected for aspect and status like other intransitive
verbs, while the main verb is marked for the incompletive status (1)_(4).4 These auxiliaries involve
aspectual semantics relating to the beginnings and endings of events (cf. 15.2.5). In the
completive aspect, the -ij suffix is optionally deleted (cf. 1.4.7).
4 These constructions contrast with constructions in which intransitive main verbs are
followed by subordinate verbs in the dependent status (cf. 3.1.3).

(la) jop'S
begin
(lb) k-u-jop'-ol u-b'et-ik 'slbe begins to do it'

3A-begin-ils 3A-do-ITS
(lc) jop'-ij u-b'et-ik 'slbe began to do it'

begin-3sG.B 3A-do-ITS
(ld) ka'jop'-ok-e u-b'et-ik 'that slbe begin to do it'

SUB begin-DIs-3sG.B 3A-do-ITS
(2a) jo'm
end
(2b) k-u-jo'm-ol u-wen-el 'slbe finishes sleeping'

INC-3A-end-IIS 3A-sleep-IIs
(2c) jo'm-ij u-wen-el 'slbe finished sleeping.'

end-3SG.B 3A-sleep-lls
(2d) ka'jo'm-ok-IJ u-wen-el 'when slbe fmishes sleeping.'

SUB end-DIS-3SG.B 3A-sleep-IIs
(3a) kaj
begin
(3b) tantoj u-kaj-iil u-tal 'slbe just started coming'

IMM 3A-begin-Ils 3A-work
(3c) kaj-ij im-meyaj-t-ik 'I began to work it'

begin-3sG.B ISG.A-work-TRN-ITS
(3d) ka' kaJ-ak-1J im-meyaj-t-ik 'when I begin to work it'

SUB begin-DIs-3sG.B ISG.A-work-TRN-ITS
(4a) tz'o'k
end
(4b) k-u-tz'o'k-ol u-wen-el 'slbe fmishes sleeping'

INC-3A-end-Ils 3A-sleep-lls
(4c) tz'o'k-ij u-wen-el 'slbe fmished sleeping'

end-3sG.B 3A-sleep-IIs
(4d) ka' tz'o'k-ok-IJ u-wen-el 'when slbe fmishes sleeping'

SUB end-DIS-3SG.B 3A-sleep-IIS
5 The intransitive verbjop', 'begin', may precede a main verb in the incompletive status
as in (lb), but it more commonly triggers the dependent status (cf. 3.1.3, 15.4.2.8.3).
3.1.2. Completive Aspect and Status

Transitive verbs in the completive aspect/status are marked by the prefIx t- and the suffix
-aj, as in (1).6 Perfect transitives are also marked by the -aj suffix (2). Intransitive verbs in the
completive status are marked by the -aj suffix, as in (3), or -0, as in (4). A perfect meaning may be
marked in participial forms (5) (cf. 6.3.1).
(1) t-uy-il-aj-ech 's/he saw you'

cOM-3A-see-CTS-2SG.B
(2) uy-il-m-aj-ech 'slhe has seen you'

3A-See-PERF-CTS-2SG.B
(3) suk-aj-ij 's/he was accustomed'

accustom-CIs-3SG .B
(4) wen-I-ij 's/he slept'

sleep-cIS-3sG.B
(5) wen-a'an-@ 's/he has slept, is asleep'

sleep-PART-3sG.B

Dependent status verbs are subordinate verbs (cf. 15.4, 23.2, chapter 24). The form of
dependent status marking on transitive verbs depends on the verb's derivational history. Root
transitives are marked by a harmonic -V' suffix (1 a )-( 1b), transitives derived from intransitive
roots are marked by -0 (Ic), and other derived transitives are marked by -ej (ld). Canonical
intransitives take harmonic -Vk suffixes (2a). Antipassive intransitives or intransitive verbs
derived from adjectives or positional roots have -ak suffixes, as in (2b)-(2c). Verbs of motion are
common as auxiliaries for transitive verbs in the dependent status (3). The inceptive auxiliary jop'
generally triggers the dependent status, as in (4), but may appear as an incompletive status
auxiliary (cf. 3.1.1.2.2).
(la) lea' uy-uk'-u'-@ 'that s/he drink it'

SUB 3A-driok-DTS-3SG.B
(lb) lea' uy_il_a,_@7 'that s/he see it'

SUB 3A-see-DTS-3sG.B
(lc) lea' u-kim-es-I-@ 'that s/he kill it'

SUB 3A-die-CAUS-DTS-3SG.B
(ld) lea' u-jan-t-ej-@ 'that s/he eat it'

SUB 3A-eat-TRN-DTS-3SG.B
(2a) lea' wen-ek-@ 'that s/he sleep'

SUB sleep-DIs-3sG.B
6 The completive aspect marker has the allomorph ti- when it occurs with the fIrst-person
plural Set A person marker ki(w)-, as in tikiwilajech, 'we saw you'. Ii may also mark completive
intransitives in conjunction with the adverb lea', 'when', as lea' ti (cf. 20.2.2.1, 24.1.1.3.1).
7 The non-harmonic -a' suffix on -ii, 'see', is irregular.

(2b) ka' juch '-n-ak-ech 'that you grind (com)'

SUB grind-AP-DIS-2SG.B
(2c) ka' pech-I-ak-ech 'that you lie flat'

SUB lie. flat-poSIT -DIS-2SG.B
(3a) u-ka'aj uy-uk'-u'-tl 's/he is going to drink it'

3A-go 3A-drink-OTS-3SG.B
(3b) ko'ox kiw-uk'-u'-tl 'let's (go) drink it'

HORT 1PL.A-drink-OTS-3sG.B
(3c) ko'on aw-i/-uk'-u'-tl 'come drink it!'

come/IMP 2A-drink-OTS-3SG.B
(3d) utak uy-uk'-u'-tl 's/he's coming to drink it'

coming 3A-drink-OTS-3sG.B
(4) jop'-ij u-cha'an-t-ej-tl 's/he began to watch it'

begin-3sG.B 3A-watch-TRN-OTS-3SG.B
3.1.4. Imperative Status

The imperative status is marked by an -en suffIX on intransitive verbs (1)-(3). Transitive
imperatives have no TAM or person-marking prefixes, but they have status-marking suffixes
identical to dependent transitive marking (4)-(7) (cf. 3.1.3). Negative imperatives have
incompletive status suffixes (8) (cf. 15.4.1, 19.1.3).
(1) wen-en! 'sleep!'

sleep-IMPIS
(2) nak-I-en! 'sit!'

sit-POSIT-IMPIS
(3) juch'-n-en! 'grind!'

sit-AP-IMPIS
(4) uk'-u'-tl! 'drink it!'

drink-IMPTS-3sG.B
(5) il-a '-tl! 'look at it!'

see-IMPTS-3sG.B
(6) kim-es-'-tl! 'kill it!'

die-cAus-IMPTS-3sG .B
(7) jan-t-ej-tl! 'eat it!'

eat-TRN-IMPTS-3SG.B
(8) ma' a-jan-t-ik! 'don't eat it!'

NEG 2A-eat-TRN-ITS
3.1.5. Summary of TAM and Status Markers

The major TAM and status markers for transitive and intransitive verbs are summarized
in the following chart.
INCOMPLETIVE STATUS
Aspect Transitive -Status-Topic Aspect Intransitive-Status-Topic

Uninflected Aspect
'incompletive' k- Verb -ik k- Verb -VI
'durative' taan Verb -ik taan Verb -VI
'assurative' je'le' Verb -ik -e' je'le' Verb -VI -e'
'when' kil Verb -ik -e' kil Verb -VI -e'
'immediate past' tantoj Verb -ik tantoj Verb -VI
Aspect Transitive -Status Aspect Intransitive -Status
Inflected Adverbial
'hard' chich Verb -ik chich Verb -VI
'need' k'ab'eet Verb -ik k'ab'eet Verb -VI
'almost' olak Verb -ik olak Verb -VI
'abilitative' pat Verb -ik patal Verb -VI
'customarily' suk Verb -ik suk Verb -VI
,desideritive' tak Verb -ik tak Verb -VI
'obligative' yaan Verb -ik yaan Verb -VI
Inflected Auxiliary
'inceptive' jop Verb -ik jop Verb -VI
'inceptive' kaj Verb -ik kaj Verb -VI
'terminative' jo'm Verb -ik jo'm Verb -VI
'terminative tz'o'k Verb -ik tz'o'k Verb -VI
COMPLETIVE STATUS

'completive' t- Verb -aj 0- ti Verb (-aj, -0)
'perfect' 0 Verb -m-aj (0 Verb -a'an)8
DEPENDENT STATUS

'subjunctive' ka' Verb -V', -ej, -0 0 Verb -VIc, -ak
IMPERATIVE STATUS

'command' 0 Verb -V', -ej, -0 0 Verb -en
3.2. Verb Root Classes
3.2.1. Transitive Roots
3.2.1.1. Transitive Root List

Transitive verbs are verbs that have direct objects in addition to subjects. Transitive verbs
8 The form with -a'an is a perfect participle (cf. 6.3.1).

from transitive roots are formally simpler than derived transitive verbs. They lack derivational
suffIxes. Virtually all transitive verbs are of the shape CVC (C4C for central vowels). Initial
glottld stops are only written if they are fIrm (cf. 1.3.3.5.2).9
BA".1 'nail' MAK 'close'

BAK' 'coil' MA"N 'buy'
B'IT 'pinch' NA"Y 'put on side'
B'U.I 'split' PA' 'break', 'split'
CHAK 'cook' P01Z' 'loosen'
CHUK 'reach' PUCH' 'bruise'
CHU.I 'burn' P'A'T 'leave'
CHUN 'begin' P'OX 'blister'
CH'IN 'throw overhand' P'UCH 'beat'
IL 'see' P'US 'bend over'
.IA"T 'tear' SA'1Z' 'stretch'
.IA"1Z 'share' SUT 'tum'
.IA1Z' 'whip' TUL 'fIll'
.IEP' 'tighten' TUK' 'break'
.IlL 'thread' TUS 'stack'
.IUP 'insert' T'AB' 'make fIre', 'light'
.IUP' 'pierce' T'OX 'divide'
KA'CH 'break' T'UL 'fIll container'
K'AL 'close', 'obstruct' 1Z'A(.I) 'give'
K'A'T 'cross' SA"T 'lose'
LAJ 'slap' UK' 'drink'
LEP' 'pinch' XOT' 'cut'
LOCH 'twist'
3.2.1.2. Transitive Inflection

Active transitive verbs based on transitive roots do not have derivational suffIxes (cf.
3.3.3) and only root transitive verbs are marked by a -V' suffIx in the dependent and imperative
statuses (cf. 3.1.3, 3.1.4). Paradigms for root transitive verbs in the various statuses are as
follows:
TAM- A.PR- Root -Status -B.PR

INC k- u- siitz' -ik -8
INC 3A- stretch -ITS -3S0.8
'slhe stretches it'
COM t- u- siitz' -aj -8

COM 3A- stretch -CTS -3S0.8
'slhe stretched it'
DEP ka' u- siitz' -ii' -8

SUB 3A- stretch -DTS -3S0.8
'that slhe stretch it'
IMP siitz' -ii' -0

stretch -IMPTS -3S0.8
'stretch it!'
9 IL is irregular in the dependent status and historically may be a derived stem rather
than a transitive root.
54 I'IZAJ MAYA GRAMMAR
3.2.2. Intransitive Roots
3.2.2.1. Intransitive Root List

Canonical intransitive roots take a hannonic -VI suftix in the incompletive status (cf.
3.1.1). In contrast to root transitive verbs, transitive stems are derived from intransitive roots
with the causative marker -EsA (cf. 3.3.3.1.1). Intransitive roots are of the form CV(')C. An
important subset of intransitive roots are verbs of motion. A fair number of roots are polyvalent
with intransitive and transitive values (and therefore two transitive forms; cf. 3.2.3).
Overwhelmingly, intransitive roots with central vowels have the form CdC, not CdC. Initial
glottal stops are only written if they are finn (cf. 1.3.3.5.2).
'AP' 'break' KIM 'die'

AB' 'melt' K'AJ 'remember'
CHUP 'swell' K'EL 'toast'
CH'AN 'beal' P'UL 'form a column'
CH'IJ 'grow up' SIK' 'anger'
EL 'burn' SUP' 'become overgrown'
JAW 'disappear' TIP' 'sprout'
JE'/Z' 'calm' TUB' 'forget'
JE'L 'rest' '/Z'AK 'beach'
JO'M 'end' '/Z'O'/( 'end'
KAP 'begin' UCH 'happen'
KA'N 'tire' WEN 'sleep'
Verbs of Motlon 1o
B'EL 'go' MAN 'pass by'
EM 'descend' NAK' 'ascend'
JOK' 'leave' OK 'enter'
KA'AJ 'go' (aux) PU'/Z' 'flee'
K'OCH 'arrive' U'L 'arrive' (here)
UK' 'getup' TAB' 'fall in a trap'
LUB' 'fall' TAL 'come'
LUK' 'leave'
3.2.2.2. Intransitive Inflection

Paradigms for root intransitive verbs in the various statuses are as follows:

INC k- u- jok' -01
INC- 3A- leave -lIS
'slhe leaves'
COM jok' -6 -ij

leave -CIS -3SG.B
'slhe left'
10 The verb for 'go' is irregular, with different forms in each status: b'el (lIS), b'in (CIS),
xi'ik (DIS), and xen (IMPIS). The auxiliary ka'aj does not take TAM marking prefixes or status
suftixes. TAL optionally takes an -el SuffIX rather than the regular hannonic - VI sufflx in the
incompletive status.
DEP kat jok' -ok -B

SUB leave -DIS -3S0.B
'that s/he leave'
IMP jok' -en

leave -IMPIS
'leave!'
3.2.3. Polyvalent Roots

Polyvalent roots are roots that enter into more than one paradigm type. Many roots are
polyvalent and their values are specified in the root entry of the dictionary (Hofling 1997). For
example, the root K'ECH, 'tilt', may enter into affective, positional, and transitive paradigms; and
the root /Op/, 'break', may enter into intransitive and transitive paradigms.
3.3. Verb Derivation and Voiee

Itzaj Maya has an elaborate system of voice and related derivational morphology.
Intransitive verbs may be derived from transitive ones and vice-versa, and verbs may be derived
from non-verbal roots. The discourse functions of these various forms are described in chapter 16.
3.3.1. Voiee for Transitive Roots

In addition to the transitive active voice, which indicates a direct object, there are three
major and two minor intransitive voice values for transitive root verbs (Hofling 1994, 1997).
3.3.1.1. Major Voiees

The major voices include the active transitive and three intransitive voices: the
mediopassive, the antipassive, and the canonical passive (PASl).
3.3.1.1.1. Transitive Voiee

Active transitive verbs indicate subjects or agents with Set A person markers, direct
objects, or patients with Set B person makers, and have transitive status-marking suffixes.
3.3.1.1.1.1. Adive Transitive

Active transitive verbs may occur in any status (cf. 3.2.1.2).
T AM- A.PR- Root -Status -B.PR

k- u- stitz/ -ik -B
INC 3A- stretch -Irs -3S0.B
's/he stretches it'
3.3.1.1.1.2. Perfed Transitive

Perfect transitive verbs do not have TAM prefixes but are marked by the perfect suffix
-m and the completive status suffix -aj (cf. 6.3.1.2.6, 6.3.1.2.7, 15.3.2).
A.PR -Root -PERF -Status -B.PR

u- siitz' -m -aj -B
3A- stretch -PERF -crs -3S0.B
's/he has stretched it'
3.3.1.1.1.3. Reflexive
Reflexive verbs have possessed forms of the reflexive marker -b'aj as their direct objects
(1)-(10). In plural forms, the plural suffix -00/ generally appears suffixed to the reflexive marker
as in (5). Most transitive verbs have reflexive forms, some with specialized meanings (cf.
3.3.3.5).
(1) TAM- A.PR- Root -Status -B.PR A.PR- REFL

k- u- siitz' -ik -@ u- b'aj
INC 3A- stretch -ITS -3S0.B 3A REFL
'it stretches itself'
(2) k-u-b'iil-ik u-b'aj 'slbe hides herlbirnself'

INC-3A- hide-ITS 3A-REFL
(3) k-u-jeb'-ik u-b'aj 'slbe spreads out'

INC-3A-open-ITs 3A-REFL
(4) k-u-jup'-ik u-b'aj 'slbe pierces herlhimself'

INC-3A-pierce-ITs 3A-REFL
(5) k-u-k'ub'-ik u-b'aj-oo' 'they deliver themselves'

INc-3A-deliver-ITS 3A-REFL-PL
(6) k-u-muk-ik u-b'aj 'slbe hides (buries) herlbirnself'

INC-3A-bury-ITS 3A-REFL
(7) k-u-pit-ik u-b'aj 'slbe unties herlhirnself'

INC-3A-untie-ITS 3A-REFL
(8) k-u-sut-ik u-b'aj 'slbe spins herlhimself'

INC-3A-turn-ITS 3A-REFL
(9) k-u-t'iin-ik u-b'aj 'slhe tells herlhimself'

INC-3A-tell-ITS 3A-REFL
(10) k-u-tz'ik u-b'aj 'slhe offers, devotes herlhimself'

INc-3A-give/ITs 3A-REFL
3.3.1.1.2. Intransitive Voices
3.3.1.1.2.1. Mediopassive (Middle) Voice

Most transitive roots may appear in the mediopassive voice, following the same pattern
described for canonical intransitive verbs in 3.2.2.2. Roots of the form CiiC change to to CaC in
the mediopassive voice, as in the following paradigms with the transitive root SATZ', 'stretch' (cf.
1.3.8.1.3). The -VC suffixes in the incompletive and dependent statuses are harmonic, with -iiC
for roots with a central vowel. Approximately the same meaning may be indicated by gerundial
constructions (cf. 4.2.2.5).

INC k- u- satz' -iii
INC- 3A- stretch -lIS
'it stretches'
COM satz' -@ -ij

stretch -CIS -3S0.8
'it stretched'
DEP ka' satz' -iik -@

SUB leave -DIS -3S0.8
'that it stretch'
30 VERBAL COMPLEX 57
IMP satz' -en

stretch -IMPIS
'stretch!'
3.3.1.1.2.1.1 Mediopassive Voice with Glottal Insertion

Mediopassive stems are derived from a number of transitive roots by inserting a glottal
stop in the root. II
Transitive Root Intransitive Stem

(1) B'UL b'u'l 'sink'
(2) CHUN chu'm 'begin,12
(3) TUL tu'l 'fill'
(4) XUL xu'l 'end'
(5) XUP xu'p 'use up'
3.3.1.1.2.2. Antipassive Voice

The antipassive voice is an active intransitive voice in which the direct object is absent or
incorporated into the verb (cf. 16.3.4). Verbs in the antipassive voice cannot have independent
direct objects. In all statuses except the incompletive status, antipassives are marked by the suffix
-no Antipassives of transitive roots optionally lengthen the root vowel (or, in the case of liil,
change to [a]) (cf. 1.3.8.1.2). The dependent status suffix is -ak in all cases: 3 The following
paradigms are based on the transitive root, SAoTZ', 'stretch'.
TAM- A.PR- ROOT -Voice -Status -B.PR

INC k- u- satz' -6 -6
INC- 3A- stretch -AP -lIS
's/he stretches (something),
COM satz' -n -aj -ij

stretch -AP -CIS -3S0.B
's/he stretched (something)'
DEP ka' satz'-n -ak -6

SUB stretch -AP -DIS -3S0.B
'that s/he stretch (something),
IMP satz' -n -en

stretch -AP -IMPIS
'stretch (something)!'
3.3.1.1.2.3. Canonical Passive Voice

The canonical passive voice (PAS1) is marked by a -b' suffix. There is no imperative
status form (cf. Hofling and Ojeda 1994 on Yukateko). The incompletive status suffix (-VI) and
the dependent status suffix (-Vk) are harmonic (cf. 1.4.4).
II This process is also apparent in the formation of the mediopassive stemp'i'i;(, 'wake
up', from the positional root P'/X, 'stay awake'.
12 The change in the fmal consonant from Inl to Iml is irregular.
13 Alternatively, the antipassive morpheme could be analyzed as having a central vowel

(-nA), with a harmonic -ak suffix (cf. Kaufman 1991:32).
58 ITZAJMAYA GRAMMAR

INC k- u- siitz' -b' -iii
INC- 3A- stretch -PAsl -lIS
'it is stretched'
COM siitz' -b' -11 -ij

stretch -PAS 1 -CIS -3S0.B
'it was stretched'
DEP ka' siitz' -b' -iik -11

SUB stretch -PAS 1 -DIS -3S0.B
'that it be stretched'
3.3.1.2. Minor Voices

The agentless or impersonal passive (PAs2) is an intransitive voice form in which the
agent is not ordinarily mentioned (Hofling 1994). It is marked by the suffixes -p-aj. When a
capital J is written, it is not pronounced (cf. 1.3.4.3.l). Some roots with the vowel liil have an [ii]
- [a] alternation in agentless passive forms, but the vowel [ii] is more common. There is no
imperative status fonn.

INC k- u- siitz' -p -aJ -al
INC- 3A- stretch -PAs2-DTR -lIS
'it is stretched'
COM siitz' -p -aj -(I -ij

stretch -PAs2-DTR -CIS -3S0.B
'it was stretched'
DEP ka' siitz' -p -aJ -ak -11

SUB stretch -PAs2-DTR -DIS -3S0.B
3.3.1.2.2. Celeritive Intransitive

Celeritive intransitives indicate sudden or unexpected events without implicating outside
agency. They are marked by the suffixes -k'-aj. Capital Js are not pronounced (cf. 1.3.4.3.l). The
root vowel lii/ usually appears as [a] in celeritive forms. There is no imperative status form.
TAM- A.PR- Root -Voice -Status -B.PR

INC k- u- satz' -k' -aJ -al
INC- 3A- stretch -CELER -DTR -lIS
'it stretches suddenly'
COM satz' -k' -aj -11 -ij

stretch -CELER-DTR -CIS -3S0.B
'it stretched suddenly'
DEP ka' satz' -k' -aJ -ak -(I

SUB stretch -CELER-DTR -DIS -3S0.B
'that it stretch suddenly'
3.3.1. Verbs Derived from Other Root Types
3.3.1.1. Positionals
3.3.1.1.1. Positional Roots

Positional roots indicate body positions or postures, as evidenced in the following list.
Most positional roots are of the shape CVC and many are polyvalent, commonly having additional
values as transitive and/or affective roots (cf. Hofling 1997). Roots with a central vowel have liil,
notlal.
CHIL 'lie' PECH 'lie flat'

CH'UY 'bang' PEK' 'sit flat'
JEN 'recline' TUTZ' 'lie longways'
J.fw 'lie face up' T'AL 'sit (on something)'
IW 'live' T'UCH 'squat'
KUX 'live' TZEL 'lie on side'
MOCH 'lie face down' TZ'AM 'sink'
NAK 'sit' xAK 'crouch on all fours'
NIK 'pile' XON 'kneel'
NOK 'lie face up'
3.3.1.1.1. Positional Verbs

Positional verbs are intransitive. They take the suffIxes -tal in the incompletive status,
-I-aj in the completive status, -I-ak in the dependent status, and -I-en in the imperative. 14
Positionals also have participial forms that may function like adjectives (cf. 6.3.1.2.4).
TAM- A.PR- Root -DER -Status -B.PR

INC k- u- t'uch -tal
INC- 3A- squat -POSIT/IIS
'slhe squats'
COM t'uch -I -aj -ij

squat -POSIT -CIS -3SG.B
's/he squatted'
DEP lea' t'uch -I -ak -/J

SUB squat -POSIT -DIS -3SG.B
'that slhe squat'
IMP t'uch -I -en

squat -POSIT -IMPIS
'squat!'
3.3.1.1. Inchoative (Versive) Verbs

Inchoative or versive verbs are derived from adjective or noun roots in a way closely
related to the positionals just described in 3.3.2.1. It is a productive process, and inchoative verbs
can be derived from most adjectives. Like positional verbs, they have the suffx. -tal in the
incompletive status. They take the suffIx -aj in the completive status and the suffIx -ak in the
dependent status. There is no imperative form.
14 Alternatively, the positional suffIx could be analyzed as -lA, rather than -I, with the
underlying A surfacing in the dependent status (cf. Kaufman 1991: 18).
60 ITZA] MA YA GRAMMAR

INC k- u- chiik -tal
INC- 3A- red -INCH/lIS
'slbe reddens'
COM chiik -a) -ij

red -CIS -3SG.B
'slbe reddened'
DEP ka' chiik -ak -@

SUB squat -DIS -3SG.B
'that slbe redden'
3.3.2.3. Active Verbs

Intransitive verbs may also be derived from active verbal nouns (cf. 4.1.2.2 and 4.2.2).
Active verbal nouns have nominal roots but are semantically verbal, referring to actions. They
have also been called "action nouns" (Kaufman 1990: 103-4, 1991: 13-16). The intransitive verbs
derived from them are called active intransitive verbs and have an inherent antipassive voice
value. Like other antipassives, they are marked by an -n suffix except in the incompletive status
(cf. 3.3.1.1.2.2). The paradigms below are based on the active verbal noun, piib', 'baking'.

INC k- u- piib' -@ -@
INC- 3A- bake -AP -lIS
'slbe bakes (something),
COM piib' -n -a) -ij

bake -AP -CIS -3SG.B
'slbe baked (something),
DEP ka' piib' -n -ak -@

SUB bake -AP -DIS -3SG.B
'that slbe bake (something)'
IMP piib' -n -en

bake -AP -IMPIS
'bake! (something),
3.3.2.4. Affective Verbs

Affective verbs are derived from affective roots, which typically involve the senses,
indicating textures, sounds, and visual sensations (cf. 25.1). Many affective roots are polyvalent
(Hofling 1997). Roots with a central vowel have liil, not lal. Affective verbs are derived with
-b 'aj15 and are otherwise inflected like active verbs and have an antipassive voice value (cf.
3.3.2.3). Some affective verbs may be reduplicated and some are onomatopoeic.
3.3.2.4.1. Affective Roots
RAJ 'harden'
CHUL 'drip'
KIL 'tremble'
IS I now consider the -b'a) morpheme on affective verbs to be a different morpheme than
the reflexive b'a), based on comparative evidence from Yukateko (cf. Bricker et a1. 1998).
KURUP (onom) 'grind', 'grate' (teeth)

K'IRICH (onom) 'creak'
K'OT (onom) 'brood', 'cluck'
LEM 'shine'
LE1Z' 'flash'
LI1Z' 'slippery'
MAKA T (onom) 'cluck'
pA'T 'pottable' (ready for potting [of clay])
PI1Z' 'slippery'
P'URU'US (onom) 'snuffle'
TAK 'stagger'
TETERESK'EE' (onom) 'cock-a-doodle-doo'
1Z'A'L 'tremble'
'UY 'dissolve'
WA'CH' 'loosen'
YUL 'slip'
YU(U)M 'sway'
3.3.2.4.2. Affective Verb Inflection

As indicated in the following paradigms, affective verbs are inflected with -n like active
or antipassive verbs.
TAM- A.PR- Root -DER -Voice -Status -B.PR

INC k- u- pitz' -b'aj -6 -6
INC- 3A- slippery -AFV -AP -liS
'it gets slippery'
COM pitz' -b'aj -n -aj -ij

slippery -AFV -AP -CIS -3SG.B
'it got slippery'
DEP ka' pitz' -b'aj -n -ak -6

SUB slippery -AFV -AP -DIS -3SG.B
'that it gets slippery'
IMP pitz' -b'aj -n -en

slippery -AFV -AP -IMPIS
'get slippery!'
3.3.3. Deriving Transitive Verbs

Transitive verbs may be derived from intransitive roots (I) and from other root types (A,
Af, P, N).
3.3.3.1. Deriving Transitives from Intransitive Roots and Stems with -Es;i
Transitive verbs are derived from intransitive stems with the causative suffix -EsA',
whose form is phonologically conditioned (cf. 1.4.2; Kaufman 1991: 19-20).
3.3.3.1.1. Intransitive Roots with -EsA.

The causative suffix -EsA' derives transitive stems from root intransitive stems (cf.
3.2.2).
TAM- A.PR- Root -DER -Status -B.PR

INC k- u- man -s -ik -e
INC- 3A- pass -cAusl -ITS -3S0.B
's/he passes it'
COM t- u- man -s -aj -e

COM- 3A- pass -cAusl -CTS -3S0.B
's/he passed it'
PERF u- man -sa -m-aj -e

3A- pass -cAusl -PERF-CTS -3S0.B
's/he has passed it'
DEP /ca' u- man -es -6 -e

SUB 3A- pass -cAusl -DTS -3S0.B
'that s/he pass it'
IMP man -es -e -e

pass -CAUS -IMPTS -3S0.B
'pass it!'
3.3.3.1.2. Transitive Stems with -t-EsA

A few roots have transitive stems with the transitive marker -t and the causative -EsA' (cf.
3.3.3.2.1).
Root Transitive Stem

(I) KAL, A?, I. /cal-t-es- 'intoxicate'
(2) P'IX, P. p'i'-t-es- 'wakeup'
(3) WEN, I. wen-t-es- 'put to sleep'
(4) E', N? e'-t-es- 'show'
(5) JUN-, Num. jun-t-es- 'unify'
(6) JUM, N. jum-t-es 'make sound'
3.3.3.1.3. Celeritive Transitive Stems with -k'-EsA.

Transitive stems may also be derived productively from celeritive intransitive stems with
-EsA' (cf. 3.3.1.2.2).
Intransitive Stem Transitive Stem

(I) b'al-k'-aj- b'al-k'-es- 'roll over', 'tip over'16
(2) chil-k'-aj- chil-k'-es- 'hang upside down'
(3) jat-k'-aj- jat-k'-es- 'tear'
(4) jom-k'-aj- jom-k'-es- 'collapse'
(5) wal-k'-aj- wi11-k'-es- 'turnover'
(6) tzel-k'-aj- tzel-k'-es 'lean on side'
3.3.3.1.4. Transitive Stems with -b'-EaA

A few roots have transitive forms derived with -b'-EsA-. It is unclear if the -b' suffix is
the same as the passive -b' suffix (cf. 3.3. 1. 1.2.3). This is not a productive process.
16 The root B'AL only occurs in celeritive forms.

Root Transitive Stem Transitive Stem with -b'-EsA'

(1) CHUK, T. chuk-ik 'reach' chuk-b '-es-ik 'complete'
(2) JEL, I, T. jel-ik, jel-s-ik 'change' jel-b '-es-ik 'change'
(3) SAAK, A. saak-kun-t-ik 'frighten' saak-b '-es-ik 'frighten'
3.3.3.2. Deriving Transitives from Active Verbal Nouns
3.3.3.2.1. Deriving Transitives from Active Verbal Noun Roots with (-in)-I, (-I)-EsA'
Transitive verbs are derived from most active verbal noun (avn) roots with the transitive
suffix -t (1 )-(26) (cf. 4.1.2.2, 4.2.2). Long root vowels optionally shorten in most transitive stem
forms (cf. 1.3.8.2.1). The suffix -t is considered to be a voice suffix because it only occurs in
active transitive forms. Many Spanish borrowings fall into the class of avn roots. The
classification of avn subtypes follows Hofling (1997).
Avnl Transitive Stem

avnla tvl
(1) CVVC, CV'VC, CVCVC CV(V)C -t- , CV'VC-t-, CVCVC-t-
(2) b'aak' 'circle' b'aak'-t-
(3) b'o'ol 'pay(ing)' b'o'ol-t-
(4) b'o'oy 'shade', 'shading' b'o'oy-t-
(5) b'ooch' 'polish( ing)' b'o(o)ch'-t-
(6) b'ook' 'stirring' b'o(o)k'-t-
(7) chaach 'sifting' cha(a)ch-t-
(8) che'ej 'laughter', laughing' che'ej-t-
(9) ch'eej 'wedge', 'wedging' ch 'e(e)j-t-
(10) ch'eep 'pecking' ch 'e(e)p-t-
(11) ch'ooch' 'drilling' ch '0(0)ch '-t-
(12) jab'on 'soap(ing)' jab'on-t-
(13) ja'ax 'scouring' ja'ax-t-
(14) jiil 'pull(ing)' ji(i)l-t-
(15) kaak 'digging' ka(a)k-t-
(16) keeb' 'burp(ing)' keeb'-t-
(17) k'ab'a' 'name', 'naming' k'ab'a'-t-
(18) k'eel 'toasting' k'e(e)l-t-
(19) laach' 'scratching' la(a)ch '-t-
(20) leetz' 'licking' leetz'-t-
(21) makat 'clucking' makat-t-
(22) maay 'straining' ma(a)y-t-
(23) neep' 'nibbling' ne(e)p'-t-
(24) piib' 'baking' piib'-t-
(25) p'a'as 'mocking' p'a'as-t-
(26) siit' 'jumping' si(i)t'-t-
A group of avn roots, most with short vowels (avn1 b), form the transitive stem with the
suffixes -in-t (27)-(41).
avnlb tv2
(27) CVC CVC-in-t-
(28) al 'mother's child', 'birthing' al-in-t-
(29) jel 'substitute', 'substitution' jel-in-t-
(30) cha' 'chewing' cha'-in-t-
(31) je' '(laying) egg' je'-in-t-
(32) kis 'fart(ing)' kis-in-t-
(33) 10k 'boiling' lok-in-t-
64 11ZAJ MAYA GRAMMAR
(34) paal '(birthing) child' paal-in-t-

(35) si' '(cutting) fIrewood' si'-in-t-
(36) sut 'visit( ing)' sut-in-t-
(37) ta' '(making) excrement' ta'-in-t-
(38) Ius 'lie', 'lying' lus-in-t-
(39) wix 'urine', 'urinating' wix-in-t-
(40) xej 'vomit(ing)' xej-in-t-
(41) yaj 'pain', 'hurting' yaj-in-t-
A small number ofavn roots form transitive stems with (-t}-EsA' (42)-(47).
avnlc tvlb
CV(V)C, CV'VC CVC(-t)-EsA'
(42) jum 'sound(ing)' jum-t-es-
(43) lob' 'injury' lob'-s-
(44) oom 'boil(ing)' oom-t-es-
(45) peek 'pulse', 'pulsing' peek-s-
(46) piik' 'dangling' piik'-s-
(47) sa'at 'pardon(ing)' sa'at-s- - sa'at-t-
Paradigms are given below for the avnla root, POOK, 'roasting'. Long vowels in the root
optionally shorten (cf. 1.3.8.2.1).

INC k- u- po(o)k -t -ik -e
INC- 3A- roast -TRN -ITS -3S0.B
'slbe roasts it'
COM t- u- po(o)k -1 -aj -e

COM- 3A- roast -TRN -CTS -3S0.B
'slbe roasted it'
PERF u- po(o)k -m-aj -e

3A- roast -PERF-CTS-3so.B
'slbe has roasted it'
DEP ka' u- po (o)k -t -ej -e

SUB 3A- roast -TRN -DTS -3S0.B
'that slbe roast it'
IMP po(o)k -t -ej -e

pass -TRN -DTS -3S0.B
'roast it!'
3.3.3.2.2. Deriving Transitives from Derived Active Verbal Nouns

Transitive verbs may also be formed from derived active verbal noun stems (1)-(22) (cf.
4.2.2). The suffix -1 generally follows the derived stem as shown below, except for stems derived
with -VI, which show the alternations -V/-t(-es) - -1- -t in transitive forms (cf. 1.3.8.4,
4.2.2.1.1). For verbs that have a -VI alternation, perfect forms appear with the -VI suffix. 17
17 For example, the perfect form of b'ax(-iil}-I-ik, 'play it', is b'ax-iil-m-aj, 'has played it'.
Avn2 Transitive Stem

(1) b'ax-iil 'play(ing)' b 'ax(-iil}-t-
(2) chik-il 'tickling' chik-il-t- - chik-I-
(3) ichk-i/ 'bathing' ichk-il-t- - ichk-il-t-es
(4) jan-al 'eat(ing)' jan-t-
(5) kiJn-an 'watching' kiJn-iin-t-
(6) kibc-an 'seeking' kibc-iin-t-
(7) kuk-ul 'wave' kuk-I-
(8) k'ok'-ol 'roll(ing)' k'ok'-ol-t- - k'ok'-I-
(9) ok-ol 'steal(ing), ok-ol-t- - ok-I-
(10) ok'-ol 'crying' ok'-ol-t- - ok'-l- - ok'-t-
(11) piik'-iil 'patch(ing)' piik'-iil-t- - piik'-I-
(12) pik-it 'fan(ning)' pik-it-t-
(13) pok-ol 'roast(ing) pok-ol-t- - pok-I-
(14) taan-iil 18 'tending' ta(a)n-I-
(15) toj-ol 'expulsion' toj-I-
(16) tuk-ul 'thinking' tuk-ul-t- - tuk-I-
(17) t'uut'-ul 'following' t'uut'-I-
(18) uk'-ul 'drink(ing)' uk'-ul-t- - uk'-l-
(19) us-ut 'blowing' us-ut-t-
(20) wen-el 'sleep(ing)' wen-e/-t-
(21) xii'n-an 'errand', 'fetching' xii 'n-an-t-
(22) yul-ut 'polish(ing)' yul-ut-t-
A few roots have active fonns with -I-aj, rather than -VI (23)-(25).
(23) b'ab'-I-iij=19 'roll(ing)' b'ab'-I- - b'ab'-I-es-

(24) b'ib'-I-aj 'roll(ing)' b'ib'-l- (rare)
(25) ta(a)n-I-aj 'tending' ta(a)n-I-
3.3.3.3. Deriving Transitives from Other Stems with kUn-t

Transitive verbs are derived from adjective, positional, and affective stems with the
suffixes -kUn-t-. The causative suffix -kUn (CAUS2) is optionally dishannonic, having the fonn-
kun after syllables with the vowels a, e, and i, but -kin after syllables with the vowels 0 and u (cf.
1.4.5). The paradigms for each root/stem type are given below by status. Transitive perfect fonns
with the suffix -m are given after plain completive fonns.
INCOMPLETIVE
Root TAM- A.PR- Root -DER -DER -Voice -Status -B.PR
A k- u- chiik -kun -t -ik -e
INC- 3A- red -cAus2 -TRN -ITS -3SG.B
's/he reddens it'
P k- u- ch'uy -kin -t -ik -e

lNC- 3A- hang -cAus2 -TRN -ITS -3SG.B
's/he hangs it'
18 TAAN, 'attend', also has the irregular active fonn, taan-I-aj, in addition to taan-iil.
19 b'ab'-I-iij= only occurs in compounds such as b'ab'-I-iij=che', 'log-roll'.

Af k- u- pitz' -b'aj -kun -t -ik -6

INC- 3A- slippery -AFV -cAus2 -TRN -ITS -3S0.8
'slhe makes it slippery'
COMPLETIVE (with t-)

A t- u- chiik -kun -t -aj -6
COM- 3A- red -cAus2 -TRN -CTS -3S0.8
'slhe reddened it'
P t- u- ch'uy -kin -t -aj -6

COM- 3A- hang -cAus2 -TRN -CTS -3S0.8
'slhe hung it'
Af t- u- pitz' -b'aj -kun -t -aj -6

COM- 3A- slippery -AFV -cAus2 -TRN -CTS -3S0.8
'slhe made it slippery'
COMPLETNE (perfect with -m-)

Root A.PR- Root -DER -DER -PERF -Status -B.PR
A u- chiik -kun -m -aj -6
3A- red -cAus2 -PERF -CTS -3S0.8
'slhe has reddened it'
P u- ch'uy -kin -m -aj -6

3A- hang -cAus2 -PERF -CTS -3S0.8
'slhe has hung it'
Af u- pitz' -b'aj -kun -m -aj -6

3A- slippery -AFV -cAus2 -PERF -CTS -3S0.8
'slhe has made it slippery'
DEPENDENT
Root TAM A.PR- Root -DER -DER -Voice -Status -B.PR
A ka' u- chiik -kun -1 -ej -6
SUB 3A- red -cAus2 -TRN -DTS -3S0.8
'that slhe redden it'
P ka' u- ch'uy -kin -1 -ej -6

SUB 3A- hang -cAus2 -TRN -DTS -3S0.8
'that slhe hang it'
Af ka' u- pitz' -b'aj ~kun -t -ej -6

SUB 3A- slippery -AFV -cAus2 -TRN -DTS -3S0.8
'that slhe makes it slippery'
IMPERATNE
Root Root -DER -DER -Voice -Status -B.PR
A chiik -kun -t -ej -6
red -cAus2 -TRN -IMPTS -3S0.B
'redden it!'
P ch'uy -kin -t -ej -~

hang -cAus2 -TRN -IMPTS -3S0.B
'hang it!'
Af pitz' -b'aj -kun -t -ej -~

slippery -AFV -cAus2 -TRN -IMPTS -3S0.B
'make it slippery!'
3.3.3.3.1. Deriving Transitives from Adjectival Stems with kUn-t-(esA)

A few adjectival stems optionally have an additional -EsA. causative suffix in derived
transitive forms (cf. 3.3.3.1.2).
Adjective Transitive Stem

(1) k'oj-a'an 'sick' k'oj-a'an-kun-t(-es) - k'oj-a'an-t-es 'sicken'
(2) silk 'white' silk-kun-t-(-es) 'whiten'
(3) su'-I-ak 'ashamed' su'-I-ak-kun-t(-es) - su'-I-ak-t-es 'shame'
(4) tikin 'dry' tikin-kun-t(-es) 'dry'
3.3.3.4. Voice Alternation for Derived Transitive Verbs

Derived transitives may undergo antipassive and passive voice changes like those
described above for root transitives (3.3.1.1.2.2, 3.3.1.1.2.3, 3.3.1.2).
3.3.3.4.1. Antipassive Voice

As noted above, the antipassive is the inherent voice of verbs derived from active verbal
noun roots and for affective verbs derived with -b'aj (cf. 3.3.2.3, 3.3.2.4). The antipassive voice
is also common for causative verbs derived from intransitive roots. It occasionally occurs with
positional verbs incorporating the reflexive b'afo but does not occur with transitives derived from
adjectival stems. Paradigms are given below for all verb types by status.
Antipassive/ Active Intransitive
INCOMPLETIVE
Root TAM- A.PR- Root -DER -DER -Voice -Status
T k- u- satz' -~ -~
INC- 3A- stretch -AP -lIS
's/he stretches (something),
N k- u- pook -~ -~
INC- 3A- roast -AP -lIS
's/he roasted (something)'
I k- u- man -s -aj -~ -~
INC- 3A- pass -cAusl -DTR -AP -lIS
's/he passes (something)'
Af k- u- pitz' -b'aj -~ -~
INC- 3A- slippery -AFV -AP -lIS
'it gets slippery', 's/he makes (something) slippery'
20 The function and morphological status of b'aj appears to differ in the affective and
positional forms. With affective verbs it is a regular derivational suffix, but with positionals it is
analyzed as an incorporated reflexive object.
68 lIZAJ MA fA GRAMMAR
P k- u- niik =b'aj -ftJ -ftJ

INC- 3A- sit =REFL -AP -lIS
's/he seats (someone)'
COMPLETIVE
T satz' -n -aj -ij
stretch -AP -CIS -3S0.B
's/he stretched (something),
N pook -n -aj -ij

roast -AP -CIS - 3S0.B
's/he roasted (something)'
I man -s -aj -n -aj -ij

pass -cAusl -DTR -AP -CIS -3S0.B
's/he passed (something)'
Af pitz' -b'aj -n -aj -ij

slippery -AFV -AP -CIS -3S0.B
'it got slippery', 's/he made (something) slippery'
P niik =b'aj -n -aj -ij

sit =REFL -AP -CIS -3S0.B
's/he seated (someone)'
DEPENDENT
Root TAM Root -DER -DER -Voice -Status -B.PR
T ka' satz' -n -ak -ftJ
SUB stretch -AP -DIS -3S0.B
'that s/he stretch (something)'
N ka' pook -n -ak -ftJ

SUB roast -AP -DIS -3S0.B
'that s/he roast (something)'
I ka' man -s -aj -n -ak -ftJ

SUB pass -cAusl -DTR -AP -DIS -3S0.B
'that s/he pass (something)'
Af ka' pitz' -b'aj -n -ak -ftJ

SUB slippery -AFV -AP -DIS -3S0.B
'that it get slippery', 'that s/he make (something) slippery'
P ka' niik =b'aj -n -ak -ftJ

SUB sit =REFL -AP -DIS -3S0.B
'that s/he seat (someone)'
IMPERATIVE
Root Root -DER -DER -Voice -Status
T satz' -n -en
stretch -AP -IMPIS
'stretch (something)!'
N pook -n -en
roast -AP -IMP IS
'roast (something)!'
I man -s -aj -n -en

pass -CAUS! -DTR -AP -IMPIS
'pass (something)!'
Af pitz' -b'aj -n -en

slippery -AFY -AP -IMPIS
'get slippery', 'make (something) slippery!'
p nak =b'aj -n -en

sit =REFL -AP -IMPIS
'seat! (someone)'
3.3.3.4.2. Canonical Passive

The canonical passive can be formed for virtually any transitive verb. Paradigms for the
incompletive, completive, and dependent statuses are given below. There are no imperative forms.
Passive (PASt)
INCOMPLETIVE
T k- u- satz' -b' -al
INC- 3A- stretch -PAS! -lIS
'it is stretched'
N k- u- po (o)k -b' -01

INC- 3A- roast -PAS! -lIS
'it is roasted'
I k- u- man -Sa -b' -al

INC- 3A- pass -cAusl -PAS! -lIS
'it is passed'
Af k- u- pitz' -b'aj -kun -b' -ul

INC- 3A- slippery -AFY -cAus2 -PAS! -lIS
'it is made slippery'
A k- u- chak -kun -b' -ul

INC- 3A- red -cAus2 -PAS! -lIS
'slhe/it is reddened'
P k- u- nak -kun -b' -ul

INC- 3A- sit -cAus2 -PAS! -lIS
'slhe is seated'
COMPLETIVE
T satz' -b' -fA -ij
stretch -PAS! -CIS -3SG,B
'it was stretched'
N po(o)k -b' -{} -ij

roast -PAsl -CIS -3S0.B
'it was roasted'
I man -sii -b' -{} -ij

pass -cAusl -PAsl -CIS -3S0.B
'it was passed'
Af pitz' -b'ai -kun -b' -{} -ij

slippery -AFV -cAus2 -PAS 1 -CIS -3S0.B
'it was made slippery'
A chiik -kun -b' -{} -ij

red -cAus2 -PAsl -CIS -3S0.B
'slbe/it was reddened'
p niik -kun -b' -{} -ij

sit -cAus2 -PAS 1 -CIS -3S0.B
'slbe was seated'
DEPENDENT
Root TAM Root -DER -DER -Voice -Status -B.PR
T ka' siitz' -b' -iik -{}
SUB stretch -PAS 1 -DIS -3S0.B
N ka' po(o)k -b' -iik -{}

SUB roast -PAS 1 -DIS -3S0.B
'that it be roasted'
I ka' man -sii -b' -iik -{}

SUB pass -cAusl -PAsl -DIS -3S0.B
'that it be passed'
Af ka' pitz' -b'ai -kun -b' -uk -{}

SUB slippery -AFV -cAus2 -PAsl -DIS -3S0.B
'that it be made slippery'
A ka' chiik -kun -b' -uk -{}

SUB red -cAus2 -PAsl -DIS -3S0.B
'that slbelit be reddened'
P ka' niik -kun -b' -uk -{}

SUB sit -cAus2 -PAS 1 -DIS -3S0.B
'that slbe be seated'

Agentless passives are possible for most transitives but are less common for versive
verbs derived from adjective and noun stems. Paradigms are given in the incompletive status.
Other status forms follow the model given in 3.3.1.2.1.
Agentless Passive (P AS2)
Root TAM- A.PR- Root -DER -DER -Voice -Status

T k- u- siitz' -p -aJ -a/
INC- 3A- stretch -PAs2-DTR -lIS
'it is stretched'
N k- u- po (o)k -p -aJ -a/

INC- 3A- roast -PAs2-DTR -lIS
'it is roasted'
I k- u- man -sii -p -aJ -a/

INC- 3A- pass -cAus1 -PAs2-DTR -lIS
'it is passed'
Af k- u- pitz' -b'aj -kun -p -aJ -a/

INC- 3A- slippery -AFV -cAus2 -PAs2-DTR -lIS
'it is made slippery'
A k- u- chiik -kun -p -aJ -a/

INC- 3A- red -cAus2 -PAs2-DTR -lIS
'slbe is reddened'
P k- u- niik -kun -p -aJ -a/

INC- 3A- sit -cAus2 -PAs2-DTR -lIS
'slbe is seated'
3.3.3.4.4. Intransitive Celeritive

Almost all intransitive celeritives are derived from transitive roots. However, a few
examples occur for roots that are strictly positional, such as CH'EX, 'crouch', shown below in a
paradigm for the incompletive status. Other status forms follow the model given in 3.3.1.2.2.
Intransitive Celeritive
Root TAM- A.PR- Root -Voice -Status

T k- u- satz' -k' -aJ -a/
INC- 3A- stretch -CELER-DTR -lIS
'it stretched suddenly'
p k- u- ch'ex -k' -aJ -a/

INC 3A- crouch -CELER-DTR -lIS
'slbe crouches suddenly'
3.3.3.5. Reflexives and Reciprocals

Most transitive verbs, including derived transitive verbs, potentially have reflexive and
(plural) reciprocal forms (cf. 3.3.1.1.1.3, 10.1.6). However, in the cases of verbs derived from
adjectives or positional roots, equivalent intransitive forms are more common (cf. 3.3.2.1,
3.3.2.2). Reflexives derived from affective roots are uncommon. Paradigms in the incompletive
status are given below.
72 I1ZAJMAYA GRAMMAR
RetlexivelReciprocaJ
Root TAM- A.PR- Root -DER -DER -Voice -Status A.PR- REFL
T k- u- wal -ik u- b'aj
INC- 3A- spread -ITS 3A- REFL
's/he spreads herlhimself out'
T k- u- wal -k' -es -ik u- b'aj

INC- 3A- spread -CELER -cAusl -ITS 3A- REFL
's/he flips herlhimself over'
I k- u- jok' -s -ik u- b'aj

INC- 3A- leave -cAusl -ITS 3A- REFL
's/he gets herlhimself out'
N k- u- yu(u)m -I -ik u- b'aj

INC- 3A- swing -TRN -ITS 3A- REFL
's/he swings herlhimself'
N k- uy- al -in -I -ik u- b'aj-oo'

INC- 3A- birth -TRN -TRN -ITS 3A- REFL-PL
'they give birth among themselves'
P k- u- chiL -kun -I -ik u- b'aj

INC- 3A- lie -cAus2 -TRN -ITS 3A- REFL
's/he lies herlhimself down'
A k- u- sak -kun -I -ik u- b'aj

INC- 3A- white -cAus2 -TRN -ITS 3A- REFL
's/he paints herlhimself white'
AI k- u- jes -b'aj -kun -I -ik u- b'aj

INC- 3A- pant -AFV -cAus2 -TRN -ITS 3A- REFL
's/he makes herlhimself pant'
Num k- u- jun -I -es -ik u- b'aj

INC 3A- one -TRN -cAusl -ITS 3A- REFL
'they unite themselves'
3.3.4. RedupUcation in Verb Stems

Reduplication in verb stems may indicate repeated action or signal intensity, as it does
with adjectives (cf. 1.4.6.2.3, 6.1.2.l). Reduplicated forms may also involve glottal insertion
and may be marked as derived transitives with -I (cf. Blair 1964:90-92 and Bricker et a1.
1998:340-42 on reduplication in Yukateko).
3.3.4.1. Partial RedupUcation

Simple partial reduplication usually indicates moderate or low intensity, often a "play" or
"pretend" action (1}-(6) (cf. 1.4.6.2.3.1). It is not a fully productive process for verbs. Similar
meaning may be communicated with compounds withyeye'=, 'make signs of' as in (8}-(9).
Glottal insertion is especially associated with repeated actions, often actions that involve
movement back and forth (10}-(18) (cf. 1.4.62.3.2).
Plain Reduplicated
(1) k-u-b 'ax-t-ik k-u-b 'a-b 'ax-t-ik
INC-3A-play-TRN-ITS INC-3A-REDuP-play-TRN-ITS
'slbe plays with it' 'slbe half-plays with it'
(2) k-u-jiitz'-ik k-u-jii '-jiitz'(-t)-ik

INC-3A-throw-ITS INC-3A-REDUP-throw( -TRN)-ITS
'slbe whips it' 'slbe play whips it'
(3) k-u-Iom-ik k-u-lo-lom(-t)-ik

INC-3A-stab-ITS INC-3A-REDUP-stab(-TRN)-ITS
'slbe stabs it' 'slbe threatens to stab it, half-stabs it'
(4) k-u-lox-ik k-u-lo-lox(-t)-ik

INC-3A-punch-ITS INC-3A-REDUP-punch( -TRN)-ITS
'slbe punches it' 'slbe play punches it, half-punches it'
(5) k-u-tzitz-t-ik k-u-tzi-tzitz=ja'-t-ik

INC-3A-sprinkle-TRN-ITS INC-3A-REDuP-sprinkle=water-TRN-ITS
'slbe sprinkles it' 'slbe mists it with water'
(6) k-u-xa(a)k'-t-ik k-u-xa '-xak'-t-ik

INC-3A-rummage-TRN-ITS INC-3A -REDUP-rummage-TRN-ITS
'slbe rummages through it' 'slbe half-rummages through it'
(7) k-u-xi'mal k-u-xi'-xi'mal

INC-3A-walk INC-3A-REDUP-walk
'slbe walks' 'slbe walks a little, stops and starts'
(8) k-u-ye'-ik k-u-ye'-ye '=b 'iiJ(-t)-ik

INC-3A-show-ITS INC-3A-REDUP-show=nail( -TRN)-ITS
'slbe shows it' 'slbe pretends to nail it, makes signs of nailing it'
(9) k-u-tz'on-ik k-u-ye'-ye'=tz'on(-t)-ik

INC-3A-shoot-ITS INC-3A-REDUP-show=shoot( -TRN)-ITS
'slbe shoots it' 'slbe threatens to shoot it'
Reduplicated with Glottal Insertion

(10) k-u-leep '-t-ik k-u-le'-le'ep '-t-ik
INC-3A-notch-TRN-ITS INC-3A-REDup-notch-TRN-ITS
'slbe scratches it' 'slbe scratches it repeatedly'
(11) k-u-leet'-t-ik k-u-Ie'-Ie'et'-t-ik

INC-3A-notch-TRN-ITS INC-3A-REDUP-notch-TRN-ITS
'slbe notches it' 'slbe notches it repeatedly'
(12) k-u-loch-ik k-u-Io '-10 'och(-t)-ik

INC-3A-curve-ITS INC-3A-REDUP-curve-ITS
'slbe curves it' 'slbe snakes it (repeatedly)'
(13) k-u-lom-ik k-u-lo '-10 'om (-t)-ik

INC-3A-stab-ITS INC-3A-REDUP-stab-( -TRN)-ITS
'slbe stabs it' 'slbe stabs it repeatedly (thrusting back and forth)'
(14) k-u-satz'-ik k-u-sii '-so. 'iitz'(-t)-ik

INC-3A-stretch-ITS INC-3A-REDUP-stretch-(-TRN)-ITS
's/he stretches it' 's/he stretches it repeatedly, stretches and retracts it'
(15) k-u-sut-ik k-u-su '-su 'ut(-t}-ik

INC-3A-return-ITs INC-3A-REDUP-return(-TRN)-ITS
's/he turns it' 's/he swings it back and forth'
(16) k-u-tzel-ik k-u-tze'-tze'el(-t)-ik

INC-3A-lean-ITS INC-3A-REDUP-lean(-TRN)-ITS
's/he puts it on its side' 's/he puts it on its side repeatedly'
(17) k-u-xot'-ik k-u-xo '-xo 'ot'(-t}-ik

INC-3A-chop-ITS INC-3A-REDUP-chop( -TRN)-ITS
's/he chops it' 's/he chops it repeatedly'
(18) k-u-muul-t-ik k-u-mu '-mu 'ul-t-ik

INC-3A-mound-TRN-ITS INC-3A-REDup-mound-TRN-ITS
's/he mounds it' 's/he makes various mounds'

Completely reduplicated forms also indicate repeated action (1)-(6) (cf. 1.4.6.2.3.3). It
is not a fully productive process for verbs. Glottal insertion may also occur with complete
reduplication (7)-(9).
Plain Reduplicated
(1) k-u-piiyoj k-u-piyo=piiyoj
INC-3A-peep INC-3A-peep=peep
'it peeps' 'it peeps (repeatedly)'
(2) k-u-ch'in-ik k-u-ch 'in=ch 'in (-t)-ik

INC-3A-throw-ITS INC-3A-throw=throw(-TRN)-ITS
's/he throws it' 's/he throws it a lot'
(3) k-u-jul-ik k-u-ju(l) =jul(-t)-ik

INC-3A-insert-ITS INC-3A-insert=insert( -TRN)-ITS
's/he inserts it' 's/he inserts it repeatedly'
(4) k-u-k'at-ii/ k-u-k'at=k'at-iil

INC-3A-cross-us INC-3A-cross=cross-lIS
's/he crosses' 's/he crosses repeatedly'
(5) k-u-Ieet'-t-ik k-u-Iet'=leet'-t-ik

INC-3A-notch-TRN-ITS INC-3A-notch=notch-TRN-IIS
's/he notches it' 's/he notches it repeatedly'
(6) k-u-t'an k-u-t'an =t'an =jo '01

INC-3A-speak INc-3A-speak=speak=head
's/he speaks' 's/he speaks in sleep or delirium', 's/he rants'
Reduplicated with Glottal Insertion

(7) k-u-b 'on-ik k-u-b 'on =b'o 'on(-t)-ik
INC-3A-paint-ITs INC-3A-paint=paint(-TRN)-ITS
's/he paints it' 's/he paints it badly, in patches'
(8) k-u-Iom-ik k-u-Ion =10 'om(-t)-ik

INC-3A-stab-ITS INC-3A-stab-stab(-TRN)-ITS
's/he stabs it' 's/he stabs it slowly, repeatedly'
(9) k-u-yu(u)m-t-ik k-u-yum =yu 'un-t-ik

INC-3A-swing-TRN-ITS INC-3A-swing=swing-TRN-ITS
's/he swings it' 's/he swings it back and forth'
3.4. Sensory and Cognitive Verbs

Most sensory and cognitive verbs are transitive but have a variety of irregularities.
Irregular aspects of forms are in boldface in the examples below. These verbs are frequently
matrix verbs in complex sentences (cf. 23.2.2).
(Ia) 'A'L, T. 'say' (*ap, *iv)
(tb) k-uy-a'l-ik-IJ 's/he says it'

INC-3A-say-ITS-3sG.B
(tc) k-uy-(a)al-b '-iii 'it is said'

INC-3A-say-PAS-I1S
(Id) ka' uy-a'l-ej-IJ 'that s/he say it'

SUB 3A-say-oTS-3sG.B
(2a) IL, T. 'see'
(2b) k-uy-il-ik-IJ 's/he sees it'

INC-3A-see-ITS-3SG.B
(2c) kik-il-ik-IJ 'we see it'

INC/IpL.A-See-ITS-3sG.B
(2d) ka' uy-il-a'-~ 'that s/he see it'

SUB 3A-see-OTS-3sG.B
(3a) UB', T. 'hear' (only in third-person transitive)
(3b) k-uy-ub '-ik-IJ 's/he hears it'

INC-3A-hear-ITS-3sG.B
(4a) U'r. T. 'hear'
(4b) k-uy-u 'y-ik-IJ 's/he hears it'

INC-3A-hear-ITS-3sG.B
(4c) ka' uy-u'y-ij-' 'that s/he hear it'

SUB 3A-see-OTS-3SG.B
(4d) k-uy-(u)uy-b '-ul 'it is heard'

INC-3A-hear-PAS-I1S
76 lIZAJ MAYA GRAMMAR
(Sa) K'A'T, T. 'want' (one form, not marked for TAM, or voice)
(5b) u-k'a'l-ij 'slbe wants it'

3A-want-TS/3sG.B
(5c) u-k'a'l-eech 'slbe wants you'

3A-want-TS/2sG.B
(6a) K'A'OOL, N. 'knowing (person), recognize (probably compound historically; TAM

marking is optional on incompletive active verb forms)
(6b) Ma'in-k'a'ool. 'I don't know (himlher/it),

NEG lSG.A-know
(6c) Ma'tan-in-k'a'ool. 'I'm not recognizing (himlher/it)'

NEG DUR-lSG.A-know
(6d) lea'in-k'a'o(o)l-t-ej-fJ 'that I know himlher/it'

SUB lSG.A-know-TRN-DTS-3SG.B
(7a) OJEL. N. 'know (something)' (TAM marking is optional on incompletive active verb
form and active verb forms only occur in incompletive status)
(7b) inw-oje(e)l 'I know (something)'

lSG.A-know
(7c) tan-inw-oje(e)l 'I am knowing'

DUR-lSG.A-know
(7d) lan-inw-ojel-I-ik 'I am knowing it'

DUR-lSG.A-know-TRN-ITS
(7e) in-lea'aj inw-ojel-l-ej-fJ 'I am going to know it'

lSG.A-go lSG.A-know-TRN-DTS-3sG.B
3.5. Verb Compounds
3.5.1. Noun Incorporation
3.5.1.1. Active/Antipassive Incorporating Forms
3.5.1.1.1. Object Noun Incorporation

Object-incorporated forms are typically intransitive in the active/antipassive voice (1)-
(40) (cf. 16.3.4.2). The incorporated object is not ordinarily modified and class 2 nouns tend to
appear without noun classifiers when incorporated. Root vowels of the verbal stem, including
active verbal noun roots, tend to be short in incorporated forms (cf. 1.3.8.2.1). Transitive roots
with central vowels generally allow either [a] or [a] (cf. 1.3.8.1.2). Vowels of incorporated
objects may lengthen, especially when the root is word-final (cf. 1.3.8.1.2). Many object-
incorporating forms may be transitivized with -I, like other active intransitives (cf. 3.5.1.2).
(la) lan-u-b'uj=che(e) , 'slbe is splitting wood'

DUR-3A-Split=wood
(lb) b'uj=che(e) '-n-aj-ij 's/he split wood'

split=wood-AP-CIS-3sG.B
(2) chin=pol 'bow (one's) head'

bend=head
(3) ch'aj=ja' 'drip water'

drip=water
(4) ch'iik=che' 'woodcut'

cut=wood
(5) ch'ot=sum 'braid rope'

twist=rope
(6) jan-iil=kax 'eat chicken'

eat-NoM=chicken
(7) joch=ja(a)' 'empty water'

throw=water
(8) kak=lu'um 'dig dirt'

dig=earth
(9) kon=b'iik' 'sell meat'

sell=meat
(10) kop=sum 'coil rope'

coil=rope
(11) liik=ju'um 'unstick paper'

unstick=paper
(12) lach'=pek' 'scratch dog'

scratch=dog
(13) loch'=paal 'cradle child'

hold=child
(14) pa'=si' 'split wood'

split=wood
(15) piik=nok' 'fold clothes'

fold=clothes
(16) piik'=kol 'plant milpa'

plant=milpa
(17) pan=/u'um 'dig earth'

dig=earth
(18) paak'=paal 'wait for children'

wait=child
78 J1ZAJ MAYA GRAMMAR
(19) pech'=/u'um 'flatten earth'

flatten=earth
(20) pikit=k'ii' 'hand wave'

fan=hand
(21) poch'=naj 'house destroy'

destroy=house
(22) popok=xiik' 'fly'

flap=wing
(23) puch'=pek' 'beat dog(s)'

beat=dog
(24) pu/=k'aax 'fell forest'

fell=forest
(25) p'il='ich 'open eyes', 'pay attention'

open=eye
(26) p'o'=nok' 'wash clothes'

wash=clothes
(27) to'=pan 'bread wrap'

wrap=bread
(28) tz'ib'='oo! 'desire'

write=spirit
(29) tz'an=che' 'trample'

sink=wood
(30) tz'on=keej 'deer hunt'

shoot=deer
(31) ux=p'ak 'pick tomatoes'

lower=tomato
(32) wiik'=tz'on 'fire a gun'

fire=gun
(33) wa/=nok' 'spread clothes'

spread=clothes
(34) wiich'=sum 'untie rope'

untie=rope
(35) wej=meyaj 'divide work up'

divide=work
(36) wek=ja' 'spill water'

spill=water
(37) we-wek=ja' 'sprinkle water with palm up'

REDUP-sprinkle=water
(38) xak'=sus 'rummage through sand'

rummage=sand
(39) xol'=je' 'castrate'

chop=egg
(40) yiich '=luk' 'knead mud'

squeeze=mud
3.5.1.1.2. Incorporation of ReOexive -b'aj

The reflexive marker -b'aj can also be incorporated into the verb in active/antipassive
verb compounds (1)-(13). At times these compounds indicate the subject's involvement in a task,
but they also may indicate action on others. These forms are marked as compounds with =b'aj to
distinguish them from affective verbal forms that are regularly derived with -b'aj (cf. 3.3.2.4.2).
Positional and occasionally inchoative stems with -kun, which do not ordinarily have antipassive
forms, allow reflexive incorporation (12)-(13) (cf. 3.3.3.3, 3.3.3.4.1).
(I) b'a'te'=b'aj 'paddle oneself'

paddle=REFL
(2a) chuk=b'aj 'reach'

reach=REFL
(2b) chuk=b'aj-oo' 'reach one another'

reach=REFL-PL
(3) ch'o(o)ch'=b'aj 'get holey'

drill=REFL
(4) jup'=b'aj 'pierce oneself or another'

pierce=REFL
(5) jok'-sii=b 'a} 'get oneself or another loose'

leave-CAUS 1=REFL
(6) kin-sii=b'aj 'kill oneself', 'kill one another'

die-CAUS I =REFL
(7) k'ok'-ol=b'aj 'roll'

roll-NOM=REFL
(8) lej=b'aj 'tangle oneself with rope'

rope=REFL
(9) muk=b'aj 'hide (oneself)'

bury=REFL
(10) si'=b'aj 'become ready for firewood'

frrewood=REFL
(11 ) t'iin =b 'a)-oo' 'call, talk to one another'

call=REFL-PL
(12) chiL-kun-b 'a) 'lay oneself or another down'

lie-cAUs2-REFL
(13) siik-kun-b 'a) 'paint oneself or another'

white-cAus2-REFL
3.5.1.1.3. Incorporation ofIntrumental and Locative Nouns

While most incorporated nouns are in an object relation to the verb, nouns with
instrumental and locative relations may also be incorporated (I )-(11) (cf. 16.3.4.2).
(1) cha '=k'ii(ii)' 'free', 'untie'

loosen=hand
(2) chach=k'ii(ii) , 'grab (with hand)'

grab=hand
(3) ch'in=po(o)! 'throw at heads'

throw=head
(4) k'at=chi(i) , 'ask', 'question'

ask=mouth
(5) (li'-)lit'='o(o)k 'stand on tiptoes'

(REDUP-)support=foot
(6) paay=chi,21 'pray'

lend=mouth
(7) pelz'=k'ii(ii) , 'press with hands'

heal=hand
(8) p'uru'us=ni(i) , 'snuffle'

snuffle=nose
(9) lak=)o'o! 'hit with head'

connect=head
(10) I'an=t'an=)o'o! 'talk in delirium, sleep', 'rant'

talk=talk=head
(11) xon=piix 'kneel on knees'

kneel=knee
3.5.1.2. Retransitivized Noun-Incorporated Forms

Antipassive or active verb compounds may be retransitivized with -I like simple active
verbs (1)-(20) (cf. 3.3.3.2). The incorporated nouns may have the underlying semantic relations
oflocation or instrument in addition to patient (cf. 3.5.1.1.3).
21 The vowel in chi', 'mouth', does not lengthen in this compound, unlike most noun-
incorporating forms (cf. 1.3.8.1.2).
(la) k-u-ch 'in =tunich 'slhe throws stones'

INC-3A-throw=stone
(lb) ch 'in =tunich-n-aj-ij 'slhe threw stones'

throw=stone-AP-CIS-3 SO.B
(lc) k-u-ch 'in =tunich-t-ik 'slhe stones it, throws stones at it'
INc-3A-throw=stone-TRN-JTS
(ld) t-u-ch 'in =tunich-t-aj 'slhe stoned it, threw stones at it'
cOM-3A-throw=stone-TRN-CTS
(2a) k-u-tzay=pa(a)ch 'slhe pursues, follows'

INC-3A-follow=back
(2b) tzay=pach-n-aj-ij 'slhe pursued, followed'

follow=back -AP-CIS-3 SO.B
(2c) k-u-tzay=pach-t-ik 'slhe pursues it, follows it'

INC-3A-follow=back-TRN-ITS
(2d) t-u-tzay=pach-t-aj 'slhe pursued it, followed it'

cOM-3A-follow=back-TRN-CTS
(3) k-u-b'a(a)k'=pach-t-ik 'slhe circles around it'

INC-3A-circle=back-TRN-ITS
(4) k-u-cha(a)ch =k'ij '-t-ik 'slhe grabs it'

INC-3A-grab=hand-TRN-ITS
(5) k-u-ch 'a '=b 'ok-I-ik 'slhe smells it, has the scent'
INC-3A-take=smell-TRN-ITS
(6) k-u-jay=k'in-t-ik 'slhe spreads it in the sun'

INC-3A-spread=sun-TRN-ITS
(7) k-u-joch =ja '-t-ik 'slhe throws water out of it'

INC-3A-empty=water-TRN-ITS
(8) k-u-kuch =pach-t-ik 'slhe carries it as a load on back'

INC-3A-carry=back-TRN-ITS
(9) k-u-nak'-ij(l) =che '-t-ik 'he (a boar) mounts her'

INC-3A-rise-IIS=wood-TRN-JTS
(10) k-u-pak'=luu '-t-ik 'slhe spits gobs on it'

INC-3A-plant=saliva-TRN-ITS
(11) k-u-pelz'=k'ij '-t-ik 'slhe presses herlhim with herlhis hand'

INc-3A-press=hand-TRN-ITS
(12) k-u-sipil=k'ij '-I-ik 'slhe drops it' (from hand)

INC-3A-slip=hand-TRN-ITS
(13) k-u-tan = 'ool-t-ik 's/he feels, mourns it'

INC-3A-tend=spirit-TRN-ITS
(14) k-u-tich =k'ii '-t-ik 's/he points it out'

INC-3A-stiffen=ann-TRN-ITS
(15) k-u-tich '=k'ak'-t-ik' 's/he illuminates it'

INC-3A-pass=frre-TRN-ITS
(16) k-u-tzi-tzitz=ja '-t-ik 's/he flicks it with water'

INC-3A-REDUP-splash=water-TRN-ITS
(17) k-u-tz'ib '=ol-t-ik 's/he desires it'

INC-3A-write=spirit-TRN-ITS
(18) k-u-wej=k'ii'-t-ik 's/he handscatters it'

INC-3A-scatter=hand-TRN-ITS
(19) k-u-we-wej=ja'-t-ik 's/he sprinkles it with water with palm up'

INC-3A-REDUP-sprinkle=water-TRN-ITS
(20) k-u-xach = 'ok-t-ik 's/he steps over it'

INC-3A-separate=foot-TRN-ITS
3.5.2. Adverbial Incorporation

Verb compounds may also be fonned by incorporating adverbial morphemes before the
verbal stem (1)-(15) (cf. 15.5.1). For compounds with transitive roots, the transitive sufftx -t is
optional.
(1) k-u-ki'-ki'=t'iin(-t)-ik 's/he sweet-talks, consoles her/hirn'

INC-3A-REDUP-good=talk(-TRN)-ITS
(2) k-u-kiis=jeb'(-t)-ik 's/he half-opens it'

INC-3A-Somewhat=open(-TRN)-ITS
(3) k-u-k'as =men-t-ik 's/he makes it badly'

INC-3A-badly=make-TRN-ITS
(4) k-u-laj='el-el 'it completely burns'

INC-3A-completely=burn-ns
(5) k-u-len =ch 'in-t-ik 's/he shoves herlhirn'

INC-3A-heavy=push-TRN-ITS
(6) k-u-siik=che'ej 's/he smiles'

INC-3A-white=laugh
(7) k-u-maan=tz'on(-t)-ik 's/he mis-shoots it'

INC-3A-miS=shoot(-TRN)-ITS
(8) k-u-jaran=ch'iik(-t)-ik 's/he half-cuts it'

INC-3A-half=cut(-TRN)-ITS
(9) k-u-tul=k'ooch-t-ik 'slhe carries it on herlhis shoulder'

INC-3A-full=load-TRN-ITS
(10) k-u-taan =b 'i-s-ik 'slhe carries it in front, ahead'

INC-3A-front=go-cAUS-ITS
(11) k-u-tatz '=man-s-ik 'slhe passes straight by it'

INC-3A -straight=pass-CAUS-ITS
(12) k-u-ya-yaj=t'iin(-t)-ik 'slhe consoles herlhim'

INC-3A-REDUP-Ioving=talk(-TRN)-ITS
(13) k-u-k'aj='oof2 'slhe feels bitter'

INC-3A-bitter=spirit
(14) k-u-yaj = 'ool-t-ik 'slhe resents it'

INC-3A-pain=spirit-TRN-ITS
(15) k-u-jan=tal 'slhe comes quickly'

INC-3A-quickly=come
3.5.3. Compounds with Two Verb Stems

Compound verbs may also be formed with two verb stems (1)-(5). Transitive forms are
generally marked by the transitive suffix -t, but some transitive root compounds may appear
without it (4)-(5).
(1) k-u-ja'ja '=che'ej-t-ik 'slhe guffaws at it'

INC-3A-chortle=laugh-TRN-ITS
(2) k-u-joch =ch 'in-t-ik 'slhe dumps it out'

INC-3A-dump=throw-TRN-ITS
(3) k-u-ye'-ye'=jan-t-ik 'slhe pretends to eat it'

INC-3A-REDUP-pretend=eat-TRN-ITS
(4) k-u-jol=ch'iik(-t)-ik 's/he cuts a hole, path, in it'

INC-3A-hole=cut(-TRN)-ITS
(5) k-u-ye'-ye'=lox(-t)-ik 'slhe threatens to hit it'

INC-3A-REDUP-pretend=hit-TRN-ITS
3.5.4. Verb Phrases with Specialized Meanings

Verb phrases are examined in more detail in the following chapters. Some examples with
idiomatic meanings are given below (1)-(6).
(1) k-u-b'u'l-ul u-ni' 'slhe drowns' (lit., 'herlhis nose sinks')

INC-3A-sink-IIS 3A-nose
(2) k-u-tz'o'k-ol u-b'el 's/he marries' (lit., 'herlhis journey ends')

INc-3A-end-us 3A-going
22 The the nominal root OOL, 'self, spirit, bodily sensation' appears in verbal compounds
but not in simple verb forms.

(3) k-u-b'et-ik puutz'-il u-b'aj 'slhe makes an enemy ofherlhim'

INc-3A-make-ITS needle-pos 3A-REFL
(4) k-u-chokoj-kin-t-ik u-k'ik'-e/ 'slhe is agitating herlhim'

INC-3A-hot-CAUs2-TRN-ITS 3A-blood-pos
(5) k-u-k'at-ik u-k'ab' 'he asks her hand in marriage'

INC-3A-ask-ITS 3A-hand
(6) k-u-lik'-s-ik u-k'ab'a' 'slhe honors herlhim'

INC-3A-raise-cAus-ITS 3A-name
4. NOMINAL MORPHOLOGY 85
4. Nominal Morphology
4.0. Contents
4.1. Noun Roots
4.1.1. Noun Root Shapes
4.1.1.1. Monosyllabic Roots
4.1.1.2. Polysyllabic Roots
4.1.1.3. Finn Glottal Stop
4.1.2. Morphosyntactic Noun Root Classes
4.1.2.1. Simple Nouns
4.1.2.1.1. Kinship Tenns
4.1.2.1.2. Simple Body Parts
4.1.2.2. Active Verbal Nouns
4.1.2.3. Noun Roots with Noun Classifiers
4.1.2.3.1. Masculine Nouns with aj-
4.1.2.3.2. Feminine Nouns with ix-
4.1.2.3.3. Sex-linked aj- or ix-
4.1.2.3.4. Masculine aj- or Feminine ix-
4.1.2.4. Proper Nouns and Address Terms
4.1.2.4.1. Personal Names and Tenns of Direct Address
4.1.2.4.1.1. Direct Address
4.1.2.4.1.2. Third-Person References
4.1.2.4.2. Place Names (Toponyms)
4.1.2.5. Numeral Classifiers
4.1.2.6. Onomatopoeia
4.2. Nominal Derivation
4.2.1. Derivations with aj-
4.2.1.1 Adjectival Nouns
4.2.1.1.1 With Adjective Roots
4.2.1.1.2. Indicating Place of Origin
4.2.1.1.3. Directions
4.2.1.2. Agentive Nouns
4.2.2. Derived Active Verbal Nouns and Gerunds
4.2.2.1. Active Verbal Nouns Derived with -VC
4.2.2.1.1. Hannonic -VI
4.2.2.1.2. Hannonic -Vn or -an
4.2.2.1.3. Hannonic -VI
4.2.2.2. Active Verbal Nouns from Transitive Roots
4.2.2.2.1. CV(V)C
4.2.2.2.2. Glottal insertion: CV'VC
4.2.2.3. Active Verbal Nouns with -s-aj
4.2.2.3.1. Active Verbal Nouns from Intransitive Roots
4.2.2.3.2. Other Active Verbal Nouns with -s-aj
4.2.2.4. Other Derived Active Verbal Nouns
4.2.2.5. Gerunds with -il
4.2.3. Nouns Derived with -il
4.2.3.1. Nouns with Inanimate Possessors
4.2.3.2. Part or Place (of Origin)
4.2.3.3. Beneficiary or Goal
4.2.3.4. Abstract Nouns
4.2.3.4.1. With Adjective Stems
4.2.3.4.2. With Participles
4.2.2.4.3. With Noun and Adverb Stems
4.2.3.5. Members of a Group
4.2.4. Other Nouns Derived with -VC suffixes

4.2.4.1. Nouns with Harmonic -Vb', V'
4.2.4.2 Nouns with -Vch
4.2.4.2.1. Harmonic -Vch
4.2.4.2.2. -ich
4.2.4.3. Nouns with Harmonic -Vk
4.2.4.4. Nouns with -VI
4.2.4.4.1. Harmonic -VI
4.2.4.4.2. -al
4.2.4.4.3. Inalienable Possession with -el
4.2.4.5. Nouns with -Vm
4.2.4.5.1. Harmonic -Vm
4.2.4.5.2. -am
4.2.4.5.3. -um
4.2.4.5.4. -im
4.2.4.6. Nouns with -Vn
4.2.4.6.1. Harmonic -Vn
4.2.4.6.2. -an
4.2.4.6.3. -en
4.2.4.6.4. -een or -e'en
4.2.4.6.5. -in
4.2.4.7. Nouns with -Vt
4.2.4.7.1. Harmonic -Vt
4.2.4.7.2. -ut
4.2.4.7.3. Harmonic -V'Vt
4.2.5. Other Noun Derivation
4.2.5.1. Honorific -(in)tzil
4.2.5.2. -b'al, -nal
4.2.6. Relational Nouns
4.2.7. Derivation of Other Verbal Nouns
4.2.7.1. Intransitive Verbal Nouns with -VI
4.2.7.2. Affective Verbal Nouns with -b'aj
4.2.7.3. Inchoative and Positional Verbal Nouns with -tal
4.2.7.4. (Transitive) Verbal Nouns with -ik
4.3. Nominal Inflection and Modification
4.3.1. Person Marking on Nouns
4.3.1.1. Possession with Set A Person Markers
4.3.1.2. Statives with Set B Person Markers
4.3.2. Masculine and Feminine Noun Classifiers
4.3.3. Pluralization
4.3.4. Determiner, Topic Marker, and Adjectives
4.3.4.1. Determiner and Topic Marker
4.3.4.2. Adjectives
4.3.4.2.1. Plain Adjectives
4.3.4.2.2. Demonstrative Adjectives
4.4. Compound Nouns
4.4.2. Noun & Noun Compounds
4.4.2.1. Plain Noun & Noun Compounds
4.4.2.2. Noun & Noun Compounds with Noun Classifiers
4.4.2.2.1. Masculine Classifier
4.4.2.2.2. Feminine Classifier
4.4.2.2.3. Sex-linked
4.4.2.2.4. Masculine or Feminine Classifier
4.4.2.2.5. Noun & Noun Compounds with -il

4.4.3. Adjective & Noun Compounds
4.4.3.1. Plain Adjective & Noun Compounds
4.4.3.2. Adjective & Noun Compounds with Noun Classifiers
4.4.3.2.1. Adjective & Noun Compounds with aj-
4.4.3.2.2. Adjective & Noun Compounds with ix-
4.4.3.2.3. Adjective & Noun Compounds Indicating Sex
4.4.3.2.4. Adjective & Noun Compounds with aj- or ix-
4.4.3.2.5. Adjective & Noun Compounds with -il
4.4.4. Adjectival Noun Compounds
4.4.5. Active Verbal Noun Compounds
4.4.6. Agentive Noun Compounds
4.4.6.1. Productive
4.4.6.2. Specialized Meanings
4.4.6.3. Abstract Agentive Noun Compounds with -il
4.4.6.4. Agentive Noun & Subject Noun Compounds
4.4.7. Numeral Classifier Compounds
4.4.7.1. Reduplication
4.4.7.2. Complex Numeral Classifiers
4.4.8. Other Compound Nouns
4.5. Noun Phrases
4.5.1. Modifier (Adjective) + Noun NPs
4.5.1.1. With aj-
4.5.1.2. With ix-
4.5.1.3. Gender Neutral with aj- or ix-
4.5.1.4. Sex-linked with aj- or ix-
4.5.1.5. Agentive Noun + Subject Noun Phrases
4.5.2. Possessed + Possessor Noun Phrases
4.5.2.1. Locations and Part-Whole Relations
4.5.2.2. Other Specialized Meanings
4.5.2.3. Marked Possession with-i/
4.6. Locative Expressions
4.6.1. Prepositions and Prepositional Phrases
4.6.2. ti' + Possessed + Possessor Constructions
4.6.3. Locational Adverbs
4.6.3.1. ti' + Possessed Noun
4.6.3.2. Plain Relational Nouns as Adverbs
4.6.3.3. Place Names (Toponyms)
Nouns may be based on noun roots, they may be derived from nominal sterns or stems of
other root classes, or result from compounding. Most nouns may be possessed and they may be
pluralized. Each type is considered in tum, followed by a description of noun phrases and locative
expressions that include noun phrases.
4.1. Noun Roots

Noun roots may be subcategorized according to semantic, phonological, and
morphological criteria.
4.1.1. Noun Root Shapes
4.1.1.1. Monosyllabic Roots

Most noun roots are monosyllabic with the shapes CVC, CVVC, and CV'(V)C. Unlike
Yucatec Maya (Blair 1964:51-54; Kaufman 1991:60-64; Hanks 1984:3.3; Bricker et a1.1998),
vowel length does not change under possession in Itzaj Maya. Prominent among the nominal roots
with the shape evve are active verbal nouns (avns) (cf. 4.1.2.2) and numeral classifiers (ncls)
(cf. 4.1.2.5). Active verbal nouns also commonly have the shape ev've. Initial glottal stops are
only recorded if they are flIDl (cf. 1.3.3.5.2).
eve
AK' 'vine' LAK 'ceramic plate'
B'AK 'bone' LEK 'large gourd'
B'A"K' 'meat' LUK' 'mud'
B'EJ 'road' MOIZ 'root'
B'IIZ' 'indigo' NAL 'ear of com'
B'OK' 'small ceramic dish' NAJ 'house'
CHUJ 'water gourd' NEJ 'tail'
CHE' 'wood' NOK' 'clothes'
CHI' 'nance tree' 'OM 'avocado'
CH'AM 'wild pineapple' pAK' 'wall'
CH'IB' 'pacaya palm' PEK' 'dog'
lIZ 'resin', 'sap' PUT 'papaya'
'IK 'chile pepper' P'IJ 'p'ij tree'
IK' 'wind' SUM 'rope'
JA' 'water' TOP' 'flower'
JUJ 'iguana' TUP 'earring'
KAJ 'town' TUK' 'cocoyol palm'
KAL 'neck' TUIZ 'corozo palm'
KAN 'snake' T'OJ(onom) 'sound of ax chopping'
KAY 'fish' T'OT' 'snail'
KIB' 'wax' IZIK 'respect'
KIJ 'henequen' IZOL 'tzol tree'
KOJ 'tooth' IZ'U' 'center', 'heart'
KOL 'milpa' UK' 'louse'
KUM 'pot' WAJ 'tortilla'
KUIZ 'turkey' WIIZ 'hill'
K'IN 'day', 'sun' XUX 'wasp'
K'O' 'tender sprout' YA' 'chicozapote tree'
evve
'AAK 'turtle' K'UUM 'squash'
B'AAT 'ax' K'UUIZ 'tobacco'
CHAAK 'thunder' MEET' 'fever blister'
CHUUK 'coal' MIIS(avn) 'broom'
CH'IICH' 'bird' MUUL(ncl) 'mound'
CH'UUK 'brown sugar' NAAB'(ncl) 'handsbreadth'
JAAL (avn) 'perimeter', 'edge' 'OOP 'anona'
JOOK'(avn) 'large fish hook' 'OOX 'breadnut'
KEEJ 'deer' PUUIZ' 'needle'
KUUL 'palm heart' P'UUL (avn) 'pitcher'
KUUK 'elbow' SOOM 'soom tree'
K'AAN 'hammock', 'hemp fiber' TEEK(ncl) 'plant'
K'AAX 'forest' IZ'AAP (ncl) 'stack'
K'AAK' (avn) 'frre' IZ'IIM 'manioc'
K'AAP 'bead', 'necklace' WAAL (ncl) 'palm frond'
ev've
B'A'AY 'net bag' B'O'OY(avn) 'shadow'
B'O'OL (avn) 'pay' B'U'UL 'beans'
CHE'EJ (avn) 'laughter' O'OCH 'ration', 'food'

CH'E'EM 'well', 'cave' P'U'UK 'cheeks'
JA'AS 'plantain' SE'EN(avn) 'cough'
JO'OL 'head', 'roof' SE'ES 'sawdust', 'crumbs'
JU'UM 'paper' SO'OY 'chicken coop'
KA'AN 'sky' SU'UK 'grass'
KE'EL 'cold' TU'UCH 'tree knot'
K'I'IX 'thorn' TZE'EK (avn) 'splinter'
K'U'UM 'nixtamal', 'com dough' TZO'OTZ 'hair'
LU'UM 'earth' TZ'A'AY 'canine tooth'
ME'EX 'whiskers' WE'ECH 'mange'
MO'OK 'knot' XA'AN 'thatch palm'
MO'OL(avn) 'wrinkle', 'fold' XO'OM(avn) 'wedge'
NA'AT(avn) 'idea' XU'UL 'digging stick'
4.1.1.2. Polysyllabic Roots

There are also polysyllabic noun roots of the form CVCVC or CVC(V)CVC (with
vowels of all three qualities). Some of these are undoubtedly derived forms historically but are
now considered to be unanalyzed forms.
CVCVC
ALAK' 'domestic animal' KOOKOJ 'coconut' (Sp coco)
'AYIM 'crocodile' K'EB'AN 'sin'
'AB'Ar 'plum', 'plum tree' PIXAN 'spirit'
B'ALUM 'jaguar' PICHI' 'guava'
CHAMAL 'cigarette' SAK'A', 'maize plant'
CHAPA Y 'lancetillo palm' SINA'AN 'scorpion'
CHULUUL 'tree center' SINIK 'ant'
IXI'IM 'maize' SUB'IN 'acacia tree'
JALEJ 'tepesquintle' SUKU'UN 'older brother'
JOMA' 'curing gourd' TAMAN 'cotton'
JUB'U' 'mangrove' TAMEN 'liver'
JUNUUM (onom) 'vespid wasp' TZ'UNU'UN 'hummingbird'
JUTUUT (onom) 'flute' WAKAX 'cattle' (Sp vacas)
KAKA W 'cacao tree' WAYUM 'guaya tree'
KITAM 'peccary' WINIK 'man'
KIWI' 'achiote' XUXAK 'tall basket'
CVC(V)CVC
KAANYAJ 'sugar cane' (Sp cana)
K'ILKA' 'sweat'
MATUWA' 'red frangipani'
MAKULIS 'Maybush'
SA'YUK 'malerio tree'
SEB'OOYAJ 'onion' (Sp cebolla)
TESTAAB' 'testaab' tree'
4.1.1.3. Firm Glottal Stop

As noted in 1.3.3.5.2, some glottal-initial roots retain the glottal stop with Set A person-
marking prefixes, unlike most roots which undergo the morphophonemic changes described in
1.3.3.5. Spanish borrowings and many abstract nouns derived from V -initial adjectives with-i/
also belong to this class (cf. 4.2.3.4).
'ab'iil 'plum'
'almeend'raj 'almond' (Sp almendra)
'al-il 'weight'
'ayim 'crocodile'
'aak 'turtle'
'ek' 'star'
'eek'-il 'darkness'
'Ernan 'Hernan'
'ib' 'lima bean'
'ik 'chile'
'is 'soft-skinned squash'
'om 'avocado'
'och 'opossum'
'olcom 'housepost'
'oop 'custard apple'
'uj 'bead'
'us 'gnat'
4.1.2. Morphosyntactic Noun Root Classes

Basic noun roots may be subcategorized according to possession marking. General
distinctions can be made between nouns that are normally possessed and nouns that are neutral in
this regard or never possessed. Unmarked unpossessed nouns are distinguished according to those
that appear as bare stems and those that appear with a noun classifier. Among possessed nouns,
classes are distinguished according to the presence and type of possessive suffIxes that appear
with them. Active verbal nouns and numeral classifiers are also important nominal root classes.
4.1.2.1. Simple Nouns

Most simple nouns need not be possessed and do not regularly occur with noun
classifiers. These are categorized as n1a in the dictionary (Hofling 1997). Some simple nouns of
class n1 are always or nearly always possessed but do not require possessive suffIxes.
ak' 'vine' lak 'clay plate'

b'ej 'road' lu'um 'earth'
cha' 'chicle', 'gum' naj 'house'
chaak 'thunder' 'oop 'anona'
ja' 'water' pom 'incense'
ja'as 'plantain' su'uk 'grass'
juj 'iguana' t'ot' 'snail'
ju'um 'paper' tzimin 'equine'
ka'an 'sky' wi' 'tuber'
k'aak' 'fire'
4.1.2.1.1. Kinship Terms

Kinship terms are an important group of noun roots that are ordinarily, but not
obligatorily, possessed. Terms with an asterisk may take a noun classifier when not possessed
(and therefore are not strict members of noun class 1a; cf. 4.1.2.3.3). The use of Mayan kin terms
is fading and the exact ranges of reference of b'al, 'brother-in-law', and mu', 'sister-in-law' are
uncertain.
nol 'grandfather'
noolaj* 'grandmother'
tat 'father'
na' 'mother'
tiiyoj 'uncle'
tiiyaj 'aunt'
sweegroj 'father-in-law'
sweegraj 'mother-in-law'
pad'riinoj 'godfather' (senior generation)
mad'riinaj 'godmother' (senior generation)
suku'un 'older brother'
kik 'older sister'
itz'in 'younger sibling'
priimoj 'male cousin'
priimaj 'female cousin'
icham 'husband'
atan 'wife'
b'al 'brother-in-law' (uncertain)
mu' 'sister-in-law' (uncertain)
jab 'an 'sibling-in-Iaw's spouse'
kompaad'rej 'godfather' (same generation)
komaad'rej 'godmother' (same generation)
paal 'child' (general)
al 'child of mother'
ja'an 'son-in-law'
ali' 'daughter-in-law'
'ayijaad'oj 'godson'
'ayijaad'aj 'goddaughter'
chich 'grandchild'
4.1.2.1.2. Simple Body Parts

Body parts are generally but not obligatorily possessed. In addition to referring to human
or animal body parts, many of these terms are used to indicate locations in possessed + possessor
constructions (cf. 4.5.2, 10.1.4, 10.2.3.1, 10.2.3.8). Complex body part terms also appear in
possessed + possessor constructions (cf. 4.5.2). An outline of the body partonomy appears in the
dictionary (Hofling 1997:81-83).
chun 'trunk' ni' 'nose', 'point'

chu'uch 'chest' nak' 'belly'
chi' 'mouth' ok 'foot', 'bottom part'
ich 'eye', 'face' pach 'back'
ich'ak 'nail', 'claw' piix 'knee'
im 'woman's breast' pol 'head'
it 'rump', 'bottom', 'anus' taan 'front', 'flat part'
jaal 'edge' t'a' 'forehead'
jo'ol 'head' tzeel 'side'
ju' 'waist' tzem 'chest'
kal 'neck' xa'ay 'fork'
kuuk 'elbow' xik' 'wing', 'armpit'
k'ab' 'arm', 'branch' yej 'edge'
mo'ok 'knot', 'knuckle'
4.1.2.2. Active Verbal Nouns

Active verbal noun roots refer to actions (Kaufman 1990: 103-4, 1991: 13-16). They form
an important noun class that is the prototype of active verbal nouns (cf. 4.2.2). They are also the
base for the important verb class of active verbs (cf. 3.3.2.3) and transitive verbs derived with-t
(cf. 3.3.3.2). It is noted in parentheses that some active verbal nouns are onomatopoeic (onom),
and some also have numeral classifier (ncl) forms. In addition to active verbal meanings, some
avns also refer to objects associated with a given action.
Most active verbal noun roots are of the shape evve, but roots of the shapes ev've and
eveve are not uncommon. A few avo roots have the shape eve (cf. 3.3.3.2.1).
eve
eha' 'chicle', 'chewing'
je' '(laying) egg'
kis 'fart(ing)'
si' '(making) fIrewood'
tus 'lie', 'lying'
xej 'vomit(ing)'
evve
b'aak' 'surrounding', 'perimeter' noDI 'sucking'
b'ook' 'stirring' nuuk 'echo(ing)'
b'uut' 'refIlling' paak 'weeding'
b'uutz' 'smoke', 'smoking' paak' 'waiting'
ehaaeh 'grabbing' paan 'digging'
ehaaeh' 'chewing' paay 'loan', 'lending'
ehuueh' 'sucking' peek 'pulse', 'movement'
eh'aaeh' 'clearing', 'weeding' siit' 'jump(ing)'
eh'eej 'wedge', 'wedging' took 'burn(ing)'
eh'ooeh' 'drill( ing)' tuu' 'spit(ting)'
eetz' 'gesture', 'gesturing' xiit(onom) 'hiss(ing)'
juuy 'stirring' xoob' (onom) 'whistle', 'whistling'
k'eel 'toasting' (call)
k'iieh 'warming' xooy 'detour(ing),
liil 'shaking' xuub' (onom) 'urging dogs on'
looeh' 'hugging', 'holding' (shouting xuub~'
meen 'doing' xu-xuub' (onom) 'whistle', 'whistling'
mee'(onom) 'moo', 'mooing' (song)
muueh' (ncl) 'pile', 'piling' tzeen 'giving food'
muul (ncl) 'mound', 'mounding' tz'uutz' 'smoking'
nee!' 'nibble', 'nibbling' tz'iib' 'writing'
niieh' (ncl) 'shred(ding)' yuum 'swing'
ev've
eha'an 'watch(ing),
ehe'ej 'laugh(ing)'
ehu'ueh 'breast', 'suckling'
k'a'ay 'announcing', 'sleeping in another's coop'
p'a'as 'joke', 'joking'
p'e'es 'skinning'
sa'al 'defending'
sa'at 'pardon', 'pardoning'
evC(C)ve
alka' 'race', 'racing'
b'ate' 'fIght', 'fIghting'
b'a'te' 'paddle', 'paddling'
eh'emaa' 'spy', 'spying'
forsaar 'forcing', 'rape', 'raping' (Spforzar)
iehkil 'bathing', 'bath'
ixo'om 'shelling corn'
jab'on 'soap', 'soaping' (Sp jabon)
jak'syuum (onom) 'sneeze', 'sneezing'

jayaab' (onom) 'yawn(ing)'
k'aba' 'name', 'naming'
meyaj 'work', 'working'
t'uju'(onom) 'cough(ing) of whooping cough'
piiyoj (onom) 'peep(ing)'
to-tokk'ee (onom) 'cackle', 'cackling' (of rooster)
tuk'uu' (onom) 'biccup(ping)'
4.1.2.3. Noun Roots with Noun Classifiers

A large set of nouns categorized as class 2 (n2) in the dictionary (Hofling 1997) and
personal names often occur with either the masculine classifier, aj-. or the feminine classifier, ix-.
There is some question as to whether noun classifiers should be considered clitics or prefixes.
Evidence for their independence is the fact that the glottal stop often appears with 'V-initial roots,
e.g., aj-'och, 'opossum'. In possessed forms, however, the classifier is prefixed to the root,
preceding a possessive pronoun, e.g., inw-iij-kax, 'my chicken'. Noun classifiers are considered
here as proclitics and are written as part of the word to which they attach.
Many common nouns require the masculine noun classifier, aj-, or the feminine noun
classifier, ix-, regardless of the sex of the referent. The classifiers may disappear in object
incorporation and under possession (cf. 3.5.1.1.1, 9.3, 16.3.4.2).1 With many class 2 nouns, the
classifier may be replaced by the determiner when making defInite references (cf. 9.8.2). Some
animal names that take noun classifiers are onomatopoeic, mimicking sounds the animals make,
and these animal names are therefore related to adjectival or agentive nouns (cf. 4.2.1.1,
4.2.1.2). In fact, all class 2 nouns may be derived historically from agentive nouns or adjectival
nouns. Masculine and feminine are prototypical categories and there is a grading away from
central members of the masculine and feminine categories to examples that may take either
classifier (cf. 4.1.2.3.4) (Moll-Collopy 1996a; Hofting 1997). Many are Spanish borrowings.
4.1.2.3.1. Masculine Nouns with aj-

Mammals, large birds (especially raptors), biting and noxious insects, as well as some
aquatic animals and plants are prominent in the masculine class (n2a). A similar semantic range is
apparent in less prototypical examples of nouns that may take either but show a preference for aj-
(cf. 4.1.2.3.4).
Mammals
aj-b'oo' 'lionlike beast'
aj-chab' 'three-toed anteater'
aj-koj 'puma'
aj-kookoj 'coconut paca' (Sp coco)
aj-mis 'cat'
Birds
aj-b'uj (oDom) 'owl'
aj-ch'el 'kingfisher'
aj-ch'om 'turkey vulture'
aj-je'me' 'pelican'
aj-k'ilk'il (oDom) 'sparrow hawk'
aj-k'ub'ul (oDom) 'Montezuma oropendula'
aj-mujan 'sparrow hawk'
aj-pa'ap 'magpie'
1For example: aj-koj, 'puma', but kukiinan=(aj-)koj, 'slbe guards pumas'; aj-'akach,
'horsefly', but in-'akach, 'my horsefly'.
aj-pitoreal 'keel-billed toucan' (Sp pito real)

aj-sosool 'vulture'
aj-waakoj (onom) 'laughing falcon' (Sp guaco)
aj- 'alkatras 'pelican' (Sp alcatraz)
Reptiles
aj-kamaleyon 'chameleon' (Sp camaleon)
aj-tzaab' 'rattlesnake'
Aquatic Animals
aj-b'u'ul 'ajb'u'ul fish'
aj-kech' 'ajkech' frog'
aj-wo' 'rainy season toad'
aj-xex 'crayfish'
aj-xbd 'small fish', 'minnows'
ajxut' 'ajxut' frog'
Insects and Spiders

aj-chakchoj 'ajchakchoj bee'
aj-chakiistej 'gnat' (Sp chaquiste)
aj-chikirin (onom) 'cicada'
aj-chiwoj 'tarantula'
aj-ch'oyoy 'harvest fly'
aj-chuut 'pig flea'
aj-jejen 'gnat'
aj-kuul 'palm heart beetle'
aj-k'iimiis 'young wingless termite'
aj-k'ek'an 'ajk'ek'an bee'
aj-limoon 'lime bee' (Sp limon)
aj-sakal 'army ant'
aj-saak' 'grasshopper'
aj-tuutz' 'nocturnal mosquito'
Plants
aj-b'eek 'oak tree'
aj-b'on 'hat palm'
aj-chunuup 'strangler fig'
aj-job'o' 'ajjob'o' palm'
aj-kulantriiyoj 'maidenhair fern' (Sp culantrillo)
aj-kulaantroj 'cilantro, coriander' (Sp culantro)
aj-kuum 'broom palm'
aj-muk 'ajmuk vine'
aj-seb 'oyin 'chives' (Sp cebollin)
aj-si'insin 'ajsi'insin plant'
Other
aj-lekeb' 'principal crossbeam'
aj-tzo' 'flower of com plant'
4.1.2.3.2. Feminine Nouns with ix-

The feminine class (n2b) includes many smaller birds, including parrots and doves,
insects, especially worms and household insects, diseases, and many plants, including medicinal
plants, domesticated plants, and other plants used by women. The categorization of diseases and
medicinal plants as feminine reflects a pre-Columbian system in which disease and healing were
the domain of the prototypically female moon goddess (Hofling 1989; Moll-Collopy 1996a). The
moon goddess is also associated with a set of birds in Mayan hieroglyphic codices. This noun
category grades into forms which may take either noun classifier, with a preference for the
feminine (cf. 4.1.2.3.4).
Birds
ix-b'ach 'chachalaca bird'
ix-b'aalej 'tinamou'
ix-b'iyuud'aj 'widow', 'red-headed vulture' (Sp viuda)
ix-gab'iyootaj 'gull' (Sp gaviota)
ix-gayinoolaj 'gray-necked wood-rail' (Sp gallinola)
ix-kob'an 'spotted wood quail'
ix-kocha' 'blue-crowned parrot'
ix-kolix 'yellow-headed parrot'
ix-kusam 'swallow'
ix-k'ok' 'clay-colored robin'
ix-k'ok'ech (onom) 'guinea hen'
ix-mankolol 'great tinamou'
ix-mulach 'cormorant'
ix-noma' 'least grebe'
ix-noom 'tinamou'
ix-nuk (adjn) 'ferruginous pygmy owl'
ix-paloomaj 'pigeon' (Sp paloma)
ix-puruwok (onom) 'ruddy ground dove'
ix-tuut 'gray dove'
ix-t'ut' 'parrot'
ix-tzutzuy 'gray-headed dove'
ix-tz'apin 'oriole'
ix-waakaj 'macaw'
ix-xuluul 'tinamou'
Reptiles
ix-koraales 'coral snake' (Sp coral)
ix-Zitz' 'small lizard'
Insects and worms

ix-chemes 'centipede'
ix-chiinchej 'bedbug' (Sp chinche?)
ix-d'onseeyaj 'stingless bee' (Sp doncel/a)
ix-kisay 'wild bedbug'
ix-k'uruch 'cockroach'
ix-lukum 'earthworm'
ix-makich 'ixmakich beetle' (used in jewelry)
ix-mand'iingaj 'bullet ant' (Sp mandinga)
ix-naZi' 'earwig' (eats com)
ix-nak'a'ap 'aquatic worm'
ix-nok'ol 'worm'
ix-siyempiyej 'centipede' (Sp ciempies)
ix-t'uju' (agn) 'spitting caterpillar'
ix- 'esperaansaj 'esperanza grasshopper' (Sp esperanza)
Medicinal Plants
ix-b'erd'olaagaj 'purslane' (Sp verdolaga)
ix-cha'ak 'arrowroot'
ix-ch'a'yuk' 'black nightshade'

ix-kokolmeekaj 'cocolmeca vine' (Sp cocolmeca)
ix-kopo' 'wild fig'
ix-k'iinan 'Polly red head'
ix-makulis 'ixmakulis tree'
ix-marab'iiyaj 'four-o'clock plant' (Sp maravilla)
ix-maalb'aj 'scorpion's tail plant' (Sp malva)
ix-mostaasaj 'mustard plant' (Sp mostaza)
ix-siik' 'ixsiik' plant'
ix-tupuj 'marigold'
ix-'al 'pregnant woman's vine'
ix-'am 'coral bean tree'
Edible Plants and Food

ix-b'anaanoj 'banana tree' (Sp banano)
ix-chab'al 'ixchab'al plum'
ix-chii'nak' 'ixcha'nak' vine'
ix-chay 'chaya plant'
ix-che'petz' 'new com', 'new com tortilla'
ix-joob'oj 'hog plum' (Sp jobo)
ix-gineeyoj 'banana' (Sp guineo)
ix-mand'ariinaj 'tangerine' (Sp mandarina)
ix-mansaanaj 'apple banana' (Sp manzana)
ix-majuunchej 'majunche banana' (Sp majunche?)
ix-naraanjaj 'orange' (Sp naranja)
ix-pii'yak' 'yam'
ix-pelon 'pole bean' (Sp pelon)
ix-siid'raj 'citron' (Sp cidra)
ix-toroonjaj 'grapefruit' (Sp toronja)
ix-tamaal 'tamale'
ix-tuspaanaj 'ixtuspaanaj plum' (Sp tuspana?)
ix-tziima' 'ixtzama' bean'
ix-tz'iit 'tamale of young com'
ix-'om 'avocado'
Other Plants
ix-b'ulut' 'Peten gourd'
ix-b'ut' 'platanillo palm'
ix-chu'um 'ixchu'um tree' (has fiber for weaving)
ix-jub'u' 'mangrove'
ix-k'o'och 'guarumo', 'trumpet tree' (used for firing ceramics)
ix-matuwa' 'red frangipani'
ix-paalmareyal 'royal palm' (Sp palma real)
ix-soosaj 'ixsoosaj vine' (decorative) (Sp sosa?)
ix-tensaak' 'bramble'
ix-tiintoj 'tinto tree' (used for painting ceramics) (Sp tin to )
ix-tz'uulaj 'guachipilin tree'
ix-was 'wild calabash gourd tree'
ix-yaat 'xate palm plant' (decorative)
ix-'akitz 'good-luck seed'
ix'anoniiyoj 'wild anona' (Sp anonillo)
ix- 'artaniisaj 'wild sage' (Sp artemisa)
Diseases
ix-chu'chum 'carbuncle'
ix-jetb'ajil (avn, n3d) 'indigestion', 'swelling'
ix-jink'i' (onom) 'whooping cough'
ix-mermet' 'fungal infection of foot'
ix-sak'i/ (n3d) 'itchy rash'
ix-sarampiyon 'measles' (Sp sarampion)
ix-tusb'ajil (avo, n3d) 'panting'
Other
ix-ki'makolil (n3d) 'happiness'
ix-t'ech 'clay bowl with handles'
4.1.2.3.3. Sex-linked aj- or be-

Noun classifiers reflect the sex of the nominal referent for a number of nouns referring to
animals and people, classified as n2c in Hofting (1997). Domesticated animals and kinship terms
are especially prominent in this category. Most are restricted to one sex (n2ci[i]a), but some can
be either (n2ci[i]b). It is noted in parentheses if the noun has another value, either as a plain noun
without any classifier (n1), or as a noun with the masculine classifier (n2a). For example, b'alum
as a noun referring to 'jaguars' in general is classified as nl, but ix-b'alum refers to the female only
(n2c); aj-mis is a n2a noun referring to 'cats' generally, but ix-mis refers to females only (n2c) (see
9.3.2 for more information on how sex distinctions are indicated). The kin terms marked with an
asterisk only appear with the classifier when they neither are possessed nor used in direct address
(cf. 4. 1.2. 1.1, 9.4.1).
WUdAnimals
ix-b'alum (n1) 'female jaguar'
ix-keej (nl) 'female deer'
ix-Ieoj (n2a) 'lioness'
Domestie Animals
aj-b'eraaleoj 'boar' (Sp veraco)
aj-chiib'oj 'billy goat', 'male calf' (Sp chivo)
aj-p'ex 'male pig'
ix-p'ex 'female pig'
aj-t'el 'rooster'
aj-tzo' 'turkey gobbler'
ix-chiib'aj 'female goat', 'heifer' (Sp chiva)
ix-kutz (nl) 'female turkey'
ix-Iech 'sow'
ix-mis (n2a) 'female cat'
ixnob'iiyaj 'heifer' (Sp novilla)
ix-paatoj (nl) 'female duck' (Sp pato)
ix-pek' (nl) 'bitch', 'female dog'
ix-potraankaj 'filly' (Sp potranca)
ix-pooyaj 'young hen' (Sp polla)
ix-tux 'young female turkey'
ix-wakax (nl) 'heifer' (Sp vacas)
ix-yeegwaj 'mare' (Sp yegua)
People
aj-b'iyuud'oj 'widower' (Sp viudo)
ajjwes 'male judge' (Sp juez)
ixjwes 'female judge' (Sp juez)
aj-nol* 'grandfather', 'great-grandfather'

ix-b'iyuud'aj 'widow' (Sp viuda)
ix-ch'up 'woman'
ix-griingaj (nl) 'female foreigner' (Sp gringa)
ix-k'os 'babysitter'
ix-munyeekaj 'doll' (Sp mufieca)
ix-naanaj* 'grandmother'
ix-noolaj* 'grandmother'
ix-nuk 'old woman'
ix-parteeraj 'midwife' (Sp partera)
ix-'uj 'moon'
4.1.2.3.4. Masculine aj- or Feminine ix-

Nouns of class n2d may take either aj- or ix- without reference to the sex of the referent
(Hofling 1997). If one form is preferred, it appears in boldface. Many mammals belong to this
class, and otherwise the semantic domains grade into those described above for n2a (cf.
4.1.2.3.1) and n2b nouns (cf. 4.1.2.3.2).
Masculine Preferred or Neutral

Mammals
aj-b'aj, ix-b'aj 'gopher'
aj-b'aatz', ix-b'aatz' 'howler monkey'
aj-chi'ik, ix-chi'ik 'coatimundi' (in groups)
aj-ch'o', ix-ch'o' 'rat', 'mouse'
aj-ch 'umak, ixch 'umak 'gray fox'
aj-kiritz', ix-kiritz' (onom) 'kinkajou'
aj-kuri', ix-kuri' 'small rodent'
aj-ku 'uk, ix-ku 'uk 'squirrel'
aj-k'olok', ixk'olok' 'ajk'olok' peccary'
aj-k'ulu', ix-k'ulu' 'raccoon'
aj-ma'ax, ix-ma'ax 'spider monkey'
aj-paay, ix-paay 'skunk'
aj-tamb 'orsiiyoj, ixtamb 'orsiiyoj 'collared peccary' (Sp tamborsillo)
ajtuuchaj, ix-tuuchaj 'spider monkey'
aj-t'u 'ul, ix-t'u 'ul 'rabbit'
aj-tzu', ix-tzu' 'agouti'
aj-wayu', ix-wayu' (onom) 'nocturnal mammal'
aj-wech, ix-wech 'armadillo'
aj-yuk, ix-yuk 'sprocket deer'
aj- 'arux, ix- 'arux 'elf'
Birds
ajchukib', ix-chukib' 'scaled pigeon'
aj-ch 'ejun, ix-ch 'ejun 'small woodpecker'
aj-jo'jo', ix-jo'jo' (onom) 'tiger-heron'
aj-kax, ix-kax 'chicken'
aj-kox, ix-kox 'crested guan'
aj-mo', ix-mo' 'macaw'
aj-piik', ix-piik' 'dwarf chicken'
aj-pichik', ix-pichik' 'toucanette'
aj-pich', ix-pich' 'ani'
aj-pujuy, ix-pujuy 'roadrunner', 'night jar'
aj-sanaatej, ix-sanaatej 'great-tailed grackle' (Sp zanate)
aj-tijeeraj, ix-tijeeraj 'swallow-tailed kite' (Sp tijera)
aj-xooch', ixxooch' (onom) 'screech owl'

aj-'ii', ix-'ii' (onom) 'speckled hawk'
Reptiles
aj-pllch, ix-pach 'small lizard'
aj-tolok, ix-to10k 'chameleon'
aj-tzatz, ix-tztatz 'ajtzatz lizard'
Aquatic Animals
aj-b'oox, ix-b'oox 'mojarra fish'
aj-ka'luuch, ix-ka'luuch 'needlefish'
aj-lu', ix-lu' 'catfish'
aj-nab'entu', ix-nab'entu' 'small gold mojarra fish'
aj-sili', ix-sili' 'common sardine'
aj-suway, ix-suway 'young minnow'
aj-tutu', ix-tutu' 'small river snail'
aj-yo', ix-yo' 'ajyo' mojarra fish'
aj-yux, ix-yux 'crab'
Insects and Spiders

aj-chi1nay, ix-chanay 'cricket'
aj-k'oj, ix-k'oj 'big horsefly'
aj-pepem, ix-pepem 'butterfly'
aj-say, ix-say 'leafcutter ant'
aj-te', ix-te' 'lantern click beetle'
aj-toy, ix-toy 'spider'
aj-tullx, ix-tulix 'dragonfly'
aj-'akach, ix-'akach 'horsefly'
Medicinal Plants
aj'apasootej, ix'apasootej 'wormseed' (Sp apasote)
Other
aj-b'ok', ix-b'ok' 'jug'
aj-poch', ixpoch' 'ball of com dough'
aj-wich', ix-wich' 'red skin rash'
Feminine Preferred
Birds
aj-chilu', ix-chilu' 'tinamou'
aj-kuyutz', ix-kuyulZ' 'white-crowned parrot'
aj-k'ok'ech, ix-k'ok'ech (onom) 'guinea hen'
ajpllk', ixplik' 'dwarf chicken'
aj-pu', ix-pu' 'chicken' (type)
aj-p'ili', ix-p'ili' 'parakeet'
aj-wirisu', ix-wirisu' (onom) 'great kiskadee'
aj-xuluul, ix-xuluul 'tinamou'
Insects and Worms

aj-chik'ich, ix-chik'ich 'small red tick'
aj-natz'ul, ix-nat:'ul 'small red cockroach'
aj-teyul, ix-teyul 'large wingless termite'
Edible Plants and Food

aj-chayootej, ix-chayootej 'chayote squash'
ajpita'aayaj, ix-pita'aayaj 'prickly pear', 'tuna nopal' (Sp pitahaya)
aj-'is, ix-'is 'soft-skinned squash'
aj-'ixik, ix- 'ixik 'ix'ixik plantain'
aj-'uk'uch, ix-'uk'uch 'dove's foot'
Other Plants
aj-chikila', ix-chikila' 'platanillo palm tree' (seeds for necklaces)
a)-ch 'ejun, ix-ch 'ejun 'wild custard apple'
aj-mooras, ix-mooras 'mora tree' (Sp mora)
aj-tes, ix-tes 'ixtes plant'
aj-tolok, ix-tolok 'ixtolok plant'
aj-tuch I, ix-tuch' 'rattle gourd'
Other (aquatic)
aj-ch'ilam, ix-ch'ilam 'sardine'
aj-pemech, ix-pemech 'clam'
4.1.2.4. Proper Nouns and Address Terms
4.1.2.4.1. Personal Names and Terms of Direct Address
4.1.2.4.1.1. Direct Address

Personal names appear as bare forms or with honorifics in direct address (1 )-( 19) (cf.
9.4.1.1). Children are most commonly addressed simply by their personal names. Titles such as
the masculine honorific, yun-tzil, 'sir', may also appear alone. Because ofItzaj's precarious
language status, it has not been possible to directly observe terms of direct address adequately. It
is clear, however, that relative age correlates with relative status. If, for example, an old man
addressed a younger man with Te'yoos taata)', 'Hello, papa', the younger man might respond
Te'yoos nol or Te'yoos nojxi'tat, 'Hello, grandfather'. Kinship terms and other titles of respect are
(or were) common address terms. All kinship terms may be used as address terms.
Male Addresee
(1) Jose)! 'Jose!'
PN
(2) yun Josej! 'don Juan', 'senor Juan!', 'Mr. Juan!'

sir PN
(3) kompaad'rej! 'godfather!' (Sp compadre)

godfather
(4) yun-tzil! 'don!', 'senor!', 'sir!'

sir-HONOR
(5) noj-och winik! 'gentleman!'

big-ADJ man
(6) noj(-och)= tat! 'old man!' (with respect)

big( -ADJ)=father
(7) noj=xib'! 'old man!' (with respect)

big=male
(8) noj=xi'=tat! 'grandfather!', 'old man!' (with respect)

big=male=father
(9) nolf 'grandfather!'

grandfather
(10) 'ab'weeloj! 'grandfather!' (Sp abuelo)

grandfather
(11) taataj! 'papa!' (affectionate for seniors and juniors)

father
(12) paapaj! 'papa!' (affectionate for seniors and juniors)

father (Sppapa)
Female Addressee
(13) Mariiyaj! 'Maria!'
PN
(14) komaad'rej! 'godmother!' (Sp comadre)

godmother
(15) na'-ix-Mariiyaj > na'ax-Mariiyaj 'dona Maria!', 'seil.ora Maria!', 'madam Maria!'
mother-FEM-PN
(16) noj-och=ko'lel 'old lady!' (with respect)

big-ADJ=lady
(17) nuk=na' 'old lady!' (with respect)

adult=mother
(18) noolaj! 'grandmother', 'old lady!' (with respect)

grandmother
(19) naanaj! 'mother!' (affectionate for seniors and juniors)

mother
(20) 'ab'weelaj! 'grandmother!' (senior mother)

grandmother
4.1.2.4.1.2. Third-Person References

In making third-person references to named individuals, noun classifiers or honorifics
appear (1 )-( 5)(cf. 9.4.1.2).
(1) aj-Jwan 'Juan'

MASC-PN
(2) yunJuan 'don/senor Juan'

donPN
(3) ix-Mariiyaj 'Mary'

FEM-PN
102 IlZAJ MAYA GRAMMAR
(4) na'=ix-Mariiyaj > na'ax-Mariiyaj 'dona/senora Maria'

mother=FEM-PN
(5) Ix-Ko'lel 'the Virgin (Mary)'

FEM-Iady
4.1.2.4.2. Place Names (Toponyms)

Many hills, beaches, rivers, lakes, points, and coves in the Lake Peten Itza region, as well
as all of the local towns, have Itzaj names (1)-(7). There are both descriptive names (which have
identifiable roots and interpretation) and opaque place names (otherwise uninterpretable). A good
number of the town names are Spanish borrowings (cf. 4.6.3.3, 9.4.2, and see map in Hofling
1997:xiii-xiv)
(1) Aj-Job'o' 'AjJob'o' (a hill)' (Spjobo)

MAsc-jobo.palm
(2) Job'on=pich 'Job'on-pich' (a beach and inlet)

hollow=pich. tree
(3) Ni'ich 'Ni'ich' (a beach)

PN
(4) Peten 'Flores' (provincial capital)

island
(5) Piku' 'Lake Piku'

PN
(6) Remaatej 'Remate' (Sp remate)

PN
(7) San Josej 'San Jose' (Sp)

PN
4.1.2.5. Numeral Classifiers

In Mayan enumeration, number words must be followed by a numeral classifier, which
indicates the category of the item counted (1)-(2). Numeral classifiers are noun stems, and most
have noun roots of the shape CWC. The two most common classifiers are =p'eel, 'inanimate', and
=tuul, 'animate'. Numeral classifiers are described in more detail in chapter 5 and 9.5.
(la) -P'EELN.
(lb) jun=p'eel kum 'one pot'
one=INAM pot
(lc) ka'=p'eel kum 'two pots'

twO=INAM pot
(2a) -TUULN.
(2b) jun=tuul winik 'one man'
one=ANIM man
(2c) ka'=tuul winik 'two men'

twO=ANIM man
4.1.2.6. Onomatopoeia
A few plain nouns have been encountered that are strongly onomatopoeic.
(1 a) plakplakplak 'sound of hand slapping water'
(lb) A' b'ab'a'al k-u-b'ax-t-ik a'ja'-ej .. k-u-jum plak-plak-plak.

DET spook INC-3A-play-TRN-ITS DET water-TOP INC-3A-sound plak-plak-plak
'The spook that plays in the water, it's making the sound plakplakplak.'
(lc) a' plak-plak-plak-ej 'the plakplakpla~

DET plak-plak-plak-TOP
(2a) po(o)xoom 'sound of big splash'
(2b) Kil u-pul-ik u-b'aj mak tija' .. k-u-jum pooxoom.

when 3A-throW-ITS 3A-REFL person to water INC-3A-sound pooxoom
'When one throws oneself in the water, it sounds pooxoom'
(2c) a' pooxoom-ej 'the pooxoom'
(3) pIa!}!} 'sound of metalic crash'
(4) tumm ... tumm tumm tumm 'sound of drum'

[tumm] - [mug]
4.2. Nominal Derivation

Nominal derivation is also described in Hofling (1997), where more examples of the
different derivational categories may be found. The abbreviations used in the dictionary are given
in parentheses on their frrst occurrence in the following sections and appear in the abbreviations
section of this work (pp. xiv-xvii).
4.2.1. Derivations with aj-
4.2.1.1 Adjectival Nouns

Adjectival nouns (adjn) are nouns derived from adjectives that are typically used to refer
to people or animals having the relevant trait (cf. 9.3.3.1; Hofling 1997). They require the
masculine or feminine noun classifier according to the sex of the referent. The masculine is also
the general or neutral gender.
4.2.1.1.1 With Adjective Roots

Adjectival nouns are often derived from adjective roots (1)-(4).
Adjective Adjectival Noun

(1) ton 'male' aj-ton 'male'
(2) nuk 'old female' ix-nuk 'old woman'
(3) 'ich'i' 'disgusting' aj-'ich'i' 'disgusting male'
ix-'ich'i' 'disgusting female'
(4) wach 'Mexican' aj-wach 'Mexican male'
ix-wach 'Mexican female'
4.2.1.1.2. Indicating Place of Origin

A special class of adjectival nouns indicates place of origin (1 )-(4). These nouns are
based on a place name or word with a noun classifier prefix indicating sex of referent in the form:
CLASS-place-il (cf. 4.2.3.2). Like other nouns, they may also be inflected as statives with Set B
person markers (cf. 2.1.2).
(1) aj-San Josej-il 'San Joseno'

MASC-PN-ADJ
(2) aj-wa ye'-il-ech 'you (masculine) are from here'

MAsc-here-ADJ-2SG.B
(3) ix-waye'-il-ech 'you (feminine) are from here'

FEM-HERE-POs-2sG.B
(4) aj-taan.xe(l) =kaj-il 'foreigner'

MASC-other=town-ADJ
4.2.1.1.3. Directions
The names of directions are also adjectival nouns. They are no longer clearly associated
with colors.
Diredion
(1) aj-chi=k'in 'west'
MASC-lie=sun
(2) aj-la=k'in 'east'

MASC-X-sun
(3) aj-nojol 'south'

MASC-south
(4) aj-xilman 'north'

MASC-north

Agentive nouns may be derived from incompletive-status forms of intransitive verbs,
especially antipassive or active intransitives (cf. 3.1.1, 3.3.1.1.2.1, 3.3.1.1.2.2, 3.3.2.3,
3.3.3.4.1). The noun classifier proclitics typically indicate the sex of the referent. The masculine
is also the general or neutral gender (cf. 9.3.3.2, 16.3.4.3).
Intransitive Verb Agentive Noun

k'ay 'sing' aj-k'ay 'singer'
man-al 'buy' aj-man-al 'buyer'
kiinan 'guard' aj-kiinan 'guard'
kol 'make milpa' aj-kol 'milpero'
jatz' 'whip' aj-jatz' 'whip' or 'whipper'
lak 'unfasten' aj-Iak 'unfastener'
lech 'hanger' aj-Iech 'hanger'
loch 'twist' aj-Ioch 'twister'
men 'doer' aj-men 'doer'
meyaj 'work' aj-meyaj 'worker'
muk 'bury' aj-muk 'burler', 'hider'
ok-ol 'rob' aj-'ok-ol 'robber'
si(y)-il 'give' aj-si(y)-il 'giver'
tal 'come' aj-tal 'comer'
tilka' 'order' aj-tiika' 'orderer'
t'ox 'share' aj-t'ox 'sharer'
wen-el 'sleep' aj-wen-el 'sleeper'
4.2.2. Derived Active Verbal Nouns and Gerunds

Active verbal nouns may be derived from other stem types and are formally identical to
active or antipassive verbs in the incompletive status (cf. 3.3.1.1.2.2, 3.3.3.4.1).
4.2.2.1. Active Verbal Nouns Derived with -VC
4.2.2.1.1. Harmonic -VI 2

Active verbal nouns may be derived with a harmonic -VI suffix (avn2b) (1 )-( 15).
Transitive stems may be derived from avn stems with -I , -t, -(V)/-t(-es) and -t-es (cf. 3.3.3.2).
Root Avn TRNStem

-VI -t
(1) JAN, X. jan-al 'food', 'eating' jan-t
(2) B'AX, X. b'ax-iil 'toy', 'play(ing)' b'ax-t
(3) OK', X. ok'-ol 'crying' ok'-ol-t
(4) MAN, T. man-al 'purchase', 'shopping' (miin)
(5) CHAK, T. chak-al 'cook(ing)' (chiik)
(6) KON, T. kon-ol 'sale', 'selling' (kon)
-VI -I
(7) OK, X. ok-ol 'robbery', 'robbing' ok-I
(8) rUK, X. tuk-ul 'thought', 'thinking' tuk-l
(9) rOJ, X. to(j)-ol 'throwing' toj-l
(10) B'IB' X (no avn form) b'ib'-/ 'roll'
(11) B'AB' X. (no avn form) b'ab'-/ 'roll'
-VI -1- or V/-t{-es) or -t-es

(12) K'OK', X. k'ok'-ol 'roll(ing) kok'-I or k'ok'-ol-t
(13) WEN, I. wen-el 'sleep( ing)' wen-e/-t or wen-t-es
(14) UK', I, T. uk'-ul 'drink( ing)' uk'-ul-t-ik
(15) ICHK-,I,X ichk-il 'bathe', 'bathing' ichkiltik or ichkiltesik
4.2.2.1.2. Harmonic -Vn or -an

Active verbal nouns may also be formed with a -Vn suffix (avn2c) (1)-(7).
Root Avn
(1) IG4N, T. kiin-an 'guard', 'guarding'
(2) KAx, X. kiix-an 'seeking'
(3) xA"N, X xii'n-an 'errand'
Possible3
(4) ak-an 'roaring'
(5) k'eb'-an 'sin'
(6) miij-an 'loan'
(7) mat-an 'gift'
2 It is quite possible that the suffixes -al and -iii are morphologically distinct.
3 Examples are listed under the heading "Possible" when there is no independent
evidence conflrming the suggested derivation. For example, akan might be an unanalyzable root.
Similarly, it is sometimes unclear whether a suffIx has a harmonic vowel or a flxed value.

A number of avn roots have two avn forms: one plain form with a long vowel, and
another with a shortened vowel and a-V t suffix (avn2d). Instrumental meanings are notable in the
second form.
Root Avnl Avn2

(1) PIIK, N. piik 'fan', 'fanning' pik-it 'fan'
(2) UUS, N. uus 'blowing' us-ut 'blowing'
(3) YUUL, N. yuul 'polishing yul-ut 'polishing', 'polisher'
Possible
(4) mak-at 'cackling'
(5) ok'-ot 'dance', 'dancing'
(6) tz'ib'-it 'draining off'
4.2.2.2. Active Verbal Nouns from Transitive Roots
4.2.2.2.1. CV(V)C
Active verbal nouns may also be derived from transitive roots without suffixation (avn4)
(1)-(15). In addition to active verbal meanings, some of these avns also refer to objects associated
with a given action. In the dictionary (Hofling 1997), these are labeled as polyvalent roots (N, T).
Most avns derived from transitive roots optionally have long vowels, like their corresponding
antipassive forms (cf. 1.3.8.1.2, 3.3.1.1.2.2).
(1) b'iij, b'aj 'nail'

(2) ch'aj 'drip'
(3) ch'in, ch 'Un 'throw'
(4) pak' 'planting'
(5) p'is, p'iis 'measure'
(6) sut, suut 'turn'
(7) jiitz', jatz' 'whip', 'lash'
(8) kot, koot 'fencing'
(9) k'ub', k'uub' 'delivery'
(10) lej,leej lasso', 'roping'
(11) t'iij, t'aj 'drop'
(12) t'iin, t'an 'speech'
(13) tz'ak 'cure', 'medicine'
(14) tz'on, tz'oon 'shooting'
(15) watz~ waatz' 'bend'
4.2.2.2.2. Glottal insertion: CV'VC

One example of an avn formed from a transitive root with glottal insertion (avn4b) has
been observed (1).
Root Avn
(1) SEP', T. 'scissor' se'ep' '(cutting) confetti'
4.2.2.3. Active Verbal nouns with -s-aj
4.2.2.3.1. Active Verbal Nouns Derived from Intransitive Roots

Active verbal nouns with intransitive roots (avn3) have the suffixes -s-aj, like their
antipassive counterparts (1)-(3) (cf. 3.3.3.4.1).
Root Avn
(1) JOK', I. 'leave' jok'-s-aj 'removal'
(2) KIM, I. 'die' kin-s-aj 'killing'
(3) LIK', I. 'rise' lik'-s-aj 'raising'
4.2.2.3.2. Other Active Verbal Nouns with -s-aj

A few active verbal nouns derived from other root types are formed with -s-aj (avnlc)
(1)-(2).
Root Avn
(1) BAle, N. 'meat' b'iik'-s-aj 'hunting'
(2) IG4N, T. 'learn' ka'an-s-aj 'teaching'
4.2.2.4. Other Derived Active Verbal Nouns

Nouns of the category avo may be derived with a variety of other suffixes including -b 'al
(avo5) (1)-(10) (cf. Kaufman 1991:23).4
Root Avn
(1) AAN, N. aan-t-aj 'helping'
(2) B'ATE', N. b'ate'-i! 'tight'
(3) CHI', T. chi-b'al 'bite', 'bark'
(4) CHOK, X. chok-wil 'malarial fever'
(5) JUL, T. jul-b'e'en 'replanting'
(6) IG4N, T. kiim-b'al 'learn'
(7) K'UB', T. k'ub'-een 'commission'
(8) M01Z A. motz-il 'hatred'
(9) pAt T. piit-b'al 'potting'
(10) 1ZIIK, N. tzik-b'al 'conversation', 'talk'
4.2.2.5. Gerunds with -it

Gerunds may be derived from active verbal noun or antipassive stems by adding the
suffix -ii, a process related to other nominal derivations with -il (1)-(13) (cf. 4.2.3). Transitive
roots or stems that do not have mediopassive -VI forms (cf. 3.3 .1.1.2.1), may have a gerundial
form with -il with approximately the same meaning. These forms only appear with the durative
aspect, taan, and are usually third-person. The possessor/subject is in the patient role. Third-
person plural agents are generally implied but are not marked (cf. 10.2.3.9).
(la) Taan u-k'aat-il. 'they are at her betrothal'

OUR 3-ask-GER
(lb) Taan a-k'aat-il. 'they are at your betrothal'

OUR 2A-ask-GER
(2) Taan u-k'ax-il. 'they are at the tying (of it)'

OUR 3-tie-GER
(3) mach-il 'at the grabbing of'

(4) meyaj-il 'at the work of'
(5) miis-il 'at the sweeping of'
(6) pak'-iI 'at the planting of'
4 Historically, the root of xi'mal, 'walking', also belongs to this set but is not now
recognized as such because of metathesis and consonant reduction: xim-b'al > xi'mal.
(7) paak'-il 'at the waiting of'

(8) p'o'-il 'at the washing of'
(9) xok-il 'at the reading of'
(10) tok-il 'at the snatching of'
(11) tool-il 'at the chasing of'
(12) t'ox-il 'at the dividing of'
(13) tz'ak-il 'at the curing of'
4.2.3. Nouns Derived with -il
4.2.3.1. Nouns with Inanimate Possessors

An -il suffix attaches to possessed nouns with inanimate possessors (n3a) (1)-(8)
(Hofling 1990; cf. 1O.2.3.1).
(1) u-'alaamb'rej-il a' k'aak'-ej 'the electric wire'

3A-wire-pos DET ftre-TOP
(2) u-ch 'ala 'at-il 'hislher/its ribs' (of a skeleton)

3A-rib-pos
(3) u-kon-ol-i/ a' naj-ej 'the sale of the house'

3A-sell-NOM-POS DET house-TOP
(4) u-kim-en-il 'his (own) corpse'

3A-die-NOM-POS
(5) u-k'ab'-il in-kamiisaj 'the sleeve of my shirt'

3A-arm-POS ISG.A-shirt
(6) u-meyaj-il a' naj-ej 'the work of the house'

3A-work-Pos DET-house-TOP
(7) u-k'ewel-il 'its hide' (of a dead animal)

3A-hide-pos
(8) u-b'iik'-il keej 'deer meat' (of a dead animal)

3A-meat-pos deer
4.2.3.2. Part or Place (of Origin)

Derived nouns with -il may also indicate 'part of' or 'place of' relations (n3b) (1)-(4).
These include adjectival nouns, as in (1) (cf. 4.2.1.1.2, 10.2.3.2). Other n3b nouns are usually
possessed.
(1) aj- Yukatan-il 'Yucatecan (male)', 'male from Yucatan'

MASC-Yucatan-POS
(2) k'uum-il 'squash plot'

squash-pos
(3) u-k'ux-a 'an-il 'the chewn part of'

3A-bite-PART 1-pos
(4) u-pa '-al-il 'the broken part of'

3A-break-PART3-pos
4.2.3.3. Beneficiary or Goal

Possessed nouns with -il may also indicate beneficiaries or goals (n3c) (1 )-(8). For
example, u-b'en-il Poktun means 'the road to Poktun', and u-k'aat-il ix-Mariiyaj means 'the
petition for Maria's hand in marriage' (cf. 10.2.3.3).
(1) u-b'en-il 'hislher/its path'

(2) u-jatz'-il 'hislher whipping'
(3) u-kaj-tal-il 'hislher residence'
(4) u-k'aat-il 'her betrothal'
(5) u-lox-il 'hislher fight', 'hislher blow'
(6) u-p'a 'as-il 'hislher joke'
(7) u-t'an-il 'hislher/its story'
(8) u-tzik-b 'al-il 'hislher/its conversation'
4.2.3.4. Abstract Nouns

Abstract nouns may be derived with -il (n3d) from adjectival, participial, nominal, and
some adverbial stems, and are usually possessed. The category of abstract nouns may overlap with
n3b, 'place of' interpretations (cf. 4.2.3.2, 1O.2.3.4).
4.2.3.4.1. With Adjective Stems

Abstract nouns are commonly derived from adjective stems (1)-(13). With glottal-initial
roots, the glottal is frrm (cf. 1.3.3.5.2, 4.1.1.3, 10.2.3.4).
Adjective Abstract Noun

(1) 'al 'heavy' u-'al-il 'its weight'
(2) 'ayik'al 'rich' u-'ayik'al-il 'the wealth of'
(3) b'ox 'black' u-b'ox-il 'the black of' , 'its blackness'
(4) chiimach 'old (male), u-chiimach-il 'his old age'
(5) chokoj 'hot' u-chokoj-il 'its heat'
(6) job'on 'hollow' u-job 'on-il 'its hollowness'
(7) ke'el 'cold' u-ke'el-il 'hislher chills' (from malaria)
(8) ki'mak 'happy' ix-ki'mak-il 'happiness'
(9) kim-en 'dead' u-kim-en-il 'hislher death'
(10) seeb' 'fast' u-seeb'-il 'hislher hurry'
(11) tam 'deep' u-tam-il 'its depth'
(12) Ius 'false' tus-il 'falsehood'
(13) yaj 'painful' u-yaj-il 'hislher pain'
4.2.3.4.2. With Participles

Abstract nouns may aslo be derived from participles (1)-(5).
Participle Abstract Noun

(1) chi'-a'an 'bitten' u-chi'-a'an-il 'hislher bite'
(2a) ch'iik-a'an 'cut' u-ch 'iik-a 'an-il 'hislher cut'
(2b) ch'ak-al 'cut' u-ch 'ak-al-il 'hislher cut'
(3) kiil-a'an 'drunk' u-kiil-a 'an-il 'hislher drunkenness'
(4) kux-a'an 'alive' u-kux-a 'an-il 'hislher aliveness, life'
(5) k'oj-a'an 'sick' u-k'oj-a 'an-il 'hislher sickness'
4.2.3.4.3. With Noun and Adverb Stems

Abstract nouns may also be derived from noun and adverb stems (1 )-(7).
Noun/Adverb Abstract Noun

(1) b'i=k'in 'when' u-b'i=k'in-il 'its time (when)'
110 lIZAJMAYA GRAMMAR
(2) jan-al 'food' u-jan-al-il 'its edible parts'

(3) kin-s-aj 'killing' u-kin-s-aj-il 'the killing of'
(4) kux-tal 'life' u-kux-tal-il 'hislher existence'
(S) ma' 'no' u-ma'-i/ 'the negative'
(6) paal 'child' u-paal-il 'hislher childhood'
(7) winik 'man' u-winik-il 'his manliness'
4.2.3.5. Members of a Group

Possessed forms with the -il suffix may also indicate members ofa group (n3e) (1)-(4).
In these forms a plural-oo' sufftx is optional (cf. 10.2.3.S).
(I) u-suku 'un-il(-oo J 'the older brother of all of them'

3A-older.brother-pos(-PL)
(2) uy-itz'in(-tzil)-il(-oo J 'the youngest sibling of all of them'

3A-younger.sibling(-HON)-POS(-PL)
(3) u-nol-il(-oo J 'their grandfather'

3A-grandfather-pos(-PL)
(4) u-pol-il(-oo J 'their head, boss'

3A-head-pos{-PL)
4.2.4. Other Nouns Derived with -VC Suffixes
4.2.4.1. Nouns with Harmonic -Vb', V'

Instrumental nouns may be derived from some verb stems with a harmonic Vb' - V'
sufftx (nSg) (1)-{S).
Root Instrumental Noun

(1) CH'UY, T. 'hang' ch'uy-u(b)' 'hanger, hanging basket'
(2) JUUY, N. 'stirring' juy-u' 'stirring stick'
Possible
(3) xan-a' 'shoe'
(4) k'ux-u' 'achiote'
(S) pich-i' 'guava'
4.2.4.2 Nouns with -Vch
4.2.4.2.1. Harmonic -Vch

No deftnite cases are known of nouns derived with a harmonic -Vch suffix (nSa). (1)-(S)
are possible examples.
(1) aj-'ak-ach 'horsefly'

(2) cham-ach 'old man'
(3) ix-chik'-ich 'small red tick'
(4) kib'-ich 'kib'ich vine'
(S) xiim-iich 'comaI', 'griddle'
4.2.4.2.2. -ich
Nouns may also be derived with an -ich suffix (1)-(2).
Root Derived Noun

(1) TUN, N. 'stone' tun-ich 'stone'
Possible
(2) ix-mak-ich 'ixmakich beetle'
4.2.4.3. Nouns with Harmonic -Vk

Nouns may be derived with a -Vk suffix (nSb) (1)-(2).
Root Derived Noun

(1) CHUN, T. 'begin' chum-uk 'center'
(2) IZEL, T. 'slope' tzel-ek 'lower leg'
4.2.4.4. Nouns with -VI

Derived nouns with -VI suffixes are generally possessed. Although there may be overlap
with verbal nouns (avns and ivns), these nouns do not have the verbal semantics associated with
those categories (cf. 4.2.2.1.1, 4.2.7.1).

Nouns may be derived from a variety of root types with a harmonic -VI suffix (nSc) (1)-
(17).
Root Derived Noun

(1) CHOM, Af. chom-ol 'bunch'
(2) ETZ', X. etz'-el 'echo'
(3) MUUCH', N. muuch'-ul 'pile'
(4) NU'UK, N. nu'uk-ul 'purpose'
(S) OK', X. ok'-ol 'top'
(6) SlY, T. si(y)-il 'gift'
(7) XET', T. xet'-el 'piece'
(8) XOT', T. xot'-ol 'piece'
Possible
(9) 'ab'-iil 'plum'
(10) b'iik-iil 'com husk'
(11) b'iiy-iil 'bayal thatch'
(12) jiil-iil 'reed'
(13) jol-ol 'jolol tree'
(14) k'ox-ol 'mosquito'
(IS) miik-iil 'makal tuber'
(16) nok'-ol 'worm'
4.2.4.4.2. -al
A number of nominal/adjectival forms, including some numeral classifiers, take an -al
suffix (n6) (1)-(14). Most of these appear to involve inanimate, collective, or otherwise non-
prototypical possessors (cf. Hofling 1990).
Plain Form PossessedlDerived Noun

(1) chuy (avn) 'sewing' u-chuy-al 'its stitching'
(2) ch'ib' 'leaf vein' (u-)ch 'ib '-al '(his/her) lineage'
(3) ix-ch'up 'female' u-ch'up-al 'female' (of group)
(4) kuuch (ncl) 'tercio' u-kuuch-al 'tercio' (of wood)
(5) k'ewel 'hide' u-k'ewel-al 'its hide' (of animal)
(6) k'a'ool (avn) 'knowledge' (u-)k'a'ool-al '(his/her) knowledge'
(7) ik' 'wind' uy-ik' 'hislher breath'

uy-ik'-al 'its wind'
(8) kaj 'town' (u-)kaj-al '(hislher) hometown'
(9) muuch' (nel) 'pile' u-muuch '-al 'its pile'
(10) seeb' (adj) 'quick' t-u-seeb'-al 'quickly'
(11) tz'aap (nel) 'stack' u-tz'aap-al 'its stack'
(12) aj-xib' 'male' u-xib'-al 'male' (of animal group)
u-xi'-I-al 'male' (of human group)
Possible
(13) cham-al 'cigarette'
(14) muy-al 'cloud'
4.2.4.4.3. Inalienable Possession with -el

Members of a elass of inalienably or inherently possessed body parts take an -el suffix
when possessed (n4) (1)-(6). A distinction sometimes arises between forms with the suffix, which
are attached body parts, and forms without the suffix, which are unattached body parts. Possessed
forms with the -el suffix can also be used for detached parts when the possessor is known, given
information (cf. 10.2.2).
Unpossessed Possessed
(1) b'ak 'bone' u-b'ak-el 'his bone'
(2) choch 'intestine' u-choch-el 'his intestine'
(3) tzo'otz 'hair' u-tzo'otz-el 'his hair'
(4) k'ik' 'blood' u-k'ik'-el 'his blood'
u-k'ik' 'his blood' (detached)
(5) ot' 'skin' uy-ot'-el 'his skin'
(6) b'iik' 'flesh' u-b'iik'-el 'his flesh'
u-b'iik' 'his meat' (e.g., to eat)
4.2.4.5. Nouns with -Vm
4.2.4.5.1. Harmonic with -Vm

There are a number of nouns that are possibly derived with a harmonic -Vm suffix (n5d)
(1)-(11).
Possible
(1) ai-am 'below'
(2) b'oj-om 'majagua tree'
(3) chech-em 'poisonwood'
(4) chuk-um 'chukum tree'
(5) k'ey-em 'maize atole'
(6) k'in-im 'wild hogplum'
(7) k'uk'-um 'feather'
(8) kel-em-b'al 'shoulder'
(9) luk-um 'earthworm'
(10) ok-om 'house comer post'
(11) tul-um 'fish trap'
4.2.4.5.2. -am
The following nouns are possibly derived with -am (1)-(9).
Possible
(1) ai-am 'below'
(2) ch'i!-am 'sardine'

(3) chi'k-am 'jicama vine'
(4) ich-am 'husband'
(5) kit-am 'peccary'
(6) ix-kus-am 'swallow'
(7) ix-piik'-l-am 'prickly pear'
(8) t'aj-am 'callous'
(9) tziil-am 'tzlilam tree'
4.2.4.5.3. -um
The following nouns are possibly derived with -um (1)-(6).
Possible
(1) b'al-um 'jaguar'
(2) chuk-um 'chukurn tree'
(3) k'uk'-um 'feather'
(4) luk-um 'earthworm'
(5) tul-um 'fish trap'
(6) way-um 'wayum tree'
4.2.4.5.4. -im
The following nouns are possibly derived with -im (1)-(3)
Possible
(1) ay-im 'crocodile'
(2) katz-im 'katzim vine'
(3) k'in-im 'wild hogplum'
4.2.4.6. Nouns Derived with -Vn
4.2.4.6.1. Harmonic -Vn

Nouns may be derived with a harmonic -Vn suffix (n5e) (1)-(8).
Root Noun
(1) KIS, N. kis-in 'devil'
(2) PEET, N. pet-en 'island'
Possible
(3) iit-an 'wife'
(4) k'ek'-en 'pig'
(5) tiim-iin 'cotton'
(6) tzim-in 'horse'
(7) xik-in 'ear'
(8) siik-an 'maize dough'
4.2.4.6.2. -an
The following nouns are possibly derived with -an (1)-(3).
Possible
(1) iit-an 'wife'
(2) pix-an 'spirit'
(3) siik-an 'maize dough'
4.2.4.6.3. -en
The following nouns may be derived with an -en suffix (1)-(6).
Root Noun
(1) KIM, I. kim-en 'corpse'
(2) PEET, N. pet-en 'island'
Possible
(3) chech-en 'chechen tree'
(4) jej-en 'gnat'
(S) tam-en 'liver'
(6) tz'om-en 'brain'
4.2.4.6.4. -een or -e'en

The following nouns are possibly derived with -e(')en (1)-(2).
Possible
(1) k'ob'-e'en 'stove of three stones'
(2) ix-tzu-tzuy-een 'gray-headed dove'
4.2.4.6.5. -in.
The following nouns are possibly derived with -in (1)-(4).
Possible
(1) ix-tz'ap-in 'oriole'
(2) jab'-in 'maybush tree'
(3) sub'-in 'acacia tree'
(4) tzim-in 'equine'
4.2.4.7. Nouns with -Vt
4.2.4.7.1. Harmonic -Vt

The following Nouns are possibly derived with a harmonic -Vt (nSf) (1)-(3).
Possible
(1) b'uk-ut 'stinking toe tree'
(2) kuk-ut 'plant base'
(3) tan-at 'dust'
4.2.4.7.2. -ut
Several nouns are possibly derived with -ut (1)-(4).
Possible
(1) kam-ut 'sweet potato'
(2) wak-ut 'provision tree'
(3) b'uk-ut 'stinking toe tree'
(4) kuk-ut 'plant base'
4.2.4.7.3. Harmonic -V'Vt

A couple of nouns are possibly derived with a harmonic -V'V t (1 )-(2).
Possible
(1) ch'a!-a'at 'ribs'
(2) tz'on-o'ot 'cenote'
4.1.5. Other Noun Derivation
4.1.5.1. Honorific -(in)tzJl

The honorific SUffIX -(in)tzil may attach to selected kin tenns and the honorific title, yum,
'sir' (n7a) (1)-(10). It occurs only with kin tenns referring to ego's siblings, their spouses, and
lineal kin of ascending generations (but not lateral kin, e.g., *tiiyaj-intzil; cf. 4.1.2.1.1, 10.1.1).
It is most commonly used with third-person possessors to refer to a member of the group, but it
may be used with flISt- or second-person possessors. -in appears as part of the SUffIX on kin tenns
that do not already end in VN.
Plain Noun Noun-Honorific

(1) nol 'grandfather' u-nol-intzil-oo' 'their grandfather'
(2) noolaj 'grandmother' u-noolaj-intzil-oo' 'their grandmother'
(3) tat 'father' u-tat-intzil-oo' 'their father'
(4) na' 'mother' u-na'-intzil-oo' 'their mother'
(5) suku'un 'older brother' u-suku 'un-tzil-oo' 'their older brother'
(6) kik 'older sister' u-kik-intzil-oo' 'their older sister'
(7) itz'in 'younger sibling' uy-itz'in-tzil-oo' 'their younger sibling'
(8) mu' 'sister-in-law' u-mu'-intzil-oo' 'their sister-in-law'
(9) b'al 'brother-in-law' u-b 'al-intzil-oo' 'their brother-in-law'
(10) yum 'father', 'lord' yun-tzil 'sir'
4.1.5.1. -b'lIl, -nlll

Nouns may also be derived with the suffix -b'al or the suffix -nal (n7b) (1)-(4) (cf.
4.2.2.4).
Root Noun
(1) KELEM, X. lcelem-b'al 'shoulder'
(2) MUK, T. muk-nal 'grave', 'burial'
(3) AK, P. iik-nal 'presence'
Possible
(4) mek-nal 'hell'

Relational nouns are a special class of nouns that frequently function like prepositions to
indicate spatial relationships, often in conjunction with the preposition ti' (cf. 4.6.3, 10.2.S,
13.2, 13.3). They are generally possessed and several have a-VI suffix.
Root Relational Noun

(1) AK, P. 'face' t-aw-lik-nal 'with you', 'in your presence'
in-2A-face-NOM
(2a) ALAM, N. 'below' y-alam 'below'
(2b) t-uy-alam 'below (it)'
(3) CHAWAK, A. 'long' t-u-chawak-il 'along side (it)'
(4a) CHU'M, I. 'begin' chum-uk 'middle'
(4b) t-u-chum-uk 'in the middle of (it)'
(Sa) ET, Pt. 'with' et(-el) 'with'
(Sb) t-uy-et-el 'with himlher/it'
(6a) ICB, N. 'eye' ich 'in', 'inside'
(6b) ich-il 'inside of (it)'
(7) JUN, Num. 'one' t-u-jun-al 'alone'
(8) KAB', N. 'world' leab'-al 'below'
(9) MEEN, N. 'making' t-u-men 'because'
(lOa) OK', X. 'over' y-ok'-ol 'over'

(lOb) t-uy-ok'-ol 'over himlher/it'
(lOc) y-ok'-ol-al 'because of', 'in order to'
(lOd) t-uy-ok'-ol-al 'because of himlher/it'
(lla) PACH, N. 'back' pach 'behind'
(lIb) pach-it 'behind (it)', 'in back of'
(IIc) t-u-pach 'behind himlher/it'
(I2a) TI', Pt. 'to' ti'-a'al 'in order to'
(I2b) u-ti'-a'al 'one's own'
4.2.7. Derivation of Other Verbal Nouns

There are verbal noun counterparts to incompletive verb forms in addition to the active
verbal nouns described in 4.2.2.
4.2.7.1. Intransitive Verbal Nouns with -VI

Intransitive verbal nouns (ivn) are formed with -VI suffixes, like intransitive verbs in the
incompletive status (cf. 3.2.2.2, 3.3.1.1.2, 3.3.1.2).
Root Ivn
(1) KIM, I. 'die' kim-it 'death'
(2) LUB', I. 'fall' lub'-ul 'fall'
(3) UK', I. 'drink' uk'-ul 'drink'
(4) WEN, I. 'sleep' wen-el 'sleep'
(5) P..4"K', T. 'plant' piik'-aJ-al 'seedling'
(6) JEL, T. 'change' jel-p-aJ-al 'change'
(7) KON, T. 'sell' kon-b'-ol 'sale'
4.2.7.2. Affective Verbal Nouns with -b'aj

Affective verbal nouns are formally identical to affective verbs in the incompletive status
(cf. 3.3.2.4.2).
Afv Afvn
(1) k'o-k'ol-b 'aj 'roll' 'rolling'
(2) kil-b'aj 'tremble' 'trembling', 'tremor'
(3) litz'-b'aj 'shine' 'shining', 'shine'
(4) tz'iil-b'aj 'tremble' 'trembling', 'tremor'
4.2.7.3. Inchoative and Positional Verbal Nouns with -tal

Inchoative and positional verbal nouns are also formally identical to verbs in the
incompletive status (cf. 3.3.2.1.2, 3.3.2.2)
Root Verb Verbal Noun

(1) CH'EX P. ch'ex-tal 'crouch' 'crouching'
(2) JEN, P. jen-tal 'recline' 'reclining'
(3) KUX P. kux-tal 'live' 'life'
(4) KOOL,A. kool-tal 'loosen' 'loosening', looseness'
(5) KOOM, A. koom-tal 'shorten' 'shortening'
(6) YAAN, A. yan-tal 'bebom' 'birth'
4.2.7.4. (Transitive) Verbal Nouns with -ik

Verbal nouns can be derived from transitive stems with the incompletive status suffix -ik
(cf. 3.2.1.2, 3.3.3). This is a rare word type but is observed in subject complement constructions
(cf. 23.I).
(1) il-ik 'seeing it'

(2) jan-t-ik 'eating it'

(3) kin-s-ik 'killing it'
4.3. Nominal Inflection and Modification

Nominal inflection is briefly summarized in this section. Morphosyntactic functions of
nominal morphology are examined in detail in chapters 9, 10, and II.
4.3.1. Person Marking on Nouns
4.3.1.1. Possession with Set A Person Markers

Most nouns may be possessed or unpossessed. In addition to the possession of personal
property (1)-(2), possessed forms also commonly signal kinship relations (3), part-whole relations
(4), and locative relations (5) (see chapter 10). Possessed forms are typically marked by Set A
person-marking prefixes and, in certain cases, by -if and -VI suffixes (cf. 2.1.1, 4.2.3, 4.2.4.4).
Class 2 nouns optionally lose the noun classifier prefix when they are possessed (2) (cf. 4.1.2.3).
As noted above in 4.2.3.4, abstract nouns may also be derived from adjectives and concrete
nouns with possession marking.
(I) in-b'ak' 'my meat'

ISO.A-meat
(2) in (w-aj)-kax 'my chicken'

1SO.A-MASC-chicken
(3) a-tat 'your father'

2A-father
(4) u-tzo'otz-el 'hislher hair'

3A-hair-pos
(5) u-chi' 'its edge'

3A-edge
4.3.1.2. Statives with Set B Person Markers

Nouns may also have Set B person-marking suffixes to indicate stative subjects (1)-(3)
(cf. 2.1.2).
(I) aj-tz'on-en 'I am a hunter'

MASC-shoot-l SO.B
(2) winik-ech 'you are a man'

man-2S0.B
(3) ix-ch'up-I 'she is a woman'

FEM-woman-3S0.B
4.3.2. Masculine and Feminine Noun Classifiers

Agentive and adjectival nouns have noun classifiers to indicate the sex of their referents
(1)-{4) (cf. 4.2.1.1, 4.2.1.2). Noun classifiers also occur in third-person references to personal
names (5)-(6) (cf. 4.1.2.4.1) and occur with some class 2 nouns regardless of the sex of the
referent (7)-(8) (cf. 4.1.2.3).
(1) aj-tz'iib' '(male) writer'

MASC-write
118 IlZAJMAYA GRAMMAR
(2) ix-tz'iib' 'female writer'

FEM-write
(3) aj-chokoj=pol '(male) worrier'

MASC-hot=head
(4) ix-chokoj=pol 'female worrier'

FEM-hot=head
(5) aj-Paab'loj 'Pablo'

MASC-PN
(6) ix-Mariiyaj 'Maria'

FEM-PN
(7) aj-koj 'puma'

MASC-puma
(8) ix-t'ut' 'parrot'

FEM-parrot
4.3.3. Pluralization
Most nouns may be singular (unmarked) or plural, marked by the Set B third-person
plural marker -00' (1)-(4) (cf. 9.6). In addition, there is a distributive plural marked by the suffix
-takthat is used to indicate 'each and every' member ofa group (cf. Blair 1964:97; Kaufman
1991 :74). If both plural markers appear, -tak usually precedes but may also follow
-00' (cf. 9.6.3).s The distributive plural is rarely used with animate noUDS.
Singular Plural Distributive Plural

(1) a'winik-ej a' winik-oo'-ej a' winik-tak(-oo ')
DETman-TOP DET man-PL-TOP DET man-pL{-PL)
'the man' 'the men' 'all of the men'
(2) a-pek' a-pek'-oo' a-pek'-tak(-00 ')

2A-dog 2A-dog-PL 2A-dog-PL(-PL)
'your dog' 'your dogs' 'all of your dogs'
(3) u-may u-may-oo' u-may-tak(-oo?

3A-hoof 3A-hoof-PL 3A-hoof-PL(-PL)
'its hoof' 'its hooves' 'each of its hooves'
(4) u-nok' u-nok'-oo' u-nok'-tak(-oo?

3A-clothes 3A-clothes-PL 3A-clothes-PL(-PL)
'his/her clothes' 'his/her clothes' 'all ofhislher clothes'
4.3.4. Determiner, Topic Marker, and Adjectives
4.3.4.1. Determiner and Topic Marker

The determiner a'precedes the noun or noun phrase that it modifies (1)-(3) (cf. 9.8).
The topic marker -e' (usually appearing as the allomorph -ej; cf. 1.3.3.1) is suffixed to the noun
s For example, both u-may-tak-oo' and u-may-oo'-tak are accepted, both meaning '(each
of) its hooves'.
(or the final element of the noun phrase) that it modifies (cf. 9.9). They usually occur in
conjunction as framing particles (Hofting 1987). The determiner may replace a noun classifier for
class 2 nouns of sub-class ii in definite referring expressions (4)-(5) (cf. 4.3.4.2.1, 9.8.2).
(I) a'winik-ej 'the man'

DETman-TOP
(2) a' winik-oo'-ej 'the men'

DET man-PL-TOP
(3) a' winik-oo'je'-lo'-ej 'those men'

DET man-PL OST-DIST-TOP
(4) aj-b'aatz'-ej 'the howler monkey'

MASC-howler.monkey-TOP
(5) a' b'aatz'-ej 'the howler monkey'

DET howler.monkey-TOP
4.3.4.2. Adjectives
4.3.4.2.1. Plain Adjectives

Plain adjectives may precede or follow the noun they modify (1)-(5). When adjectives
precede, they occur with noun classifiers (1), (3), which may be replaced by the determiner in
definite referring expressions (4) (cf. 9.7.1).
(I) aj-slik tzimin '(a) white horse'

MASc-white horse
(2) tzimin silk '(a) white horse'

horse white
(3) aj-slik tzimin-ej 'the white horse'

MAsC-white horse-ToP
(4) a' silk tzimin-ej 'the white horse'

DET white horse-ToP
(5) a' tzimin slik-ej 'the white horse'

DET horse white-TOP
4.3.4.2.2. Demonstrative Adjectives

Demonstrative adjectives generally occur following the modified noun in conjunction
with other noun specifiers (1)-(2) (cf. 8.3.2, 9.12). Demonstratives may precede the noun with
a marked ostensive meaning such as 'here is X' or 'there is X' (3)-(4), in which case they might be
analyzed as pronouns (cf. 2.2.5, 8.2.4, 17.2).
(I) a' naj je'-la'-ej 'this house'

DET house OST-PROX-TOP
(2) in-pek'je'-lo' 'that dog of mine'

ISG.A-dog OST-DIST
(3) je'-Ia' a' naj-ej 'here is the house' or 'this is the house'
OST-PROX DET house-TOP
(4) je'-Io'in-pek' 'there is my dog' or 'that is my dog'

OST-DIST ISG.A-dog
4.4. Compound Nouns

Compound nouns are composed of two or more roots. They are subcategorized
according to the scheme described for simple nouns and according to their constituent parts (cf.
4.1, 4.2). Compound nouns are distinguished from noun phrases because they are frozen forms,
e.g., preceding modifying elements cannot move. They often lack semantic transparency, tending
to have specialized meanings not obvious from their parts. Many additional examples of
compound noun types appear in the dictionary (Hofling 1997)
There are a few completely reduplicated nominal forms (1)-{2).
(1) /em=/em 'lighting'

(2) chin=chin (onom) 'rattle'
4.4.2. Noun & Noun Compounds

Noun compounds may be composed of two noun stems. These may be subcategorized
according to whether or not they have noun classifiers (ncpdl vs. ncpd2) (Hofling 1997).
4.4.2.1. Plain Noun & Noun Compounds

Plain noun compounds (ncpdl) are composed of two noun stems and do not have noun-
classifier prefixes (1)-(9). Names of several wild animals have che', 'wood', as their second
element (7)-(9).
(1) chun=k'in 'daylight'

base=day
(2) ja'as=che' 'zapotillo tree'

plantain=tree
(3) ju/='ek' 'cenote'

reflection=star
(4) kot=che' 'log fence'

fence=wood
(5) ok=wakax 'cow's foot palm'

foot=cow
(6) siikiin=sa' 'maize dough atole'

maize.dough=atole
(7) b'a'a/=che' 'animal'

thing=wood
(8) k'ek'en=che' 'peccary'

pig=wood
(9) tzimin=che' 'tapir'

horse=wood
4.4.2.2. Noun & Noun Compounds with Noun Classifiers

Noun & Noun compounds with classifiers are subcategorized according to whether they
take the masculine classifier, aj- (ncpd2a), the feminine classifier, ix- (ncpdlb), or either (ncpdlc
and ncpdld). These may be further distinguished according to whether or not the classifier may
be replaced by the determiner in defmite referring expressions. Members of subcategory i require
the classifier, while members of subcategory ii allow the classifier to be replaced by the
determiner a'. Category boundaries are somewhat fuzzy, and judgements may differ about a
compound's subcategorization. Parentheses around classifiers indicate that they are optional in
compounds that are defmite referring expressions. Generally, the classifiers in compounds appear
to serve to indicate the beginning of a noun compound, rather than serving a semantic function
(cf. 4.1.2.3, 9.8.2).
4.4.2.2.1. Masculine Classifier

Parentheses indicate that the masculine classifier, aj-, is optional in compounds that are
defmite referring expressions (ncpdlaii), where it may be replaced by the determiner a' (1)-(3).
(I) (aj-)nab'a'=k'u'uk 'allspice'

(MASC-)incense=squirrel
(2) (aj-)sina'an=che' 'scorpion tree'

(MASC-)scorpion=tree
(3) (aj-)sinik=che' 'ant tree'

(MASC-)ant=tree
4.4.2.2.2. Feminine Classifier

Parentheses indicate that the feminine classifier, ix-, is optional in compounds that are
defmite referring expressions (ncpdlbii), where it may be replaced by the determiner a' (1)-(4).
(1) (ix-)gineeyoj=manzaanaj 'apple banana'

(FEM-)banana=apple
(2) ix-koj=paloomaj 'dove's beak chile'

FEM-tooth=dove
(3) (ix-)k'ik'=niik'-il 'dysentery'

(FEM-)blood=stomach-ABsT
(4) (ix-)k'uk'=suku 'un 'short-billed pigeon'

(FEM-)sprout=older.sibling
4.4.2.2.3. Sex-linked
For a relatively small number of noun & noun compounds referring to people, the
classifiers indicate sex of referent (ncpd2c) (1)-(3). Parentheses indicate that the classifier is
optional in compounds that are defmite referring expressions (ncpd2cii), where it may be replaced
by the determiner a'.
(1) (aj-)ch 'up=winik 'male bisexual', 'womanish man'

(MASC-)woman=man
122 llZAJMAYA GRAMMAR
(2) aj-ko/=winik 'milpaman'

MAsc-milpa=man
(3) (aj-)na'at=winik 'wiseman'

(MASC-)idea=man
4.4.2.2.4. Masculine or Feminine Classifier

Noun compounds which may take either classifier regardless of the sex of referent
(ncpd2d) are the most common type of noun compound (1)-(15). Most of these forms are equally
acceptable with either noun classifier. In the list below, if the masculine is given, it is the default
value, and there is no preference unless it is underlined. If the feminine is preferred, the form is
given with ix-. Parentheses around the classifier indicate that the determiner a' can replace it to
mark definite reference. The acceptability of either classifier in these compounds indicates that
the semantic function of classifiers is less important than their morphosyntactic function of
indicating the beginning of a compound noun.
(1) (aj-)b'ak-e(l)='aak 'turtle bone tree'

(MASC-)bone-pos=turtle
(2) (aj-)b'on=xa'an 'hat palm'

(MASC-)hat.palm=thatch
(3) (aj-)kiin =kiiy 'eel'

(MASC-)snake=fish
(4) (aj-)kitam=che' 'peccary tree'

(MASC-)peccary=tree
(5) (aj-)pichi'=che' 'guayabillo tree'

(MASC-)guava=tree
(6) (aj-)pujan=sotz' 'wild capulin tree'

(MASC-)chokecherry=bat
(7) (aj-)su'uk=limoon 'lemon grass'

(MASC-)grass=lime
(8) (aj-)tzo'otz=ni' 'ajtzo'otz-ni' tree'

(MASC-)hair=nose
(9) (aj-) 'ak'=kan 'vine snake'

(MASC-)vine=snake
(10) aj-'a/=k'oxol 'bot fly larva'

MASC-child=mosquito
(11) (!l-) 'och=kan 'boa constrictor'

(MASC-)opossum=snake
(12) (ix-) 'ab 'ii(l) =che' 'wild edible plum tree'

(FEM-)plum=tree
(13) (ix-)chuchu'=p'ak 'teat tomato'

(FEM-)breast=tomato
(14) (ix-)gineeyoj=k'ek'en 'pig banana'

(FEM-)banana=pig
(IS) (ix-)put=ch'iich' 'wild papaya'

(FEM-)papaya=bird
4.4.2.2.5. Noun & Noun Compounds with -il

Noun & Noun compounds with the -i/ suffix (ncpd3), like simple nouns with -ii, can
serve a variety of functions, such as indicating 'place of origin', 'goal', and 'abstraction' (1)-(3) (cf.
4.2.3). The category of diseases, asssociated with the feminine noun classifier, is prominent in
these forms.
(I) (ix-)k'ik'=ta '-il 'bloody stools', 'dysentery'

(FEM-)blood=stool-ABST
(2) (ix-)ch 'uuk=chi'-il 'sweets'

(FEM-)sweet=mouth-pos
(3) (ix-)yaj=nlik'-il 'stomach ache', 'indigestion'

(FEM)-pain-belly-pos
4.4.3. Adjective & Noun Compounds

Adjective & Noun compounds are distinguished from adjective + noun phrases on the
basis of whether or not the adjective can move. For example, aj-b'ox ch'iich', 'a/the black bird' is
not a compound, since a' ch'iich' b'ox-ej, 'the black bird' is acceptable and equivalent, but aj-
b'ox=ch'iich', 'male currasow' (lit., blackbird) is a compound, a frozen form with a specialized
meaning. In compounds, adjectives that are derived from nouns may be marked with an -il suffIX
(cf. 6.1.2.2.4.1).
4.4.3.1. Plain Adjective & Noun Compounds

While less common than compounds with noun-classifier proclitics, a few adjective &
noun compounds occur without noun classifiers (I )-(5).
(I) chlik-ill=te' 'mahogany tree'

red-ADJ-tree
(2) chlik=te '=kok 'chaltecoc tree'

red-tree-X
(3) chlik=te'=much 'chacahuante tree'

red=tree=toad?
(4) k'iln=b'ul 'great curasow'

yellow=X
(5) sas=ka' 'dawn'

bright=earth
4.4.3.2. Adjective & Noun Compounds with Noun Classifiers

A few adjective & noun compounds only occur with one classifier or the other, but most
permit either, indicating that the classifiers are not functional semantically.
4.4.3.2.1. Adjective & Noun Compounds with Ilj-

Parentheses indicate that the masculine classifier, aj-, is optional in compounds that are
defmite referring expressions (ncpd2aii) (1 )-(4).
(1) (aj-)ch 'ooch '=ja' 'saltwater'

(MASC-)sa1ty=water
(2) (aj-)k'iin='ek' 'ajk'an-'ek' tree'

(MASC-)yellow=star
(3) (aj-) 'ik-i(l) =che' 'white chechen tree'

(MASC-)chile-ADJ=tree
(4) aj-chaak-i(l) =ja I 'thunderstonn'

MAsc-thunder-ADJ=water
4.4.3.2.2. Adjective & Noun Compounds with ix-

Parentheses indicate that the feminine classifier, -ix, is optional in compounds that are
defmite referring expressions (ncpd2bii) (1 )-(3).
(1) (ix-)chiik-iil=ja'as 'zapote mamey tree'

(FEM-)red-ADJ=p1antain
(2) (ix-)ch'ul=te' 'amapola tree'

(FEM-)wet=tree
(3) (ix-)koj=paloomaj 'dove's beak pepper'

(FEM-)beak=dove
4.4.3.2.3. Adjective & Noun Compounds Indicating Sex

Classifiers with some adjective & noun compounds indicate the sex of the referent
(ncpd2c). Parentheses indicate that the classifier is optional in compounds that are defmite
referring expressions (ncpd2cii) (1)-(3).
(1) (aj-)xi'=paal 'boy'

MAsc-male=child
(2) (ix-)nu(k) =kutz 'adult female turkey'

FEM-old.female=turkey
(3) aj-ch 'up-ul=ta' 'effeminate man'

MASC-woman-ADJ=excrement
4.4.3.2.4. Adjective & Noun Compounds with aj- or ix-

Most adjective & noun compounds may take either classifier (ncpd2d), with the
masculine being the default value (1 )-(28). If there is a preference for the masculine classifier, it
is underlined. If the feminine fonn is preferred, the fonn appears with ix-. Parentheses indicate
that the classifier is optional and may be replaced by the determiner in compounds that are definite
referring expressions (ncpd2dii).
(1) (aj-)b'ox=ja'as 'purple plaintain'

(MASC-)black=plantain
(2) (aj-)b'ufz'-i/='ek' 'comet'

(MASC-)smoke-ADJ=star
(3) (aj-)chiik=nej 'red-tailed sardine'

(MASC-)red=tail
(4) (aj-)chiik=noj= 'ek' 'the morning star', 'Venus'

(MASC-)red=big=star
(5) (aj-)chiik= 'ik' 'hurricane'

(MASC-)red-wind
(6) (gi-)chib '-i/=b'o 'oy 'young beaded lizard'

(MASC-)bite-ADJ=shadow
(7) (aj-)k'iin=b'oo' 'ajk'anb'oo' tree'

(MASC-)yellow=flower
(8) (gi-)k'iin-chok 'Mexican rat snake'

(MASC-)yellow-?
(9) (aj-)k'iin=soom 'yellow soom mojarra fish'

(MASC-)yellow=?
(10) (gi-)k'i'ix= 'och 'porcupine'

(MASC-)spiny=opossum
(11) (aj-)k'uuk'-i(l) =seb 'ooyaj 'chives'

(MASC-)regrowth-ADJ=onion
(12) (aj-)noj= 'ek' 'Venus'

(MASC-)big=star
(13) (aj-)nojol='ek' 'South Star'

(MASC-)south=star
(14) (aj-)siik=b 'ej 'the Milky Way', 'highway'

(MASC-)white=way
(15) aj-siik=b 'en-i/=ka 'an 'the Milky Way'

MASc-white=way-pos=sky
(16) (aj-)siik=xikin 'ocelot'

(MASC-)white=ear
(17) aj-siik='aak 'white (freshwater) turtle'

MASC-white =turtle
(18) (aj-)xiiman= 'ek' 'North Star'

(MASC-)north=star
(19) (aj-)ya'ax=jom 'green savannah nance tree'

(MASC-)green=nance
(20) (aj-) 'ek'=u-nej 'rat snake'

(MASC-)black=3A-tail
(21) (ix-)b 'ox-il=pach 'pill bug'

(FEM-)black-ADJ=back
(22) (ix-) chi =chaan = 'uj 'new moon'

(FEM-)?=little=moon
(23) ix-chuj-i(l) =p 'ak 'plum tomato'

FEM -calabash-ADJ=tomato
(24) (ix-)jiil=ja 'as 'ixjlil plantain'

(FEM-)jlil=plantain
(25) (ix-)kol-i(l) =b'u 'ul 'milpa beans'

(FEM-)milpa-ADJ=bean
(26) (ix-)pii-piij=p'ak 'cherry tomato'

(FEM-)REDUP-sour=tomato
(27) (ix-)wol-ok=che' 'pole beans'

(FEM-)round-ADJ=wood
(28) (ix-)ya'ax=che' 'ceiba tree'

(FEM-)green=tree
4.4.3.2.5. Adjective & Noun Compounds with -il

Adjective & noun compounds with a word-final-il also occur (ncpd3) (1)-(3) (cf. 4.2.3,
4.4.2.2.5).
(1) (ix-)chiik-iil=ja 'as-il 'zapote grove'

FEM-red-ADJ=plantain-pos
(2) (ix-)chup=kal-il 'mumps'

FEM-swollen=neck-pos
(3) (ix-)ki'mak='ool-il 'happiness'

FEM-happy=spirit-ABST
4.4.4. Adjectival Noun Compounds

Like simple adjectival nouns (cf. 4.2.1.1), adjectival noun compounds (adjncpd)
typically refer to a trait of the referent (1 )-(9). If the referent is human, the classifier indicates sex.
The masculine gender is also the general, unmarked gender. Animal referents may take either
classifier regardless of sex. Unlike plain adjectival nouns, the classifiers on compounds are
generally optional in defmite referring expressions, where they may be replaced by the
determiner. Adjectival noun compounds are transparently derived from adjective compounds (cf.
6.4), unlike adjective & noun compounds (cf. 4.4.3). The difference between adjective & noun
compounds and adjectival noun compounds is not a sharp one, and a number of the forms listed as
adjective & noun compounds are doubtless adjectival nouns in origin.
(1) (aj-)chiik= 'ek'-el 'jaguar species'

(MASC-)red=black-ADl
(2) (aj-)siik=ek'-el 'royal jaguar'

(MASC-)white=black-NoM
(3) (aj-)tanxeel=kaj-il 'foreigner'

MASC-other=town-POs
(4) (aj-)mo 'nok= 'it 'little butt' (male)

MASC-small=butt
(5) (aj-)nojoch='it 'big butt', 'fat ass' (female)

MASC-big=butt
(6) (aj-)me '-me 'ex= 'ich 'bearded face' (male)

MASC-REDUP-beard=face
(7) ix-kim en = 'icham 'widow'

FEM-dead=husband
(8) aj-ya 'ax=nok' 'green shirt' (male)

MASC-green=shirt
(9) aj-ma'=xok 'illiterate' (male)

MASC-NEG=read
4.4.5. Active Verbal Noun Compounds

Active verbal noun compounds may be derived from noun-incorporating antipassive or
active verb compounds (1)-(4) (cf. 3.5.1.1).
(1) paay=chi' 'prayer'

loan=mouth
(2) pu[='ok 'pace'

throw=foot
(3) ok=ja' 'baptism'

enter=water
(4) xach='ok 'big pace'

separate=foot
4.4.6. Agentive Noun Compounds

Most agentive noun compounds (agncpd) are derived from object-incorporated
(antipassive) verb forms, just as agentive nouns are derived from active or antipassive verbs (cf.
3.5.1.1, 4.2.1.2). The noun classifier prefix indicates the sex of the referent, with the masculine
as the general, unmarked gender.
4.4.6.1. Productive
Agentive noun formation from object-incorporated forms is a productive morphological
process (1)-(16) (Hofling 1997).
(1) aj-b'iik'-s-aj=keej 'deer hunter'

MASC-meat-cAUs-DTR=deer
(2) aj-b 'aak'=kot 'fence circler'

MASC-surround=fence
(3) aj-b 'et=meyaj 'boss'

MASC-make=work
(4) aj-jan-iil=kax-en 'I am a chicken eater'

MASC-eat-NOM=chicken-lsG.B
(5) aj-kiiniin=('aj-)koj 'lion guard'

MASC-guard=(MASc-)lion
(6) aj-kin-s-ii(j) =winik 'murderer'

MASC-die-CAUS-DTR=man
(7) aj-k'ok'-ol=che' 'log roller'

MASc-roll-NOM=wood
(8) aj-kon=b'iik' 'meat seller'

MASc-sell=meat
(9) aj-k'ijx=b 'ak 'bone tier', 'bone setter'

MAsc-tie=bone
(10) aj-k'ut=k'ewel 'hide tanner'

MAsc-cure=hide
(11) aj-men=k'as 'sorcerer', 'evil-doer'

MASc-make=bad
(12) aj-men=k'oj-a 'an-it 'sorcerer'

MASC-make=sick-PART-ABST
(13) aj-men=sum 'rope maker'

MAsC-make=rope
(14) aj-meyaj=kol 'milpa worker'

MAsc-work=milpa
(15) aj-paatz '=b 'ak 'massager'

MAsc-rub=bone
(16) aj-tz'iik=yaj 'healer'

MAsc-cure=pain
4.4.6.2. Specialized Meanings

Some agentive noun compounds have specialized meanings that are not transparent from
their constituents (1 )-(4).
(1) aj-'ok-s-iij=k'in 'Venus' (lit., 'sun enterer')

MAsc-enter-CAUS-DTR=Sun
(2) aj-puutz'=na' 'ajpuutz'na' deer'

MAsc-pierce=mother
(3) aj-ch 'och '=che' 'termite' (lit., 'wood driller')

MAsc-drill=wood
(4) ix-jan-al=niil 'com-eating parrot'

FEM-eat-oTR=com
4.4.6.3. Abstract Agentive Noun Compounds with -il

Abstract agentive noun compounds may be fonned with an -il suftix (cf. 4.4.2.2.S).
These compounds generally refer to diseases, a category associated with the feminine classifier ix-
(cf. 4.1.2.3.2).
(1) ix-k'ux=b'ak-el-il 'bone pain'

FEM-bite=bone-POS-ABST
(2) ix-k'ux=niik'-i/ 'stomach ache'

FEM-bite=stomach-ABST
(3) ix-k'ux=pol-il 'headache'

FEM-bite=head-ABsT
4.4.6.4. Agentive Noun & Subject Noun Compounds

A few noun compounds appear to be composed of an agentive noun plus a noun in a
subject relation to the activity indicated (1 )-(2). Alternatively, the first component could be
analyzed as an active verbal noun (cf. 4.4.2.2, 4.5.1.4).
(1) aj-kol=winik 'milpa (making) man'

MAsc-milpa=man
(2) aj-k'ay=kutz 'turkey gobbler'

MAsc-sing=turkey
4.4.7. Numeral Classifier Compounds
4.4.7.1. Reduplication
A few numeral classifiers may be reduplicated with -en to indicate manner of groupings;
they function adjectively or adverbally (1)-(3) (cf. 5.4, 6.4.1.1.2, 9.5.7).
(1) tz'a(a)p-en-tz'aap 'in stacks'

(2) mu(u)eh '-en-muueh' 'in piles'
(3) muul-en-muul 'in mounds'
4.4.7.2. Complex Numeral Classifiers

Complex numeral compounds may be fonned with a verbal element and the instrumental
noun k'ii'- k'ab', 'hand' (1)-(8) (cf. 5.4). One example with an apparent incorporated adverb has
also been observed (8).
(1) jun =ehaaeh =k'iJ(iJ)' su 'uk 'a handful of grass'

one=grab=hand grass
(2) jun=jat=k'ab' ehe' 'ajeme of wood' (thumb to index finger)

one=tear=hand wood
(3) jun=la=k'iJ(ii)' ixi'im 'a handful of com' (hand palm up)

one=slap(open)=hand com
(4) jun=[oeh=k'iJ(iJ)' ixi'im 'a cupped handful of com'

one=bend=handcom
(5) jun=!och'=k'ii{ii)' ixi'im 'a fistful of maize'

one=cradle=hand corn
(6) jun=moch'=k'ii{ii)' ixi'im 'a fistful of corn'

one=fist=hand corn
(7) jun=much'=k'ii{ii)' ixi'im 'a handful of maize'

one=pile=hand corn
(8) jun=tul=k'ooch si' 'a shoulderload of wood'

one=full=goring wood
4.4.8. Other Compound Nouns

A miscellaneous group of noun compounds is listed below (1)-(9), including an
obligatorily possessed set that incorporates the preposition et, 'with' (7)-(9).
(1) ak'ii'= 'u-sas-tal 'predawn', 'dawn'

night=3A-bright=INCH
(2) chumuk=k'in 'mid-day'

middle=day
(3) y-ok'-ol=ka(b) , 'world'

3A-over-POS=earth
(4) pus=ik'-al 'heart', 'stomach'

shake=air-NoM
(5) nik=te' 'mayflower'

scatter=tree
(6) puk=te' 'bullet tree'

?=tree
(7) uy-et=xib'{-il} 'his male companion' (only for male possessor)

3A-with=male(-pos)
(8) uy-et=meyaj 'coworker'

3A-with=work
(9) uy-et=tal 'travel companion'

3A-with=come
4.5. Noun Phrases

Most noun phrases (NPs) are of the basic types: 1) modifier + noun; and 2) possessed
noun + possessor noun.
4.5.1. Modifier (Adjective) + Noun NPs

Almost all noun phrases of this type are composed of adjectives and nouns, but the
modifier can be an apparent noun root as well. Noun phrases composed of adjective + noun show
the same patterns as noun compounds with regard to the distribution of noun classifiers. The
difference between noun phrases and noun compounds is that the adjective can move in the
former but not in the latter (cf. 4.4.3, 9.7). Classifiers that can be replaced by the determiner in
defmite referring expressions are in parentheses. The vast majority of noun phrases can take
either noun classifier or the determiner in defmite referring expressions. The adjectives in these
NPs are most frequently a color word that may also follow the noun without a change in meaning.
Many of these noun phrases refer to animal and plant species (Hofling 1997:61-80).
4.5.1.1. With aj-

A number of semi-Iexicalized noun phrases occur with the masculine classifier, aj-
(nphr2a) (1)-(5) (cf. 4.1.2.3.1).
(1) (aj-)b'ox chechem 'black poisonwood tree'

(MASC-)black chechen
(2) (aj-)b'ox chin=tok' 'black axbreaker tree'

(MASC-)black bend=flint
(3) (aj-)k'iin chiik=te'=kok 'yellow chaltecoc tree'

(MASC-)yellow red=tree=X
(4) (aj-)k'iin jab 'in 'yellow maybush tree'

(MASC-)yellow maybush
(5) (aj-)siik chechem 'white poisonwood tree'

(MASC-)white chechen
4.5.1.2. With ix-

A few semi-Iexicalized noun phrases appear with the feminine classifier, ix- (nphr2b) (1)-
(2) (cf. 4.1.2.3 .2).
(1) (ix-)mum 'uj 'young moon'

(FEM-)young moon
(2) (ix-)nok'ol siyempiyej 'centipede'

(FEM-)worm centipede
4.5.1.3. Gender Neutral with aj- or ix-

Many semi-Iexicalized noun phrases appear with either the masculine aj- or the feminine
ix- classifier and are gender neutal (nphr2d) (1)-(50) (cf. 4.1.2.3.4). Most commonly, the first
root is an adjective (1)-(46), but there are also examples composed of two noun roots (47)-(50),
including examples where ix- is preferred (49)-(50).
Adjective & Noun
(1) (aj-)b'ox puk=te' 'black bullet tree'

(MASC-)black ?=tree
(2) (aj-)b'ox tz'itz'=ya' 'black tz'itz'-ya' tree'

(MASC-)black ?-chicle
(3) (aj-)chiik 'am 'coral bean tree seed'

(MASC-)red coral.bean.tree
(4) (aj-)chiik b'ox=ja'as 'red purple-banana'

(MAsc-)red black=plantain
(5) (aj-)chiik chikaj 'red jiote tree'

(MASC-)red jiote
(6) (aj-)chiik ch'u/=te' 'red trumpet tree'

(MASC-)red wet=tree
(7) (aj-)chiik juj 'red iguana'

(MASC-)red iguana
(8) (aj-)chiik kakaw 'red cacao tree'

(MASC-)red cacao
(9) (aj-)chiik kaanyaj 'red sugarcane'

(MASC-)red cane
(10) (aj-)chiik nik=te' 'red frangipani'

(MASC-)red frangipani
(11) (aj-)chiik 'om 'red avocado'

(MASC-)red avocado
(12) (aj-)chiik pii'yak' 'red yam'

(MASC-)red yam
(13) (aj-)chiik sa'yuk 'red malerio tree'

(MASc-)red malerio
(14) (aj-)chiik seb'ooyaj 'red onion'

(MASC-)red onion
(15) (aj-)chiik tziima' 'red tziima' bean'

(MASC-)red tziima'
(16) (aj-)k'iin b'ox=ja'as 'yellow-skinned purple-plantain'

(MASC-)yellow black=plantain
(17) (aj-)k'iin chiik-ii/=te' 'yellow mahogany'

(MASC-)yellow red-ADJ-tree
(18) (aj-)k'iin chi' 'yellow nance tree'

(MASC-)yellow nance
(19) (aj-)k'iin kakaw 'yellow cacao tree'

(MASC-)yellow cacao
(20) (aj-)k'iin kaanyaj 'yellow sugarcane'

(MASC-)yellow sugarcane
(21) (aj-)k'iin kookoj 'yellow coconut tree'

(MASC-)yellow coconut
(22) (aj-)k'iin tuk' 'yellow cocoyol palm'

(MASC-)yellow cocoyol
(23) (aj-)k'iin tutz 'yellow corozo palm'

(MASC-)yellow corozo
(24) (aj-)k'iin wayum 'yellow guaya tree'

(MASC-)yellow guaya
(25) (aj-)k'at-a/'ek'-oo' 'Three Crosses' (constellation)

(MASC-)cross-PART star-PL
(26) (aj-)moraad'oj kamut 'purple sweet potato'

(MASC-)purple sweet.potato
(27) (aj-)moraad'oj seb'ooyaj 'purple onion'

(MASC-)purple onion
(28) (aj-)siik chikaj 'white jiote tree'

(MASC-)white jiote
(29) (aj-)siik ch'u/=te' 'white amapola tree'

(MASC-)white wet=tree
(30) (aj-)siik kakaw 'white cacao tree'

(MASC-)white cacao
(31) (aj-)siik kaanyaj 'white sugarcane'

(MASC-)white cane
(32) (aj-)siik nik=te' 'white frangipani'

(MASC-)white scatter=tree
(33) (aj-)siik 'oop 'white anona'

(MASC-)white anona
(34) (aj-)siik pii'yak' 'white yam'

MASc-white yam
(35) (aj-)siik puk=te' 'white bullet tree'

(MASC-)white ?=tree
(36) (aj-)siik sa'yuk 'white malerio tree'

(MASC-)white malerio
(37) (aj-)siik seb'ooyaj 'white onion'

(MASC-)white onion
(38) (aj-)siik tutz 'white corozo palm'

(MASC-)white corozo
(39) (aj-)siik tziima' 'white tziima' bean'

(MASC-)white tziima' .bean
(40) (aj-)siik tz'itz'=ya' 'white tz'itz'ya' tree'

(MASC-)white tz'itz'=chicle
(41) (aj-)siik wayum 'white guaya tree'

(MASC-)white guaya
(42) (aj-)ya 'ax juj 'green iguana'

(MASC-)green iguana
(43) (aj-)ya'ax kan 'moccasin' (snake)

(MASC-)green snake
(44) (aj-)ya'ax kookoj 'green coconut tree'

(MASC-)green coconut
(45) (aj-)ya'ax 'oox 'green breadnut tree'

(MASC-)green breadnut
(46) (aj-)ya'ax wayum 'green wayum tree'

(MASC-)green guaya
Noun & Noun
(47) aj-yo' b'oox 'ajyo' mojarra fish'

MASC-? mojarra
(48) aj- 'ixik ja 'as 'macho plantain', 'ix'ixik plantain'

MASC-ixik plantain
(49) (ix-)was luch 'wild calabash tree'

(FEM-)wild.calabash gourd
(50) (ix-) 'oop ch 'ejun 'wild custard apple'

(FEM-)custard.apple chejun
4.5.1.4. Sex-linked with aj- or ix-

Noun phrases referring to people and animals may also reflect the sex of their referents
(nphr2c) (1)-(4) (cf. 4.1.2.3.3. 4.4.3.2.3).
(1) (aj-)chok-ot paal 'crazy boy'

(MASC-)hot-ADJ child
(2) (aj-)chiimach b'alum 'old male jaguar'

(MASC-)old.rnale jaguar
(3) (ix-)chok-oj ch 'up 'sexually hot woman'

(FEM-)hot-ADJ woman
(4) (ix-)nuk keej 'old doe'

(FEM-)old.female deer
4.5.1.5. Agentive Noun + Subject Noun Phrases

Like agentive-noun compounds, there are examples of agentive-noun NPs in which the
second noun is in a subject/agent relation to the verbal element (1)-(4) (cf. 4.4.6.4).
(1) aj- 'akan b 'alum 'roaring jaguar'

MASC-roar jaguar
(2) aj-'akan k'amb'ul 'roaring curassow' (male only)

MASC-roar curassow
(3) aj-b'on=b'on winik 'painter man'

MAsc-paint=paint man
(4) aj-ch'in=ch'in paal 'thrower boy'

MASC-throw=throw child
4.5.2. Possessed + Possessor Noun Phrases
4.5.2.1. Locations and Part-Whole Relations

Possessed + possessor constructions are commonly used to indicate locations and for
complex body-part terms (1)-(10) (cf. 10.1.4).
(1) u-jaalja' 'lakeshore'

3A-edge water
(2) u-jaal u-cM 'hislher lips'

3A-edge 3A-mouth
(3) u-chun a' che'-e} 'the trunk of the tree'

3A-trunk DET tree-TOP
(4) uy-al k'ab' 'fmgers' (lit., 'children of hand')

3A-child hand
(5) uy-alok 'toes' (lit., 'children of foot')

3A-child foot
(6) u-taan k'ab' 'palm of hand'

3A-front hand
(7) u-pach k'ab' 'back of hand'

3A-back hand
(8) u-jo '01 piix 'kneecap'

3A-head knee
(9) u-jo'ol chu'uch 'nipple'

3A-head breast
(10) u-k'a'ich 'tear(s)'

3A-liquid eye
4.5.2.2. Other Specialized Meanings

Some possessed + possessor constructions may have specialized meanings (1)-(4).
(1) u-k'aak' ix-Ko'lel 'smallpox' (lit., 'the Virgin's fire')

3A-frre FEM-Virgin
(2) uy-ak'pek' 'slug'

3A-tongue dog
(3) uy-ak' wakax 'cow's tongue wasp'

3A-tongue=cow
(4) uy-ich wakax 'ankle bone'

3A-eyecow
4.5.2.3. Marked Possession with -;/

The possessed noun may be marked with an -i/ suffix to indicate a marked relationship
with the possessor (1)-(11) (cf. 4.2.3, 10.2.3).
(1) u-mes-il feb 'reeroj 'the month of February'

3A-month-POS February
(2) u-plik'-aJ-al-il a' naj-ej 'the garden of the house'

3A-plant-DTR-NOM-POS DET house-TOP
(3) u-plik'-if a' naj-ej 'the wall of the house'

3A-wall-pos DET-house-TOP
(4) u-p'a'as-if a' ok'ot-ej 'joking of the dance'

3A-joke-pos DET-dance-TOP
(5) u-sak-illen=lem 'the reflection of the lightning'

3A-reflection-POS shine=shine
(6) u-slik-il-il a' muyal-ej 'the whiteness or white part of the cloud'
3A-white-ABST-POS DET cloud-TOP
(7) u-tzem-il u-no~ 'the front, chest, of her dress'

3A-chest-pos 3A-clothes
(8) u-ja'-il uy-ich 'hislher tears'

3A-water-POS 3A-eye
(9) u-k'a'-il uy-ich 'the liquid of the inside ofhislher eye', 'hislher tear'
3A-liquid-pos 3A-eye
(10) u-pek'-ilja' 'otter'

3A-dog-pos water
(11) u-k'ek'en-il k'aax 'wild pig', 'peccary'

3A-pig-pos forest
4.6. Locative Expressions

Locative expressions include prepositions and prepositional phrases, relational nouns,
and possessed + possessor expressions. Prepositions are grammatical elements that precede nouns
in prepositional phrases (cf. 7.3, chapter 13). The most common and all-purpose preposition is
ti', 'to', 'at', 'on', 'in', 'of', or 'from'. It may combine with other prepositions and nominal elements,
especially relational nouns (cf. 13.3). Relational nouns are derived nouns that function much
like prepositions. They are typically possessed and may have harmonic -VI suffixes (cf. 4.2.6,
10.2.5, 12.4).
4.6.1. Prepositions and Prepositional Phrases

A sample of prepositions and prepositional phrases is listed below (1 )-( 17).
(1) iik=taan ti' che' 'in front of a tree'

face=front to tree
(2) h'i che' 'made of wood'

of wood
(3) chum-ukkaj 'in the middle of town'

center-NOM town
(4a) et inw-et'ok 'with my companion'

with ISG.A-companion
(4b) et(-el) u-tz'on 'with his gun'

with( -pos) 3A-gun
(4c) et-el 'ak'ii' 'at night'

with-pos night
(4d) y-et-ella'ayti' 'with him'

3A-with-pos 3IPR
(5a) ich naj 'in a house'

in house
(5b) ich-il a' naj-ej 'inside of the house'

in-pos DET house-ToP
(5c) kik-intzil ich-il-o 'on 'the older sister among us'

older.sister-HON in-pos -lpL.B
(6) kan a' winik-ej 'with the man'

with DET man-TOP
(7) ket et-el uy-iitan 'together with his wife'

together with-pos 3A-wife
(8) men a' winik-ej 'by the man'

by DET man-TOP
(9) niik' a' piik'-ej 'against the wall'

middle DET wall-TOP
(lOa) pach naj 'behind the house'

behind house
(lOb) pach-il a' naj-ej 'in back of the house'

back-pos DET house-ToP
(lla) taan inw-otoch 'in front of my home'

front ISG.A-home
(lIb) taanja' 'over water'

front water
(1Ic) taan-il (t-)u-tat 'in front of his father'

front-POS (of-)3A-father
(12a) takChal 'up to Chal'

until PN
(12b) tak t-u-ni' 'up to the tip'

until to-3A-tip
(13a) ti b'ej 'on the way'

on road
(13b) ti Peten 'to Flores'

to Flores
(14a) b'a'te' ti'y chem 'paddle for a canoe'

paddle for canoe
(14b) ti'y naj 'for a house'

for house
(IS) y-alam a' meesaj 'under the table'

3A-below DET table
(16) y-ok' a' witz-ej 'on top of the hill'

3A-over DET hill-TOP
(17) y-ok'(-ol) a' naj yan-ej 'it is on top of the house'

3A-over(-POs) DET house EXIST-TOP
4.6.2. ti' + Possessed + Possessor Constructions

The preposition ti' frequently combines with body-part vocabulary in possessed +
possessor constructions to indicate locations (1)-(7) (cf. IO.1.4.2, IO.2.3.8).
(I) t-u-niik' a' witz-oo'-ej 'at the foot of the hills'

at-3A-belly DET hill-PL-TOP
(2) I-u-jo'ol a' witz-ej 'at the top of the hill'

at-3A-head DET hill-TOP
(3) t-u-pol a' witz-ej 'at the top of the hill'

at-3A-head DET hill-TOP
(4) t-u-pach a' winik-ej 'behind the man'

at-3A-back DET man-TOP
(5) t-u-toj-il San B'eniitoj 'in the direction of San Benito'

in-3A-straight-ABST PN
(6) t-u-tzeel in-kik-ej 'at the side of my older sister'

at-3A-side ISG.A-older.sister-TOP
(7) t-u-tz'u'im-pol 'in the center of my head'

at-3A-center ISG.A-head
4.6.3. Locational Adverbs
4.6.3.1. Ii' + Possessed Noun

Constructions of the form: ti' + A.PR-Possessed Noun are abbreviations of forms of the
type described in 4.6.2 (1 )-(6). They have a locative function, with the exception of tumen,
'because', which functions as a conjunction (cf. 4.2.6, IO.2.5).
(1) bin-een t-u-pach

go-ISO.B at-3A-back
'I went behind (him)'
(2) man-en t-u-toj-il!

pass-IMP to-3A-straight-ABST
'pass to the right!'
(3) tal-een t-u-men t-u-t'iin-aj-en-oo'

come-I SO.B at-3A-make cOM-3A-call-CTS-l SO.B-PL
'I came because they called me'
(4) b'in-een t-uy-et-el

go-ISO.B at-3A-with-pos
'I went with him'
(5) tikin-aj-ij in-nok' t-inw-ok'-ol

dry-cIs-3so.B IS0.A-clothes on-1S0.A-over-POS
'my clothes dried on me'
( 6) t-aw-iik-nal
to-2A-front-NOM
'with you', 'in your presence'
4.6.3.2. Plain Relational Nouns as Adverbs

A number of relational nouns function adverbially in forms without the preposition ti'
and without a possessive pronoun (1)-(6) or with only a reduced form of the possessive pronoun
(7)(cf. IO.2.5, 13.2.II).
(1) chik-a'an kooch ich-il 'it appears wide inside'

appear-PART 1 wide inside-pos
(2) a'ja' yan kab'-al-ej 'the water below'

DET water EXIST below-NOM-TOP
(3) ka'n-alyan 'it's up above'

above-NoM EXIST
(4) k-u-b 'el pach-il 's/he goes behind'

INC-3A-go back-pos
(5) jok'-ij taan-il 's/he went out in front'

leave-3S0.B front-POS
(6) taan=ka' yan 'it's outside'

front=earth EXIST
140 l1ZAJ MAYA GRAMMAR
(7) y-alamyan 'it's underneath'

3A-below EXIST

Locative uses of place names of Mayan origin that have noun classifiers, and Peten,
'Flores', require prepositions (1 )-(3) (cf. 9.4.2, 13 .2.1.1). Locative uses of other place names,
including Spanish borrowings, do not include prepositions (4)-(5).
(1) Tal-een Ii Peten. 'I came to/from Flores.'

come-lSG.B to PN
(2) B'in-een t-lx-Lu'. 'I went to IxLu'.'

go-lSG.B to-FEM-PN
(3) In-ka'aj t-Aj-Ketz. 'I'm going to AjKetz.'

ISG.A-go to-MASC-PN
(4) Tal-een Mutul. 'I came from Motul de San Jose.'

come-1SG.BPN
(5) Ko'ox San 'And'res! 'Lets go to San Andres.'

HORT(to) PN
5. NUMERALS AND NUMERAL CLASSIFIERS 141
5. Numerals and Numeral Classifiers
5.0. Contents
5.1. Numerals
5.1.1. Cardinal Numerals
5.1.2. Ordinal Numerals
5.1.3. Partial Reduplication of Numerals
5.2. Numeral Classifiers
5.2.1. Semantic Categories
5.2.2. General Classifier p'eel + Measure Word
5.2.2.1. Numeral & (p'eel) Numeral Classsifer + Noun
5.2.2.2. Numeral & p'eel + Measure + Noun
5.3. Affixation on Numeral Classifier & Noun Compounds
5.3.1. Inflection with Set B Person Markers
5.3.2. Possessed Numeral Constructions with-i/
5.3.3. Numerals with Partitive -i'i}
5.3.4. Contrastive Focus with -i/-i' - -i/-ik
5.4. Numeral Classifier Compounds
5.1. Numerals
5.1.1. Cardinal Numerals

When enumerating, Mayan numerals are regularly used from 'one' to about 'five', and
Spanish numerals are used for higher numbers. The Mayan numerals for 'six' to 'ten' are now
fading from memory but are recoverable. When using Mayan numerals, they must be followed by
a numeral classifier (cf. 4.1.2.5, 5.2). Spanish numerals directly precede the nouns they modify.
When using the Mayan system from 'five' or 'six' to 'ten', only the all-purpose inanimate classifier
p'eel is used. For discussion of their morpho syntactic functions see 9.5. The numerals 1-10 are as
follows:
Native Borrowed
(1) jun= 'one'
(2) ka'= 'two'
(3) 'ox= 'three'
(4) kiin= 'four'
(5) jo(b) '=(p'eel) siinkoj 'five'
(6) uuk=p'eel seeys 'six'
(7) wak=p'eel siiyetej 'seven'
(8) waxak=p'eel 'oochoj 'eight'
(9) b'olon=p'eel nweeb'ej 'nine'
(10) lajun=p'eel d'iiyes 'ten'
5.1.2. Ordinal Numerals

Ordinal numerals except yax, 'first', are formed by prefixing Set A pronouns to the
numeral (1)-(3) (cf. 9.5.3). The specialized formyax, 'first', does not require a prefix or a
numeral classifier (1).
(1) a'yax k'in 'the first day'

DET first day
(2) u-ka'=p'eel 'ak'ij' 'the second night'

3A-two=INAM night
142 IlZAJ MA YA GRAMMAR
(3) u-'ox=p'eel 'akli' 'the third night'

3A-three=INAM night
5.1.3. Partial Reduplication of Numerals

Numerals may be reduplicated to indicate groupings of a given number (cf. 1.4.6.2,
5.4).
(1) ju-jun=tuul 'one by one' (animate)

(2) ka'-ka'=p'eel 'two by two' (inanimate)
(3) 'o-'ox=p'eel 'three by three' (inanimate)
(4) kii-kiin =tuul 'four by four' (animate)
(5) jo '-job '=tuul 'five by five' (animate)
5.2. Numeral Classifiers
5.2.1. Semantic Categories

Most numeral classifiers are nominal roots of the shape ewe (cf. 4.1.1). Some are
also active verbal nouns or members of other noun classes, and a few derive from transitive roots,
as indicated below in parentheses. The vowel often shortens in casual discourse. They are grouped
below according to general semantic category.! Most members of the animacy and shape
categories do not function as independent nouns, i.e., they may not be possessed or modified by
the determiner, while measures may.
Numeral Classifier Numeral Classifier Noun Phrase
Animacy Categories
p'eel 'inanimate' jum=p'eel tz'on 'a gun'
tuul 'animate' jun=tuul winik 'a man'
teek (n) 'plant' jun=teek k'uum 'a squash plant'
Shapes
jiil (avn) 'line', 'row' jun=jiil winik 'a line of men'
kuul 'round thing' jun=kuul kum 'a pot'
p'eet 'island' jum=p'eet lu'um 'an island ofland'
ta(a)tz' 'straight' jun=taatz' b'ej 'a straight road'
tziil 'flat' jun=tziil waj 'a tortilla'
tz'iit 'long' jun=tz'iitja'as 'a plantain'
wool (avo) 'ball', 'swarm' jun=wool u-yum-il kab' 'a swarm of bees'
xa'ay (avo) 'fork' jun=xa'aj b'ej 'a road fork'
Part Measures
b'uuj (T) (avo) 'half' jun=b'uuj 'oop 'a half an anona'
taach (n3a) 'limb' jun=taach ok 'a leg'
taaj (n) 'split longways' jun=taaj che' 'a split of wood'
tiich[ (n) 'leg', 'haunch' jun=tiich b'lik' 'a haunch of meat'
waal (n) 'palm frond' jun=waal xa'an 'a palm frond'
! Tuul includes humans and animals. Teek, 'plant', is not strictly an animacy category in
the sense that tuul, 'animate', andp'eel, 'inanimate', are. All concrete nouns can be classified as
animate or inanimate, including plants, which belong to the inanimate class. Teek is used to refer
to whole plants but not to plant parts or derivatives. Vapnarsky (1993b) offers a detailed
description of numeral classifiers.
xeet' (T) (avn) 'piece' jun=xeet' k'uum 'a piece of squash'

xoot' (T) (avn) 'cut piece' jun=xoot' che' 'a cut piece of wood'
yuul (T) (avn) 'log', 'section' jun=yuul che' 'a log'
Mass Measures
chaach (avn) 'handful' jun=chaach pokche' 'a handful of plants'
ch'(a)aj (T) (avn) 'drip' jun=ch'ajja' 'a drip of water'
ch'uuy (T) (avn) 'hanging bunch' jun =ch 'uuy ja 'as 'a bunch of plantains'
ko(o)p (T) (avn) 'roll' jun=koop nok' 'a roll of cloth'
kootz' (avn) 'spool' jun=kootz' k'uch 'a spool of thread'
kuuch (n) 'tercio', 'load' jun=kuuch si' 'a tercio of wood'
luuch (n) 'gourd dish' jun=luuchja' 'a gourd dish of water'
lu(u)k' (T) (avn) 'swallow' jun =lu(u)k' ja' 'a swallow of water'
meek' (avn) 'armful' jum=meek'si' 'an armful of wood'
muuch' (avn) 'pile' jum=muuch' 'oop 'a pile of anonas'
muul (n) 'mound', 'pile' jum=muullu'um 'a mound of earth'
mu(u)t (n) 'almud measure' jun=mut ixi'im 'one almud of com'
paak (T) (avn) 'packet' jum=paakju'um 'a packet of papers'
p'uul (n) 'pitcher' jum =p 'uul kab' 'a pitcher of honey'
tuus (avn) 'row', 'stack' jun=tuus che' 'a stack of wood'
t'a(a)j (T) (avn) 'drop' jun =t'a(a)j ja' 'a drop of water'
tz'aap (T) (n) 'stack', 'pile' jun=tz'aap ju'um 'a pile of paper'
Other Measures
jaab' (n) 'year' jun=jaab' 'one year'
k'in (n) 'day' jun=k'in 'one day'
loot (n) 'pair', 'twin' jun=loot 'oop 'a pair of anonas'
luub' (n) 'league' jun=luub' 'a league'
naab'(n) 'handspan' jun=naab' che' 'a handspan of wood'
pak (T) (avn) 'time' jum=pak 'one time', 'once'
pu(u)l (T) (avn) 'cast', 'throw' jum=pu(u)llitz 'a cast of a fishhook'
p'i(i)s (T) (avn) 'measure' jum=p'is nok' 'a measure of cloth'
saap (n) 'double armspan' jun=saap si' 'an armful of wood'
tiich 2 (n) 'fiber' jun=tiich kij 'a henequen fiber'
tz'aak (n) 'mecate' jun=tz'aak lu'um 'a mecate ofland'
wa'laaj (n) 'string jun=wa'laaj kiiy 'a string of fish'
The same noun may be modified by different classifiers depending on whether it is being
categorized according to animacy, shape, or measure (1)-(2).
(la) jum=p'eel che' 'a tree'

one=ANIM tree
(lb) jun=teek che' 'a tree sapling'

one=plant tree
(lc) jun=xoot' che' 'a log'

one=cut.piece tree
(2a) jum=p'eak' 'a vine'

one=INAM vine
(2b) jum=teek ak' 'a vine plant'

one=plant vine
144 lIZAJMAYA GRAMMAR
5.2.2. General Classifier p'eel + Measure Word

The all-purpose classifier p'eel optionally combines with measure words that may
themselves be classifiers (cf. 5.2.1) and obligatorily appears with other measure words borrowed
from Spanish, indicating a continuum of grammaticalization of numeral classifiers.
5.2.2.1. Numeral & (p'eel) Numeral Classifier + Noun

A number of active verbal nouns may function as numeral classifiers or appear after the
inanimate classifier p'eel, suggesting that they are not fully grammaticalized as numeral classifiers
(1)-(6).
(1) jum=(p'e) ch'ajja' 'a drop of water'

one={INAM) drop water
(2) jum=(p'e) kootz' k'uch 'a roll of thread'

one=(INAM) roll thread
(3) jum=(p'e) luchja' 'a gourdful of water'

one=(INAM) gourd water
(4) jum=(p'e) p'uulja' 'a jug of water'

one=(INAM) pitcher water
(5) jum=(p'e) t'aj ja' 'a drop of water'

one=(INAM) drop water
(6) jum=(p'e)jaab' 'one year'

one={INAM) year
5.2.2.2. Numeral &p'eel + Measure + Noun

Some measure words, Spanish borrowings prominent among them, generally require the
inanimate classifier p'eel in numeral constructions (1)-(8).
(1) jum=p'e b'aaraj nok' 'a rod (vara) of cloth'

one=INAM rod cloth
(2) jum=p'e b'iyaajej si' 'a trip (load) of firewood'

one=INAM trip firewood
(3) jum=p'e b'oteeyaj kab' 'a bottle of honey'

one=INAM bottle honey
(4) jum=p'e kintal ixi'im 'one kintal (hundredweight) of com'

one=INAM quintal com
(5) jum=p'e kucharaad'aj ja' 'a (table)spoonful of water'

one=INAM spoon water
(6) jum=p'e kucharad'iitajja' 'a teaspoonful of water'

one=INAM teaspoon water
(7) jum=p'e mekaatej lu'um 'a mecate of land'2

one=INAM mecate land
(8) jum=p'e xak ixi'im 'a basket of com'

one=INAM basket com
5.3. Affixation on Numeral Classifier & Noun Compounds
5.3.1. Inflection with Set B Person Markers

Set B person markers may be suffixed to numeral classifiers in stative constructions (1)-
(3) (cf. 2.1.2, 17.1). With the Mayan numerals for 'five' or greater, the inanimate classifier p'eel
appears regardless oflexical or semantic category (3)-(4).
(1) ka'=tuul-oo' 'there are two' (animate entities)

twO=ANIM-3pL.B
(2) ka '=tuul-e'ex 'you are two' (animate entities)

twO=ANIM-2pL.B
(3) job'=p'eel-o'on 'we are five' (animate or inanimate entities)

five=INAM-l PL.B
(4) b 'olon =p 'eel-oo' 'there are nine' (animate or inanimate entities)

nine=INAM -1 PL.B
5.3.2. Possessed Numeral Constructions with-if

Numeral classifiers may also have possessive marking with the possessive suffix -i/ and
may function anaphorically or deictically without a following noun (cf. 4.2.3, 5.3.4, 9.5.4,
10.2.3.5).
(1) P'iit-ii' u-jun =kuuch-il!

leave-IMPTS 3A-one=load-POs
'Leave one load of it!'
(2) fan a-p'iit-ik u-ju-jun=kuuch-il.

ASSUR 2A-Ieave-ITS 3A-REDUP-one=load-pos
'You must leave one load of it at a time, one at each place.'
(3) ti-ki-'ox=tuul-i/
to-IPL.A-three=ANIM-POS
'(to) the three of us'
5.3.3 Numerals with Partitive -;'ij

Numeral classifiers referring to inanimate quantities may also take the partitive suffix -i'ij
(1)-(2) (cf. 9.10). The locative suffix -i'ij may also attach to numeral classifiers, giving rise to
potential ambiguity (2) (cf. 9.S.4, 9.10.1, 12.1.4, 12.1.5).
(I) Miin-ii 'jun =mut-i'ij. 'Buy an almud (10 lbs.) of it!'

buy-IMPTS one=almud-PARTIT
2 The Mayan word tz'aak, 'mecate', behaves like a regular numeral classifier (cf. 5.2.1).
(2a) P'at-a' jun =kuuch-i'i}! 'Leave one load of it!'

leave-IMPTS one=load-PARTIT
(2b) P'at-a' jun =kuuch-i'i}! 'Leave one load there!'

leave-IMPTS one=load-Loc
5.3.4. Contrastive Focus with -il-i' - -il-ik

The suffixes il-i' - il-ik may also be suffixed to numeral classifiers to indicate a specified
amount and no more (1)-(2) (cf. 6.2.4, 14.5).
(I) ti jum=p'eel-il-i' kuuch(-il} 'in only one place'

in one=INAM-FOC-PERF place(-pos)
(2) ka'=pak-il-i' - ka'=pak-il-ik 'only two times'

two=time-FOC-PERF
5.4. Numeral Classifier Compounds

A few numeral classifiers may be reduplicated with -en to indicate manner of grouping
(1)-(2) (cf. 4.4.7.1, 5.1.3). Several nominal compounds may function as numeral classifier
compounds, most of which include the instrumental noun k'a', 'hand' (3)-(5) (cf. 4.4.7.2).
(1) muul=en=muul 'in mounds'

mound=REDUP=mound
(2) tz'aap=en=tz'aap 'in stacks'

stack=REDUP=stack
(3) jun=chaach=k'a(a}' su'uk 'a handful of grass'

one=grab=hand grass
(4) jun=loch '=k'a(a)' ixi'im 'a fistful of com'

one=cradle=hand com
(5) jun=tul=k'ooch sit 'a shoulderload of wood'

one=full=goring wood
6. ADJECTIVES, ADVERBS, AND PARTICIPLES 147
6. Adjectives, Adverbs, and Participles
6.0. Contents
6.1. Adjectives
6.1.1. Adjective Roots
6.1.1.1. Root Shapes
6.1.1.2. Existential Roots
6.1.2. Adjectival Derivation and Inflection
6.1.2.1 Reduplication
6.1.2.1.1. Partial Reduplication
6.1.2.1.2. Complete Reduplication
6.1.2.2. Derivational Suffixes
6.1.2.2.1. Harmonic -VC SuffIxes
6.1.2.2.1.1. -Vch
6.1.2.2.1.2. -Vk
6.1.2.2.1.3. -VI
6.1.2.2.1.4. -Vm
6.1.2.2.1.5. -Vn
6.1.2.2.1.6. -Vt
6.1.2.2.1.7. -V'
6.1.2.2.2. Derived from Affective Roots with Reduplication and -kij
6.1.2.2.3. Derived from Celeritive Stems with -Vtak
6.1.2.2.4. Other Derivations
6.1.2.2.4.1. Adjectives with -il
6.1.2.2.4.2. Adjectives with -al
6.1.2.2.4.3. Adjectives with -b'e'en, -e'en, -b'en, -en
6.1.2.2.4.3.1. Adjectives with -b'e'en
6.1.2.2.4.3.2. Adjectives with -e'en
6.1.2.2.4.3.3. Adjectives with -b'en
6.1.2.2.4.3.4. Adjectives with -en
6.1.2.2.4.4. Adjectives with -is
6.1.2.2.4.5. Adjectives Derived from Transitive Roots with Vowel Change
6.1.2.2.4.6. Adjectives with -inkil
6.1.2.2.4.7. Adjectives with Reduplication
6.1.2.2.4.8. Miscellaneous Derivations
6.1.2.2.5. Multiple Adjectival Derivations
6.2. Adverbs
6.2.1. Temporal Adverbs
6.2.1.1. General
6.2.1.2. Past Time
6.2.1.3. Time-Since and Negative Perfects with Dependent Status
6.2.2. Interrogative and Manner Adverbials
6.2.3. Modal-Epistemic-Evidential Adverbs
6.2.4. Adverbial focus
6.2.4.1. -ik
6.2.4.2. -il
6.2.4.3. -ik-il
6.2.4.4. -il-ik
6.2.5. Incorporated Adverbs
6.2.5.1. (A.PR-)ADV & Verb Stem
6.2.5.2. TAM + ADV + A.PR-Verb Stem
6.3. Participles
6.3.1. General Participle -a'an
6.3.1.1. With Transitive Stem
6.3.1.1.1. Transitive Root with -a'an

6.3.1.1.2. Derived Transitive Stem with -s-ii}-a'an
6.3.1.1.3. Derived (-t) Transitive Stem with (-kun)-a'an, (-in)-a'an
6.3.1.2. With Intransitive Stem
6.3.1.2.1. Intransitive Root with -a'an
6.3.1.2.2. Agentless Passive Intransitive with -p-a}-a'an
6.3.1.2.3. Celeritive Intransitive with -k'-a}-a'an
6.3.1.2.4. Positional Root with -a'an
6.3.1.2.4.1. Plain
6.3.1.2.4.2. Completive Participle with -I-a}-a'an
6.3.1.2.5. Inchoative Completive Participle of with -ai-a'an
6.3.1.2.6. Antipassive Completive Participle of with -n-aj-a 'an
6.3.1.2.7. Perfect Participle with -m-a}-a'an
6.3.1.2.8. Focused Perfect Marking with -a'an-(i)k-il
6.3.2. Passive Participle with -b'il
6.3.3. Intransitive Participle with -al
6.3.4. Affective Participle with -nak
6.4. Adjective and Adverb Compounds.
6.4.1. Complex Adjectives
6.4.1.1.1. Plain
6.4.1.1.2. With -Vn
6.4.1.2. Color Compounds
6.4.1.3. Other Adjective Compounds
6.4.1.3.1. Modifier & Noun
6.4.1.3.2. Modifer & Modifier
6.4.2. Other Complex Adjectives/Adverbs
6.4.2.1. Positional & Noun
6.4.2.2. Verb & Noun
6.4.2.3. Verb & PositionallVerb
6.4.2.4. Complex and Phrasal Adverbs
6.5. Intensifiers
6.6. Quantifiers
6.7. Plural Marking
The categories of adjective, adverb, and participle are closely related. Adjectives form a
root class and are distinguished from adverbs functionally, rather than formally. Adjectives
modify nouns, while adverbs modify verbs or larger phrase units. Participles are derived from
verb stems and have forms corresponding to the major voice categories. Participles, like
adjectives, generally modify nouns.
6.1. Adjectives
Adjectives may be formed from adjective roots or may be derived.
6.1.1. Adjective Roots
6.1.1.1. Root Shapes

A sample of adjective roots is listed below according to root shape.
eve
B'QX 'black' KET 'together'
CHAK 'red' KUY 'mischievous'
CHICH 'hard' K'AJ 'bitter'
JAY 'thin' K'AS 'ugly'
K'AN 'yellow' TAM 'deep'

LA/B)' 'old', 'worn-out' TOJ 'straight'
NAIZ' 'close' TUB' 'deep'
NOJ 'big' UIZ 'good'
NUK 'old female' XIB' 'male'
POCH 'gluttonous' XOJ 'holey', 'bug-eaten'
SAK 'white' YAJ 'painful'
SOJ 'lightweight', 'dry' YAX 'first'
SUP' 'overgrown'
evve
CH'UUK 'sweet' SEEB' 'quick'
KOOCH 'wide' SUUIZ' 'astringent'
MOOCH 'limbless' IZ'EEK 'few'
NAACH 'far' IZ'IIK 'fierce'
NUUT' 'narrow' YAAB' 'many', 'much'
SAAK 'fearful' YUUL 'slippery'
ev've
CHU'UY 'wrinkled' SO'OM 'hoarse'
K'A'AM 'rough' T'A'AJ 'industrious'
K'A'AP 'narrow' IZ'E'EJ 'bothersome'
NA'AJ 'full' WI'IJ 'hungry'
PO'OY 'loose', 'sagging' YA'AX 'green', 'blue-green'
P'U'US 'musky' YO'OM 'pregnant'
SA'AJ 'tangled'
eveve
B'EK'ECH 'fme', 'delicate' MELEN 'useless'
B'OTOY 'bald' MULIX 'curly'
CHAWAK 'long' NOKOY 'cloudy'
CHOKOJ 'hot' 'OLOT' 'uneven'
'ICH'I' 'nauseous' POLOK 'fat'
JAIZ'UIZ 'pretty' SAKAN 'lazy'
K'ERES 'cross-eyed' TIKIN 'dry'
K'OMOJ 'fishy smelling' TULIS 'whole'
Other
B'ORB'OL 'spongy'
CHAKNAL 'nude'
KlCH'PAN 'beautiful'
MO'NOK 'small'
6.1.1.2. Existential Roots

Existential roots are a small but grammatically important subtype of adjective root (cf.
17.6).
YAAN 'existential', 'be'

KE'EN 'be present (with)'
6.1.2. Adjectival Derivation and Inflection

Adjectives may be inflected with Set B person markers to indicate stative subjects (cf.
2.1.2, 17.1). Intensity may be indicated morphologically through reduplication, or syntactically
with intensifiers.
6.1.2.1 Reduplication
6.1.2.1.1. Partial Reduplication

Partial reduplication in adjectives generally indicates moderate intensity (1)-(18). It
occurs with root adjectives (1 )-( 16) and many adjectives derived with -VC suffIxes (17)-( 18). The
frrst CV sequence of the stem is reduplicated, or CV' if the second stem consonant is glottalized
and voiceless (cf. 1.4.6.2)
(1) b'o-b'ox 'rather black'

(2) chii-chiik 'rather red'
(3) chi-chich 'rather hard'
(4) ja-jay 'rather thin'
(5) k'a'-k'a'am 'rather rough'
(6) k'a-k'as 'rather ugly'
(7) lo-loch 'rather twisted'
(8) na-naach 'rather far'
(9) o'-o'tzi/ 'rather poor'
(10) po-polok 'rather fat'
(11) sii-siik 'rather white'
(12) se-seeb' 'rather quick(ly)'
(13) su'-suutz' 'rather astringent tasting'
(14) to-toj 'rather straight'
(15) tz'e-tz'eek 'rather few'
(16) ya-yaab' 'rather many'
(17) no-nojoch 'rather large'
(18) tze-tzelek 'rather sloped'
6.1.2.1.2. Complete Reduplication

Complete reduplication indicates high intensity and may occur with nearly all adjective
stems (cf. 1.4.6.1, 6.4.1.1).
(1) b'ox=b'ox 'very black'

(2) chiik=chiik 'very red'
(3) chich=chich 'very hard'
(4) jay=jay 'very thin'
(5) k'a'am=k'a'am 'very rough'
(6) k'as=k'as 'very ugly'
(7) loch=loch 'very twisted'
(8) naach=naach 'very far'
(9) suutz'=suutz' 'very astringent tasting'
(10) toj=toj 'very straight'
(11) tz'eek=tz'eek 'very few'
6.1.2.2. Derivational Suffixes

Adjectives may be derived with a variety of suffIxes. In the following sections the
dictionary abbreviations of adjective categories appear in parentheses (cf. Hofting 1997).
6.1.2.2.1. Harmonic -VC Suffixes
6.1.2.2.1.1. -Vch
A -Vch suffIx is used to derive (honorific?) adjectives (adjla) from adjective roots (1)-
(4). Noun classifiers are generally optional in noun phrases with these adjectives (cf. 9.7.1.1).
Root Derived Adjective

(1) NOJ A. 'big' noj-och 'great', 'important'
(2) NUK A. 'adult female' nuk-uch 'great', 'old' (PL)
Possible l
(3) b'ek'-ech 'thin'
(4) chiim-ach 'old male'
6.1.2.2.1.2. -Vk
A -Vk suffix appears on adjectives derived from transitive or positional roots (adjlb) (1)-
(12). Many of these roots are polyvalent.

(1) K'UX T. 'bite' k'ux-uk 'painful'
(2) LOCH T. 'bend' loch-ok 'twisted'
(3) MECH T. 'bend' mech-ek 'bowed'
(4) PECH P. 'lie flat' pech-ek 'flat'
(5) P'OS T. 'inflate' p'os-ok 'swollen'
(6) P'US T. 'bend' p'us-uk 'bent over'
(7) TUlZ' P. 'stretch out' tutz'-uk 'oval'
(8) lZEL T. 'slope' tzel-ek 'sloped'
(9) WOL T. 'ball' wol-ok 'round'
Possible
(10) chaw-ak 'long'
(11) mo'n-ok 'small'
(12) pol-ok 'fat'
6.1.2.2.1.3. -VI
Adjectives may also be derived with a -VI suffix (adjlc) (1)-(14). It is common in bound
forms that appear in compounds. The examples with -ai, rather than -iii, may represent a different
suffix.

(1) CHAK A. 'red' chiik-iil= 'reddish'
(2) CHIK X. 'tickle' chik-il 'ticklish'
(3) CHUK T. 'reach' chuk-ul 'complete'
(4) CH'UP N. 'woman' ch'up-ul= 'feminine'
(5) EEK' A. 'dark' ek'-el= 'black'
(6) JAJ A. 'true' jaj-al 'true'
(7) JUB' T. 'fell' jub'-ul= 'fallen'
(8) JUT T. 'collapse' jut-ul= 'collapsed'
(9) KA'AN N. 'sky' ka'n-al 'above', 'high'
(10) KUX P. 'live' kux-ul= 'tender'
(11) MUK T. 'bury' muk-ul= 'hidden'
(12) PAT X. 'able' pat-al 'able'
(13) PEET N. 'island' pet-el= 'round?'
1 Examples are listed under the heading "Possible" when there is no independent
evidence confirming the suggested derivation. For example, b 'ek'ech might be an unanalyzable
root. Similarly, it is sometimes unclear whether a suffix has a harmonic vowel or a fixed value.
Possible
(14) noj-ol 'south'
6.1.2.2.1.4. -Vm
Adjectives are derived with a -Vm suffix (adjld) (1)-(2).

(1) CHAr T. 'clear' ehiil-am 'clear'
Possible
(2) jel-em 'chunky'
6.1.2.2.1.5. -Vn
Adjectives are derived with a -Vn suffix (adjle) (1)-(9).

(1) JAW P. 'lie face up' jiiw-iin- 'open', 'face up'
(2) K'A.T T. 'cross' k'iit-iin- 'crossed', 'crossing'
(3) TAlC I. 'cook' tiik'-an 'cooked'
Possible
(4) job'-on 'hollow'
(5) mej-en 'small'
(6) mel-en 'weak', 'useless'
(7) sak-an 'lazy', 'timid'
(8) tik-in 'dry'
(9) xiim-an 'north'
6.1.2.2.1.6. -Vt
Adjectives are derived with a -Vt suffix (adjlf) (1)-(3).

(1) CHOK X. 'hot' ehok-ot 'crazy'
(2) CH'UY T. 'hang' eh 'uy-ut 'hanging down'
(3) 'IZ'OP T. 'sink' tz'op-ot 'swampy', 'marshy'
6.1.2.2.1.7. -V'
Adjectives are also derived with a-V' suffix (adj 1g) (1 )-(6).

(1) CHUL T. 'collect' ehul-u' 'collected'
(2) NICH' T. 'bare teeth' nieh'-i' 'with teeth bared'
Possible
(3) 'ieh'-i' 'disgusted', 'nauseous'
(4) K'EL I. 'toast' k'el-e'- (part of tree name)
(5) PI'IZ' T. 'spin' pitz'-i'- (part of bird name)
(6) P'IL T. 'open (eyes)' p'il-i' 'parakeet'
6.1.2.2.2. Derived from Affective Roots with Reduplication and -kij

Affective roots generally have adjectival forms marked by reduplication and the suffix
-kij (adj2) (1)-(32) (cf. 3.3.2.4). They also have participial forms marked by reduplication and
the suffix -nak (part4) (cf. 6.3.4). Reduplication in these forms is not iconic of moderate intensity
(cf. 6.1.2.1).
Root Adjective 2
(1) B'riJ b 'Ii-b 'iij-kij 'well rooted'
(2) B'AK' b'ii'-b'iik'-kij 'very tangled'
(3) B'OL b 'o-b 'ol-kij 'dull'
(4) B'UJ b 'u-b 'uj-kij 'splitable'
(5) CH'IL ch 'i-ch 'il-kij 'stiff'
(6) JA.'w jii-jiiw-kij 'face up'
(7) JA.'X jii-jiix-kij 'stiff'
(8) JEB' je'-jeb'-kij 'open'
(9) JEP' je'-jep'-kij 'squeezed tight'
(10) JOP jo-jop-kij 'combustible'
(11) KA.'CH kli-kiich-kij 'breakable'
(12) K'IT k'i-k'it-kij 'scratchy'
(13) K'OT k'o-k'ot-kij 'brooding', 'broody'
(14) K'UY k'u-k'uy-kij 'twisty'
(15) LI12' li'-litz'-kij 'slippery'
(16) LOCH lo-loch-kij 'warped'
(17) LUT' lu'-lut'-kij 'shivering'
(18) MOT' mo'-mot'-kij 'shrunken'
(19) MUUCH' mu '-mu(u)ch '-kij 'bumpy', 'lumpy'
(20) MUUL mu-mu(u)l-kij 'mounded'
(21) NA.'Y nli-niiy-kij 'loose'
(22) OL 'o'-ol-kij 'silky', 'soft'
(23) pA'T pli-piit-kij 'ready for potting'
(24) P'A' p'a'-p'a'-kij 'splitable'
(25) PI12' pi'-pitz'-kij 'slippery'
(26) P'OS p'o-p'os-kij 'inflated'
(27) SA'12' sli'-siitz'-kij 'stretchy'
(28) SIlT' si'-siit'-kij 'swollen'
(29) 12'OP tz'o-tz'op-kij 'swampy'
(30) WOL wo-wol-kij 'round'
(31) XAAK' xa'-xa(a)k'-kij 'disordered'
(32) YUL yu-yu(u)l-kij 'choppable'
6.1.2.2.3. Derived from Celeritive Stems with -Vlak

Adjectives are also productively derived from celeritive stems marked with the -k' suffix
by adding the harmonic suffix -Vtak (adj3) (1)-(20) (cf. 3.3.1.2.2, 3.3.3.4.4).2 Most celeritive
stems are based on transitive roots. The adjective forms often have the meaning of repeated action
or of a tendency toward an action. For polyvalent roots, adjective 3 forms may be synonymous or
nearly synonymous with adjective 2 forms (cf.6.1.2.2.2).
Root (T) Adjective 3

(1) Al lil-k'-iitak 'spreadable'
(2) B'OT b'ot-k'-otak 'bumping'
(3) CHEJ chej-k'-etak 'bunched'
(4) CH'EB' ch'eb'-k'-etak 'tippy'
(5) JAL jal-k'-iitak 'loose'
(6) JOP jop-k'-otak 'flammable'
2 The suffix -V tak may be complex historically, perhaps composed of a - Vt suffix and
the -ak dependent status suffix that marks derived intransitive verbs (cf. 3.1.3, 3.2.2.2). In forms
with the [Ii] - [a] alternation, [a] usually appears in the root, in which case the harmonic vowel
may appear as [a] or reduce to [a] (cf. 1.3.8.1.3, 1.3.8.3, 1.4.4).
(7) KA:CH kach-k'-iitak 'breakable'

(8) K'A"P k'ap-k'-atak 'wedged'
(9) LETZ' letz'-k'-et-ak 'shiny'
(10) MECH mech-k'-etak 'bending repeatedly'
(11) AY nay-k'-atak - nliyk'iitak' 'wobbling'
(12) OCY och '-k'-otak 'breakable'
(13) PIT pit-k'-itak 'slipping loose repeatedly'
(14) P'UJ p'uj-k'-utak 'swanning'
(15) SUT sut-k'-utak 'spinning'
(16) TAK tak-k- 'atak - tlikk'litak 'staggering'
(17) T'IN t'in-k'-itak 'stretching repeatedly'
(18) UCH uch-k'-utak 'burstable'
(19) xAK xak-k'-atak 'blistering'
(20) YUUL yuul-k'-utak 'slippery'
6.1.2.2.4. Other Derivations
6.1.2.2.4.1. Adjectives with -il

Adjectival forms derived with -il (adj4a) usually appear in compounds (1)-(22) (cf.
4.4.3, 6.1.2.2.1.3).
Root Adjective 4a
(1) AK' N. 'vine' ak'-il= 'viny'
(2) B'OX A. 'black' b'ox-il= 'black'
(3) B'UTZ' N. 'smoke' b'utz'-i/= 'smokey'
(4) CHAAK N. 'thunder' chaak-il= 'thunder'
(5) CHI' T. 'bite' chib'-il= 'biting'
(6) CHUJ N. 'gourd' chuj-il= 'gourd-like'
(7) CH'ICH' N. 'gravel' ch 'ich '-il= 'gravelly'
(8) IK N. 'pepper' ik-il= 'peppery'
(9) JAJ A. 'true' jaj-il= 'truthful'
(10) JAN T. 'tear' jan-it 'clear', 'open'
(11) KAJ N. 'town' kaj-il= 'town'
(12) KAL N. 'neck' kal-i/= 'long-necked'
(13) KOL N. 'milpa' kol-il= 'of milpa'
(14) MAATAJ N. 'plant' maataj-il= 'bush'
(15) MEYAJ N. 'work' meyaj-il= 'working'
(16) NATZ' A. 'close' natz'-il 'close'
(17) NAACH A. 'far' naach-il 'far'
(18) SAS- A. 'bright' sas-il 'bright'
(19) TEEK N. 'plant' teek-i/= 'plant', 'bush', 'stalk'
(20) TUS N. 'lie' tus-il= 'lying'
(21) XIB' N. 'male' xib'-il= 'male'
(22) YAX A. 'fIrst' yax-i/ 'fIrst'
Possible
'o'tz-i/ 'poor'
6.1.2.2.4.2. Adjectives with -al
Adjectives may be derived with an -al suffIx (adj4b) (1)-(6).
Root Adjective
(1) KAB' N. 'earth' kab'-al 'short', 'low'
(2) KA'AN N. 'sky' ka'n-al 'tall', 'high'
(3) K'IN N. 'sun' k'in-al 'warm'
(4) X/B' A,N. 'male' xib'-a! 'male' (animal)

(5) xi'-I-a! 'male' (human)
Possible
(6) 'ayik'-al 'rich'
6.1.2.2.4.3. Adjectives with -b'e'en, -e'en, -b'en, -en

Adjectives may also be derived with the suffixes -b'e'en, -e'en, -b'en, and -en (adj4c).
6.1.2.2.4.3.1. Adjectives with -b'e'en 3

Adjectives derived with -b'e'en have the meaning 'able to be' (1)-(10).
Stem Adjective 4c
(1) cha'an avn. 'sight' cha'an-b'e'en 'watchable'
(2) chuj avn. 'burning' chuj-b'e'en 'burnable'
(3) 'ich'i' adj. 'nauseous' 'ich'i'-b'e'en 'disgusting'
(4) jan-a! avn. 'eating' jan-al-b'e'en 'edible'
(5) ki'='ich avn. 'like', 'enjoy' ki'='ich-be'en 'good', 'pleasing'
(6) k'iim avn. 'love' k'iim-b'e'en 'loved', 'desired'
(7) tziik avn. 'respect' tzik-b'e'en 'respectable'
(8) uk'-ul avn 'drink' uk'(-ul}-b'e'en 'drinkable'
(9) xok avn 'counting' xok-b'e'en 'countable'
(10) yaj=kun avn 'esteem' yaj=kun-b'e'en 'beloved'
6.1.2.2.4.3.2. Adjectives with -e'en

All adjectives formed with -e'en are color compounds (1)-(4) (cf. 6.4.1.2; see Smailus
1989:135-37 on colonial Yukateko and Bricker 1999 on modem Yukateco).
(1) chiik=moch-e'en 'red skin color'

red=curl-ADJ
(2) chiik= 'el-e'en 'reddish purple'

red-burn-ADJ
(3) 'ek'=joch '-e'en 'dark of night'

black=scrape-ADJ
(4) k'iin=pus-e'en 'yellowish of clouds'

yellow=dust-ADJ
6.1.2.2.4.3.3. Adjectives with -b'en

Adjectives may be formed with a -b'en suffix (1)-(2).
Root Adjective
(1) UCH I. 'happen' uch-b'en 'old'
(2) TU'UM- A. 'new' tu'um-b'en 'new'
6.1.2.2.4.3.4. Adjectives with -en

Adjectives may be derived with an -en suffix (1)-(2).
3 Historically -b'e'en may involve the passive morpheme -b' (cf. 3.3. 1. 1.2.3).
Root Adjective
(1) KIM I. 'die' kim-en 'dead'
(2) TZ'U'M I. 'grind fmely' tz'u'm-en 'fmely ground'
6.1.2.2.4.4. Adjectives with -is

Adjectives may be derived with an -is suffix (1)-(2).
Root Adjective
(1) WOL A. 'round' wol-is 'round'
Probable
(2) TUL A. 'full' tul-is 'whole'
6.1.2.2.4.5. Adjectives Derived from Transitive Roots with Vowel Change

Adjectives may be derived from transitive roots with a change in the root vowel
involving lengthening or glottal insertion (adj4d) (1 )-(6).
Root Adjective
(1) P'IT T. 'overfill' p'i(i)t 'overflowing'
(2) P'OS T. 'inflate' p'o'os 'inflated'
(3) SUL T. 'soak' suul 'watery'
(4) TiTZ T. 'straighten' tatz' 'straight'
(5) TOCH T. 'chip' to'och 'chipped' (cf. 6.1.2.2.4.7)
(6) TZ'US T. 'constrict' tz'u'us 'constricted'
6.1.2.2.4.6. Adjectives with -;nkil

Adjectives derived with -inkif (adj4e) have a cyclic or repeated meaning and are derived
from nouns (cf. Blair 1964:85-86, 88 on Yukateko).
Root Adjective 4e
(1) B'UTZ' N. 'smoke' b'utz'-inkil 'repeatedly smokey'
(2) ICH N. 'fruit' ich-inkil 'fruit-bearing'
(3) JE' N. 'egg' je'-inkil 'born from eggs'
(4) K'ILKA' N. 'sweat' k'ilka '-inkil 'repeatedly sweating'
(5) K'UUK' N. 'sprout' k'uuk'-inkil 'sprouting'
(6) TOP' N. 'flower' top'-inkil 'flowering'
6.1.2.2.4.7. Adjectives with Reduplication

These adjectives (adj4f) are formally like class 2 adjectives (cf. 6.1.2.2.2) but may be
derived from a variety of root types and do not have the -kij suffix (1 )-(25). They tend to indicate
high intensity or repetition.
Root Adjective 4f
(1) CHOK x. 'hot' cho-chok= 'crazy'
(2) CH'O(,O)T Af, T. 'twist' ch'o'-ch'o'ot '(very) twisted'
(3) K'I'IX N. 'thorn' k'i'-k'i'ix ' '(very) thorny'
(4) LEEP' N. 'notch' le'-Ie(')ep' 'scratched'
(5) LEET' Af,N. 'scratch' le'-Ie(')et' 'notched'
(6) LO('O)CH Af,T. 'curve' lo'-Io'och 'snaking'
(7) LOOT' Af. 'groove' lo'-loot' 'grooved'
4 inkil may be complex (-in-kil) and possibly related to the transitive derivational suffix
-in and/or the temporal adverb kil, 'when' (cf. 3.3.3.2.l, 6.2.1.1).
(8) ME'EX N. 'beard' me'-me'ex= 'heavily bearded'

(9) MU'UCH Af. 'curly' mu'-muOuch 'curly'
(to) MU'UT Af. 'lumpy' mu'-mu'ut 'lumpy'
(11) OCH' Af, T. 'flatten' o'-ooch' 'flattened'
(12) PA'AT N. 'stain' pa'-pa'at '(all) stained'
(13) PE'ET Af. 'uneven' pe'-pe'et '(very) patchy'
(14) P'IS T. 'measure' p'i-p'is= 'with much effort'
(15) P'I'IX Af. 'full' p'i'-p'i'ix 'stretched out'
(16) P'UT Af, I. 'bumpy' p'u'-p'u'ut 'lumpy'
(17) TO('O)CH Af, T. 'chip' to'-to'och 'chipped' (cf. 6.1.2.2.4.5)
(18) TZE('E)L Af, T. 'slope' tze'-tze'el 'sideways'
(19) TZI('I)L Af, T. 'tear' tzi'-tzi'i! 'tom to shreds'
(20) TZO'OTZ Af,N. 'hair' tzo'-tzo'otz 'hairy'
(21) TZ'A'AK Af. 'stepped' tz'a'-tz'a'ak 'stepped'
(22) TZ'A'p Af, T. 'stack' tz'a'tz'a'ap 'stacked'
(23) XAAK' Af. 'rummage' xa'-xaak' 'disordered'
(24) XET' Af, T 'break' xe'-xeet' 'in pieces'
(25) XI'lL Af. 'shiver' xi'-xi'i! 'on end' (hair)
6.1.2.2.4.8. Miscellaneous Derivations

A variety of other adjectival derivations are also in evidence (1 )-(5).

(1) CHOK X. 'hot' chok-o) 'hot'
(2) K'E'EN X. 'dangerous?' k'e'en-tzil 'dangerous'
(3) SU' P. 'shame' su'-l-ak 'ashamed'
(4) UK' T. 'drink' uk'-a) 'thirsty'
(5) TAK' A. 'ripe' u-tak' 'ripe'
6.1.2.2.5. Multiple Adjectival Derivations

The derivational system allows for multiple derivations of adjectivaVparticipial forms
from the same root, with approximately the same meaning (1)-(7).
WOLA,Af, T.
(1) wol-ok 'round'

round-ADJlb
(2) wol-is 'round'

roUnd-ADJ4
(3) wo-wol-kij 'round'

REDuP-round-ADJ2
(4) wo-wol-nak 'getting round'

REDUP-round-PART4
(5) wol-al 'rounded'

round-PART3
(6) wol-a'an 'rounded'

round-PART 1
(7) wol-b'il 'rounded'

round-PART2
6.2. Adverbs
Adverbs do not fonn a root class and are defmed according to their syntactic and semantic
functions.
6.2.1. Temporal Adverbs
6.2.1.1. General
Temporal adverbs usually appear at the beginning or end ofa clause (1)-(23) (cf. 14.1,
14.2). Some may serve as TAM markers (cf. 3.1.1.l, 3.1.1.2.1, 15.2.4).
(1) b'a-(je'-)la' 'now'

TEMP-OST-PROX
(2) b'ayoriitaj Sp ahorita) 'right away'

(3) b'ay'ooraj Sp ahora) 'now'
(4) 'entoonses Sp entonces) 'then'
(5) jatz'=ka' 'early'

whip=earth
(6) ka '-ka 'at 'later'

REDup-Iater
(7) kab'ej 'day after tomorrow'

(8) ka' 'when' (past or future)
(9) kil 'when', 'whenever'
(10) kuchij 'fonnerly' (counterfactual)
(11) la'aylik -la'ayli' 'still'
(12) ma'=ta'ax 'never'

NEG=ever?
(13) mix=b'i=k'in 'never', 'at no time'

NEG-INTER-time
(14) mix toj 'not yet'

NEG yet
(15) ox-ej 'in three days'

three-?
(16) sam-al 'tomorrow'

while-NOM!ADV
(17) samal=kab'ej 'day after tomorrow', 'some day'

tomorrow=day.after
(18) san-samal 'everyday'

REDup-tomorrow
(19) tantoj 'just', 'immediate past', IMM

(20) toj 'still'

(21) tun 'then'
(22) yaj 'already'
(23) yaab'pak 'many times',' frequently'

many time
6.2.1.2. Past Time

Past time reference may be indicated by adverbials with the Set B suffIx -ij, formerly a
perfective suffIx, which marks third-person singular in the completive status (cf. 2.1.2, 3.1.2,
14.2.1).
(1) ak'a '-aj-ij 'last night'

(2) ja'l-ak-ij 'a moment ago'
(3) jo'lej(-ij) 'yesterday'
(4) kab'ej-ij 'two days ago'
(5) 'ox-ej-ij 'three days ago'
(6) sam-ij 'a little while ago'
(7) uch-ij 'long ago'
(8) uch-ij =kaJ-ak 'a long time since'
happen-3sG.B=begin-DIS
6.2.1.3. Time Since and Negative Perfects with Dependent Status

Time since an event has occurred may be indicated by dependent status marking, as are
negative perfects (1)-(5) (Hofling 1998; cf. 15.4.2.5, 19.1.6, 24.1.5).
(1) Yanjum=p'ejaab' kim-ik aj-Jwan.

EXIST ONE=INAM year die-DIS MASC-Juan
'It's a year since Juan died.'
(2) uch-ij=kaJ-ak tan-in-se'en

happen-3sG.B=begin-DIS DUR-l SG.A-cough
'it's been a while since I was coughing'
(3) Ma'anjun=jaab' kim-ik aj-Jwan.

NEG/EXIST one=year die-DIS MAsc-Juan
'It's not a year since Juan died.'
(4) Ma' k'oj-a'an-ak.

NEG sick-PART-DIS
'Slbe hasn't gotten sick.'
(5) Ma'sam-ikxi'ik.
NEG while-PERF gO/DIS
'It's only a little while since he went.'
6.2.2. Interrogative and Manner Adverbials

Examples of interrogative and manner adverbs are given in (1)-(46) (cf. 7.4, 7.8).
Adverbs that are marked as bound forms (with =) appear incorporated into verb forms (cf. 3.5.2,
6.2.5). Information on discourse functions of adverbials is provided in chapters 14 and 24.
(1) b 'a-b 'aay-la' 'this size' (showing with gesture)

REDUP-like-PROx
(2a) b'a(a)y-Io' 'thus', 'like that'

like-DIST
(2b) b'aay-Io' b'a'akan 'thus it was' (although I thought otherwise)

like-DIST COUNTER
(2c) b'aay-Io'-il-ik 'thus it always has been'

like-DIsT-FOC-PERF
(3) ba'ax 'what?'
(4) b'i=k'in 'when?', 'what day?'

INTER=day
(5) b'ix 'how?'
(6) b'oon 'how many?'
(7) cham=b'el 'slowly'

little=go
(8) cheen 'just', 'only'
(9a) -il-ik - il-i' 'no more', 'only', 'customarily'
(9b) jun=tuul-i/-ik 'only one', 'no more'

one=ANIM-FOC-PERF
(9c) tantoj-il-ik in-tal 'I just came'

IMMEO-FOC-PERF ISG.A-come
(9d) B'aay-lo' klij-l-aj-a'an-il-ik-en. 'Thus I have always lived.'

like-DIST live-POSIT-CIS-PART-FOC-PERF-I SG.B
(10) jach 'very', 'so much'
(11) jan = 'rapidly'

(12) ja'li' 'only'
(13a) je-b'ix (.. -e~ 'just as', 'just like'

OST-like ( ... -TOP)
(13b) je-b'ix in-ti'a'al-ej 'just like mine'

oST-like ISG.A-Own-TOP
(13c) je-b'ix-ak-ej 'however', 'however it may be'

OST-how-IRREAL-TOP
(13d) je'-ba 'ax-ak-ej 'whatever'

OST-what-IRREAL-TOP
(13e) je'-max-ak-ej 'whoever'

OST-whO-IRREAL-TOP
6. ADJECTIVES. ADVERBS. AND PARTICIPLES 161
(13t) je'-tu'ux-ak-ej 'wherever'

OST-where-IRREAL-TOP
(14) jel= 'again'

(15) jet 'very', 'so much' (rare)
(16) ka'= 'again'
(17) ket= 'together'
(18) ket et-el 'together with'
(19) k'iis(=) 'rather', 'somewhat'
(20) k'as 'badly'
(21) laj(=) 'completely', 'all'
(22) loot- 'paired', 'two together'
(23) mas Sp mas) 'more'
(24) ma'lo' 'well'
(25) maan= 'badly', 'mis-'
(26) p'i-p'is= 'with effort'

REDUP-measure
(27) sen(kech) 'much', 'a lot'

(28) seeb' 'quickly'
(29) suk 'customarily'
(30) tatz' 'straight', 'directly'
(31) ta(a)n 'happening', 'ongoing'
(32) toj 'well', 'straight'
(33) t-u-jun-al 'alone'

in-3A-one-NOM
(34) t-u-ka'=pach 'back again'

in-3A-two=back
(35) t-u-ka'=sut 'back again'

in-3A-two=return
(36) t-u-ka'=teen 'again'

in-3A-two=time
(37) t-u-ka'=tuun 'again'

in-3A-two=time
(38) t-u-ka'=ye' 'again'

in-3A-two=time?
(39) t-u-seeb '-al 'quickly'

in-3A-fast-NOM
(40) tu'ux 'where?'
(41) tz'e-tz'eek 'a little bit'

REDUP-little
(42) tz'e-tz'eek-tak 'little by little'

REDup-little-PL
(43) xan 'also'

(44) xan 'late'
(45) yaj 'already'
(46a) yax= 'fIrst'
(46b) yax-il 'fIrst'
6.2.3. Modal-Epistemic-Evidential Adverbs

Examples ofmodal-epistemic-evidential adverbs appear in (1)-(20) (cf. 7.6). The
discourse functions of many of these forms are described in chapters 14 and 15.
(1) b'a'ak(-an) 'counter-expectative', COUNTER

(2) b'in 'reportative', REPORT
(3) chak 'perhaps'
(4) chan = 'against speaker's wishes' (rare)
(5) jaj 'certainly'
(6) je'-le'(..)-e' 'surely', 'assurative', ASSUR
(7) ka'ax 'although', 'even if'
(8) kaasij Sp cas i) 'almost'
(9) kuchij 'formerly' (counterfactual)
(10) k'ab'eet 'necessarily', 'of necessity'
(11) ma'ak tun! 'of course!'
(12) mentiik 'therefore'
(13) meeroj Sp mero) 'almost', 'nearly'
(14) miiyaj 'perhaps', 'probably', 'maybe'
(15) olak 'almost', 'nearly'
(16) pat-al 'abilitative', ABIL
(17) t-u-jaj-il 'truly', 'surely'

in-3A-certain-ABsT
(18) uch-ak 'perhaps', 'maybe'

happen-DIs
(19) wal 'perhaps', 'possibly'

(20) yaan 'must', 'obligatorily', OBUG
6.2.4. Adverbial focus

In adverbial-focus constructions, an adverbial element appears initially (cf. 14.5).
6.2.4.1. -ik
Focus with -ik has a perfect aspectual meaning indicating previous completion of the
action and appears on intransitive verbs (1)-(2). It also appears on participles, but only with the
additional focus suffix -il (3) (cf. 6.2.4.3, 14.5) (cf. Bricker 1981b).
(1) Ma'sam-ik(-il} u-b'el. 'It's not a moment since he left.'

NEG while-PERF(-FOC} 3A-go
(2) B 'aay-lo' tal-ik(-il}-o 'on. 'Thus we came, have come.'

like-DIST cOme-PERF(-Foc)-1 PL.B
(3a) *B'aay-lo'miich-a'an-ik
thus-DIST grab-PART-PERF
(3b) B'aay-Io'miich-a'an-ik-i/ 'Thus it was that he has been grabbed.'

thus-DIST grab-PART-PERF-FOC
6.2.4.2. -il
Adverbial focus with -il does not necessarily have a perfect sense and occurs primarily
on participles and the existential,yaan (1)-(2) (cf. 6.2.4.3). It may also occur suffixed on
transitive verbs in constructions with ich that indicate past events (3)-(4) (cf. 14.5.1, 24.1.4;
Bricker 198Ib). The -il suffix does not occur on intransitive verbs in these constructions (5)-(6).
(I) Wol-is kop-a'an-il 'It is coiled round'

round-ADJ COil-PARTI-FOC
(2) B'ix yan-il-ech? 'How are you?'

how EXIST-FOC-2sG.B
(3) B'aay-Io'ich(-il) u-jan-t-ik. 'Thus it was thatlhow they ate it.'

thus-DIST SUB(-POS) 3A-eat-TRN-ITS
(4) B'aay-Io'reh u-jan-t-ik-il. 'Thus it was thatlhow they ate it.'

thus-DIST SUB 3A-eat-TRN-ITS-FOC
(5) B'aay-Io'ich(-il) u-wen-el. 'Thus it was thatlhow he slept.'

thus-DIST SUB(-POS) 3A-SLEEP-IIS
(6) *B'aay-Io'ich u-wen-el-il.

thus-DIST SUB 3A-sleep-IIS-FOC
6.2.4.3. -ik-il
Both focus markers may occur in the order -ik-il on intransitive verbs, the existential, and
participles with a perfect sense (1)-(5) (cf. 6.3.1.2.8, 14.5).
(I) b'aay-Io' p'at-ik-il 'thus it was that it remained'

like-DIST able-PERF-FOC
(2) ya miich-a'an-(i)k-il 'it has already been grabbed'

already grab-PARTI-PERF-FOC
(3) kin-s-iij-a 'an-ik-il 'he has already been killed'

die-cAus-PARTI-PERF-FOC
(4) B'ix yan-ik-il-ech? 'How have you been?'

how EXIST-PERF-FOC-2SG.B
(5) b 'aay-lo' miich-a 'an-ik-il 'thus it was that he has been grabbed'
thus-DIST grab-PART-PERF-FOC
6.2.4.4. -il-ik - il-i'

The sequence -il-ik, meaning 'customarily', 'only in that way', may also occur on
numerals and in (perfect) adverbial focus constructions (1)-(4) (cf. 5.3.4, 14.3.4).
(I) ka'=p'eel-il-ik 'only two'

twO=INAM-FOC-PERF
(2) ya yan-il-ik u-paal-ej 'he already had his son.'

already-ExIsT-FOC-PERF 3A-child-TOP
(3) ya mach-a'an-i/-ik 'slbe was already grabbed'

already grab-PART-FOC-PERF
(4) b'aay-Io'-il-ik u-p'at-ii1 'thus it has (customarily) remained'

thus-OIST-FOC-PERF 3A-remain-IIS
6.2.5. Incorporated Adverbs
6.2.5.1. (A.PR-)ADV & VERB Stem

Many manner adverbs may be incorporated into the verb preceding the stem and
following the Set A person marker, if any (1)-(23) (cf. 15.5.1). A few adverbs, including a
number of reduplicated fonns, only appear incorporated into verbs, i.e., they never appear as free
forms (20)-(23) (Hofling 1997).
(1) k-u-chen=tal 'he just comes', 'he comes alone'

INC-3A-just=come
(2) k-u-chich=tal 'he comes hard, fast'

INC-3A-hard=come
(3) chan=b'el 'slowly'

(4) jach= 'very much'
(5) jaj= 'truly'
(6) jan = 'fast'
(7) jel= 'again', 're-'
(8) ka'= 'again'
(9) ket= 'together with'
(10) ki'= 'with pleasure'
(11) k'as= 'somewhat'
(12) (k'a-)k'as= 'badly'
(13) /aj= 'completely'
(14) ma'lo'= 'well'
(15) muk-ul= 'secretly'
(16) sen(kech) = 'so much' (INTENS)
(17) seeb'= 'quickly'
(18) toj= 'well', 'straight'
(19) taan= 'in front'
(20) cho-chok= 'crazily'
(21) jan = 'rapidly'
(22) maan= 'mis-' (only in maan=tz'on, mis-shoot')
(23) p'i-p'is= 'with much effort'
6.2.5.2. TAM + ADV + A.PR-Verb Stem

A few modal-epistemic adverbs may appear between a TAM marker and an
incompletive-status verb stem (cf. 15.5.2).
(1) tan b'a'akan a-b'et-ik

OUR COUNTER 2A-make-ITS
'you are making it against my expectation'
(2) tak kuchij in-k'a'o/-t-ik

DES formerly ISG.A-know-TRN-ITS
'I wanted to know it' (but I don't now)
6.3. Participles
Participles may be formed from both transitive and intransitive verb stems. Like
adjectives, they may be modified by intensifiers and may occur in stative constructions with Set B
person markers. They may also take the plural suffix -tak (cf. 4.3.3, 9.6.3).
6.3.1. General Participle with -a'an

The general participle may have passive and/or perfect senses. The passive sense is most
prominent with transitive stems, while the perfect sense is most salient with intransitive stems.
6.3.1.1. With Transitive Stem
6.3.1.1.1. Transitive Root with -a'an

Passive participles may be formed for transitive roots with the suffix -a'an (1)-(10) (cf.
3.2.1). These forms may also have a perfect sense.
(1) b'iij-a'an '(has been) planted', 'nailed'

(2) b'iik'-a'an 'coiled', 'encircled'
(3) b'i/-a'an 'rolled in a cylinder'
(4) b'o/-a'an 'dulled'
(5) b'on-a'an 'painted', 'stained'
(6) chuk-a'an 'reached', 'complete'
(7) chuy-a'an 'sewn'
(8) ch'ot-a'an 'twisted', 'crossed'
(9) jeb'-a'an 'open(ed)'
(10) jep'-a'an 'squeezed'
6.3.1.1.2. Derived Transitive Stem with -s-iij-a'an

Transitive stems derived with the causative -EsA. also have (perfect) passive participial
forms with -a'an (1)-(9) (cf. 3.3.3.l).
(1) ach '-s-iij-a 'an 'crushed'

crush-CAUS-DTR-PARTI
(2) b 'i-s-iij-a 'an 'carried', 'has been carried'

gO-CAUS-DTR-PARTI
(3) chin-k'-es-iij-a 'an 'bent over (suddenly)'

bend-CELER-CAUS-DTR-PARTI
(4) chuk-b '-es-iij-a 'an 'completed'

bend-PAs 1?-CAUS-DTR-PARTI
(5) chup-s-iij-a 'an 'swollen'

swell-CAUS-DTR-PARTI
(6) chu 'um-s-iij-a 'an 'begun'

begin-cAus-DTR-PARTI
(7) ch 'an-s-iij-a 'an 'healed'

heal-CAUS-DTR-PARTI
(8) ch 'ij-s-iij-a 'an 'reared'

grow-CAUS-DTR-PARTI
(9) kin-s-iij-a 'an 'killed'

die-CAUS-DTR-PARTI
6.3.1.1.3. Derived (-I) Transitive Stem with (-kun)-a'an, (-in)-a'an

Transitive stems derived with -I (forms derived from active verbal nouns and causative 2
forms) also have (perfect) passive participial forms with -a'an (1)-(10) (cf. 3.3.3.2, 3.3.3.3).
(1) akan-a'an s 'has been roared at'

roar-PART 1
(2) b'ax-a'an 'played'

play-PART 1
(3) b'a(a)k'-a'an 'circled'

circle-PART 1
(4) ma(a)y-a'an 'strained'

strain-PART 1
(5) me(e)k'-a'an 'hugged'

hug-PART 1
(6) men-a'an 'made'

make-PART 1
(7) b'ej-in-'a'an 'used as a road'

road-TRN-PARTI
(8) al-kun-a'an 'has been made heavy'

heavy-cAus2-PARTl
(9) niik-kun-a 'an 'seated'

sit-CAus2-PARTl
(10) tus-b 'aj-kun-a 'an 'made to pant'

pant-AFV-CAUs2-PARTl
6.3.1.2. With Intransitive Stem
6.3.1.2.1. Intransitive Root with -a'an

Root intransitive verbs may also have perfect participial forms with -a'an (1)-(10) (cf.
3.2.2). The perfect sense of the participle is especially prominent with these stems.
(1) b'en-a'an 'gone', 'has gone'

(2) em-a'an 'lowered', 'has lowered'
(3) jok'-a'an 'left', 'has left'
S The antipassive form akan-n-aj-a'an, 'has roared', may be abbreviated to akana'an,

leading to a potential ambiguity (cf. 6.3.1.2.6).
(4) jop'a'an 'has begun'

(5) ka'n-a'an 'tired', 'worn out'
(6) lub'-a'an 'fallen', 'has fallen'
(7) nak'-a'an 'risen', 'has risen'
(8) tal-a'an 'come', 'has come'
(9) tip'-a'an 'sprouted', 'has sprouted'
(10) u'l-a'an 'arrived', 'has arrived'
6.3.1.2.2. Agentless Passive Intransitive with -p-aj-a'an

Agentless passive stems also form perfect passive participles with -a 'an (1 )-(3) (cf.
3.3.1.2.1).
(1) litz-p-aj-a 'an 'has been fished'

fish-PAS2-DTR-PARTI
(2) liich-p-aj-a 'an 'has been flicked out'

flick-PAS2-DTR-PARTI
(3) xup-p-aj-a 'an 'spent', 'has been spent'

spend-PAs2-DTR-PARTl
6.3.1.2.3. Celeritive Intransitive with -k'-aj-a'an

Celeritive intransitive stems also form (perfect) participles with -a'an without a passive
sense (1)-(6) (cf. 3.3.1.2.2).
(1) b 'os-k'-aj-a 'an 'soaked' (suddenly)

soak-CELER-DTR-PARTI
(2) b 'ot-k'-aj-a 'an 'bumped' (suddenly)

bump-CELER-DTR-PARTI
(3) chil-k'-aj-a 'an 'hung upside-down' (suddenly)

bend.over-CELER-DTR-PARTI
(4) kotz-k'-aj-a 'an 'broken apart' (suddenly)

break.apart-cELER-DTR-PARTl
(5) pa '-k'-aj-a 'an 'split open' (suddenly)

split-cELER-DTR-PARTl
(6) wach '-k'-aj-a 'an 'loosened' (suddenly)

loosen-CELER-DTR-PARTI
6.3.1.2.4. Positional Root with -a 'an
6.3.1.2.4.1. Plain
Positional stems also form participles with -a 'an without a prominent perfect or passive
sense (1)-(10) (cf. 3.3.2.l, 6.3.1.1.3).
(1) ak-a'an 'puddled'

(2) chi/-a'an 'lying down'
(3) jaw-a'an 'lying face up'
(4) kiij-a'an 'living'
(5) nak-a'an 'seated', 'sitting'
(6) pech-a'an 'sitting' (on a flat side)

(7) pek'-a'an 'sitting flat'
(8) t'lll-a'an 'sitting' (on something)
(9) wa'an wa'-a'an) 'standing'
(10) xllk-a'an 'crouching'
6.3.1.1.4.1. Completive Participle with -l-aj-a'an

Completive positional participles with -I-a'an have a perfect sense (1)-(4).
(1) jllj-I-aj-a 'an 'has been set face up', 'has been sitting face up'
face-up-poSIT-CIS-PARTI
(2) kllj-I-aj-a'an 'has lived'

live-posIT-CIS-PART 1
(3) lcun-I-aj-a'an 'has remained'

remain-posIT-CIS-PART 1
(4) nlik-l-aj-a 'an 'he has been seated'

sit-POSIT-CIS-PARTI
6.3.1.1.5. Inchoative Completive Participle with -aj-a'an

Inchoative verbs derived from nouns or adjectives may have completive participial forms
with aj-a'an, which have a perfect sense (1)-(10) (cf. 3.3.2.2).
(1) chich-aj-a'an '(has) hardened'

hard-CIS-PARTI
(2) natz'-aj-a'an '(has) neared'

near-CIS-PARTI
(3) naach-aj-a 'an '(has) withdrawn'

far-CIS-PART 1
(4) nuk-uch-aj-a'an 'has (been) enlarged'

big-ADJ-CIS-PARTl
(5) p'ek-aj-a'an 'has been pesky'

pesky-CIS-PARTI
(6) su'lak-aj-a'an 'has been ashamed'

ashamed-cIs-PART!
(7) tulis-aj-a 'an 'has been whole'

whole-cls-PARTI
(8) tz'ul-aj-a 'an 'has been a patron'

patron-CIS-PARTl
(9) xan-aj-a'an 'has been delayed'

late-CIS-PART 1
(10) yan-aj-a'an 'there had been'

EXIST-CIS-PARTl
6.3.1.2.6. Antipassive Completive Participle with -n-aj-a'an

Completive antipassive participial forms have active perfect meanings (1)-(13) (cf.
3.3.1.1.2.2, 3.3.3.4.1). The perfect marking m-aj or maj6 may also appear suffIxed immediately
to the active or antipassive stem (4b), (Sb), (13b) but does not appear with object-incorporated or
affective sterns (cf. 3.3. 1. 1.1.2, 3.3.3, 6.3.1.2.7, lS.3.2).
(1) akan-n-aj-a'an 'has been a roarer'

roar-AP-CIS-PARTI
(2) b 'el-n-aj-a 'an 'has gone'

gO-AP-CIS-PARTI
(3) b'o 'ol=meyaj-n-aj-a 'an 'has been a paymaster' (lit., 'work-payer')

pay=work-AP-cIS-PARTI
(4a) b'o 'ol-n-aj-a 'an 'has paid', 'has been a paymaster'

pay-AP-cIS-PARTI
(4b) b'o 'ol-maj-n-aj-a 'an 'has paid', 'has been a paymaster'

pay-PERF-AP-CIS-PARTI
(Sa) il-n-aj-a 'an 'has seen', 'has been a watchman'

see-AP-CIS-PARTI
(Sb) il-maj-n-aj-a 'an 'has seen', 'has been a watchman'

See-PERF-AP-CIS-PARTI
(6) jan-al-n-aj-a 'an 'has eaten'

eat-NoM-AP-CIS-PARTl
(7) jil=tzimin-n-aj-a'an 'has been a horse puller'

pull=equine-AP-cIS-PART 1
(8) kin-s-aj-n-aj-a 'an 'has been a butcher'

die-CAUS-DTR-AP-CIS-PARTI
(9) kon-ol-n-aj-a'an 'has been a salesman'

sell-NOM-AP-CIS-PART 1
(10) lot-n-aj-a 'an 'has joined'

join-AP-CIS-PARTI
(11) lox-n-aj-a 'an 'has been a fighter'

hit-AP-CIS-PARTI
6 Perfect marking on transitive forms is analyzed as -m-aj, with the perfect marker -m
and a completive status marker -aj (cf. 3.3.1.1.1.2). Kaufman posits -ma as the transitive perfect
marker in Proto-Yukatekan (1991:31), which may account for the otherwise seemingly redundant
appearance of completive markers on some antipassive forms. It is possible that these forms
should be analyzed as maj-n-aj-a'an rather than being analyzed as m-aj-n-aj-a'an.
(12) tii-tiik-b'aj-n-aj-a'an 'has staggered'

REDUP-stagger-AFV-AP-CIS-PARTI
(I3a) uy-n-aj-a'an 'has heard'

hear-AP-CIS-PARTI
(13b) uy-maj-n-aj-a'an 'has been a listener'

hear-PERF-AP-CIS-PARTI
6.3.1.2.7. Perfect Participles with -m-aj-a'an

Transitive stems may form perfect participles with m-aj-a 'an (1 )-(5) (cf. 3.3 .1.1.1.2,
3.3.3). The agent-patient relations of these forms are ambiguous outside of context, unlike forms
with the antipassive marker -n (cf. 6.3.l.2.6).
(1) b'o 'ol-m-aj-a 'an 'has been a payer', 'has been paid'
pay-PERF-CIS-PARTI
(2) leetz'-m-aj-a 'an 'has been a licker', 'has licked'

lick-PERF-CIS-PARTI
(3) litz-m-aj-a'an 'has been a fisher', 'has fished'

fish-PERF-CIS-PARTI
(4) liich-m-aj-a 'an 'has been a flicker', 'has been flicked'

flick-PERF-CIS-PARTI
(5) lot-m-aj-a 'an 'has joined', 'has been a joiner'

join-PERF-CIS-PARTI
6.3.1.2.8. Focused Perfect Marking with -a'an-(i)k-il

The adverbial focus sufflxes -(i)k-il may appear with participle 1 forms to indicate
focused perfects (1)-(13) (cf. 6.2.4.3). They are especially common with positionals.
(1) (ya) iik-a'an-(i)k-il 'has/was (already) puddled'

(already) puddle-PARTI-PERF-FOC
(2) (ya) chiik-a'an-(i)k-il 'has/was (already) reddened'

(already) red-PARTI-PERF-FOC
(3) (ya) ch'ex-a'an-(i)k-il 'has (already) crouched'

(already) crouch-PARTI-PERF-FOC
(4) (ya) el-a'an-(i)k-il 'has/was (already) burned'

(already) burn-PARTI-PERF-FOC
(5) (ya) em-a'an-(i)k-il 'has (already) decended'

(already) lower-PARTI-PERF-FOC
(6) (ya) itz-a'an-(i)k-il 'has (already) been full of resin'

(already) resin-PARTI-PERF-FOC
(7) (ya) jiit-a 'an-(i)k-il 'has (already) been tom'

(already) tear-PARTI-PERF-FOC
(8) (ya) jan-a 'an-(i)k-il 'has (already) been eaten'

(already) eat-PART1-PERF-FOC
(9) (ya) juk-a 'an-(i)k-il 'has (already) lied, was (already) lying down'
(already) lie.down-PART1-PERF-FOC
(10) (ya) k'oj-a'an-(i)k-il 'has (already) been sick'

(already) sick-PART1-PERF-FOC
(11) (ya) niik-a'an-(i)k-il 'has (already) been seated'

(already) sit-PART1-PERF-FOC
(12) (ya) t'uch-a 'an-(i)k-il 'has (already) squatted', was (already) squatting'
(already) squat-PART1-PERF-FOC
(13) (ya) miich-a 'an-(i)k-il 'has been/was (already) grabbed'

(already) grab-PART1-PERF-FOC
6.3.2. Passive Participle with -b'il

The passive participle suffix -b'il (part2) attaches to transitive stems of all kinds (1)-(16)
(cf. 3.2.1, 3.3.3).1t often appears in object-complement constructions which are translated like
infmitives, but, like other participles, these forms may have Set B person markers (cf. 23.3.1.1.1)
(1) iich'-b'il 'crushed'

crush-PART2
(2) iik-b 'aj-kun-b'il 'puddled'

puddle-AFv-cAUs2-PART2
(3) akan-b'il 'roared at'

roar-part2
(4) al-in-b'il 'born'

offspring-TRN-PART2
(5) al-kun-b'i/ 'made heavy'

heavy-cAus2-PAS2
(6) b'ax-b'il 'played'

play-part2
(7) b 'i-sii-b'il 'brought'

go-cAusl-PART2
(8) ch 'iik-b 'il 'cut'

cut-PART2
(9) jan-b'il 'eaten'

eat-PART2
(10) jan-al-b'il 'used as food', 'edible'

eat-NoM-PART2
(11) kuk-ul-b'il 'rolled'

roll-NOM-PART2
(12) mu(u)ch '-b'il 'piled'

pile-PART2
(13) nak'-sii-b'il 'raised'

rise-cAus I-PART2
(14) natz'-kun-b'il 'brought near'

near-CAus2-PART2
(15) ni(i)k-b'il 'shaken'

shake-PART2
(16) piik-kin-b'il 'leaned over'

lean-CAus2-PART2
6.3.3. Intransitive Participle with -al

Intransitive participles (part3) may be formed for root intransitive or mediopassive stems
with an -al suffix (1)-(23) (cf. 3.2.2.2, 3.3.1.1.2.l). Like other participles, they may be modified
by intensifiers or have Set B person markers.
(1) b'ak'-al 'wound'

(2) b'ol-al 'dulled'
(3) b'uj-al 'split'
(4) chuy-al 'sewn'
(5) em-al 'lowered'
(6) jel-al 'changed'
(7) kach-al 'broken'
(8) k'at-al 'crossed'
(9) k'uy-al 'twisted'
(10) p'ox-al 'blistered'
(11) loch-al 'twisted'
(12) lub'-al 'fallen'
(13) mech-al 'bowed'
(14) pa'-al 'broken'
(15) p'os-al 'inflated'
(16) p'ot-al 'burst'
(17) sat-al 'lost'
(18) tak'-al 'stuck'
(19) t'aj-al 'dripped'
(20) tz'op-al 'sunk'
(21) wach'-al 'loosened'
(22) xU'p-al 'used up'
(23) yach'-al 'burst'
6.3.4. Affective Participle with -nak

Affective roots have reduplicated participial forms with -nak (part4) that are similar to
the adjectival forms described in 6.1.2.2.2 but have a more active verbal flavor (1 )-( 18).
Historically the -nak suffix may be composed of the antipassive -n and the irrealis -Vk.
(1) b'a'-b'aak'-nak 'circling'

(2) b'ii'-b'iik'-nak 'tangled', 'tangling'
(3) b'o-b'oj-nak 'knocking', 'drumming'

(4) b'u-b'uj-nak 'splitting'
(5) ch'o'-ch'o(o)ch'-nak 'getting holey'
(6) ch 'u-ch 'uy-nak 'hanging'
(7) je'-jeb'-nak 'opening' (by itself)
(8) jo-jop-nak 'inflammable'
(9) k'o-k'ot-nak 'brooding'
(10) k'u-k'uy-nak 'twisting'
(11) lu'-lu(u)t'-nak 'shivering'
(12) nii-niiy-nak 'swaying'
(13) po-pok-nak 'flapping'
(14) p'a'-p'a'-nak 'opening and closing'
(15) p'o '-p 'os-nak 'inflated', 'inflating', 'full'
(16) tii-tiik-nak 'staggering'
(17) wo-wol-nak 'getting round'
(18) yu-yu(u)l-nak 'slippery'
6.4. Adjective and Adverb Compounds
6.4.1. Complex Adjectives
6.4.1.1.1. Plain
Most adjectives can be completely reduplicated to indicate high intensity (1 )-(11) (cf.
6.1.2.1.2).
(I) b'ek'ech=b'ek'ech 'very thin'

(2) jaach '-jaach' 'very thin'
(3) ka'n-al=ka'n-al 'very high'
(4) ma'as=ma'as 'very frayed'
(5) noj-och=noj-och 'very big'
(6) piij=piij 'very bitter'
(7) p'ek=p'ek 'very pesky'
(8) t'a 'aj=t'a 'aj 'very industrious'
(9) tzaam =tzaam 'very rancid'
(10) we'ech=we'ech 'very mangy'
(11) xich '=xich ' 'very wiry'
6.4.1.1.2. With -Vn

Several reduplicated adjectival compounds may also be formed with a -Vn suffix (1)-(3)
(cf. 4.4.7.1).
Root Reduplicated Adjective

(1) 'ECH' P, T. 'part legs' eech'-un-'eech' 'bowlegged', 'with legs apart'
(2) 1Z'A."P Af, T. 'pile' tz'aap-en-tz'aap 'in stacks'
(3) MUUL Af,N. 'mound' muul-en-muul 'in mounds'
6.4.1.2. Color Compounds

A special set of adjective compounds of the form: Color & V-e'en refer to specific colors
evoking vivid images, often with particular textures (1)-(16) (cf. Bricker 1999 on Yukateko). With
the exception of -jot, an unidentified root (2a), (7a), (13a), the second element in these compounds
is a verb root.
(1) b 'ox=taj-e 'en 'blackish' (of split wood)

black=split-ADJ
(2a) chak=jol-e'en 'red' (of flames, clouds)

red=?-ADJ
(2b) chak=jop-e'en 'red' (of flames, clouds)

red=light-ADJ
(3) chiik=moch-e'en 'sunburned red'

red=curl-ADJ
(4) chiik=pus-e'en 'reddish', 'weak red'

red=dust-ADJ
(5) chiik='el-e'en 'reddish-purple' (of sunset)

red=burn-ADJ
(6) 'ek'=joch '-e'en 'dark of night'

black=scrape-ADJ
(7a) k'iin=jol-e'en 'yellow' (of flames, clouds)

yellow=?-ADJ
(7b) k'iin =jop-e 'en 'yellow' (of flames, clouds)

yellow=light-ADJ
(8) k'iin=pus-e'en 'yellowish', 'weak yellow'

yellow=dust-ADJ
(9) k'iin=taj-e'en 'yellowish' (of split wood)

yellow=split-ADJ
(10) k'iin='el-e'en 'bright yellow' (of sky)

yellow=burn-ADJ
(11) siik=miik'-e'en 'very pale', 'pallid'

white=eat-ADJ
(12) ta'am=pus-e'en 'gray', 'ash gray'

ash=dust-ADJ
(13a) ya'ax-jol-e'en 'yellow' (of flames, clouds)

green=?-ADJ
(13b) ya'ax=jop-e'en 'yellow' (of flames, clouds)

green=light-ADJ
(14) ya'ax=k'ol-e'en 'bruised', 'purple' (of flesh)

green=bump-ADJ
(15) ya'ax='el-e'en 'purple', 'dark blue' (of sky)

green=burn-ADJ
6. ADJECTIVES. ADVERBS. AND PARTICIPLES 175
(16) ya'ax=taj-e'en 'green' (of split wood)

green=split-ADJ
6.4.1.3. Other Adjective Compounds
6.4.1.3.1. Modifier & Noun

Modifiers derived from a variety of root types (A, Af, N, Pt, Num) may combine with
nouns to form adjective compounds (1)-(26) (cf. Hofling 1997).
(1) noj=pol 'big headed'

big=head
(2) jiiw-iin=ka' 'extended', 'open', 'boundless'

Open-ADJ=earth
(3) jol=che' 'cross-grained'

hole=wood
(4) joy=kiyep 'lazy male'

watery=penis
(5) joy=pel 'lazy female'

watery=vagina
(6) ka'n-al=b'ak-el 'tall in stature'

shy-ADJ=bone-POs
(7) ka'=lot 'joined together' (pair)

two=joined
(8) ka'=p'e='ich 'two-faced'

two=INAM=face
(9) ki'=b'ok 'fragrant'

good=smeU
(10) ki'=ich-b'e'en 'pleasing'

good=eye-ADJ
(11) k'iit-iin=ka' 'perpendicular'

crOSS-ADl=earth
(12) las=d'os 'at two o'clock'

at=two
(13) ma'=ki' 'bad'

NEG=good
(14) ma'=koj 'toothless'

NEG--tooth
(15) ma'=lo' 'good'

NEo=bad
(16) melen=kiyep 'useless' (male)

useless=penis
(17) melen=pel 'useless' (female)

useless=vagina
(18) me'-me'ex='ich 'bearded'

REDup-beard=face
(19) paj=keeb' 'having sour burps'

sour=burb
(20) p'u-p'us=pach 'hunchbacked'

REDUP-bend=back
(21) saak=kiyep 'cowardly' (male)

afraid=penis
(22) saak=pel 'cowardly' (female)

afraid=vagina
(23) siis='ool 'fresh', 'cool'

cool=spirit
(24) xa '-xaak'=pol 'uncombed'

REDUP-disordered=head
(25) yaj-'ool-al 'resentful', 'loving'

painful=spirit-NoM
(26) ya'ax='ich 'green-eyed'

green=eye
6.4.1.3.2. Modifier & Modifier

Complex adjectives are also formed from combining one modifer stem (Adj/Adv/Af)
with another modifier (Adj/Adv) (1)-(8) (cf. Hofling 1997).
(1) kook=ch 'uch' 'deaf-mute'

deaf=mute
(2) k'an =chik'in 'pallid', 'yellow-skinned'

yellow=west
(3) k'an=pos 'pale yellow'

yellow=pale
(4) noj=xi' 'big'

big=male
(5) paj=ch'uuk 'bittersweet'

bitter=sweet
(6) samal=kab'ej 'some day'

tomorrow=day.after
(7) si'is=k'omoj 'foul smelling'

numb=fishy
(8) xi'i[=ke'el 'shivering'

shiver=cold
6.4.2. Other Complex Adjectives/Adverbs
6.4.2.1. Positional & Noun

Complex adjectives/adverbs may be formed from positional & noun roots (1 )-(6) (cf.
Hofting 1997).
(1) lik=pach 'backwards'

face=back
(2) lik=taan 'facing', 'in front'

face=front
(3) chiL=k'in 'west'

lie=sun
(4) chin=chin=pol 'head-first'

bend=bend=head
(5) (ku-)kul=pach 'backwards'

(REDUP- )sit=back
(6) p'ix='ich '(wide) awake'

awaken=eye
6.4.2.2. Verb & Noun

Complex adjectives/adverbs may be formed from verb & noun roots (1 )-(8) (cf. Hofting
1997).
(I) chuj=kal 'having heartburn'

burn=neck
(2) ch'ach'=ka' 'translucent', 'clear'

perforate=world
(3) jatz'=ka' 'early'

whip=earth
(4) jom=ka' 'clear', 'wide open'

perforate=earth
(5) le'=le'=kal 'head-first'

slant=slant=head
(6) lit'='ook 'on tiptoes'

support=foot
(7) p'ich=pol 'bareheaded'

sprout=head
(8) tz'lin =tz 'lin =ja , 'soaked', 'saturated with water'

sink=sink=water
6.4.2.3. Verb & PositionaINerb

Complex adjectives/adverbs may also be formed from verb & positional or verb roots
(1)-(5) (cf. Hofling 1997).
(1) k'at=pul 'lying across'

cross=throw
(2) p'a'=lem-ak 'gasping', 'fluttering'

open=calm-Dls
(3) p'il=mutz' 'blinking'

open=close
(4) t'uj=lem-ak 'gagging'

cough=calm-DIS
(5) xak'=pul 'mixed', 'scrambled'

rummage=throw
6.4.2.4. Complex and Phrasal Adverbials

Phrases, particularly prepositional phrases, may also function as adverbials (1 )-(9) (cf.
Hofling 1997).
(1) ak'ii '= 'u-sas-tal 'at dawn'

night=3A-dawn-INCH
(2) b'a-je'-Ia'jatz'=ka'-ej 'early today'

TEMP-OST-PROX whip=earth-TOP
(3) chum-uk=k'in 'midday'

begin-NOM=day
(4) chun=k'in 'at daylight'

base=day
(5) sam-ij jatz'=ka' 'this morning'

while-3sG.B whip=earth
(6) taan=ka' 'outside'

front=earth
(7) t-u-ka'=pach 'back again'

at-3A-two=back
(8) t-u-seeb'-al 'quickly'

at-3A-quick-NOM
(9) uch-ij=kaJ-ak 'it's been a while since'

happen-3SG.B=begin-DIs
6.S. Intensifiers
Intensity may be indicated by independent intensifiers modifying adjectives or adverbs
(l)-(5) (cf. 6.1.2.1, 9.7.3, 9.7.4).
(1) jach 'very'

(2) jet 'very'
(3) sen(kech} 'so much'
(4) k'iis 'somewhat', 'rather'
(5) laj 'completely', 'all'
6.6. Quantifiers
Quantifiers may also modify nouns or noun phrases (1)-(5) (cf. 9.7.4).
(1) tulakal 'all'

(2a) tz'eek 'few', 'a little', 'some'
(2b) tz'etz'eek 'few'
(3a) yaab' 'many', 'much'
(3b) jachyaab' 'very many', 'very much'
(3c) jetyaab' 'very many', 'very much'
(4) k'iis tz'eek 'rather few'
(5) k'iisyaab' 'rather many'
6.7. Plural Marking

Plural marking generally occurs on the last element ofa noun phrase (1)-(7) (cf. 9.6.4).
Descriptive adjectives or participles are marked for plural only when they follow the noun they
modify (1). Predicate adjectives and participles may be marked for the plural by the Set B suffix
-00' and/or the distributive plural suffix -tak (2)-(7) (cf. 4.3.3, 9.7.2). Nouns in predicate
adjective constructions may also be marked for plural (cf. 17.2, 17.3).
(la) in-siik wakax-oo'

ISG.A-white cow-PL
'my white cows'
(lb) in-wakax siik-oo'

ISG.A-cow white-PL
'my white cows'
(lc) *in-siik-oo' wakax

ISG.A-white-PL cow
'my white cows'
(2) In-wakax(-oo ')-ej polok-oo'.

ISG.A-COW(-PL)-TOP fat-PL
'My cows are fat.'
(3a) A'-la'-oo'-ej chich(-oo,).

DET-PROX-PL-TOP hard(-pL)
'These are hard.'
(3b) A'-la'-oo'-ej chich(-tak}.

DET-PROX-PL-TOP hard( -PL)
'These are all hard.'
(4) A' mak-oo' k-u-tal-oo' tulakal-oo 'jach aj-xib '-00'.

DET person-PL INC-3A-Come-PL all-PL very MASC-male-PL
'The people that are coming, all of them are real men.'
(5) [x-ch'up-oo'-ej k'/is po-polok(-tak}-oo'.

FEM-woman-PL-TOP rather REDUP-fat( -PL)-PL
'The women are all somewhat fat.'
(6) A' ox=p'eelje'-la' chich(-tak}.

DET three=INAM OST-PROX hard(-pL}
'These three are each hard.'
(7) Laj slik-tak inw-ix-kax-oo '-ej.

all white-PL lSG.A-FEM-chicken-PL-TOP
'They are all white, my chickens.'
7. PARTICLES AND EXCLAMATIONS 181
7. Particles and Exclamations
7.0. Contents
7.1. Nominal
7.2. Locative
7.3. Prepositions
7.4. Manner and Intensity
7.5. Temporal
7.6. Modal-epistemic
7.7. Negative
7.8. InterrogativelRelative
7.9. Conjunctions and Subordinators
7.10. Exclamatory Words
Particles serve a variety of important grammatical functions, but they are not derived or
inflected (Kaufman 1990). The deictic ostensive markerje'-, the proximal deictic particle -la', and
the distal particle -10' appear with a variety of other particles throughout the system.
7.1. Nominal
Nominal particles modify nouns or combine to function as pronouns (1)-(6).
(1) aj- masculine noun classifier (MAse)
(2a) a' 'the' (DET)
(2b) a'(-je?-la' 'this' (demonstrative pronoun)

DET(-OST)-PROX
(2c) a'(-je?-Io' 'that' (demonstrative pronoun)

DET(-OST)-DIST
(3) -e'- -ej--0 topic marker
(4a) je'- ostensive demonstrative (OST)
(4b) je'-Ia' 'this' (demonstrative adjective)

OST-PROX
(4c) je'-Io' 'that '(demonstrative adjective)

OST-DIST
(4d) je'-b'a'ax-ak-ej 'whatever'

OST-what-IRREAL-TOP
(4e) je'-max-ak-ej 'whoever'

OST-WhO-IRREAL-TOP
(Sa) ix- feminine noun classifier (FEM)
(Sb) na'-ix- > na'ax- 'lady' (HON)

mother-FEM
(6a) wa=b'a'ax 'something', 'anything'

INTER=thing
(6b) wa=max 'someone', 'anyone'

INTER=who
7.2. Locative
Locative particles indicate locations and are primarily deictic (1)-(S).
(la) te'- 'there' (LOC)
(lb) te'-Io' 'there'

LOC-DIST
(lc) te '(-10 ')-i'i) 'there' (anaphoric)

LOC( -DIST)-LOC
(2) ti' 'at', 'to', 'in', 'on', 'of', 'from'
(3a) tu'ux 'where'
(3b) je'-tu 'ux-ak-ej 'wherever'

(4) wa-tu'ux 'somewhere', 'anywhere'

INTER=where
(S) waye' 'here'
7.3. Prepositions
Prepositions precede nouns in prepositional phrases and may fuse with them to form
relational nouns (1)-(7) (cf. 4.2.6, 4.6.3.2, 1O.2.S, 12.4, chapter 13).
(la) b'i '(made) of'

(lb) b'i ehe' 'made of wood'
(2a) d'eesd'ej Sp desde) 'from'
(2b) d'eesd'ej b'aje'la' 'from now'
(3a) et(-el) 'with'
(3b) et-el maak 'with people'
(4a) kan 'with'
(4b) kan a' winik-ej 'with the man'
(Sa) tak 'until', 'up to'
(Sb) tak b'aje'la' 'until now'
(6a) ti' 'to', 'for', 'at', 'in', 'from'
(6b) ti kaj 'to town'
(7a) fi'i} 'for'
(7b) ti'i} ehem 'for a canoe'
7.4. Manner and Intensity

Particles can function adverbially to mark manner and intensity (1)-(14) (cf. 6.2.2, 6.S,
9.7.4.3, 14.3, IS.S).
(la) b'aay 'like'
(lb) b'aay-Ia' 'like this'

like-PROx
(lc) b'a-b'aay-la' 'like this' (showing with hand gesture)

REDUP-like-PRox
(ld) b'aay-lo' 'thus', 'in that manner'

like-DIST
(Ie) b'aay-lo' b'a'ak(-an) 'thus unexpectedly'

like-DIsT COUNTER.EXP
(If) ma' b'a(a)y-i'ij 'not that way'

NEG like-FOe
(2) jach 'very'
(3a) ja'/i' 'only'
(3b) ja'l-ak-ij 'only a moment ago'

only-IRREAL-3sG.B
(4a) je-b'ix 'just like'

OST-how
(4b) je-b'ix-ak-ej 'however'

oST-how-IRREAL-TOP
(5) jet 'very much', 'too much'

(6) koomoj Sp como) 'like', 'as'
(7) k'as 'rather', 'somewhat'
(8) laj 'all', 'completely'
(9a) yaj Spya) 'already'
(9b) ya meeroj Sp ya mero) 'nearly'
(10) olak 'almost', 'nearly'
(11) sen (kech) 'very much', 'so much'
(12) tantoj 'just', 'recently'
(13) taan 'ongoing' (DUR)
(14) xan 'also'
7.5. Temporal
A variety of particles function adverbially with temporal meanings (l )-(19) (cf. 6.2.1
14.2, 15.2.4, 24.1). Some forms may take the third-person suffix -ij to indicate past time
reference (6), (7), (8b). 1
(1) 'aantes Sp antes) 'before'
(2a) b'a- 'temporal'
(2b) b'a(-je')-la' 'now'

TEMP( -OST)-PROX
(3) b'i-k'in 'when'

INTER-day
1 The former perfective function of -ij is apparent in these forms (cf. 2.1.2, note 4).
184 11ZAJ MA fA GRAMMAR
(4a) d'eesd'ej Sp desde) 'since'

(4b) d'eesd'ej b'aje'la' 'from now'
(S) 'entoonses Sp entonces) 'then'
(6) ja'l-ak-ij 'a moment ago'

only-IRREAL-3SG.B
(7) jo'lej(-ij) 'yesterday'

yesterday( -3SG.B)
(8a) kab'ej 'day after tomorrow'
(8b) kab'ej-ij 'day before yesterday'

two.days-3sG.B
(9a) ka' 'when', 'then' (past or future)
(9b) a'-ka' ... -ej 'when' (background)

DET-when ... -TOP
(9c) (a'-)ka' ti' ... -ej 'when' (background, past intransitive)

DET-when COM ... -TOP
(10) ka'-ka'at 'later'

REDUP-Iater
(11) kil 'when' (incompletive status)

(13a) la(s)- '(at) _ o'clock'
(13b) la-'uunaj '(at) one o'clock'
(13c) las-d'os '(at) two o'clock'
(14) la'aylik -la'ay/i' 'still'
(ISa) ma'sam-ik 'not a moment since' (with dependent status)

NEG while-PERF
(ISb) ma'toj 'not yet'

NEG yet
(ISc) ma'=ta'ax 'never'

NEG=ever
(16) mix b'i=k'in 'never'

NEG INTER=day
(17) tantoj 'just', 'recently' (IMMED)

(18a) yaO) Sp ya) 'already', 'now'
(18b) ya meeroj Sp ya mero) 'nearly'
(19) toj 'still', 'yet'
7.6. Modal-epistemic
A substantial number of particles have modal-epistemic meanings (1)-(18) (cf. 6.2.3,
14.4, IS.2.6, IS.S.2).
(1) b'a'ak(an) counter-expectative (COUNTER)

(2) b'in reportative (REPORT)
(3) b'iik(iJ) admonitive (ADMON, with dependent status)
(4) chak 'perhaps'
(5) je(-le') ... -ej assurative aspect (ASSUR)

OST(-DEM) ... -TOP
(6) ka'ax 'although', 'even if'

(7) ka(a)sij Sp casi) 'almost'
(8) kiyensa' Sp quifin sabe) 'who knows'
(9) kiij(-ooi quotative (QUOT)

QUOT(-PL)

(11) la'aylik -la'ayli' 'still'
(12) maxa' 'right?'
(13) ma'toj 'not yet'
(14a) ma'tun 'well no', 'not yet', 'and why not?'

NEG then
(14b) ma'-ak 'isn't it?', 'how not?'

NEG-IRREAL
(14c) ma'-ak tun 'of course', 'why not?'

NEG-IRREAL then
(14d) ma'=ta'ax 'never'

NEG=ever
(15) miiyaj 'perhaps', 'maybe', 'probably'

(16) olak 'nearly'
(17) wal 'maybe'
(18a) waj 'perhaps', interrogative (INTER)
(18b) wa=b'a'ax 'something', 'anything'
(18c) wa=max 'someone', 'anyone'
(18d) wa=tu'ux 'somewhere', 'anywhere'
7.7. Negative
The primary negative particles are ma', 'no', 'not', and mix, 'neither', 'nor' (1)-(2) (see
chapter 19).
(la) ma' 'no', 'not'
(lb) ma' ... -i'ij 'it's not'

NEG ... -FOC
2 kiij is an intransitive verb in origin, and has not completely lost inflection (cf.
23.2.3.1.2).
(Ic) ma' b'ay(-i'ij) 'it's not like that', 'not thus'

NEG like-FOe
(Id) ma'-ak 'isn't it?', 'how not?'

NEG-IRREAL
(Ie) ma'-aktun 'of course', 'why not?'

NEG-IRREAL then
(It) ma'an 'there isn't any'

NEG/EXIST
(Ig) ma'an mix=b'a'al 'there isn't anything'

NEG/EXIST NEG=thing
(lh) ma'=ta'ax 'never'

NEG=ever
(2a) mix 'neither'
(2b) mix b'i=k'in 'never'

NEG INTER=day
(2c) mixjun=pak 'never', 'not once'

NEG one=time
(2d) mix ... mix 'neither ... nor'

(2e) mix toj 'not yet'
(2t) mix=b'a'al 'nothing'

NEG=thing
(2g) mix=maak 'no one'

NEG=person
(2h) mix=tu'ux 'nowhere'

NEG=where
7.S. InterrogativelRelative
Particles may also serve as interrogative and relative markers (1)-(7) (cf. 2.2.6.1, 6.2.2,
chapters 18 and 22). The set of interrogative/relative markers includes some nominal (N) and
adjective (A) roots.
(Ia) b"1- interrogative (INTER)
(Ib) b'i=k'in 'when?', 'on what day?'

INTER=day
(Ic) b'i=k'in-ij 'when?' (past), 'on what day?' (past)

INTER=day-3sG.B
(2a) b'ix 'how'

(2b) b'ix-i'ij 'how is it?'

how-Foe
(2c) b 'ix-tak(-oo ~-i'ij 'how are they?'

how( -PL}-PL=Foe
(2d) je-b'ix 'just like'

oST-like
(2e) je-b'ix-ak-ej 'however'

OST-like-IRREAL-TOP
(3a) b'a'ax (N) 'what'
(3b) b'a'ax-i'ij 'what is it?'

what-Foc
(3c) b'a'ax-tak(-oo~-i'ij 'what are they?'

what-PL(-PL)-FOC
(3d) je-b'a'ax-ak-ej 'whatever'

OST-what-IRREAL-TOP
(3e) ba'ax (y-)et-el 'what with'

what (3A-)with-pos
(3f) b'a'ax k'in(-il) 'what day'

what day(-POS)
(3g) b'a'ax 'ooraj 'what time (hour)'

what hour
(3h) b'a'ax u-ka'aj 'why'

what 3A-go
(3i) b'a'ax=ti'-a'al 'why', 'what for'

what-to-POS
(3j) b 'a 'ax=y-o '-I-al 'why', 'what for'

what=3A-for-poS-NOM
(4a) b'oon (A) 'how much', 'how many'
(4b) b'oon-i'ij 'how much is it?'

how.much-Foe
(4c) b'oony-ok' b'oon 'how much by how much'
(Sa) ma(a)x (N) 'who'
(Sb) ma(a)x-i'ij 'who is it?'

WhO-FOC
(5c) ma(a)x-oo'-i'ij 'who are they?

WhO-PL-Foe
(5d) max-tak(-oo ') (-i'ij) 'who are they?

who-PL( -PL)( -Foe)
(5e) je '-max-ak-ej 'whoever'

OST-WhO-IRREAL-TOP
(6a) tu'ux 'where'
(6b) tu'ux yan-i'ij 'where is it?'

where EXIST-Foe
(6c) tu'ux yan-oo' 'where are they?'

where EXIST-PL
(6d) je'-tu 'ux-ak-ej 'wherever'

(7) waj interrogative (INTER)
7.9. Conjunctions and Subordinators

Particles also appear in complex sentences as markers of coordination and subordination
(1)-(17) (see chapters 20-24). Many of these particles are Spanish borrowings (cf. Brody 1987,
1995).
(1) ij Sp y?) 'and'

(2a) 'entoonses Sp entonces) 'then'
(2b) ij 'entoonses Sp y entonces) 'and then'
(3) et 'with'
(4a) ka' 'when', 'then' (past or future), 'that'
(4b) a'-ka' ... -ej 'when' (background)

DET-when ... -TOP
(4c) (a'-)ka' ti' ... -ej 'when' (background, past intransitive)

DET-when eOM ... -TOP
(5) ka'ax 'although'

(6a) kej Sp que) 'that'
(6b) kewaj 'that if'
(6c) konke Sp con que) 'since'

with that
(7) kit 'when' (incompletive status)

(8) koomoj Sp como) 'since'
(9) (t-u-)men 'because'

(to-3A-make)
(10) mentiik(-ej) 'therefore'

(11) 'oj Sp 0) 'or'
(12) peeroj Sp pero) 'but'

(13) poorkej Sp porque) 'because'
(14) sij Sp si) 'if'
(15) ti'ij 'in order to'
(16) ti'-a'al 'in order to'

to-pos
(17) waj 'if', 'or'
7.10. Exclamatory Words

Particles may also appear in exclamations (1)-(19) (see chapter 25).
(1)
...,
aJ. groan of effort
(2) aj(aa)! sign of agreement or discovery
(3) ('a)sab'eer! Sp a saber) 'who knows!'
(4) ay! exclamation of surprise or fright
(5) aa! exclamation of realization
(6) aay! exclamation of pain, lament
(7) eej hesitation filler, 'uh'
(8) inaj! 'here, take it!'
(9a) jaj 'true', 'certain', 'yes'
(9b) t-u-jaj-il 'truly'

in-3A-true-ABST
(lOa) ma' 'no'
(lOb) ma'tun 'well no', 'not yet' ('and why not?'; with DEP status)
NEG then
(lOc) ma'-ak 'isn't it?', 'how not?'

NEG-IRREAL
(10d) ma'-ak tun 'of course', 'why not?'

NEG-IRREAL then
(11) maxa' 'right?'

(12) ma'lo' 'good', 'fme' (backchannel)
(13) puuchaj! Sp puta) 'wow!'
(14) pwes Sp pues) 'well' (filler)
(15) sij Sp sO 'yes'
(16) te'yoos general greeting or farewell
(17a) tun 'then', 'well'
(17b) b'ix tun! 'how then!'
(17c) ma'tun! 'well no!'
(17d) ko'on tun! 'come on then!'
(18) uu 'oh' (realization)
(19) wab'in emphatic (EMP)
8. Typological Overview!
8.0. Contents
8.1. Order of Major Constituents
8.1.1. Basic Order
8.1.2. Marked Orders
8.1.2.1. Topicalization
8.1.2.2. Contrastive Focus
8.1.2.3. Topicalization and Contrastive Focus
8.2. Modifier + Modified Order
8.2.1. Adjective + Noun
8.2.2. Numeral + Noun
8.2.3. Detenniner + Noun
8.2.4. Ostensive Demonstrative + Noun
8.3. Modified + Modifier Order
8.3.1 Possessed Noun + Possessor Noun
8.3.2. Noun + Demonstrative Adjective
8.3.3. Noun + Adjective
8.3.4. Noun + Relative Clause
8.4. Prepositional Phrases
8.5. Adverbs
8.6. Stative, Existential, and Equational Constructions
8.7. Interrogation
8.8. Negation
8.1. Order of Major Constituents
8.1.1. Basic Order

Basic word order refers to the least marked order of a nominal subject (S), a nominal
direct object (0), and a transitive verb in an active declarative sentence? Word order typology
predicts a number of other ordering relationships depending on the basic order of V and 0
(Greenberg 1966; Lehman 1978; Foster and Hofling 1987; Comrie 1989; Hawkins 1983; Tomlin
1986, Croft 1990).
Sentences with two nominal arguments are relatively rare in natural discourse (Du Bois
1987; Hofling 1990). More commonly, one or both major arguments are referenced by person
markers on the verb (see chapter 2). Case is not morphologically marked on nouns. Nevertheless,
all six possible word orders (SOV, SVO, VSO, VOS, OVS, OSV) may occur. The different
orders, in conjunction with noun phrase specificity, reflect different kinds of discourse
highlighting (Hofling 1982, 1984b, 1991). Basic word order appears to be VOS, with SVO as a
relatively unmarked alternate (cf. Durbin and Ojeda 1978a; England 1991).
VOS order commonly has an unmodified, indefmite object NP but a defmite subject NP,
as in (1). The object may be defmite, as in (2)-(3), but cannot be topicalized with aVOS
interpretation.
v o S
(1) K-u-kin-s-ik b'a/urn a' winik-ej.
INC-3A-die-CAUS-ITS jaguar DET-man-TOP
'The man kills jaguar(s).'
1 A similar but broader overview is given in Hofling 1991 :7-50.
2 Independent pronouns are included here as nominals.

8. TYPOLOGICAL OVERVIEW 191
v o S
(2) K-uy-il-ik a' winik a' b'alum-ej.
INC-3A-See-ITS DET man DET jaguar-TOP
'The jaguar sees the man.'
v o S
(3) Ii .. t-u-p'iit-aj b'in u-tzimin a' winik-ej.
and cOM-3A-leave-cTs REPORT 3A-horse DET man-TOP
'And the man left his horse, they say.' (92.3.17)
While animacy of arguments has some effect on interpretations, with subjects typically
human, specificity appears to be more important. If the first NP following the verb is equal to, or
greater, in specificity than the second NP, the sentence is ambiguous out of context, with a VSO
interpretation preferred, as in (4)-(5). These constructions may reflect afterthought phenomena
(Hofling 1982, 1984b).
V SIO OIS
(4) T-u-kin-s-aj winik b'alum.
cOM-3A-die-cAus-CTS man jaguar
'(A) man killed (a) jaguar.' or '(A) jaguar killed (a) man.'
V SIO OIS
(5) K-uy-il-ik aj-Jwan aj-Peed'roj.
INC-3A-See-ITS MASC-PN MASC-PN
'Juan sees Pedro.' or 'Pedro sees Juan.'
The unmarked position for indirect objects is after the verb (6)-(10). Indirect object
nouns follow direct object nouns, if present (8), (10). Indirect object nouns may precede or follow
post-verbal subject nouns (6), (9)-(10) (cf. 11.3).
V 10 S
(6) K-u-tzikb'al-t-ik to'on in-noolaj,
INC-3A-tell-TRN-ITS IPL.IOPR ISG.A-grandmother
'My grandmother told it to us' (txt2.7-8)
V 10
(7) ma' I-uy-a'l-aj .. I-a' nukuch winik-oo'-ej
NEG cOM-3A-say-cTs to-DET big man-PL-TOP
'he didn't say to the gentlemen
o V 10
b'a'ax a'janal k-u-{b'e)l u-Iz'a}-oo' I-a' b'a'alche'-ej.
what DET food INC-3A-go 3A-give/DTs-PL to-DET animal-ToP
what the food was they were going to give to the animal' (92.3.28-30)
V o 10
(8a) T-in-tz'aj ixi'im I-a' winik-ej.
COM-1SG.A-give/cTS com to-DET man-TOP
'I gave com to the man.'
V 10 o
(8b) *T-in-tz'aj t-a' winik ixi'im.
COM-lSG.A-give/cTS to-DETman com
v 10 S
(9a) T-u-tz'aj t-a' winik ix-ch'up-ej.
cOM-3A-give/cTS to-DET MAN FEM-woman-TOP
'The woman gave it to the man.'
v S 10
(9b) T-u-tz'aj ix-ch'up t-a' winik-ej.
cOM-3A-give/cTS FEM-woman to-DET man-TOP
'The woman gave it to the man.'
v 0 10 S
(lOa) T-u-tz'aj ixi'im t-a' winik ix-ch'up-ej.
cOM-3A-give/cTs com to-DET MAN FEM-woman-TOP
'The woman gave com to the man.'
v 0 S 10
(lOb) T-u-tz'aj ixi'im ix-ch'up t-a'winik-ej.
cOM-3A-give/cTs com FEM-woman to-DET MAN-TOP
'The woman gave com to the man.'
As mentioned above, sentences with two nominal arguments are relatively rare. Often
only one noun appears, with the other understood in context and indexed simply by a person
marker on the verb. Both VS (11)-(12) (especially V[lNTRJS) and VO constructions (13)-(14) are
common, a reflection of the preferred argument constraint to introduce one piece of new
information per clause (Du Bois 1987; Hofling 1990, 1999).
V[INTRJ S
(11) / k'och-oo' aj-kiinan-oo' yan u-tz'on-oo'-ej. ...
and arrive-PL MAsc-guard-PL EXIST 3A-gun-PL-TOP
'And the guards who have guns arrived' (txt1.63-64)
V[INTRJ S
(12) /jo'm-ij a' kim-ilje'-loj. ...
and end-3SG.B DET die-NOM OST-DIST
'And that death ended.' (txt1.80)
V 0
(13) T-u-miich-aj u-k'ab' a' winik-ej ..
cOM-3A-grab-cTs 3A-arm DET man-TOP
'It (the crocodile) grabbed the arm of the man' (txt1.46)
V o
(14) t-u-kiix-t-aj-oo' .:jum=p'e noj tunich-il tok' ...
cOM-3A-fmd-TRN-CTS-PL one=INAM big stone-pos flint
'they found a large stone of flint' (92.3.68)
SVO order is frequent in discourse and may serve a variety of functions (cf. 8.1.2). In
its less-marked forms, the subject is typically defmite, as in (15)-(18). This order indicates
highlighting of the subject, which is a very common discourse occurrence.
S V o
(15) A' b'alum-ej k-uy-il-ik winik.
DET jaguar-TOP INC-3A-see-ITS man
'The jaguar sees (a) man.'
S v o
(16) Tulakal aj-Wit'-oo' t-u-pul-aj u-b'aj-oo' tija'-ej ..
all MASC-PN-PL cOM-3A-throw-CTS 3A-REFL-PL in water-TOP
'All of the Wit's (bandits) threw themselves in the water' (txt2.134)
S V 10 o
(17) la'ayti' t-u-k'at-aj ten ka'=p'e mes .. permiisoj ...
3IPR cOM-3A-ask-CTS 1SG.IOPR twO=INAM month leave
'be asked two months leave for me' (92.2.190)
S v o
(18) I la'ayti'-oo' ma' patal u-b'et-ik-oo' .. mix=b'a'al
and 3IPR-PL NEG ABIL 3A-do-ITS-PL NEG=thing
'And they couldn't do anything' (92.3.112)
8.1.2. Marked Orders
8.1.2.1. TopicalizatioD
Sentence-initial position (left dislocation) marks topicalization for nominals (cf. 9.9). A
pause may follow the topic marker suffix -e' (> -ej, cf. 1.3.3.1) but is often absent Topicalized
nouns reflect highlighting of given or accessible information (Chafe 1994:71ff.). This construction
commonly marks topic-shift and may apply to any case role. Topicalized NPs follow the
topicalization hierarchy in discourse frequencies with S role being most frequent, followed by
101P0SR> 0 > OBL (cf. Givon 1984:139; Hofling 1999). Discourse examples oftopicalized
subjects for sentences with two nominal arguments are shown in (1)-(2), and discourse examples
where the subject is the only nominal argument are given in (3)-(6). Nouns in possessor or
indirect-object roles are also frequent topics (7)-(10).
(1) In-ten-ejjach tak in-jan-t-ik kiiy ..

EMP-lSG.IPR-TOP much DES ISG.A-eat-TRN-ITS fish
'Me, 1 really like to eat fish' (txt1.25)
(2) la'ayti'-ej tan-u-kiin-ik .. Maayaj Itzaj. ...

3IPR-TOP DUR-3A-Ieam-ITS PN PN
'he is learning Itzaj Maya.' (92.2.150)
(3) In-ten-ej ka'=b'in-een ti meyaj ..

EMP-lSG.IPR-TOP REPET=go-lsG.B SUB work
'Me, 1 went back to work,' (92.2.185)
(4) La'ayti'-oo'-ej k'och-oo' et-el ak'ii'. ...

3IPR-PL-TOP arrive-PL with-pos night
'They arrived at night.' (txt2.1 01)
(5) I aj-Wit'-oo'-ej ... b'in-oo' ...

and MASC-PN-PL-TOP gO-PL
'And the Wit's (bandits) went' (txt2.166-67)
194 ITZA] MAYA GRAMMAR
(6) A' 'ayim-ej .. ma' t-u-jalk'ii'-t-aj. ...

DET crocodile-TOP NEG cOM-3A-release-TRN-CTS
'The crocodile didn't turn him loose.' (txt1.58)
Nouns in possessor or indirect object case roles may also be topics, as in (7)-(10).
PosrIIO(toPiC(
(7) Aj-Jwan-ej seeb'-b'-ij u-xii'nal men aj-Naand'oj.

MASC-PN-TOP hurry-PAS-3SG.B 3A-errand by MASC-PN
'Juan, his errand was hurried by Nando.'
(8) A' noj winik-ej kach-ij u-k'ab'.

DET big man-TOP break-3SG.B 3A-arm
'The big man, his arm broke.'
(9) I a' winik-ej ma' yan-aj-ij u-t'an ..

and DET man-TOP NEG EXIST-CIs-3SG.B 3A-speech
'And the man, he didn't have words,' (91.15.111-12)
(10) Peero in-ten-ej k-uy-aal-b-iil ten-ej ke a' kim-en-oo'-ej ...

but EMP-1SG.IPR-TOP INc-3A-say-PAs-IIS lSG.IOPR-TOP SUB DET die-NOM-PL-TOP
'But as for me, it is said to me that the dead' (91.14.93-95)
Examples with topicalized object NPs are less common but acceptable, as in (11)-(12).
Subject nouns are not ordinarily present in these constructions. Nouns in locative and other
oblique case relations may also be topicalized (13)-(14).
(11) U-k'ek'en-ej taan in-kin-s-ik.

3A-pig-TOP OUR lSG.A-die-CAuS-ITS
'His pig, I'm butchering it.'
(12) Uy-itz a' che'je'-[o'-ej .. k-u-ch'i-ik-oo'-ej ..

3A-resin DET tree OST-DIST-TOP INc-3A-take-ITS-PL-TOP
'and the resin of that tree, they take it' (91.22.94-95)
LOC(tOPiC)V
(13) Ti kaj-ej tan-im-pak'-b'-iil.

in town-TOP DUR-1sG.A-expect-PAS-IIS
'In town, I am expected.'
(14) T-in-meyaj-ej k'oj-a'an-aj-een.

in-1SG.A-work-TOP sick-PART-CIS-1sG.B
'At work I got sick.'
8.1.2.2. Contrastive Focus

Contrastive focus highlights new, contrastive information in discourse. Contrastively
focused NPs appear immediately before the verb. Such NPs never have the topic marker suffix but
may be additionally marked by emphatic stress, emphatic prefixes, demonstratives, and
contrastive adverbs. Transitive examples with a focused subject and an object NP appear in (1)
and (2). More commonly, only a focused subject (transitive or intransitive) is marked nominally
(3)-(5). As shown in (4)-(5), contrastively focused NPs may enter into couplets (cf. 25.2).
(1) iij ... a' 'ayim .. t-u-kin-s-aj aj-yax winik-ej ..

and DET crocodile cOM-3A-die-CAUS-CTS MASC-first man-TOP
'and the crocodile that killed the first man,
la'ayti' t-u-kin-s-aj a' nojoch=winik xanje'-loj. ...

3IPRCOM-3A-die-CAUS-CTS DET great=man also OST-DIST
i! killed this man too.' (txt1.92-93)
(2) i aj-waay je'-loj ... t-u-b'et-aj ... tz'ak wal ti a' b'a'alche'-ej
and MASC-sorcery OST-DIST COM-3A-do-cTS spell perhaps to DET animal-TOP
'and it was that shaman who made a spell on the animal, perhaps'
SlrocuII V
(3) Chen u-ya'ax-il u-nok' .. k-u-man .. tun-sut-ik u-b'aj yok'ja'. ...

only 3A-green-pos 3A-cloth INC-3A-pass DuRl3A-tum-ITS 3A-REFL over water
'Only the green of his shirt was passing, spinning on the water.' (txtl.40-42)
(4) Mix=maak t-uy-il-aj ..

NEG=person cOM-3A-see-CTS
'No one saw him,
mix=maak uy-ojel ...

NEG=person 3A-know
no one knew' (txt1.l50-51)
(5) in-ten k-im-b'el im-b'en-es-eech

EMP-1SG.IPR INC-lSG.A-go lSG.A-go-CAUS-2sG.B
'I am going to take you,
in-ten k-im-b'el inw-a'l-eOJ tech ..
EMP-1SG.IPR INC-1SG.A-go 1SG.A-say-DTs 2SG.lOPR
I am going to tell you' (92.2.56-57)
Object NPs may also be focused in preverbal position. A subject NP may appear after the
verb (6) but is more commonly absent (7)-(8).
(6) la'ayti' a'-lo' t-inw-u'y-aj-ej in-ten

3IPR DET-DIST COM-lsG.A-hear-CTS-TOP EMP-lSG.lPR
'it is that which I heard, me,
tan-in-ch'iJ-il .. jach uchij. ...

DUR-1SG.A-groW-IIS very long.ago
when I was growing up long ago.' (92.3.159-60)
(7) Chen a'-Io' tak inw-a'l-ik-ej ...

only DET-DIST DES ISG.A-say-ITs-TOP
'Only that I want to say,' (92.2.137)
(8) tulakal k-u-mol-ik-oo' i k-u-b'i-s-ik-oo'. ...

all INC-3A-gather-ITS-PL and INC-3A-go-CAUS-ITS-PL
'they gather all of it and they take it.'
A '-10' k-u-b'et-ik-oo' ... kaad'a ka'=p'ee .. ox=p'e mes ...

DET-DIST INC-3A-do-ITS-PL each twO=INAM three=INAM month
'That they do every two or three months' (txt2.26-27)
8.1.2.3. Topicalization and Contrastive Focus

It is possible to topicalize one NP argument and contrastively focus the other in the same
sentence. In these constructions the topicalized NP precedes the focused NP, which precedes the
verb. The case roles of the NPs in these constructions are often ambiguous out of context, with
S[lopicP[focus)V and O[topic)S[focus)V as possible interpretations. Similar highlighting mechanisms have
been identified for most Mayan languages (Norman and Campbell 1978; England 1991). An
example of the S[topicP[focus)V construction is given in (I), an example of the O[IOpic)S[fOCUS)V
construction in (2), and an ambiguous example (3).
S'loplc,O'focu"V
(I) In-tech-ej b'a'ax k-a-kiix-t-ik wa'yej?

EMP-2SG.IPR-TOP what INC-2A-Seek-TRN-ITS here
'You, what are you seeking here?'
(2) U-meyaj-ej .. in-ten k-inw-il-ik ti'i}.

3A-work-TOP EMP-ISG.IPR INC-ISG.A-see-ITS 3IOPR
'His work, I look after it for him.'
(3) A' winik-ej a' b'alumje'-lo' k-uy-il-ik.

DET man-TOP DET jaguar OST-DIST INC-3A-see-ITS
'The man, he sees that jaguar.' or 'The man, that jaguar sees him.'
8.2. Modifier + Modified Order

VO languages such as Itzaj generally have the order modifier + modified (Greenberg
1966; Foster and Hofling 1987).
8.2.1. Adjective + Noun

Itzaj has both adjective + noun and noun + adjective orders (cf. 8.3.3). It appears that
adjective-noun order is more basic because it is the order found in compound nouns composed of
an adjective and a noun. However, unlike N + Adj constructions, most Adj + N constructions
generally permit or require an initial noun classifier (aj- or ix-) (I )-(2) (cf. 9.3). A number of
common adjectives do not require a classifier (3)-(4) (cf. 9.7.1).
(I) aj-siik tunich 'a/the white stone'

MASC-white stone
(2) ix-mum 'uj 'the new moon'

FEM-young moon
(3a) aj-noj che' 'a/the big tree'

MASC-big tree
(3b) T-inw-il-aj jum=p'eel (aj-)noj che'

cOM-lSO.A-see-CTS one=INAM (MASC-)big tree
'I saw a big tree.'
(4) ka' im-b'et-ej .. jum=p'e mo'nok chem ..

SUB ISo.A-make-DTs one=INAM small canoe
'that I make a small canoe' (1991.10.5)
8.2.2. Numeral + Noun

Numerals precede the nouns they modify in the construction: NUM=NCL + Noun, as in
(1)-(3) (cf. 5.2, 9.5).
(1) jum=p'eelja' 'a lake'

one=INAM water
(2) ka'=tuul winik 'two men'

twO=ANIM man
(3) ox=kuul kum 'three pots'

three=round pot
8.2.3. Determiner + Noun

The determiner a' precedes the noun it modifies, typically occurring at the beginning of
NPs, as in (1)-(3). It may substitute for a noun classifier, as in (2) (cf. 8.2.1, 9.7.1.1, 9.8).
(1) a'naj 'the house'

DEThouse
(2) a'siik tunich-ej 'the white stone'

DET white stone-TOP
(3) a' ka '=tuul winik-ej 'the two men'

DET twO=ANIM man-TOP
8.2.4. Ostensive Demonstrative + Noun

Ostensive demonstratives, with the sense 'here is X' or 'there is X', precede the nouns they
modify (1 )-( 5). Regular demonstrative adjectives follow the nouns they modify (cf. 8.3 .2, 9.12).
These might be considered to be equational constructions rather than modifier + modified NP
constructions (cf. 8.6, 17.2).
(1) Je'-loja'winik-ej.
OST-DIST DET man-TOP
'There is the man.' or 'That (is the) man.'
(2) Je'-la' aw-otoch-ej.

OST-PROX 2A-home-ToP
'Here is your home.' or 'This is your home.'
(3) Je'-Ia' a' winik wa'ye'-ej.

OST-PROX DET man here-TOP
'Here is this man here.' or 'This (is the) man here.'
(4) Je'-Ioj jun=tuul winik.

OST-DIST one=ANIM man
'There is a man.' or 'That is a man.'
(5) Je'-Iaj aj-koj.

OST-PROX MASC-lion
'Here is a puma.' or 'This is a puma.'
8.3. Modified + Modifier Order
8.3.1. Possessed Noun + Possessor Noun

Possessed nouns with possessive prefIxes generally precede possessor nouns to indicate a
variety of relationships, including kinship, property, part-whole, and locative relationships (1)-(5)
(see chapter 10).3 Many of these constructions have become lexicalized or semi-Iexicalized (cf.
4.4.2, 4.5.2).
(1) u-k'ab' a' winik-ej

3A-arm DET man-TOP
'the arm of the man' (txt1.46)
(2) u-mus'ik' a' winik-ej

3A-breathing DET man-TOP
'the breathing of the man' (txt1.75)
(3) u-na' a' winik-ej

3A-mother DET man-TOP
'the mother of the man' (txt1.191)
(4) t-u-tzeel im-paal-oo'

from-3A-side ISG.A-child-PL
'from the side of my children' (92.2.13)
(5) t-u-chi' a'ja'-ej ... tulakal u-baak' a'ja'-ej ..

on-3A-edge DET water-TOP all 3A-circumference DET water-TOP
'on the shore of the lake, all around the lake' (txt2.34-35).
8.3.2. Noun + Demonstrative Adjective

Demonstrative adjectives follow the noun they modify (1)-(6), in contrast to ostensive
demonstratives (cf. 8.2.4). Demonstrative adjectives may be proximal,je'-Ia', 'this', or distal,je'-
10', 'that', and occur in conjunction with a specifIer such as the determiner (1)-(4), a noun classifIer
(5), or a possessive pronoun (6) in the construction: SpecifIer(-)N + OST-PROXIDIST (cf. 9.12).
Demonstratives are nominal highlighting mechanisms and are common in contrastive focus and
topicalization constructions (cf. 8.1.2).
(1) a' noj 'ayimje'-Ioj 'that big crocodile' (txt1.136)

DETbig crocodile OST-DIST
3 A topicalized possessor may precede the possessed noun (cf. 8.1.2.1).

(2) t-a'lu'um-oo'je'-la'-ej. ... 'at these lands.' (92.2.141)

to-DET land-PL OST-PROX-TOP
(3) a' kaj-oo'je'-la'-ej ... 'these towns' (txt2.5)

DET town-PL OST-PROX-TOP
(4) A' b'ejje'-lo' 'That road' (txt2.37)

DET road OST-DIST
(5) aj-waay je'-loj ... 'that shaman' (92.3.78)

MASC-enchant OST-DIST
(6) inw-et'okje'-loj 'that companion of mine' (91.16.71)

ISG.A-companion OST-DIST
8.3.3. Noun + Adjective

Although not the basic order, adjectives may follow the nouns that they modifiy (1)-(4)
(cf. 8.2.l, 9.7.1.2).
(1) sumpolok 'thick rope' (91.22.118)

rope thick
(2) jum=p'e lak tu'umb'en 'a new plate' (91.18.44)

One-INAM plate new
(3) a' tzimin sak-ej 'the white horse'

DET horse white-TOP
(4) jum=p'e chem 'al 'a heavy canoe'

one=INAM canoe heavy
8.3.4. Noun + Relative Clause

Relative clauses follow the nouns that they modify (1)-(7). Generally they modify
definite head nouns and are framed by an initial determiner (or noun classifier) and a final topic
marker in the construction: DET+/CLASS - N + Relative Clause -TOP (1)-(4) (Hoiling 1987).
Indefinite nouns may head relative clauses (5), and relative pronouns may also be present
following head nouns (5)-(6), or appear alone (7) (see chapter 22).
(1) I a' winik-oo' [k'och-oo' et a' mo'nok chem-ell ...

and DETman-PL [arrive-PL with DETsmall canoe-TOP]
'And the men that arrived with the little canoe,
t-u-mach-aj-oo' a' winik t-uy-ok-ej ..

cOM-3A-grab-cTs-PL DET man at-3A-foot-TOP
grabbed the man by his foot,' (txt1.59-60)
(2) I k'och-oo' aj-kiinan-oo' [yan u-tz'on-oo'-ell ...

and arrive-PL MAsc-guard-PL [EXIST 3A-gun-PL-TOP]
'And the guards that have guns arrived' (txtl.65-66)
(3) I a'yax winik ... [kim-ij-ell .. u-k'ab'a'-ej Salb'ad'or Gariid'o . ...

and DET frrst man [die-3sG.B-TOP] 3A-name-TOP PN PN
'And the frrst man that died, his name was Salvador Garrido.' (txt1.119-21)
(4) iij ... a' 'ayim [t-u-kin-s-aj aj-yax winik-ell ..

and DET crocodile [coM-3A-die-cAus-CTS MASC-frrst man-ToP]
'and the crocodile that killed the frrst man,
la'ayti' t-u-kin-s-aj a' nojoch winik xanje'-Ioj. ...

3IPR cOM-3A-die-CAUS-CTS DET big man also OST-OIST
it killed that man too.' (txt1.92-93)
(S) t-u-tzeeljun=kul noj naj [/u'ux k-u-k'och-ol tulakal aj-turiistaj-oo'-ell ...

at-3A-side one=round big house [where INC-3A-arrive-IIS all MASC-tourist-PL-TOP]
'at the side of the building where all the tourists arrive' (txt1.87-88)
(6) ich a' pokche' [/u'ux kiij-a'an-ell ...

inside DET-vegetation [where live-PART-TOP]
'inside the vegetation where he lives.' (txt1.10S-6)
(7) I a' [max k(a1-u-kim-es .. jun=tuul b'a'alche'-ell ..

and DET [who sUB-3A-die-CAuS one=ANIM animal-TOP]
'And whoever would kill an animal ...
k-u-jok'-sii-b'-iil .. t-a'meyaj-ej ..
INC-3A-Ieave-cAuS-PAS-I1S from-DET work-TOP
he is taken from work' (91.1.209-11)
8.4. PreposJtional Phrases

Itzaj is prepositional (1)-(6). Prepositions include the all-purpose ti', a number of terms
derived from body parts, and relational noun expressions (cf. 4.2.6, 7.3, 10.2.S, chapter 13).
(1) t-u-chi' a'ja' yan ... I-a' paarkej-ej. ...

in-3A-edge DET water EXIST in-DET park-TOP
'at the edge of the lake that's in the park' (txt1.16-17)
(2) ka' lub'-ij lija'. ...

when fall-3SG.B in water
'then he fell in the water.' (txt1.101)
(3) tun-sut-ik u-b'aj y-ok'ja'. ...

DuR/3A-turn-ITS 3A-REFL 3A-over water
'(it was) spinning on the water.' (txtl.42)
(4) A' 'ayim-e .. tal-ij ... y-alam a'ja'-ej ..

DET crocodile-TOP come-3SG.B 3A-below DET water-TOP
'The crocodile came beneath the water,' (txt1.43-44)
(S) lak b'a-je'-Ia'-e ..

until TEMP-QST-PROX-TOP
'until now,' (txt1.162)
(6) ka'tal-ij .. ich a' pokche'

then come-3SG.B inside DET-vegetation
'when he came inside the vegetation' (txt1.104-S)
8.S. Adverbs
Forms with adverbial functions may be derived from adjectival, nominal, and particle
roots (cf. 4.6.3, 6.2, 7.4, 7.S, 7.6, chapter 14). The unmarked position for most temporal,
locative, and manner adverbs is clause-fmal, as in (1)-(4) (cf. 14.1).
(1) Pwes .. b 'in-een jo 'lej-ij

well go-ISG.B yesterday-3sG.B
'Well, I went yesterday,' (1991.14:237)
(2) K-u-tzikb'al-t-ik to'on ... in-noolaj .. jach uchij ...

INC-3A-tell-TRN-ITS IPL.IOPR ISG.A-grandmother very long.ago
'She told it to us, my grandmother, long ago,' (92.3:S-6)
(3) tumen a' 'ayim-ej u-mach-m-a(j) ma'lo' ..

because DET crocodile-TOP 3A-grab-PERF-CTS well
'because the crocodile had seized him well' (txtl.63)
(4) ke yan t-a' mak-oo' kiij-a'an-oo' wa'ye'-ej ..

that EXIST to-DET person-PL live-PART-PL here-TOP
'that belong to the people living here,' (txt2.23)
Adverbs may be moved to preverbal position to highlight them in topic or focus

constructions (S)-(8) (cf. 14.2.3). A number of adverbs may be incorporated into the verb
preceding the root, as in (8) (cf. 6.2.S, IS.5).
(S) Samal-ej ma' tan ki-b'el ti meyaj ...

tomorrow-TOP NEG DUR IPL.A-go SUB work
'Tomorrow we aren't going to work' (91.6.1)
(6) Mentiik-ej wa'ye' yan-en-ej ...

therefore-TOP here EXIST-lSG.B-TOP
'Therefore here I am,' (92.2.192)
(7) In-ten-ej jach tak in-jan-t-ik kiiy ..

EMP-lsG.IPR-TOP much DES ISG.A-eat-TRN-ITS fish
'Me, I really want to eat fish,' (txt1.2S)
(8) ya b'a-je'-laj .. ma' t-in-jach='u'y-ik

already TEMP-OST-PROXNEG DUR-1SG.A-much=feel-ITS
'already now, I am not feeling so much' (92.2.133-34)
Many adverbials enter into framing constructions with initial and fmal elements (9)-(12)
(see chapters 12, 14, and 24; Hofling 1987).
(9) A'-ka' tal-oo' wa'ye'-e ..

DET when come-PL here-TOP
'When they came here' (txt2:1S0)
(10) ka' t-u-mol-aj-oo'-ej ..

then cOM-3A-collect-CTS-PL-TOP
'then they collected them' (2.1.18S)
(11) b 'aay-lo' pat-aj-ij u-jalk'a-t-ik a' winik-ej. ...

thus-DIST ABIL-CIS-3SG.B 3A-Ioosen-TRN-ITS DET man-TOP
'thus they were able to free the man.' (2.1.70)
(12) te' k-u-b'el-oo' ti wen-el-i'ij. ...

LaC INC-3A-gO-PL SUB sleep-lIS-LaC
'there they go to sleep.' (txt1.l32)
8.6. Stative, Existential, and Equational Constructions

Stative constructions are fonned by suffixing Set B person markers to adjectival or
nominal stems (see chapter 17). Stative predicates may appear alone (1)-(4).
(1) ya natZ'-ech ..
already close-2SG.B
'you are already close' (92.2.S1)
(2) saak-en . ..
afraid-lsG.B
'I was afraid.' (92.2.106)
(3) ich a' pokche' tu'ux kiij-a'an-II-ej. '"

inside DET vegetation where live-PART-3SG.B-TOP
'inside the vegetation where he lives.' (txtl.l05-06)
(4) chen tzikb'al-il. ...

only talk-ABST
'it's only talk.' (2.2.171)
A special subset of statives involves the existential (adjective) stem yaan. It may be
inflected as a simple stative (5)-(6). The existential also has a special negative fonn (7) and may
be inflected as an inchoative verb (S).
(5) Mentak-ej waye' yaan-en-ej ...

therefore-TOP here EXIST-1SG.B-TOP
'Therefore here I am,' (92.2.192)
(6) u-k'aan te' ya(a)n-II ... y-alam a' naj-ej. ...

3A-hammock LOC EXIST-3SG.B 3A-below DET house-TOP
'his hammock was under the house.' (txtl.171)
(7) tumen .. ma'an-II yaab' k'in ...

because NEG/EXIST-3SG.B many day
'because there weren't many days' (2.2.1S3)
(8) Ii .. ya(a)n-aj-ij u-laak' kim-en ..

and EXIST-CIS-3SG.B 3A-other die-NoM
'And there was another dead (person),' (txt1.l23)
Statives, including the existential, often enter into two-part Noun + Noun (9), Noun +
Adjective (10), or Adjective + Noun (11)-(12) equational constructions (see chapter 7).
(9) A' kweentoj-ej u-k'ab'a' ... aj-k'an 'ayim ...

DET story-TOP 3A-name MAsc-yellow crocodile
'The story, its title is "The Yellow Crocodile" , (txtl.S-l0)
(10) I a' che'-ej .. , li'-litz'-kij ..

and DET tree-TOP REDUP-slip-ADJ
'And the tree was slippery' (txtl.97-9S)
(11) yaanjun=tuul ix-ch'upaal ..

EXIST one=ANIM FEM-girl
'there was a young woman' (92.2.31)
(12) ijach ki'mak inw-ool. ...

and very happy ISG.A-spirit
'and I am very happy.' (92.2.193)
8.7. Interrogation
Interrogation may be marked by intonation (1 )-(3), interrogative particles (4)-(5), or
clause-initial interrogative words (6)-(8) (see chapter 18).
(1) In-tech nojoch winik?

EMP-2sG.lPR big man
'You are a big man?' (91.12.58)
(2) Ma'tan-ta-s-ikjan-al?
NEG DuRl2-come-CAUS-ITS eat-NOM
'You aren't carrying food?' (91.12.70)
(3) Ma' wach'-iik? ...

NEG tassie-DIS
'It hasn't tassled?' (91.24.26)
(4) Tan-a-jan-t-ik b'iik' waj?

DUR-2A-eat-TRN-ITS meat INTER
'Are you eating meat?'
(5) T-aw-il-aj maxa'?

cOM-2A-see-CTS right
'You saw it, right?'
(6) Ba'ax k-a-men-t-ik?

what INC-2A-do-TRN-ITS
'What are you doing?' (91.12.60)
(7) tu 'ux yan-en wa 'yej?

where EXIST-lSG.s here
'where am I here?' (91.16.91)
(8) I b'ix u-b'el aw-alak'-oo'?

and how 3A-go 2A-animal-PL
'And how are your animals?' (91.24.168)
8.8. Negation
Negative markers typically precede the constituents that they are modifying (1)-(7). Ma'
generally marks sentential negation (1)-(5), while mix marks negative nominal, adverbial, and
"neither-nor" constructions (4)-(7) (see chapter 19).
(1) A "ayim-e .. ma I t-u-jalk'ii '-t-aj. ...

DET crocodile-TOP NEG cOM-3A-release-TRN-CTS
'The crocodile didn't tum him loose.' (txt1.58)
(2) tumen ma' inw-oje(l) t'an ich 'Ingles . ...

because NEG ISG.A-know speak in English
'because I don't know how to speak English.' (92.2.18)
(3) ma'jach ki' inw-ool ..

NEG very good ISG.A-spirit
'I wasn't feeling very well,' (92.2.24)
(4) tumen ma' chik-p-aj-ij .. mix b'i-k'in ..

because NEG appear-PAs2-DTR-3SG.B NEG INTER-day
'Because he didn't appear, ever,' (txt1.160-61)
(5) peero ma' patal u-kin-sii-b'-iil mixjun=tuul b'a'alche'. ...

but NEG ABIL 3A-die-CAUS-PAS-IIS NEG one=ANIM animal
'but one cannot kill even one animal.' (txtl.208)
(6) Mix=maak t-uy-il-aj .. mix=maak uy-ojel ...

NEG=person cOM-3A-see-CTs NEG=person 3A-know
'No one saw him, no one knows' (2.1.150-51)
(7) mixjum=pak t-in-tuk-/-a .. mix t-in-naay-t-aj-i'ij ...

NEG one =time COM-1SG.A-think-NOM-CTS NEG COM-1SG.A-dream-TRN-CTS-FOC
'not once did I think, nor did I dream,
wa b'el in-ka'a ti' k'och-ol I-a' lu'um-oo'je'-la'-ej. ...

COND go ISG.A-go SUB arrive-lIs to DET land-PL OST-PROX-TOP
that I was going to arrive to these lands.' (92.2.139-41)
9. NOMINAL MORPHOSYNTAX 205
9. Nominal Morphosyntax
9.0. Contents
9.1. Introduction
9.2. Unmodified Nouns
9.3. Noun Classifiers
9.3.1. Noun Classes and Defmiteness
9.3.2. Sex Distinctions
9.3.2.1. Plain Nouns
9.3.2.2. Classified Nouns
9.3.3. Classifiers with Derived Nouns
9.3.3.1. Adjectival Nouns
9.4. Proper Nouns, Titles, and Honorifics
9.4.1. Persons, Titles, and Honorifics
9.4 .1.1. Direct Address
9.4.1.2. Third-person Reference
9.4.2. Place Names (Toponyrns)
9.5. Numerals and Numeral Classifiers
9.5.1. New Indefmite Mentions
9.5.2. Enumerated NPs and Generics
9.5.3. Ordinal Numerals: A.PR-NUM & NCL (+ NP)
9.5.4. Pronominal Mentions
9.5.5. Interaction with Other Noun Modifiers
9.5.5.1. NUM & NCL + NOUN.CL-Noun
9.5.5.2. NUM & NCL + (NOUN.CL-)Adjective + Noun
9.5.5.3. NUM & NCL + Defmite NP
9.5.5.4. Defmite Marker + NUM & NCL & NOUN.CL + NP
9.5.6. Reduplication of Numerals
9.5.7. Reduplication of Numeral Classifiers
9.5.8. Highlighted Numeral Expressions
9.6. Plurals.
9.6.1. Numerals and Quantifiers
9.6.2. Noun Plurals with -00'
9.6.3. Distributive Plural with -tak
9.6.4. Plural Agreement
9.6.4.1. Verb-Noun Argument Agreement
9.6.4.2. Noun-Modifier Agreement
9.7. Adjectives
9.7.1. Attributive Adjectives
9.7.1.1. Adjective + Noun
9.7.1.2. Noun + Adjective
9.7.1.3. Multiple Adjectives
9.7.2. Predicate Adjectives and Participles
9.7.3. Comparative and Superlative Constructions
9.7.3.1. Comparatives
9.7.3.2. Superlatives
9.7.3.3. Comparison withjeb'ix ... -e'
9.7.4. Intensification and Quantification
9.7.4.1. Reduplication of Plain Adjectives
9.7.4.2. Reduplication of Derived Forms
9.7.4.2.1. Antipassive Stems
9.7.4.2.2. Adjectives with -kij and Other Reduplicated Forms
9.7.4.2.3. Participles with -nak
206 InA] MAYA GRAMMAR
9.7.4.3. Quantifiers, Emphatics, and Intensifiers

9.7.4.3.1. Moderate Intensity
9.7.4.3.2. High Intensity and Emphasis
9.7.4.3.3. Noun Quantifiers
9.7.5. Anaphoric Uses of Noun Modifiers
9.8. The Determiner a'
9.8.2. Determiner, Noun Classifiers, and Possessive Pronouns
9.9. The Topic Marker -e'
9.10. The Partitive Marker -i'i}
9.10.1. Contrast of Partitive -i'i} with Locative -i'i}, Interrogative -i'i}, and Negative -i'i}
9.11. Contrastive Focus
9.12. Demonstrative Adjectives
9.1. Introduction
The forms of nominal morphology are presented in chapter 4. The morpho syntactic and
discourse functions of these forms are described in the present chapter and in chapter 10, which is
devoted to possession.
9.2. Unmodified Nouns

Plain, unmodified nouns generally signal indefmite or generic information (1)-(3). Nouns
that are incorporated into verbs are also unmodified (3.5.1.1.1). In certain cases unmodified
nouns may have defmite reference by virtue of specific shared cultural information. For example,
k'in, 'sun', typically refers to 'the sun' (4);ja', 'water', may refer to a specific lake (5); or k'aax,
'forest', may refer to the forest nearby (6). Unspecified, new information typically occurs in the the
primary case roles of direct object (1) and intransitive or stative subject (2), (4), but not in the role
of transitive agent. This discourse pattern has been proposed as a basis for ergative morpho syntax
(Du Bois 1987; Hofling 1990). Unmodifed nouns are also frequently objects of prepositions (3),
(5)-(6) and may be possessor NPs (7). Important new information is frequently marked
indefmitely with a numeral and a numeral classifier rather than appearing as a plain unmodified
noun (cf. 9.3, 9.5).
(1) In-ten-ej jach tak in-jan-t-ik kay ..

EMP-lsG.lPR-TOP very DES ISG.A-eat-TRN-JTS fish
'Me, I really want to eat fish,' (txt1.25)
(2) Ich k'aax-ej jach yan kan.

in forest-TOP many EXIST snake
'In the forest there are many snakes.'
(3) et-el 'ak'a'jok'-i} ich a'ja'-ej ..

with-pas night leave-3SG.B in DET water-TOP
'at night he went out in the water,' (txt 1. 156-7)
(4) Tan-uy-ok-ol k';n ...

DUR-3A-enter-IIS sun
'The sun was setting,' (txt 1. 18)
(5) tun-sut-ik u-b'aj y-ok'ja'. ...

DuRl3A-turn-ITS 3A-REFL 3A-over water
'(it) was spinning on the water.' (txt1.42)
(6) jok'-o'on ki-kiixiin-t-ej tulakal tu'ux ich k'aax ..

leave-1pL.B 1pL.A-Seek-TRN-DTS all where in forest
'we went out to look for him all over in the forest,' (txt 1. 142-3)
(7) t-u-kiixiin-t-aj u-xot'-ol che' ..

cOM-3A-seek-TRN-CTS 3A-cut-NOM wood
'he looked for a piece of wood (a log),' (txt1.31)
9.3. Noun Classifiers
9.3.1. Noun Classes and Definiteness

Many nouns require a preceding noun classifier, either the masculine noun classifier, aj-,
or the feminine noun classifier, ix-, regardless of defmiteness (cf. 4.1.2.3).' (1)-(4) are examples
of plain indefmite nouns with a noun classifier.
Plain (Indefinite)
(1) fa tan-u-k'ay aj-kax . ...

already DUR-3A-sing MASC-chicken
'(The) roosters were already crowing.' (91.2.91)
(2) te' k-u-kin-s-ik-oo' aj-kax ..

LOC INC-3A-die-CAUS-ITS-PL MASC-chicken
'there they killed a chicken' (91.19.20)
(3) 'antes ka' u-jan-t-ej aj-ch 'om ..

before SUB 3A-eat-TRN-DTS MASC-buzzard
'before a buzzard eats it' (91.24.383)
(4) a'-loj u-meyaj ix-ch'up

DET-DIST 3A-work FEM-woman
'that is women's work'
Important, potentially topical new information is generally introduced in constructions

with numerals (5)-(8) (cf. S.2, 9.5.1).
Enumerated Indefinites
(5) yajun=tuul noxi' aj-koj. ...

already one=ANIM big MAsc-lion
'he's already a big lion.' (91.13.110)
(6) Ii .. ka' t-u-tz'aj tenjun=tuul aj-wach ...

and then cOM-3A-give/cTs 1SG.lOPR one=ANIM MASC-Mexican
'And then he gave me a Mexican,' (91.10.21)
(7) ka' t-uy-il-aj-ej .. jun=tuul aj-ch'o'. ...

SUB cOM-3A-see-CTS-TOP one=ANIM MASC-mouse
'when he saw it, a mouse.' (91.17.51-52)
1 Vapnarsky (1993a) and Lois (1998) offer different views on the function of noun
classifiers.
(8) yan jun =tuul ix-ch 'upaal

EXIST one=ANIM FEM-girl
'there was a girl' (92.2.31)
Nouns with noun classifiers may also have definite reference. They may occur without
additional modifiers (9)-( 10), or the noun may be additionally marked for topicalization (11 )-(12),
possession (13)-(14), or modified by demonstratives (15)-(16).
Plain Definite
(9) T-u-chi' aj-cho' k-u-ta-s-ik a' top '-ej.

in-3A-mouth MASC-mouse INC-3A-Come-CAUS-ITS DET flower-TOP
'In the mouth of the mouse it carries the flower.' (91.17.57-58)
(10) k-u-jo'm-ol a' mes-ej .. k-u-k'och-ol ix-ch'up ..

INC-3A-end-IIS DET month-TOP INC-3A-arrive-IIS FEM-woman
(on the last days) that end the month, the woman arrives,' (9l.22.219-20)
TopicaUzed Definite
(11) aj-koj-ej tun-jum uy-akan

MASC-lion-TOP DUR/3-sound 3A-roar
'the lion, his roar was sounding' (9.13.139)
(12) Ii jo 'm-ij u-man ix-ch 'up-ej

and TERM-3sG.B 3A-pass FEM-woman-TOP
'And the woman fmished passing by' (9l.3.27)
Possessed Definite
(13) k-u-top'-ol uy-ix-nok'ol-il a' xa'an-ej.

INC-3A-bom-us 3A-FEM-worm-POS DET thatch-TOP
'the worm of the thatch is born.' (9.21.51)
(14) T-inw-il-ik-ech a-kin-s-ik aw-ix-kax.

DUR-l SG.A-see-JTs-2sG.B 2A-die-CAUS-JTS 2A-FEM-chicken
'I am seeing you killing your chickens.'
Demonstrative Definite
(15) ]x-nok'olje'-loj ...

FEM-worm OST-DIST
'That worm' (9.16.52)
(16) ix-k'ok'och .. je'-lo' ..

FEM-baby.ear OST-DIST
'Those baby ears of com,' (9l.20.74)
9.3.2. Sex Distinctions

The ways in which an animal's sex can be indicated vary according to its gender class.
9.3.2.1. Plain Nouns

For a few nouns of class 1 (nl) that refer to familiar animals, the feminine classifier alone
may indicate a female (e.g., ix-b'alam, 'female jaguar'; ix-pek', 'female dog'; cf. 4.1.2.3.3).
However, for most plain nouns of class 1, sex is indicated by the masculine and feminine
classifers in complex adjectival constructions, as in the examples for kay, 'fish' (1), b'alum, 'jaguar'
(2)-(5), andpek', 'dog' (6)-(9). As one ascends the animacy hierarchy from fish to domesticated
mammals, the system becomes increasingly elaborate. Male mammals may be referred to with the
general adjective xib I, 'male', or the more specific ton, 'male', used for some birds and mammals.
Prototypically, ton is used to refer to animals with visible male genitals. In addition, age
distinctions may be made for mammals (including humans) and birds, with chamach, for 'old
male', and nuk, for 'old female', but these are not used for animals oflower rank.
NOUN.CL-Adjective + Noun
(1) aj-xib'(-al) kiiy 'male fish'

MAsc-male(-ADJ) fish
(2) aj-xib'(-al) b'a/um 'male jaguar'

MAsc-male(-ADJ) jaguar
(3) aj-ton b'a/um 'male jaguar'

MAsC-male jaguar
(4) aj-chamach b'alum 'mature adult male jaguar'

MASC-old.male jaguar
(5) ix-nuk b 'a/um 'mature adult female jaguar'

FEM-old.female jaguar
(6) aj-xib'(-al) pek' 'male dog'

MAsc-male(-ADJ) dog
(7) aj-tonpek' 'male dog'

MAsc-male dog
(8) aj-chamach pek' 'old male dog'

MASC-old.male dog
(9) ix-nukpek ' 'old female dog'

FEM-old.female dog
Sex may also be indicated with compound nouns, and compounds are commonly used
for females. Derived adjectives with a -VI suffix may appear in these constructions (10)-(13).
Compounds with nuk, 'old female', are used for familiar domesticated fowl (14)-(15).
NOUN.CL-ADJ-VI & Noun
(10) aj-xib I_i/=kiiy 'male fish'

MAsc-male-ADJ=fish
(11) ix-ch 'up-u(l) =kiiy 'female fish'

FEM-female-ADJ=fish
(12) ix-ch 'up-u(l) =b 'alum 'female jaguar'

FEM-female-ADJ=jaguar
(13) ix-ch 'up-u(l) =pek' 'female dog'

FEM-female-AD1=dog
(14) ix-nuk=kutz 'mature female turkey'

FEM-old.female=turkey
(15) ix-nuk=paatoj 'mature female duck'

FEM-old.female=duck
Possessed + possessor constructions in which the possessed noun is an adjectival noun

may also indicate an animal's sex (16)-(21) (cf. 10.2.1). In the possessed + possessor
constructions, the derivational suffix -al appears on the possessed noun. The possessor noun is
usually (but not obligatorily) defInite, particularly at the top of the animacy hierarchy, so that u-
ch 'upal pek', 'female dog' is less common than u-ch 'upal im-pek', 'my female dog'.
3A-ADJ-al + Noun
(16) u-xib'-al kiiy 'male fish'

3A-male-POs fIsh
(17) u-ch 'up-al kiiy 'female fIsh'

3A-female-pos fish
(18) u-xib'-al b'alum 'male jaguar'

3A-male-POS jaguar
(19) u-ch 'up-al b 'alum 'female jaguar'

3A-female-pos jaguar
(20) u-xib'-al pek' 'male dog'

3A-male-POS dog
(21) u-ch 'up-al pek' 'female dog'

3A-female-POs dog
9.3.2.2. Classified Nouns

Nouns of class 2 (02) may be interpreted as generic or as sex-specific (cf. 4.I.2.3). To
avoid ambiguity, expanded expressions may be used to indicate sex (cf. 9.3.2.1). (1)-(9) are
examples with ajch'om, 'vulture', a class 2a noun, i.e., a noun that generally occurs with aj- (cf.
4.I.2.3.I). The plain feminine form is unacceptable (2), but the feminine form with nuk is
acceptable (9). The masculine form with ton (6), which generally applies to domesticated fowl or
mammals, is rare.
(1) aj-ch'om 'vulture', 'male vulture'

MASC-vulture
(2) *ix-ch'om
FEM-vulture
(3) aj-xib'{-al) ch'om 'male vulture'

MAsc-male(-AD1) vulture
(4) aj-xib'-i!=ch'om 'male vulture'

MASC-male-ADJ vulture
(5) u-xib'-al aj-ch'om 'male vulture'

3A-male-pos MASC-vulture
(6) aj-ton ch 'om 'male vulture' (rare)

MASC-male vulture
(7) ix-ch 'up-ul=ch 'om 'female vulture'

FEM-female-ADJ=vulture
(8) u-ch'up-al aj-ch'om 'female vulture'

3A-female-pos MASC-vulture
(9) ix-nuk ch 'om 'old female vulture'

FEM-old.female vulture
(10)-(17) are similar examples with ixb'ach, 'chachalaca', a class 2b noun, i.e., a noun
that generally occurs with ix- (cf. 4.1.2.3.2). A plain form with the masculine classifier is
unacceptable (11), and the masculine form with ton is rare (15).
(10) ix-b'ach 'chachalaca bird'

FEM-chachalaca
(11) *aj-b'ach
MASC-chachalaca
(12) aj-xib'(-al) b'ach 'male chachalaca bird'

MASC-male(-ADJ) chachalaca
(13) aj-xib '-i/=b 'ach 'male chachalaca bird'

MASC-male-ADJ=chachalaca
(14) u-xib'-al ix-b'ach 'male chachalaca bird'

3A-male-POS FEM-chachalaca
(15) aj-ton b 'ach 'male chachalaca bird' (rare)

MASC-male chachalaca
(16) ix-ch'up-ul=b'ach 'female chachalaca'

FEM-female-ADJ=chachalaca
(17 ) u-ch 'up-al ix-b 'ach 'female chachalaca'

FEM-female-POS FEM-chachalaca
There are additional age- and sex-linked terms for domesticated animals. (18)-(30) are
examples of terms for poultry. ajkax, ixkax, 'chicken', is a class 2d noun which can take either
classifier without indicating sex (18)-(19) (cf. 4.1.2.3.4). kax may combine with masculine forms
involving xib' (20)-(22) or ton (23), feminine forms involving ch 'up (27)-(28), and with sex-
specific adjectives indicating maturity (24), (30). There are also sex-specific terms for rooster
(25)-(26) and hen (29). Turkeys are similarly treated with ajtzo' for adult male turkeys (or ducks),
ix-tux for young female turkeys, and ix-nuk=kutz for adult female turkeys.
(18) ix-kax, 'chicken', 'hen'

FEM-chicken
(19) aj-kax 'chicken'

MASC-chicken
(20) aj-xib'(-al) kax 'male chicken'

MAsc-male( -ADJ) chicken
(21) aj-xib'-il=kax 'male chicken'

MASc-male-ADJ chicken
(22) u-xib'-al aj-kax 'male chicken'

3A-male-pos MASC-chicken
(23) aj-ton kax 'male chicken'

MASC-male chicken
(24) aj-chiimach kax 'old rooster'

MASC-old.male chicken
(25) aj-t'el 'rooster'

MASC-rooster
(26) aj-chiimach t'el 'old rooster'

MASC-old.male rooster
(27) ix-(ch'up-ul=)kax 'hen'

FEM -( female-ADJ= )chicken
(28) u-ch 'up-al ix-kax 'hen'

3 A-female-POS FEM -chicken
(29) ixpooyaj kax 'young hen'

FEM-young.hen chicken
(30) ix-nu(k)=kax 'old hen'

FEM-old.female=chicken
ajmis, 'cat', is a class 2a noun, but because it refers to a domesticated mammal, it has a
full range offorms, as shown in (31)-(43) (cf. 9.3.2.1).
(31) aj-mis 'cat', 'male cat'

MASC-cat
(32) aj-xib'(-al) mis 'male cat'

MASC-male-ADJ cat
(33) aj-xib '-i/=mis 'male cat'

MASC-male-ADJ=cat
(34) u-xib'-al aj-mis 'male cat'

3A-male-pos MASC-cat
(35) aj-ton mis 'male cat'

MASC-male cat
(36) aj=mu-mum mis 'young male cat'

MASC-REDUP-young cat
(37) aj=mo'nok mis 'young male cat'

MASC-REDUP-young cat
(38) aj-chiimach mis 'old male cat'

MASC-old.male cat
(39) ix-(ch 'up-u!=)mis 'female cat'

FEM-( female-ADJ=)cat
(40) u-ch 'up-a! aj-mis 'female cat'

3A-female-pos MASC-cat
(41) ix-nuk mis 'old female cat'

FEM-old.female cat
(42) ix=mu-mum mis 'young female cat'

FEM-REDUP-young cat
(43) ix=mo'nok mis 'young female cat'

FEM-small cat
9.3.3. Classifiers witb Derived Nouns

The masculine and feminine classifiers also appear on derived noun forms, including
agentive nouns (cf. 9.3.3.1), adjectival nouns (cf. 9.3.3.2), and noun compounds (cf. 4.4.2.2).
9.3.3.1. Adjectival Nouns

Adjectival nouns are derived from adjectives and generally refer to persons baving the
quality indicated by the adjective (1 )-(4) (cf. 4.2.1.1). Noun classifier prefixes indicate the sex of
the referents, except in cases of inanimates or groups of mixed gender, where the masculine is
used.
(1) ka' t-u-tz'aj tenjun=tuu! aj-wach

then cOM-3A-give/cTs lSG.IOPR one=ANIM MASC-Mexican
'then he gave me a Mexican (assistant), (91.10.21)
(2) ix-wach
FEM-Mexican
'Mexican' (female)
(3) tu'ux k-u-b'e! a' k'in-ej u-k'ab'a' aj-chik'in

where INC-3A-go DET sun-TOP 3A-name MAsc-west
'where the sun goes is called the west' (91.19.34-35)
(4) ix-nuk
FEM-old.female
'old woman'

Agentive nouns are derived from verbs and require a noun classifier indicating the sex of
the referent (1)-(4) (e.g., aj-kinsaj, 'he is a butcher'; ix-kinsaj, 'she is a butcher'; cf. 4.2.1.2). The
gender distinction may be neutralized with instrumental nouns such as ajpikit, 'palm frond fan',
derived from the active verb pikit, 'fan', and for plurals referring to groups of mixed gender, where
the masculine form appears (e.g., ajkinsajoo', 'butchers').
(1) A'-lo' aj-'ok-ol.

DET-DIST MASC-rob-NoM
'That is a thief.'
(2) tech aj-tZ'on-ech-ej

2ISG.lPR MASC-shoot-2SG.B-TOP
'you are the hunter, shooter' (91.15.97)
(3) I k'och-oo' aj-kiin-an-oo'

and arrive-PL MAsc-guard-NoM-PL
'And the guards arrived' (txtl.65)
(4) Uch-ij ... k'och-ij u-laak' .. aj-nojoch winik .. aj-meyaj xan ...
happen-3sG.B arrive-3SG.B 3A-other MASC-big man MASC-work also
'A while ago, another man came, a worker too,' (txt1.81-82)
9.4. Proper Nouns, Titles, and Honorifics
9.4.1. Persons, Titles, and Honorifics

Proper nouns referring to people are unmodified or preceded by honorifics (for elders) in
direct address (cf. 4.1.2.4.1). With third-person reference, they are preceded by the appropriate
classifier (masculine or feminine) or an honorific. The honorific suffix -tzil may also occur with
direct address or third-person mentions.
9.4.1.1. Direct Address

Adults do not generally address senior adults with personal names alone, but instead use
honorifics, titles, or kinship terms (1)-(29). Kinship terms may be used for all community
members, regardless of kinship relation, and indicate relative age and respect. The following
outline has been elicited and it has not been possible to thoroughly examine actual usage. Singular
addressees are unmarked, but plurals are marked by the Set B person marker, as in (8b), (9b),
(11), (12b), and (13b).
Personal Name
(1) 'And'res! 'Andres!' (familiar/informal)

PN
(2) Mariiyaj! 'Maria!' (familiar/informal)

PN
(3) A: Josej .. tu'ux t-a-miin-aj b'iik,?

PN where COM-2A-buy-cTs meat
'Jose, where did you buy meat?'
B: KanyunJwan.
with HONPN
'With senor Juan.'
(4) A: Mariiyaj .. tu'ux t-a-man-aj ixi'im?

PN where COM-2A-buy-CTS com
'Maria, where did you buy com?'
B: T-in-man-aj lean na'ax-Jwaanaj.2

COM-lSG.A-buy with HON/FEM PN
'I bought it with dona Juana.'
Honorific and Personal N arne
(5) Yun 'And'res! 'Don Andres!' (respectful)

HONPN
(6) Na 'ax-Mariiyaj! 'Dona Maria' (respectful)

HON-PN
Honorificffitle
(7) Yum! 'Sir!, 'Senor!' (respectful)

sir
(8a) Yun-tzil! 'Sir!', 'Senor!' (respectful, formal, to senior male)

sir-HON
(8b) Yun-tzil-e'ex! 'Sirs!', 'Senors!' (respectful, formal, to senior males)

sir-HON-2pL.B
(9a) Noj=xib'! 'Sir!', 'Senor!' (respectful, to senior male)

big=male
(9b) Noj=xib'-e'ex! 'Sirs!', 'Senors!' (respectful, to senior males)

big=male
(10) Noj-och =winik! 'Sir', 'Senor!' (respectful, to senior male)

big-ADJ man
(11) Nuk-uch=winik-e'ex! 'Gentlemen!', 'Senores!' (respectful, to senior males)

big-ADJ=man-2pL.B
(12a) Noj-och =ko 'leI! 'Lady', 'Madam' (respectful, to adult woman)

big-ADJ=lady
(12b) Noj-och=ko'lel-e'ex! 'Ladies', 'Madams' (respectful, to adult women)

big-ADJ=lady-2pL.B
(13a) Nuk=na'! 'Lady', 'Madam' (respectful, to old woman)

great=mother
(13b) Nuk=na'-e'ex! 'Ladies', 'Madams' (respectful, to old women)

great=mother-2PL.B
2 The honorific na'ax is derived from na', 'mother', plus the feminine classifier, ix- (na'-
ix> na'ax).
Affectionate and Kinship Address Terms
(14) Te'yoos paal. 'Greetings, child.'

hello child (familiar, to juniors [esp. male] less than 15)
(15) Te'yoos ch'upaal. 'Greetings, girl.' (may be over 15)

hello female/child
(16) Te'yoos xi'=paal. 'Greetings, boy.' (may be over 15)

hello male=child
(17) Te'yoos b'oox. 'Greetings, child.' (elder speaker, affectionate)

hello black
(18) Te'yoos chiinaj. 'Greetings, girl.' (elder speaker, affectionate)

hello girl
(19) Te'yoos tiiyoj. 'Greetings, uncle.'

hello uncle (respectful, to older male, younger than no/)
(20) Te'yoos tiiyaj. 'Greetings, aunt.'

hello aunt (respectful, to older female, younger than noolaj)
(21) Te'yoos taat(aj). 'Greetings, father.'

hello father (affectionate, to senior and junior adults)
(22) Te'yoos paapaj. 'Greetings, father.'

hello father (affectionate, to senior and junior adults)
(23) Te'yoos na(a)'. 'Greetings, mother.'

hello mother (affectionate, to senior and junior adults)
(24) Te'yoos no(o)l. 'Greetings, grandfather.' (respectful, to elders)

hello grandfather
(25) Te'yoos noj(-och)=tat. 'Greetings, grandfather.' (respectful, to elders)

hello grand( -ADJ)=father
(26) Te'yoos noj=xi'=tat. 'Greetings, grandfather.' (respectful, to elders)

hello big=male=father
(27) Te'yoos noolaj. 'Greetings, grandmother.' (respectful, to elders)

hello grandmother
(28) Te'yoos naanaj. 'Greetings, grandmother.'

hello grandmother (respectful, affectionate, to elders and small girls)
(29) Te'yoos nuk=na(a)'. 'Greetings, great mother' (respectful, to elders)

hello old.female=mother
9.4.1.2. Third-person Reference

Names used for third-person references are preceded by a title and/or a noun classifier.
Men's names are typically preceded by the honorific yun or the masculine classifier aj-, which also
precedes boys' names (1)-(3). Women's names are preceded by the honorific classifier contraction
na'ax or simply by the feminine classifier ix-, which also precedes girls' names (4)-(6). Names
with honorifics or noun classifiers may also be modified by the determiner a', as in (6) (cf. 9.S).
Title +1 NOUN.CL Proper Name
(1) Aj-Tomas-ej k'och-ij y-aknal aj-Josej.

MASC-PN-TOP arrive-3sG.B 3A-with MASC-PN
'Tomas came to Jose.'
(2) Aj-B'ataab'-oo'-ej itz'in-tzil-oo' ich aj-Kowoj-oo'.

MASC-PN-PL-TOP younger.brother-HON-PL among MASC-PN-PL
'The Batabs are younger brothers of the Couojs.' (e.g., father has remarried)
(3) Yun Peed'roj noj-och winik.

HON PN big-ADJ man
'Don Pedro is a senior man.'
(4) Ma' t-u-ta-s-aj ix-Mariiyaj.

NEG cOM-3A-come-CAUS-CTS FEM-PN
'Maria didn't bring it.'
(5) Tu'ux k-u-b'el na'ax-Mariiyaj?

where INC-3A-go HON/FEM-PN
'Where is dona Maria going.'
(6) Tu'ux k-u-b'el a' na'ax-Mariiyaj-ej.

where INC-3A-go DET HON/FEM-PN-TOP
'Where is the dona Maria going?'
People may be referred to by titles alone (7)-(S), and the noun classifier may be replaced
by the determiner with definite references (9). Names may also occur in equational constructions
with titles, as in (10)-( 13), where the noun classifier is generally optional on the title (cf. 17.3).
In these constructions the title functions as a generic modifier indicating category membership.
Titles
(7) k'och-ij u-Iaak' aj-nojoch winik.

arrive-3sG.B 3A-other MAsc-big man
'the other gentleman arrived.' (txt1.Sl)
(S) tal-ij t-inw-ototch ix-nuk-uch=ko 'lel-oo'.

come-3SG.B to-l SG.A-home FEM-old-ADJ=woman-PL
'the old women came to my house.'
(9) Tu'ux k-u-b'el a' noj-och ko'lel-ej?

where INC-3A-go DET big-AD] lady-TOP
'Where is the great lady going?'
(10) A: Jach uchij rna' inw-il-a' a)-Kowoj-oo' .

very long.ago NEG lSG.A-see-DTS MASC-PN-PL
'It's a long time since I've seen the Couojs.'
B: B'a-Ia) a)-Kowo)-oo'-e) ya (aj-)nuk-uch winik-oo'

TEMP-PROX MASC-PN-PL-TOP already (MASC-)big-ADJ man-PL
'Now the Couojs are already old men'
(11) A)-Jwan-e) (aj-)noj-och winik.

MASC-PN-TOP (MASC-)big-ADJ man
'Juan is a senior man.'
(12) A)-Jwan-e) ya (aj-)noj-xib'.

MASC-PN-TOP already (MASC-)big-male
'Juan is already a senior male.'
(13) Ix-Mariiya) ya (ix-)noj-och ko'lel.

FEM-PN already (FEM-)big-ADJ adult.woman
'Maria is already a senior woman.'
Kinship terms may also be used to make third-person references (14)-(18). The honorific
suffix -(in)tzil optionally marks certain close kin (ofa group) (15)-(18) (cf.4.2.5.1, 9.4.1.1,
10.1.1). Kinship terms may also appear in equational expressions indicating category
membership (16)-(18). The possessor group may be referred to in a prepositional phrase with ich(-
iI), 'among' (18). In this construction, the possessive prefix is missing and the meaning is generic,
identifying an exemplar of a category. This is an equational construction, not a possessed +
possessor construction (cf. 10.2.3.5, chapter 17).
Kin term (-Honorific)
(14) A'aI-e) ti ki-na'

tell-IMPTS to-1PL.A-mother
'Tell our mother' (91.13.117)
(15) I)un=tuul .. a' itz'in-tzil-ej .. k-uy-a'al-ik t-u-suku'un-ej

and one=ANIM DETyounger.brother-HoN-TOP INc-3A-say-ITs to-3A-older.brother-TOP
'And one, the younger brother says to his older brother' (91.13.93-94)
(16) A)-Jose) uy-itz 'in-tzil-oo

I.
MASC-PN 3A-younger.brother-HoN-PL
'Jose is the youngest brother of them.'
(17) Aj-Jose) u-suku 'un-tzil-il(-oo ~.

MASC-PN 3A-older.brother-HoN-POS(-PL)
'Jose is the oldest brother of them.'
(18) A)-Jose) suku 'un-tzil ich(-il) u-b 'a)-il-oo

I.
MASC-PN older.brother-HoN in( -pos) 3A-REFL-POS-PL

'Juan is (the) older brother among them.'
The pluralized relational noun, ich-il-oO', 'among them', may refer to the possessor group
anaphorically (19)-(20). The noun referring to the member of the group may be unmodified, as in
(19), or modified by the determiner (20), but not possessed unless an additional -il possessive
suffix is present (21)-(22)(cf. 10.2.3.5, 10.2.5.2).
Anapboric ich-il-oo'
(19) Aj-Josej suku'un-tzil ich-il-oo'.

MASC-PN older.brother-HoN in-POS-PL
'Jose is (the) oldest brother among them.'
(20) La'ayti' a' suku'un-tzil ich-il-oo'.

3IPRO DET older.brother-HON in-POS-PL
'He is the oldest brother among them.'
(21) Aj-Josej u-suku'un-tzil-il ich-il-oo'.

MASC-PN 3A-older.brother-HON-POS in-POs-PL
'Jose is the oldest brother among them.'
(22) *Aj-Josej u-suku 'un-tzil ich-il-oo'.

MASC-PN 3A-older.brother-HON in-POS-PL
9.4.2. Place Names (Toponyms)

Among place names, a distinction is made between those toponyms that require a
preposition and those that do not. The preposition ti' occurs in locative constructions with Mayan
names that include the noun classifiers aj- or ix-, as in (1)-(2). The preposition does not occur with
most other toponyms, including Spanish borrowings (3) (cf. 4.1.2.4.2, 4.6.3.3, 13.2.1.1). A
person's hometown or place of origin is indicated by prefixing a noun classifier (aj- or ix-) and
suffIxing -il to a toponym (4)-(5) (cf. 4.2.3.2).
(1) Tal-een t-Ix-Lu'. 'I came from IxLu.'

come-lS0.B from PN
(2) Tal-een t-Aj-B'oj. 'I came from AjB'oj.'

come-lS0.B from PN
(3) Tal-een San 'And'res. 'I came from San Andres.'

come-lS0.B PN
(4) aj-Peten-il 'Floreiio', 'male from Flores'

MASC-PN-POS
(5) ix- Yukatan-il 'Yucatecan woman', 'woman from Yucatan'

FEM-PN-POS
9.S. Numerals and Numeral Classifiers

Numeral classifiers are present whenever a noun is modified by a numeral of Mayan
origin (see chapter 5). Numeral classifiers indicate such features as animacy, shape, and measure. 3
Numerals and numeral classifiers precede the modified noun in the order: Numeral & Numeral
Classifier + Noun. Plurals may be additionally marked by nominal suffIxes. This is more likely to
happen when the NP refers to specific, defmite information.
9.S.1. New Indefinite Mentions

Indefmite referential marking is frequently signalled by numeral modifiers and is
commonly employed when introducing significant characters or elements of context into a
discourse, as in (1)-(5) (Hofling 1982, 1991, 1999). These mentions usually occur post-verbally or
3 Vapnarsky (1993b) offer an extended treatment of numeral classifier semantics.

after a stative (cf. 8.1). There is a contrast in discourse function between simple indefinite
marking, in which the noun is completely unmodified, and indefinite marking with numerals. The
presence of the numeral & numeral classifier signals the noteworthiness of the following noun.
The following examples illustrate typical uses of these constructions, which are generally
followed by additional definite mentions of the enumerated referent, confirming its discourse
relevance. In (1) the indefinite NP,}un=tuul winik, 'a man', is followed by an elaborating relative
clause. Similar phrases are used to introduce primary characters in narratives (2)-(3). In (4)-(5),
important inanimate elements are introduced in indefinite constructions followed by defmite
references.
(1) nak'-een inw-i/-a' jun=tuul winik .. t-u-k'a't-oj ten meya} ..

climb-1SG.B ISG.A-see-DTS one=ANIM man cOM-3A-ask-CTS ISG.lOPR work
'I went up to see a man that asked me for work' (91. 8.9-10)
(2) Jum=p'e k'injun=tuul aj-meyaj ich kiw-et'ok b'in-ij ti litz

one-INAM day one-ANIM MASC-work among 1pL.A-companion go-3SG.B SUB fish
'One day a worker among us went to fish' (txt 1.12-15)
(3) ich a' 'ab 'iyoon-e} yan jun=tuul ix-ch 'upal k-u-meya} ich 'ab'iyon-e}
in DET plane-ToP EXIST one=ANIM FEM-girl INC-3A-work in plane-TOP
'in the plane, there was a girl who worked in the plane'
(4) t-u-kiix-t-a}-oo' .. jum=p'e noj tunich-il tok' ...

cOM-3A-fmd-TRN-CTS-PL one=INAM big stone-pas flint
'they found a big piece of flint stone,
ka' kap-ij u-pol-t-oo' a' tunich-ej. ...

when begin-3sG.B 3A-work-TRN-PL DET-stone-TOP
and they began to shape the stone.' (92.3.68-69)
(5) ka'ti wak'-ijjum=p'eel aj-k'a'am ik' aj-lak'in ik' ...

when COM blow-3SG.B one=INAM MAsc-strong wind MASC-east wind
'when a strong wind blew, the summer (east) wind' (92.3.105-6)
9.5.2. Enumerated NPs and Generics

Enumerated NPs can also indicate generic qualities of definite referents in stative and
equational constructions (1)-(3) (cf. 9.2). Numeral classifiers may also be used anaphorically
with this sense (4) (cf. 9.5.4).
(1) jun=tuul mak-en

one=ANIM person-lSG.B
'I am a person'
(2) Tech-e} jun=tuul aj-poch-ech.

2SG.lPR-TOP one=ANIM MAsc-gluttonous-2SG.B
'You are a glutton.'
(3) A' winik}e'-lo'-e} jun=tuul aj-Yukatan-il.

DET man OST-DIST-TOP one=ANIM MASC-PN-POS
'That man is a Yucatecan.'
(4) jun=tuul(-il-ik)-en
one=ANIM(-FOC-PERF)-l SG.B
'I am only one'
9.5.3. Ordinal Numerals: A.PR-NUM & NCL (+ NP)

Possessive marking preceding the numeral may distinguish ordinal from cardinal
numerals (1)-(6) (cf. 5.1.2). However, they are not as clearly distinguished in Itzaj as in other
Yucatecan languages. This construction is primarily used with reference to time. Ordinal numerals
marked by Set A personal prefixes usually occur with the prepositional prefix t-, 'to', as in (1). In
the full form, they appear in possessed + possessor constructions with the possessed numeral
classifier preceding a possessor noun and have the sense "the nth of a group" (1 )-(3). When a
possessed numeral construction is used with reference to a non-temporal referent it generally
requires that a defmite NP follow, as in (2)-(3), and an unspecified possessor is unacceptable (4).
Ordinal numeral expressions can also appear with an anaphoric function referring to previously
mentioned or otherwise understood information (5)-(6) (cf. 9.5.4).
(1) t-u-ox=p'e k'in k-u-b'e/ 'it's going into the third day' (91.12.68)
in-3A-three=INAM day INC-3A-go
(2) u-ka '=kuul a' naj-ej 'the second house'

3A-two=round DET house-ToP
(3) u-'ox=tuul a' winik-ej 'the third man'

3A-three=ANIM DET man-TOP
(4) ??u-'ox=tuul winik(-ej)

3A-three=ANIM man(-ToP)
(5) u-'ox=pak-ej 'the third time'

3A-three=time-TOP
(6) t-u- 'ox=pak-ej 'on the third time'

on-3A-three=time-TOP
With the t- prefix and -il suffix, signaling group membership (cf. 10.2.3.5), a cardinal
interpretation is given (7)-(8).
(7) t-u-'ox=tuul-il 'the three of them'

to-3A-three=ANIM -pas
(8) t-u-ka'=kuul-il a' naj-ej 'the two houses'

to-3A-twO=round-pos DET house-TOP
The construction: DET + NeL & N is ambiguous between cardinal and ordinal
interpretations (9)-(10). The ordinal interpretation is clear with the addition of the Set A person
marker on the fust noun and the determiner on the second (11)-(12). Plural marking on the noun
unambiguously indicates the cardinal interpretation (13)-(14).
(9) a' ka '=kuul naj-ej 'the second house', 'the two houses'
DET two=round house-TOP
(10) a' 'ox=tuul winik-ej 'the third man', 'the three men'
DET three=ANIM man-TOP
(11) a' u-ka '=kuul a' naj-ej 'the second house'

DET 3A-two=round DET house-TOP
(12) a' u-'ox=tuul a' winik-ej 'the third man'

DET 3A-three=ANIM DET man-TOP
(13) a' ka '=kuul naj-oo' 'the two houses'

DET two=round house-PL
(14) a' 'ox=tuulwinik-oo'-ej 'the three men'

DET three=ANIM man-PL-TOP
Ordinal constructions can also be formed with the numeral following the noun (15), and
with the preposition ich, 'among' (16).
(15) a' winik ox=tuul-ej 'the third man'

DET man three=ANIM-TOP
(16) a' ox=tuul ich a' winik-oo'-ej 'the third of the men'
DET three=ANIM among DET man-PL-TOP
9.5.4. Pronominal Mentions

Numeral & numeral classifier structures may appear without modified nouns serving an
anaphoric pronominal function (1)-(4).
(1) Ka' t-uy-a'l-aj b'injun=tuul t-uy-et'ok-ej ..

then cOM-3A-say-cTs REPORT one=ANIM to-3A-friend-ToP
'Then one said to his friend,' (91.13.99)
(2) t-u-ka'=pak-ej
on-3A-two=time-TOP
'the second time'
(3) I a' t-u-ox=pak-ej

and DET on-3A-three=time-TOP
'And on the third time' (91.16.96)
(4) a' 'ox=tuul-ej

DET three=ANIM-TOP
'the three (animate beings)'
The numeral classifier may take additional suffIxes such as the partitive -i'ij (5)-(6). In
conjunction with the t-u- prefixes, it may take the possessive -il suffIx to indicate group
membership (7) (cf. 9.5.8, lO.2.3.5).
(5) In-k'a't-ij in-miin-ii' jun=p 'is-i'ij.

lSG.A-want-Ts lSG.A-buy-DTS one=measure-PARTIT
'I want to buy a measure of it.'
(6) T-a' winik-oo'je'-la' k'ab'eet tenjun=tuul-i'ij.

of-DET man-PL OST-PROX need lSG.lOPR one=ANIM-PARTIT
'Of these men, I need one.'
(7) t-u-'ox=tuul-il b'in-oo'

on-3A-three=ANIM-POS gO-PL
'the three of them went'
Pronominal numeral expressions may also occur in stative and equational constructions
(8)-(13) (cf. 9.12, 11.5). Demonstrative adjectives may modify numeral compounds in stative
forms (8)-(10). Equational constructions may involve independent or demonstrative pronouns and
have generic or group-membership meanings (11)-(13).
(8) a'jum=p'eje'-lo'
DET one=INAM OST-DIST
'that one'
(9) a' ka'=p'eje'-lo'

DET two= INAM OST-DIST
'those two'
(10) A'jun=kuulje'-la' in-ka'aO) in-jan-t-ej.

DET one=round OST-PROX ISG.A-go ISG.A-eat-TRN-DTS
'This one, I am going to eat.'
(11) A: Max aj-San Josej-ilich-il-e'ex?

who MASC-PN-POS in-POS-2PL.B
'Who among you is from San Jose?'
B: In-tenjun=tuul-en.
EMP-1SG.lPRO one=ANIM-1SG.B
'I am one.'
(12) A '-laj jum=p'eel

DET-PROX one=INAM
'this is one'
(13) A'-laj ka'=p'eel

DET-PROX two-INAM
'there are two'
9.5.5. Interaction with Other Noun Modifiers
9.5.5.1. NUM & NCL + NOUN.CL-Noun

When nouns that appear with noun classifiers (class 2 nouns) are enumerated with
indefmite reference, the numeral and numeral classifier precede the noun classifier (1 )-(4) (cf.
9.3.1). If the noun is possessed, the numeral expression precedes the possessive Set A pronoun
(5). These constructions are similar to possessed + possessor constructions (see chapter 10).
(1) T-inw-il-aj jun=tul aj-mis.

COM-lsG.A-see-CTS one=ANIM MASC-cat
'I saw a cat.'
(2) T-inw-il-aj jun=tul aj-ku'uk.

COM-l SG.A-see-CTS one=ANIM MAsc-squirrel
'I saw a squirrel.'
(3) Jun=tuul aj-'ok-ol

one=ANIM MAsc-rob-NOM
'a thief'
(4) yaanjun=muul aj-say

EXIST one=mound MASC-Ieafcutter.ant
'there is a mound of leafcutter ants'
(5) T-in-kin-s-aj jun=tuul inw-ix-kax-ej.

cOM-l SO .A-die-CAUS-CTS one=ANIM 1SO.A-FEM-chicken-TOP
'I killed one of my chickens.'
9.5.5.2. NUM & NCL + (NOUN.CL-)Adjective + Noun

Numerals also precede adjectives modifying nouns. In these constructions, noun
classifiers are generally optional (cf. 4.5, 9.3).
(1) T-inw-il-aj jun=tu noj keej.

cOM-lso.A-see-cTs one=ANIM big deer
'I saw a big deer.'
(2) jun=tuul (aj-)siik k'ek'en

one=ANIM (MASC-)white pig
'a white pig'
(3) T-im-miin-aj jum=p'eel (aj-)'al='al chem.

cOM-lso.A-buy-CTS one=INAM (MAsc-)heavy=heavy canoe
'I bought a very heavy canoe.'
(4) ka'=tuul (aj-)noj-och winik

twO=ANIM (MASC-)big-ADJ man
'two big men'
9.5.5.3. NUM & NCL + Definite NP

Numeral expressions may precede defmite NPs in constructions making indefinite
references to a number of members of a specific group (1)-(10) (see chapter 10). The definite NP
may be part of a prepositional phrase with the ich, 'among' (3), (10).
(1) Jun=tuul a' tzimin-ej

one=ANIM DET horse-TOP
'One of the horses'
(2) La'ayti' a'-lo'jun=tuul aj-'ok-ol-ej.

3IPR DET-DIST one=ANIM MASC-rob-NOM-TOP
'That is one of the thieves.'
(3) La'ayti' a'-lo'jun=tuul ich aj-'ok-ol-oo'-ej.

3IPRO DET-DIST one-ANIM among MASC-rob-NOM-PL-TOP
'That is one of, among, the thieves.'
(4) jun=tuul a' winikje'-laj

one=ANIM DET man OST-PROX
'one of these men'
(5) jun=tuul a' winik-ej

one=ANIM DET man-TOP
'one of the men'
(6) jUII=taach inw-ok

one=limb ISG.A-leg
'one of my feet'
(7) Pul-u'jum=pul wa ka'=pul a'jook'-ej.

throw-IMPTS one=throw or two=throw DET fishhook-TOP
'Throw your fishhook one or two throws.'
(8) K'ux-uk ka'=taach u-k'ab' a' winik-ej.

bite-ADJ two=limb 3A-hand DET man-TOP
'The man's two arms are painful.' (lit., 'two of the man's arms are painful')
(9) ka '=tuul im-mejen paal-oo'

twO-ANIM ISG.A-small child-PL
'my two small children', 'two of my small children'
(10) jUII=tuul ich inw-ix-kax-ej

one=ANIM among ISG.A-FEM-chicken-TOP
'one of my hens'
9.5.5.4. Definite Marker + NUM & NCL + NP

Defmite markers precede numeral expressions to make defmite enumerated references.
Defmite markers include possessive Set A person markers (1)-(2), the determiner a' (3)-(6), and
demonstratives (5)-(6).
(I) in-ka'=tuul mejen paal-oo'

ISG.A-twO=ANIM small child-PL
'my two small children'
(2) In-wakax-ej yaj u-ka'=ta(a)ch-il uy-ok.

ISG.A-COW-TOP painfuI3A-two=limb-pos 3A-Ieg
'My cow, its two legs are lame.'
(3) a' ox=tuul mejen paal-oo'-ej

DET three-ANIM small child-PL-TOP
'the three small children'
(4) a' ox=tuul paal-oo' mejen-ej

DET three=ANIM child-PL small-TOp
(5) A'jum=p'eelje'-laj in-k'a't-i}.

DET one=INAM OST-PROX ISG.A-want-TS
'I want this one.'
(6) A'-lajjum=p'eel in-k'a't-i}.

DET-PROX one=INAM ISG.A-want-Ts
'This is the one I want.'
9.5.6. Reduplication of Numerals

Numerals may be reduplicated to indicate groupings of a given number, and these
reduplicated forms may function as manner adverbials (1)-(5) (cf. 1.4.6.2.1, 5.1.3, 14.3).
Reduplication ofjun, 'one', may indicate either 'one by one' (1)-(2) or 'each' (3). These adverbial
forms may function as aspect markers with verbs in the incompletive status (1), (4) (cf. 3.1.1.1).
(1) Ju-jun=tuul u-kin-sii-b'-iil.

REDUP-one=ANIM 3A-die-CA US-PAS-lIS
'One by one they are killed.'
(2) K-u-kin-sii-b'-iil ju-jun=tuul.

INC-3A-die CAUS-PAS-IIS REDUP-one=ANIM
'They are killed one by one.'
(3) k-u-tz'iib'-t-ik-oo' tiju'um b'oon markeetaj

INC-3A-write-TRN-ITS-PL on paper how.many block
'he writes on paper how many blocks
k-u-k'ub '-ik ju-jun=tuul winik

INC-3A-deliver-ITS REDUP-one man
each man delivers' (91.22.338-40)
(4) Ka'-ka'=tuul u-b'el-oo'.

REDUP-twO=ANIM 3A-go-PL
'Two by two they go.'
(5) K-u-b'el-oo' ka'-ka'=tuul.

INC-3A-go-PL REDUP-twO=ANIM
'They go two by two.'
9.5.7. Reduplication of Numeral Classifiers

Numeral classifiers may be completely reduplicated with -en to indicate multiple (but
unnumbered) groupings.
(1) A '-ka' p'uy-b'-i tulakal a' che'-ej ..

DET-when chop.Up-PAS-3sG.B all DET wOOd-TOP
'When all of the wood was chopped up,
jok'-i tz'a(a)p=en=tz'aap u-nik-tal.

leave-3sG.B stack=REDUP=stack 3A-pile-posIT
it came out piled in lots of stacks.'
(2) Tz'aap=en=tz'aap u-tunich-i/ a' witz-ej.

stack=REDUP=stack 3A-stone-POS DET hill-TOP
'The rocks of the hill are layered.'
(3) A '-k'a' nik-ij a' witz-ej .. muul=en=muul u-tunich-it.

DET-when collapse-3sG.B DEI hill-TOP pile=REDuP=pile 3A-stone-pos
'When the hill collapsed, its stones were left in piles.'
9.5.S. Highlighted Numeral Expressions

Numerals may be emphatically highlighted in the construction: ti' A.PR-NUM & NCL-it
(1), (2). Contrastive focus may be marked on numeral expressions by fronting them with focus
suffixes in the construction: NUM & NCL-il-ik-B.PR (3)-(4) (cf. 5.3.4, 6.2.4, 10.2.3.5, 14.5).
(1) ti-ki- 'ox=tuul-il

to-l PL.A-three=ANIM-POS
'the three of us'
(2) Chok'-o' a-k'ab'-i'ij-e .. t-u-ka'=p'eel-il.

put.in-IMPTS 2A-paw-Loc-TOP to-3A-twO=INAM-POS
'Put your paws in there, the two of them.' (91.12.90-91)
(3) Jun=tuul-il-ik4 u-xib'-il.

one=ANIM-FOC-PERF 3A-male-pos
'Only one among them is male.'
(4) ox=tuul-il-ik-o'on
three=ANIM-FOC-PERF-lpL.B
'only the three of us'
9.6. Plurals
9.6.1. Numerals and Quantifiers

Plural meaning may be indicated by numerals or other quantifiers without plural suffIxes
on the modified noun (1)-(3).
(1) Ti Peten-e kim-ij ka'=tu winik tija'.

in PN-TOP die-3sG.B twO=ANIM man in water
'In Flores two men drowned in the water.'
(2) Ti Peten-e k'och-i yaab' mak.

in PN-TOP arrrive-3SG.B many person
'A lot of people arrived in Flores.'
(3) Ti Peten-e k'och-oo' yaab' mak.

in PN-TOP arrrive-3SG.B many person
'Many people arrived in Flores.'
9.6.2. Noun Plurals with -00'

Noun plurals are generally formed with the suffIx -00' and are typically modified by
defmite markers such as the determiner a', possessive pronouns, and demonstratives (1)-(4).
(1) I a' mejen pek'-oo'-ej ..

and DET small dog-PL-TOP
'And the small dogs,' (91.7.3)
(2) t-u-kaal-oo '-ej . ..

in-3A-town-TOP-PL
'in their towns.' (91.4.11)
(3) I mentiik-ej .. a' b'a'alche'-oo'je'-lo' ..

and therefore-TOP DET animal-PL OST-DIST
'And therefore, those animals,' (91.13.165-6)
(4) B'a'ax kaj-il-i'ij .. a' tu'ux kim-ij .. a' winik-oo'-ej.

what town-POS-FOC DET where die-3SG.B DET man-PL-TOP
'Which of the towns is it where the men died.'
Nouns referring to items that are not regularly individuated or counted (mass nouns), are
4 -il-ik _ -il-i'; cf. 1.3.7.3.

228 InA} MAYA GRAMMAR
generally not pluralized. For example, morphologically single forms of b'u'ul, 'beans', are ordinary
constructions (5)-(6). In (7) the plural marker is interpreted as referring to the possessor, not the
object. A plain defmite plural object, as in (8), or a plural object with an additional demonstrative,
as in (9), refers to different kinds or containers of beans.
(5) Tan-u-jan-t-ik b'u'ul.

DUR-3A-eat-TRN-ITS bean
'S/he is eating beans.'
(6) Tan-u-jan-t-ik u-b'u 'ul.

DUR-3A-eat-TRN-ITS 3A-bean.
'S/he is eating her/his beans.'
(7) Tan-u-jan-t-ik u-b'u 'ul-oo'.

DUR-3A-eat-TRN-ITS 3A-bean-PL
'They are eating their beans.'
(8) Tan-u-jan-t-ik a' b'u'ul-oo'.

DUR-3A-eat-TRN-ITS DET bean-PL
'S/he is eating the (different kinds of) beans.'
(9) Tan-u-jan-t-ik a' b'u'ul-oo'je'-Io'.

DUR-3A-eat-TRN-ITS DET bean-PL OST-DIST
'S/he is eating those (pots of) beans.'
As noted in 9.6.1, plural marking is optional on nouns modified by numerals, but it is

more likely when the NP encodes specific, given information. Examples with numbers of specific
groups are given in (10) and (11) (cf. 9.5.5.3). The plural suffix tends to occur at the end of the
NP, on the adjective (but preceding the topic marker) if the adjective follows the noun (11).
(10) ka'=tuul im-mejen paal-oo'-ej

twO=ANIM 1SG.A-small child-PL-TOP
'two of my small children', 'my two small children'
(11) ka '=tuul im-paal mejen-oo '-ej

twO=ANIM ISG.A-child small-PL-TOP
'two of my small children', 'my two small children'
Enumerated NPs that begin with determiners indicating definite information are generally
pluralized with -00' (12)-(14) (cf. 9.5.5.4).
(12) a' ox=tuul paal-oo' mejen-ej

DET three=ANIM child-PL small-TOP
(13) a' ox=tuul paal mejen-oo'-ej

DET three=ANIM child small-PL-TOP
(14) a' ox=tuul mejen paal-oo'-ej

DET three=ANIM small child-PL-TOP
9.6.3. Distributive Plural with -tak

The distributive plural-tak regularly appears with a small number of nouns and may
optionally appear with most nouns, adjectives, and participles (cf. Kaufman 1991:74; Blair
1964:97). It has the meaning 'each and every' or 'individuated', and often it marks new information
(1)-(4) (cf. 4.3.3).
(1) u-may-tak a' keej-ej. ...

3A-hoof-PL DET deer-TOP
'the hoofs of the deer.' (91.16.49)
(2) k-u-chiik-ik a' b'a'ax-tak mum . ...

INC-3A-Cook-ITS DET thing-PL tender
'it cooks the tender things.' (91.21 :35)
(3a) In-ka'aj in-miin-ii' b'a'ax-tak.

ISG.A-go ISG.A-buy-DTS thing-PL
'I'm going to buy some things.'
(3b) In-ka'aj in-miin-ii' a' b'a'ax-tak-ej.

ISG.A-go ISG.A-buy-DTS DET thing-PL-TOP
'I'm going to buy the things.'
(3c) In-ka'aj in-miin-ii' im-b'a'ax-tak.

ISG.A-go ISG.A-buy-DTS ISG.A-thing-PL
'I'm going to buy my things.'
(4) U-b'ak a' keej-ej jach yutzil ti'ij u-lech-b'-el nok'(-tak) wa p'ook(-tak).
3A-horn DET deer-TOP very good for 3A-hang-PAS-IIS clothes(-PL) or hat(-PL}
'Deer horns are very good for hanging clothes or hats.'
-tak does not take usually take plural verb-agreement marking but may occur with the
plural marker -00' (5)-(10). As indicated by the contrast of (7) and (8), -tak often appears on
elements of new information (cf. 9.6.4).
(5) Ma'lo'-tak-oo'.
fme-PL-PL
'They are all fme.'
(6a) In-wakax-ej polok-tak(-oo?

ISG.A-cattle-TOP fat-PL(-PL)
'My cattle are all fat.'
(6b) In-wakax-oo'-ej laj polok-tak.

ISG.A-cattle-PL-ToP all fat-PL(-PL}
'My cattle are all fat.'
(7) Laj siik-tak inw-ix-kax-oo '-ej.

all white-PL ISG.A-FEM-chicken-PL-TOP
'My chickens are all white.'
(8) ??Laj siik inw-ix-kax-tak.

all white ISG.A-FEM-chicken-PL
(9) ke ma' chik-p-aj-ij ... u-yum-il tulakal a' b'a'ax-oo'-tak ..

that NEG appear-PAS-DTR-3SG.B 3A-owner-POS all DET thing-PL-PL
'that he didn't appear, the owner of all the things
p'at-iO) y-alam a' naj-ej ..

remain-3SG.B 3A-below DET house-TOP
that remained below the cabana,' (txt1.181-83)
(10) Tayasal .. tu'uxyan .. ruuwinaj-oo'

PN where EXIST ruin-PL
'Tayasal, where there are ruins
tu'ux yan .. kaj-tal-il-tak .. aj-Maayaj-oo' kux-l-aj-oo'-i'ij. ...

where EXIST town-INCH-ABST-PL MASC-PN-PL live-POSIT-CIS-PL-LOC
where there were habitations of the Mayas that lived there.' (92.3.89-92)
The distributive plural may appear suffixed to interrogative words and may have an
emphatic sense (11)-(13).
(11) B'a'ax-tak a'-la'(-oo~?

what-PL DET-PROX(-PL)
'What are these things?'
(12) A: Aj-Jwan tal-ij ti Peten.

MASC-PN come-3SG.B to PN
'Juan came to Flores.'
B: B'a'ax-tak t-u-ta-s-aj?
what-PL cOM-3A-come-cAus-CTS
'What things did he bring?'
A: Chen b'iik' t-u-ta-s-aj.

only meat cOM-3A-come-cAus-CTS
'He only brought meat.
Ma' t-u-ta-s-aj mix=b'a'al-tak.

NEG cOM-3A-come-CAUS-CTS NEG=thing-PL
He didn't bring any other things.'
(13) Max-tak(-oo~ a' tal-oo'-ej?

WhO-PL( -PL) DET come-PL-TOP
'Who are the ones that came?'
(14) Ma' t-aw-il-aj b'ix-tak-i'ij?

NEG cOM-2A-see-CTS hOW-PL-FOC
'Didn't you see how they are?'
The distributive plural usually appears without plural verb agreement in contrastive-focus
constructions (15)-(18) (cf. 9.11). Plural verb agreement is less acceptable with inanimate items
than with animate ones, as shown in (18).
(15) Chen u-may-tak p'at-i ten.

only 3A-hoof-PL remain-3SG.B ISG.lOPR
'Only the hooves were left for me.'
(16) Chen u-pek'-tak p'at-i ten.

only 3A-dog-PL remain-3SG.B lSG.lOPR
'Only his dogs were left for me.'
(17) Chen u-nok'-tak p'at-i ten.

only 3A-clothes-pL remain-3SG.B lSG.lOPR
'Only his clothes remained for me.'
(18a) *Chen u-nok'-tak p'at-oo' ten.

only 3A-clothes-pL remain-PL lSG.lOPR
(18b) Chen u-nok'-oo' p'at-oo' ten.

only 3A-clothes-PL remain-PL ISG.lOPR
'Only their clothes remained for me.'
(18c) Chen u-tzimin-tak p'at-oo' ten.

only 3A-horse-PL remain-PL 1SG.lOPR
'Only his horses remained with me.'
-tak may appear with participial forms (19)-(22), except antipassive participles, where
-00' is preferred (23)-(26).
(19) Lub '-a 'an-tak(-oo ~. 'They are all fallen.'

fall-PARTI-PL( -PL)
(20) Lub '-al-tak(-oo ~. 'They are all fallen.'

fall-PART3-PL( -PL)
(21) Lub '-sii-b 'il-tak(-oo ~. 'They are all knocked down.'

fall-PART2-PL( -PL)
(22) Kin-s-iij-a 'an-tak(-oo ~. 'They have all been killed.'

die-caus-dtr-part1-PL( -PL)
(23) Lox-n-aj-a 'an-oo '. 'They have been hitters.'

hit-AP-CIS-PART1-PL
(24) ??Lox-n-aj-a 'an-tak(-oo ~

hit-AP-CIS-PART1-PL( -PL)
(25) Kin-s-iij-n-aj-a 'an-oo'. 'They have killed.'

die-CAUS-DTR-AP-CIS-PART1-PL
(26) ??Kin-s-iij-n-aj-a 'an-Iak(-oo ~. 'They have killed.'

die-CAUS-DTR-AP-CIS-PART1-PL(-PL)
9.6.4. Plural Agreement

Coreferential plurals may be marked more than once in a clause. Plurals may be marked
both on the verb and on a major nominal argument (subject or direct object) or both on a noun and
an adjectival modifier. When a plural noun is topicalized, the plural is generally marked again in
the clause. The repetition of plural marking also serves the rhetorical function of marking
parallelisms (cf. 25.2; Hofling 1987, 1999).
9.6.4.1. Verb-Noun Argument Agreement

Examples (1)-(4) show plural agreement on a major nominal argument and on the verb or
stative predicate. A noun marked by the distributive plural -tak is less likely to take plural verb
agreement (5)-(6) than a noun marked with the -00' plural (7) (cf. 9.6.3). Collective plurals
marked by -al may also take plural verb agreement, but do not require it, as shown in (8)-(9) (cf.
10.2.1).
(1) La'ayti'-oo't-u-kin-s-aj-oo'.
3IPR-PL cOM-3A-die-CAUS-CTS-PL
'They killed it.'
(2) A'winik-oo'-e t-u-jek'-aj-oo'jun=ku naj.

DET man-PL-TOP cOM-3A-break-cTs-PL one=round house
'The men broke apart a house.'
(3) A' winik-oo' aj-kin-s-ii=b 'alum-oo'.

DET man-PL MAsc-die-cAus-DTR=jaguar-PL
'The men are jaguar killers.'
(4) Tulakal a' b'a'al=che'-oo'je'-la' k-aw-il-ik-oo'-ej ...

all DET animal-PL OST-PROX INC-2A-see-ITS-PL-TOP
'All of these animals that you see,' (91.15.102-03)
(5) U-may-tak ch'uy-b'-ij ich a' kosiinaj-e.

3A-hoof-PL hang-PAS-3SG.B in DET kitchen-TOP
'The hooves were hung inside the kitchen.'
(6) ??U-may-tak ch'uy-b'-oo' ich a' kosiinaj-ej.

3A-hoof-PL hang-PAS-PL in DET kitchen-TOP
(7) U-may-oo'-ej ch'uy-b'-oo' ich a' kosiinaj-ej.

3A-hoof-PL-TOP hang-PAs-PL in DET kitchen-TOP
'The hooves were hung in the kitchen.'
(8) U-muuch'-al a' sinik-ej b'in-oo'.

3A-pile-pos DET ant-TOP gO-PL
'The pile of ants, they went.'
(9) U-muuch'-al a' sinik-ej b'in-ij.

3A-pile-pos DET ant-TOP go-3SG.B
''J11e pile of ants went.'
9.6.4.2. Noun-Modifier Agreement

In noun-modifier constructions, plural is usually marked once at the end of the NP (1)-
(3). Demonstratives following a noun tend not to be marked for plural (4)-(6).
(1) aj-siik winik-oo'-ej

MASc-white man-PL-TOP
'the white men'
(2) a' winik siik-oo'-ej

DET man white-PL-TOP
'the white men'
(3) ox=tuul nukuch 5 winik 'ayik'al-oo'.

three=ANIM big man rich-PL
'three great rich men'
(4) a' winik-oo'je'-lo'(-oo~(-ej)

DET man-PL OST-DIST(-PL)(-TOP)
'those men'
(5) ich a' k'in-oo'je'-la' ..

within DET daY-PL OST-PROX
'within the next few days,' (91.1.25)
(6) a' b'a'alche'-oo'je'-lo' ..

DET animal-PL OST-DIST
'those animals' (91.13.166)
It is possible to have plural marking on both the noun and a following adjective, as in the
fIrst NP in (7) and (8c), but not on both the noun and a preceding adjective (8b). More commonly,
plural is marked twice in equational constructions where a noun is followed by a predicate
adjective (9)-(13) (cf. 17.3). This is especially common if the fIrst NP is topicalized.
(7) A' nukuch winik-oo' siik-oo' .. ka'nal u-b'ak-el-oo' aj-me'-me'ex='ich-oo'.

DET big man-PL white-PL tall 3A-bone-POS-PL MASC-REDup-beard=face-PL
'The great white men are tall of stature, they are bearded.'
(8a) I a' mejen pek'-oo'-ej ..

and DET small dog-PL-TOP
'And the small dogs,' (91.7.3)
(8b) *a' mejen-oo' pek'-oo'-ej ..

DET small-PL dog-PL-TOP
(8c) a' pek'(-oo ~ mejen-oo'

DET doge -PL) small-PL
'the small dogs'
(9) A'winik-oo'-e ma'lo'-oo'.

DET man-PL-TOP good-PL
'The men are good ones.'
(10) A'-la'-oo'-ej chich(-oo~ toj.

DET-PROX-PL-TOP hard(-pL) still
'These are hard still.'
(11) La'ayti'-oo' paal-oo'.

3IPR-PL child-PL
'They are children.
Mentiik-ej jach ki'mak uy-ool-oo'.

therefore-TOP very good 3A-spirit-PL
Therefore, they are very happy.'
5 Nukuch is an adjective that only occurs with plurals.

234 lIZAJ MA YA GRAMMAR
(12) [x-ch'up-oo'-ej k'iis po-polok-tak-oo'.

FEM-woman-PL-TOP rather REDUp-fat-PL-PL
'The women are all rather fat.'
(13) A' ch'iich'-oo'-ej k'iis siik(-tak)-oo'.

DET bird-PL-TOP rather white( -PL)-PL
'The birds are (all) rather white.'
In possessed + possessor constructions, both possessed and possessor nouns can be

pluralized (14). Plural marking can also occur on the possessed noun to indicate a plural possessor
(15) (cf. 2.1.1).
(14) Yutzil u-paychi'-oo' ix-ch'up-oo'-ej.

beautiful 3A-prayer-PL FEM-woman-PL-TOP
'The prayers of the women are beautiful.'
(15) Tulakal-oo' k'och-oo'.

all-PL arrive- PL
'They all arrived.
Chen u-na'-il(-oo~ rna' k'och-ij.

only 3A-mother-pos(-PL) NEG arrive-3SG.B
Only their mother didn't arrive.'
9.7. Adjectives
9.7.1. Attributive Adjectives
9.7.1.1. Adjective + Noun

Attributive adjectives generally precede the nouns they modify (cf. 4.5.1). The order
adjective & noun also appears in compounds (cf. 4.4.3), a further indication that adjective +
noun is the unmarked order. Noun classifiers are optionally or obligatorily present in indefinite
adjective + noun NPs (cf. 4.5.1, 9.3, 9.5). In defmite adjective + noun NPs, noun classifiers
may be replaced by the determiner or a Set A person marker. Indefmite reference may be
indicated by lack of defmite markers (1), or, for more important new mentions, by preceding
numerals (2). Examples of defmite reference with the determiner are given in (3)-(5).
(1) A: Laj nik-ij?

all collapse-3sG.B
'Did it (the hill) all collapse?'
B: Tulakal .. (aj-)nukuch tunichjok'-ij t-u-ni'-il a'witz-ej.

all (MASC-)big stone leave-3SG.B from-3A-nose-pos DET hill-TOP
'Completely, great rocks came out from the very top of the hill.'
(2) jun=tuul (aj-)siik k'ek'en

one=ANIM (MASC-)white pig
'a white pig'
(3) Ka' t-u-kuch-aj u-si' a' nojoch winik-ej

then cOM-3A-Ioad-CTS 3A-frrewood DET great man-TOP
'Then the gentleman loaded his firewood' (91.12.132)
(4) B'in-ij t-a' slik naj-ej.

go-3SG.B to-DET white house-ToP
'S/he went to the white house.'
(5) T-in-miin-aj a' tu'umb'en b'aat-ej.

COM-1SG.A-buy-CTS DET new ax-TOP
'I bought the new ax.'
If a noun classifier precedes the adjective, the reference may be either definite or
indefmite, determined by discourse context (6)-(10). A topic-marker suffix usually indicates
defmite reference.
(6a) aj-siik k'ek'en

MASC-white pig
'a/the white pig'
(6b) aj-k'oj-a'an wakax-ej

MASC-sick-PART COW-TOP
'the sick cow'
(6c) aj-ka'nal=b'ak-el winik

MAsc-high=bone-pos man
'a/the tall( -boned) man'
(7) Ka' lub'-ij aj-tikin che'-ej.

then fall-3SG.B MASC-dry tree-TOP
'Then the dry tree fell.' (91.12.30)
(8) T-uy-il-aj aj-noj b'a'alche'

cOM-3A-see- CTS MASC-big animal
'He saw the big animal' (91.15.19)
(9) T-in-miin-aj aj-b'ox tzimin(-ej).

COM-lsG.A-buy-CTS MASC-black horse( -TOP)
'I bought the black horse.'
(10) Aj-polok winik-ej t-u-kin-s-aj.

MASC-fat man-TOP cOM-3A-die-CAUS-CTS
'The fat man killed it.'
Defmite reference may also be indicated by preceding Set A possessive pronouns with
optional noun classifiers (11)-(13) (cf. 9.5.5.4).
(11) in(w-iij)-siik k'ek'en

ISG.A(-MASC)-white pig
'my white pig'
(12) in(w-iij)-ya'ax otoch

1SG.A(-MAsc)-green house
'my green house'
(13) in(w-aj)-mum b'u'ul-ej

ISG.A(-MASC)-tender bean-TOP
'my tender beans'
In exclamatory uses, the adjective may precede a defmite or proper noun (14)-(16).
(14) O'tzil aj-Josej-ej .. u-k'a't-i} yan-b'i/.

poor MASC-PN-TOP 3A-want-Ts help-PART2
'Poor Jose, he needs to be helped.'
(15) O'tzil in-suku'un-ej miiyaj kim-i}.

poor ISG.A-older.brother-TOP probably die-3SG.B
'My poor brother, I think he died.' (91.14.91-92)
(16) Jach b'ox aj-Josej-ej!

very black MASC-PN-TOP
'How black Jose is!
9.7.1.2. Noun + Adjective

Attributive adjectives may also follow the modified noun. This may be due, in part, to
Spanish influence. Noun + adjective constructions may also be derived from reduced relative
clauses (see chapter 22). Noun classifiers do not appear in these constructions, unlike adjective +
noun constructions (cf. 9.7.1.1). Noun + adjective constructions may be used with all degrees of
specificity. In (1) the adjective indicates a generic quality without any other modifier. In (2)-(3)
the NP is enumerated to indicate important new information. In (4)-(6) the noun is modified by
the determiner and a phrase-fmal topic marker, and in (7)-(8) the NP is possessed.
(1) A' sumje'-Io'-e' .. sum polok . ...

DET rope OST-DIST-TOP rope thick
'That rope is thick rope.' (91.22.117-18)
(2) T-u-man-ajjum=p'e lak tu'umb'en . ...

cOM-3A-buy-CTS one=INAM plate new
'He bought a new clay plate.' (91.18.44)
(3) Je'-Ia'jun=tuul tzimin box(-ej).

OST-PROX one=ANIM horse black(-ToP)
'Here is a black horse.'
(4) T-in-man-aj a' tzimin b'ox-ej.

COM-lSG.A-buy-CTS DET horse black-TOP
'I bought the black horse.'
(5) A' winik polok-ej t-u-kin-s-aj.

DET man fat-ToP cOM-3A-die-cAus-CTS
'The fat man killed it.'
(6) a' wakax k'oj-a'an-ej

DET cow sick-PART I-TOP
'the sick cow'
(7) in-k'ek'en slik-ej

ISG.A-pig white-TOP
'my white pig'
(8) Sat-ij ten in-k'ek'en slikja'lej-ij.

lose-3SG.B ISG.lOPR ISG.A-pig white yesterday-3sG.B
'I lost my white pig yesterday.'
9.7.1.3. Multiple Adjectives

Constructions in which a noun is modified by multiple adjectives are not common. They
are possible, however, and may appear in several orders. Two or more adjectives may precede the
noun with a noun-classifier prefix (1)-(4). No rules for ordering the adjectives have been
observed.
(1) aj-slik ka 'nal winik-ej

MASc-white tall man-TOP
'the tall white man'
(2) aj-ka'nal slik winik-ej

MAsc-tall white man-TOP
'the tall white man'
(3) aj-nukuch slik ka'nal=b'ak-el winik-aa'

MAsc-great white tall=bone-pos man-PL
'the great white tall (-boned) men'
(4) aj-ka'nal slik nukuch winik-aa'

MASC-high white great man-PL
'the tall white great men'
Multiple attributive adjectives may also follow the modified noun (5), or appear both
before and after the noun (6a). Predicate adjectives may combine with descriptive adjectives in
equational constructions (6b)-(7) (cf. 9.7.2).
(5) a' winik slik nojoch ka'nal

DET man white big tall
'the tall big white man'
(6a) A '-la' ma'lo' nak' pim ti'ij wex.

DET-DIST good cloth thick for pants
'That's good thick cloth for pants.'
(6b) A '-la' ma'lo' nak' .. pim ti'ij wex.

DET-DIST good cloth thick for pants
'That's good cloth; it's thick for pants.'
(7) Nojoch aj-slik ka'nal=b'ak-el winik.

big MASC-white tall=bone-POS man
'The tall white man is big.'
9.7.2. Predicate Adjectives and Participles

Predicate adjectives often appear in equational constructions and may precede or follow
the noun they modify (1)-(10) (cf. 17.2, 17.3). Participial modifiers generally function in the
same way. In unmarked order, subject nouns follow predicate adjectives (1)-(4) (cf. 8.1.1). While
initial position is unmarked for predicates, it is also focus position and the predicate is often
modified by the intensifierjach, 'very', in these constructions. Predicate adjectives may also
appear in constructions with intransitive verbs, as in (4). The more marked order is for the
predicate adjective or participle to follow a topicalized (5)-(9) or contrastively focused noun (10).
238 IiZAJ MA fA GRAMMAR
(1) Jach nay-al uy-ool.

very calm-PART 1 3A-spirit
'The man is very calm.'
(2) B'ayoritaj-ejjach k'as a' b'ej-ej . ..

noW-TOP very bad DET road-ToP
'Now the road is very bad.' (91.5.10)
(3) Jach sasil a' k'in-ej.

very bright DET daY-TOP
'The day is very clear.'
(4) yok' u-p'at-iil slik a' ixi'im-ej ..

SUB 3A-remain-lls white DET com-TOP
so that the com remains white, (91.20.103)
(5) Im-pol-ej .. 'al='al. ...

ISG.A-head-TOP heavy=heavy
'My head was very heavy.' (91.2.65)
(6) Aj-Paab'loj-ej jach sakan.

MASC-PN-TOP very lazy
'Pablo is very lazy.'
(7) A ' winik-ej chuknul t-u-jol a' naj-ej.

DET man-TOP naked in-3A-door DET house-TOP
'The man is naked in the doorway of the house.'
(8) A' winik t-u-jol a' naj-ej chuknul.

DET man in-3A-door DET house-TOP naked
'The man in the door of the house is naked.'
(9) A' 'alaamb'rej-ej loch-ok.

DETwire-ToP twist-ADJ
'The wire is twisted.'
(10) Meejikoj naach yan t-inw-otoch.

PN far EXIST from-1SG.A-home
'Mexico is far from my house.'
9.7.3. Comparative and Superlative Constructions
9.7.3.1. Comparatives
Comparative constructions are a type of predicate adjective construction (cf. 9.7.2,
17.4.3). The comparative markers arejach, 'very' (optional); mas, 'more'; and kej, 'than'. In the
complete construction the noun is usually followed by the comparative predicate in the form: NP 1
(+ jach) + mas + AD] + kej + NP2 (1 )-(4). mas and kej are Spanish borrowings. The object of
comparison need not appear (5). Relative clauses may modify either noun (6), and the object of
comparison may appear within a relative clause (7) (see chapter 23). The constituent order may be
rearranged to highlight N 2, as in (8)-(9), where the object of comparison is fronted and the
compative kej is deleted.
(1) Inw-iitan (jach) mas ix-nuk ke in-kik.

ISG.A-wife (very) more FEM-old.female than lSG.A-older.sister
'My wife is more of an old lady than my older sister.'
(2) A' h'aatje'-la' mas ma'lo' ke u-laak'-ej.

DETax OST-PROX more good than 3A-other-TOP
'This ax is better than the other.'
(3) In-suku'un-ej .. mas ka'nal u-b'ak-el ke in-kik.

lSG.A-older.brother-TOP more high 3A-bone-pos than lSG.A-older.sister
'My older brother is taller than my older sister.'
(4) A' 'och-ej mas yan h'in u-muk' ke aj-T'u 'ul-ej. ...
DET fOX-TOP more EXIST REPORT 3A-strength than MAsc-rabbit-TOP
The fox, they say, has more strength than the rabbit. (91.14.17)
(5) In-ten-ej ya mas ki'-aj-ij inw-ool.

EMP-lSG.IPR-TOP already more good-CIS-3sG.B lSG.A-spirit
'Me, I'm already happier.'
(6) A' tzimin t-u-miin-aj aj-Tomas-ej ..

DET horse cOM-3A-buy-cTs MASC-PN-TOP
'The horse that Tomas bought,
mas k'as ke a' t-u-miin-aj aj-Chiikoj-ej.

more bad than DET COM-3A-buy-cTs MASC-PN-TOP
it's worse than the one that Chico bought.'
(7) In-kik a'jach ix-nuk mas ke inw-iitan.

lSG.A-older.sister DET very FEM-old.female more than lSG.A-wife
'My older sister is the one that is more an old lady than my wife.'
(8) T-u-tzeel in-kik-ej inw-iitan-ej mas ix-nuk.

at-3A-side lSG.A-older.sister-TOP lSG.A-wife-TOP more FEM-old.female
'In comparison with (beside) my older sister, my wife is the older lady.'
(9) Ich in-kik ij inw-iitan-ej .. inw-iitan-ej mas ix-nuk.

in lSG.A-older.sister and lSG.A-wife-TOP lSG.A-wife-TOP more FEM-old.1ady
'Between my sister and my wife, my wife is the older lady.'
9.7.3.2. Superlatives
The complete superlative form is an equational construction that includes a possessed +
possessor construction in the form: NP( u-(jach) mas ADJ-ilNP2 (1)-(2). However, more
commonly, parts of the full form are absent. In (3)-(4) the second, possessor, NP is replaced by
the anaphoric form ichiloo', 'among them'. In (4) the comparative mas is also absent. In (5) the
ftrst NP of the equational construction is absent. In (6) and (7) the superlative form of the
adjective appears alone, while in (8) a combination of the comparative and the superlative
constructions appears (cf. 9.7.3.1).
(1) Aj-Jwan u-mas ma '10 '-il a' winik-oo '-ej.

MASC-PN 3A-more good-pos DET man-PL-TOP
'Juan is the best of the men.'
(2) La'ayti' u-mas 'ayik'al-il a' kaj-ej.

3IPR 3A-more rich-pos DET town-TOP
'He is the richest man of the town.'
(3) La'ayti' u-mas ka'nal-il ich-il-oo'.

3IPR 3A-more high-pos in-POS-PL
'He is the tallest among them.'
(4) A: Max t-a-t'an u-chiimach-il ich-il-oo'?

who to-2A-speech 3A-old-pos in-POS-PL
'Who do you say is the oldest among them?'
B: Aj-Jwan u-suku'un-il.
MASC-PN 3A-older.brother-pos
'Juan is the oldest brother.'
(5) Ix-ch'up-ej u-mas k'as-;I uy-ix-kax t-u-kon-aj ten.

FEM-woman-TOP 3A-more bad-POS 3A-FEM-chicken cOM-3A-sell-CTS 1SG.lOPR
'The woman, she sold me the worst of her hens.'
(6) T-u-kon-aj ten u-jach ma'lo'-il.

cOM-3A-sell-cTS 1SG.lOPR 3A-very good-pos
'She sold me the best.'
(7) U-mas k'as-il uch-ij-ej .. kim-oo' et-el uy-litan-il(-oo,) .

3A-more bad-pos happen-3sG.B-TOP die-PL with-pos 3A-wife-pos( -PL)
'The worst thing that happened is that they died with their wives.'
(8) Aj-xi'=paaije'-loj .. la'ayti' u-mas ka'nal-il ke u-laak'-oo'-ej.

MASC-male=child OST-DIST 3IPR 3A-more high-pos than 3A-other-PL-TOP
'That child is (the tallest) taller than the others.'
9.7.3.3. Comparison withjeb'ix ... -e'

Comparisons of equivalence may be made using the adverbial particlesje-b'ix ... -e', 'just
as', 'like'. These particles may also frame larger comparisons in subordinate adverbial clauses (cf.
24.2.2). When used in comparing qualities of nouns, the construction takes the form: NPI + ADJ
+je-b'ix + NP 2-e' (1)-(3), while (4) makes a general comparison without an adjective. The [mal
topic suffIx indicates that the second NP is given information, e.g., that the size of the speaker's
canoe is known in (1) (cf. 9.9).
(1) A' chem-e nojochje'-b'ix in-ti'-a'al-e'.

DET canoe-TOP big OST-how 1SG.A-to-POS-TOP
'The canoe is big like mine.'
(2) A' pek'-e polokje'-b'ixjun=tuul k'ek'en-e.

DET dog-TOP fat oST-how one=ANIM pig-TOP
'The dog is fat like a pig.'
(3) i miiyaj uy-al-oo'-ej .. je' u-jok'-ol-oo' xan ..

and perhaps 3A-young-PL-TOP ASSUR 3A-come.out-IIS-PL also
'and perhaps her young will also come out
ma'lo'je-b'ix u-na'-ej.
good OST-like 3A-mother-TOP
well like their mother.' (91.7.16-18)
(4) A' tzimin-ej ma'je-b'ix a' wakax-ej.

DET horse-ToP NEG OST-like DET cow-TOP
'The horse is not like the cow.' (91.24.338)
9.7.4. Intensification and Quantification
9.7.4.1. Reduplication oCPlain Adjectives

Reduplication of adjective forms can mark intensity iconically. Partial reduplication of
plain adjectives (based in adjective roots or derived with -VC) indicates moderate or low intensity
(1)-(3). Complete reduplication marks high intensity for most adjectives (4)-(8) (cf. 6.1.2.1;
Hofling 1997). Additional intensifiers may also be present, such as k'iis indicating moderate
intensity (2)-(3) andjach to indicate high intensity (4)-(5) (cf. 9.7.4.2).
Partial Reduplication
(1) In-sa-sak nok'-ej sat-ij ten.

lSG.A-REDUP-white clothes-TOP 10se-3SG.B ISG.JOPR
'I lost my whitish shirt.'
(2) K'as po-p%k a' che'-ej.

rather REDUP-thick DET tree-TOP
'The tree is rather thick.'
(3) Tal-es ten k'as cha-chak.

come-CAUS/IMPTS ISG.JOPR rather REDup-red
'Bring me some reddish ones.'
Complete Reduplication
(4) Tal-es tenjach chak=chak.

come-CAUS/IMPTS ISG.lOPR very red=red
'Bring me the very red ones.'
(5) Ka' k'och-een wa'ye'jach ch'u/=chul-en.

then arrive-ISG.B here very wet=wet-lSG.B
'Then I arrived here competely soaked.'
(6) Aj-chi(ch)=chich che' a' t-in-miin-aj-ej.

MAsC-hard=hard wood DET COM-IsG.A-buy-CTS-TOP
'Very hard wood is what I bought.'
(7) T-in-miin-aj jum=p'ee aj-'a/=al chem.

COM-lsG.A-buy-cTs one=INAM MAsc-heavy=heavy canoe
'I bought a very heavy canoe.'
(8) U-noj maskab'-ej jay=jay .. b'ay u-yej xileetej.

3A-big machete-TOP sharp=sharp like 3A-edge razor
'His big machete is very sharp, like the edge of a razor.' (91.22.122-25)
9.7.4.2. Reduplication in Derived Forms
9.7.4.2.1. Antipassive Stems

Reduplicated forms derived from antipassive or active verbal stems may have an
adjectival function but might also be considered agentive noun forms (1 )-(4) (cf. 4.4.6.4).
(1) Aj-b'on=b'on=winik.
MAsc-paint=paint man
'He is a painter man.'
(2) Aj-ch'in-ch'in=paal.
MASC-throw=throw child
'He is a child that throws a lot.'
(3) Jach aj-si'=si'=winik.

very MASC-woodcut=woodcut=man
'He's a real woodcutter man.'
(4) Jach aj-kol=kol=winik.

very MAsc-rnilpa=milpa=man
'He's a real milpa man'
9.7.4.2.2. Adjectives with -kij and Other Reduplicated Forms

Partially reduplicated adjectival forms derived from affective roots with -kij (adj2) do not
necessarily indicate level of intensity (1)-(6) (cf. 6.1.2.2.2). They tend to appear as predicate
adjectives indicating high intensity (1)-(4) (cf. 9.7.2). Adjectives of class 4f are similar in form
but lack the -kij suffix (7)-(8). They also tend to indicate high intensity but may be derived from
other root types (cf. 6.1.2.2.4.7). Adjectives of both types may function as descriptive adjectives,
as shown in (5)-(8), where they precede the modified noun.
(1) A' b'ej .. tu'ux k-im-b'el ti meyaj-ej tz'o-tz'op-kij ...

DET road where INC-l SG.A-go SUB work-TOP REDup-swampy-ADJ
'The road where I go to work is very swampy.' (91.5:4-6)
(2) tumen tii'-tiik'-ki.

because REDUP-sticky-ADJ
'because it is very sticky.' (91.22:315)
(3) 'O-'ol-ki a' top'je'-la'.

REDUP-soft-ADJ DET flower OST-PROX
'This flower is very delicate.'
(4) Tz'a'-tz'a'ap-kij u-tunich-i/ a' witz-ej.

REDUP-Iayer-ADJ 3A-stone-POS DET hill-TOP
'The stones of the hill are layered.'
(5) Bin-een t-aj-tZ'o-tz'op-ki b'ej-ej.

go-ISG.B to-MASC-REDUP-sticky-ADJ road-TOP
'I went to the marshy (sticky) road.'
(6) Aj-yu-yul-ki b'ej-ej t-u-pul-aj-en.

MASC-REDUP-slippery-ADJ road-ToP cOM-3A-throw-CTS-l SG.B
'The (very) slippery road threw me.'
(7) aj-p'u'-p'u'ut witz

MASC-REDUP-bumpy hill
'the (very) bumpy hill'
(8) aj-me'-me'ex winik

MASC-REDup-beard man
'the bearded man'
9.7.4.2.3. Participles with -nak

In addition to class 2 adjectives, participial forms may be derived from affective roots
with -nak (1)-(3) (cf. 6.3.4). They have a more active, verbal, sense than adjectival forms. Like
class 2 adjectives, they tend to appear as predicates in equational constructions.
(I) P'u-p'us-nak u-niik'.

REDUP-curve-PART4 3A-stomach
'His stomach is panting.'
(2) A' che'-ej jach b'u-b'uj-nak.

DET wOOd-TOP very REDUP-split-PART4
'The wood splits a lot.'
(3) Aj-Jwan-ej san-sam-al ki-kil-nak.

MASC-PN-TOP REDup-while-NoM REDUP-tremble-PART4
'Juan trembles every day.'
9.7.4.3. Quantifiers, Emphatics, and Intensifiers
9.7.4.3.1. Moderate Intensity

Low to moderate intensity of adjectives or participles may be indicated by the modifier
k'as, 'rather', partial reduplication, or both (1)-(5) (cf. 9.7.4.1).
(1) U-'alaab'rej-il a' k'aak'-ej .. waye' k'as ka'nal.

3A-wire-POS DET fire-TOP here rather high
'The electric wire, here it's a little high.'
(2) Tal-es ten k'iis chll-chiik.

come-CAUS/IMPTS ISG.IOPRrather REDup-red
'Bring me some reddish ones.'
(3) K'ils po-polok a' che'-ej.

rather REDUP-fat DET tree-TOP
'The tree is somewhat thick.'
(4) A' ch'iich'-oo'-ej k'iis (sll-)sllk(-tak)-oo'.

DETbird-PL-TOP rather (REDUP-)white(-PL)-PL
'The birds are (all) a little white.'
(5) A' che'-ej k'ils b'u-b'uj-nak.

DET WOOd-TOP rather REDUP-split-PART4
'The wood splits rather a lot.'
9.7.4.3.2. High Intensity and Emphasis

While high intensity can be indicated by complete reduplication (cf. 9.7.4.1), it is more
commonly indicated by an intensifier preceding the adjective or quantifier. Of the several
intensifiers shown in (l),jach. 'very', is the most common (cf. 6.5). Intensified adjectives
generally occur in stative constructions (2)-(3) or in equational constructions with adjectival
predicates (4)-(5).
(la) jach b'ox 'very black'

very black
(lb) senkech b'ox 'very black'

very black
(lc) sem b'ox 'very black'

very black
(ld) jet b'ox 'very black'

very black
(2) Jach poch-en. 'I'm very gluttonous.'

very gluttonous-1SG.B
(3) Ma'jach naach mixjach natz'.

NEG very far NEG very near
'It's not very far or very near.'
(4) A' ch'uuy je'-la'jach mo'nok.

DET bunch OST-PROX very small
'This bunch is very small.'
(5) Ix-ch 'up-ej jach ix-nuk.

FEM-woman-TOP very FEM-old.female
'The woman is really an old lady.'
Mention of high intensity reflects discourse highlighting. This highlighting may be

further marked by placing the intensified adjective in initial, focus position (6)-(8) (cf. 9.7.2,
9.11). The particle wab'in may also appear after an adjective to mark emphasis (9)-(12), often in
equational constructions (10)-(12) (see chapter 17). In constructions with wab'in, the adjective
also receives heavy stress to mark emphasis (marked by an acute accent in the examples below).
(6) Jach sup' a' b'ej-ej.

very overgrown DET road-TOP
'The road is very overgrown.'
(7) Jach yaab' t-in-xi 'ma(l)-t-aj.

very much COM-1SG.A-walk-TRN-CTS
'I have walked very much.'
(8) Jach naach a' kol-ej.

very far DET rnilpa-TOP
'Your rnilpa is very far away.'
(9) Yutzl1 wab'in t-inw-il-aj jo 'lej-ij in-tzimin-ej!

pretty EMP COM-1SG.A-see-CTS yesterday-3sG.B lSG.A-horse-ToP
'How beautiful my horse seemed to me yesterday'.
(10) yutdl wab'in in-tzimin!

pretty EMP ISG.A-horse
'How pretty is my horse!'
(11) yutdlwab'in a' k'ewel-ej!

good EMP DET hide-TOP
'The hide is so beautiful! (91.13.100)
(12) K'tis wab'in a' kol-ej!

ugly EMP DET milpa TOP
'How ugly the milpa is!'
9.7.4.3.3. Noun Quantifiers

Noun quantifiers include yaab', 'much', 'many'; tulakal, 'all'; and tzeek, 'a few', 'some' (cf.
6.6). Quantifiers follow intensifiers but precede the noun and other modifiers such as noun
classifiers, adjectives, determiners, and possessive pronouns (1)-(3) (cf. 9.7.4.3.2). The quantifier
yaab', 'much', 'many', does not require plural agreement (4)-(7) but allows it when the referent of
the NP is considered as a group of individual entities (8)-(10).
(la) tumenjachyaab' k'oxol. ...

because very many mosquito
'because there are so many mosquitos.'
(lb) tumenjachyaab' a' k'oxol-ej. ...

because very many DET mosquitO-TOP
'because the mosquitos are so abundant.'
(2) T-inw-il-aj yaab' aj-ya'ax ch'iich'.

COM-1SG.A-see-CTS many MAsc-green bird
'I saw many green birds.'
(3) I t-u-p'iit-aj ten yaab ' u-b'a 'al tz'on,

and cOM-3A-Ieave-CTS ISG.IOPR many 3A-shell gun
'And he left me a lot of shotgun shells' (91.4.15)
(4) Ti Peten-ej k'och-i yaab' mak.

in PN-TOP arrive-3SG.B many person
'In Flores a lot of people arrived.'
(5) Ti Peten-ej kom-b'-iyaab' aj-kax.

in PN-TOP sell-PAS-3SG.B many MASC-chicken
'In Flores a lot of chickens are sold.'
(6) Ich-il-ej jok'-ij yaab' sotz'.

in-pas-ToP leave-3SG.B many bat
'From inside a lot of bats came out.'
(7) i jach yaab' mak tal-ij ..

and very many person come-3SG.B
'and very many people came' (91.9.36)
(8) k-u-b 'el mak ... yaab' winik-oo' .. u-meyaj-t-oo'. ...

INC-3A-go person many man-PL 3A-work-TRN-PL
'people go, many men, to work it.' (9.22.12-14)
(9) jach yaab' ... kreyeentej-oo' yan-oo' ..

very many believer-PL EXIST-PL
'there are very many believers' (91.23.129)
(10) B'a-je'-la' yajach yaab' mak tan-u-k'och-ol-oo'

TEMP-OST-PROX then very many person DUR-3A-arrive-US-PL
'Now already many people are arriving' (9.24.429)
Examples of the quantifier tulakal, 'all', appear in (11)-(12) and examples of tzeek,
'some', 'a few', appear in (13)-(16). Like yaab', they precede the modified noun and allow, but do
not require, plural marking.
(11) Meyaj-n-aj-een tulakal a' k'inje'-laj.

work-AP-CIS-lsG.B all DET day OST-PROX
'I worked all of today.'
(12) Meyaj-n-aj-oo' tulakal a' winik-oo'-ej.

work-AP-cIS-PL all DET man-PL-TOP
'All the men worked.'
(13) Tan-u-b'et-ik tz'eek meyaj.

DUR-3A-do-ITS little work
'He's doing a little work.'
(14) TZ'eek pak tak-en ti kaj.

few time come/ors-lSG.B to town
'I have come to town a few times.'
(15) Jo'm-a'an u-jok'-s-ik tZ'eek kay . ...

end-PART 3A-Ieave-CAUS-ITS some fish
'He had already taken some fish.' (txt1.34)
(16) Meyaj-n-aj-oo' tz 'eek winik-oo'.

work-AP-cIS-PL few man-PL
'A few men worked.'
9.7.5. Anaphoric Uses of Noun Modifiers

Noun modifiers may be used anaphorically without a head noun. This process has been
grarnmaticalized, resulting in a large class of adjectival nouns (cf. 4.2.1.1). In general, adjectives
(1)-(2), numeral expressions (3), and quantifiers (4) may function as anaphors for previously
mentioned NPs (cf. 9.5.4).
(1) jun=tuul (aj-)sakan

one=ANIM (MASC-)lazy
'a loafer'
(2) Tal-es ten a' che'.

come-cAus/IMPTS ISG.IOPR DET log
'Bring me the log.
In-k'a't-ij a' chlik-ej. ...

ISG.A-want-TS DET red-TOP
I want the red one.'
(3) Ka' lub'-ij aj-tikin che'-ej.

then fall-3SG.B MASC-dry wood-TOP
'Then the dry tree fell.
Ka' t-u-p'is-aj jun=yuul-i'ij. ...

then cOM-3A-measure-cTs one=piece-PARTIT
Then he measured a piece of it.' (91.12.30-31)
(4) Jach yaab' t-in-jan-t-aj.

very much COM-1sG.A-eat-TRN-CTS
'I ate very much.'
9.8. The Determiner a'

Defmite reference may be marked by the determiner proclitic particle a' in conjunction
with a series ofpostposed elements including the topic-marking suffix (1)-(3), (5) and
demonstrative adjectives (3)-(5) (Hofling 1982, 1987). Some postposed element is generally
required, as shown in (2).6 Occasionally the archaic form of the determiner, la', appears (5).
(1) tulakal t-a' b 'ej-ej. ...

all on-DET road-TOP
'all along the road.' (92.5.19)
(2a) In-ten t-inw-il-aj a' tzimin-ej.

EMP-lsG.lPR COM-1 SG.A-see-CTS DET horse-TOP
'I saw the horse.'
(2b) *In-ten t-inw-il-aj a' tzimin.

(3) A' che'je'-la'-ej ..
DET tree OST-PROX-TOP
'This tree,' (91.10.30)
(4) ka' t-u-ch'a'-aj .. a' b'ejje'-la'

then cOM-3A-take-CTS DET road OST-PROX
'then she took this road' (91.3.43)
(5) La' k'uchje'-lo'-ej... ti'ij u-b'et-ik-al-oo' a' k'ib'-ej.

DET thread OST-DIST-TOP for 3A-make-ITS-SUB-PL DET candle-ToP
'That thread is for making the candles.' (91.23.281-82)
9.8.2. Determiner, Noun Classifiers, and Possessive Pronouns

As outlined in 9.3, ordinarily when a noun classifier appears with class 2 nouns, no
other determiner is prefixed. The classifier (and often other postposed elements) may mark
defmite class 2 nouns (la)-(1b). Class 2 nouns are categorized in the dictionary (Hofling 1997)
according to preference for the classifier aj- (class 2a), ix- (class 2b), or both (classes 2c and 2d),
and according to whether or not the classifier may be replaced by the determiner when the noun is
topicalized (indicated by the subscript i if it cannot be replaced and by the subscript ii of it can be
replaced) (cf. 4.1.2.3 9.3, 9.9). For example, ajwo', 'ajwo' toad' is classified as n2ai, indicating
6 The determiner can occur without a postposed element in VOS constructions and in
contrastive-focus constructions (cf. 8.1, 9.11)
that it only appears with the classifier aj- and that it cannot be replaced by the determiner, as
shown in (1).
(la) aj-wo'-ej
MAsc-toad-TOP
'the ajwo' toad'
(lb) aj-wo'je'-lo'-ej
MASC-toad OST-DIST-TOP
'that ajwo' toad'
(lc) *a'wo'-ej
DET toad-TOP
A small number of adjectives 7 regularly appear with the determiner when such adjectives
precede the noun indicating defmite reference (2)-(3), but most adjectives typically appear with
classifiers when they precede the noun (cf. 9.7.1.1). The determiner may replace a noun classifier
to unambiguously indicate defmite reference in adjective + noun constructions (4). The determiner
may also precede noun classifiers (5)-(7) or possessive pronouns (8) in order to indicate
contrastive information, often in restrictive relative clauses (cf. 9.5.5.4, 22.2).
(2) t-a' yax !wl-oo'

to-DET first rnilpa-PL
'to the fust rnilpas' (91.11.5)
(3) A' pek'-ej t-u-b'i-s-aj a' yaxjun=taach b'iik'-ej.

DET dog-TOP cOM-3A-go-CAUS-CTS DET first one=haunch meat-Top
'The dog took the fust haunch of meat.'
(4a) aj-siik k'ek'en

MASc-white pig
'a/the white pig'
(4b) a'slik k'ek'en-ej

DET white pig-TOP
'the white pig'
(5) a'ix-ch'up-ej
DET FEM-woman-TOP
'the (one who is the) woman'
(6) A' ix-ch 'up tal-ij jatz'ka '-ej .. kiixiim-b '-ij u-kim-en-i/ ich kaj.
DET FEM-woman come-3SG.B early-ToP fmd-PAS-3SG.B 3A-die-NOM-POS in town
'The woman that came early, her corpse was found in town.'
(7) A' aj-t'el k'iix-a 'an jo 'Iej-ij-ej .. ok-ol-b '-ij et-el ak'ii'.
DET MASC-rooster tie-PART I yesterday-3sG.B-TOP enter-NOM-PAS-3sG.B with-pos night
'The rooster that was tied yesterday, it was stolen last night.'
7 These include nojoch, 'big'; mejen, 'little'; andyax, 'fust'.

(Sa) a'in-pek'-ej
DET ISG.A-dog-TOP
'the dog of mine'
(Sb) *in-a' pek'-ej

ISG.A-DET dog-TOP
9.9. The Topic Marker -e'

The topic marker -e' is a very common nominal suffix and frequently occurs to mark
given, topical NPs, often in topic-shift constructions where the nominal is fronted (1 )-(7) (Hofling
19S7, 1991). It frequently appears in conjunction with the determiner a' or noun classifiers (1 )-(3),
on possessed nouns (4)-(5), as well as on independent pronouns (6)-(7). In narratives it often
marks a new discourse section (1)-(2), (6)-(7) (cf. 25.4; Hofling 1999). The topic marker is a
default suffix for defmite NPs with the determiner a', which ordinarily requires an NP-fmal
defmite marker (S)-(9) (cf. 9.S).
(1) ka' lub'-i) tija'. ...

when fall-3SG.B in water
'then he (the man) fell in the water.
I a' noj 'ayim-ej ..

and DET big crocodile-ToP
And the great crocodile,' (txt1.101-2)
(2) 'aasta ka' kim-i) . ...

until when die-3SG.B
'until it (the horse) died.
Aj-Kortes-ej .. b'in-i wa tal-i)

MASC-PN-TOP go-3SG.B or come-3SG.B
Cortes, he went or came' (92.3.46-4S)
(3) Aj-mis-e t-inw-il-aj.

MASC-cat-TOP COM-1SG.A-see-CTS
'The cat, I saw it.'
(4) U-b'ak a' keej-ejjach yutzil ti'ij u-lech-b'-el nok'.

3A-horn DET deer-TOP very pretty for 3A-hang-PAs-IIS clothes
'The horns of the deer are very good for hanging clothes on.'
(5) U-meyaj-e .. in-ten k-inw-il-ik ti'i).

3A-work-TOP EMP-l SG.lPR INC-l SG.A-see-ITS 3IOPR
(6) te' k-u-b'el-oo' ti wen-el-i'i}. ...

LOC INC-3A-go-PL SUB sleep-IIS-LOC
'then he (the man) fell in the water.
I .. to'on-ej ki-tuk-l-ik ...

and IPL.IPR-TOP IPL.A-think-NOM-ITS
And we think' (txtl.132-33)
(7) I sat-ij. ...

and lose-3S0.B
'And he was lost.
I to 'on-ej jok'-o 'on ki-kiix-iin-t-ej tulakal tu 'ux

and IpL.lPR-TOP leave-lpL.B IpL.A-seek-NOM-TRN-DTS all where
And we went out to look for him all over' (txt 1.141-42)
(8) In-ten t-inw-il-aj a' tzimin( sat-al)-ej

EMP-lso.lPR cOM-lS0.A-see-CTS DET horse( lose-PART3)-ToP
'I saw the (lost) horse.'
(9) *In-ten t-inw-il-aj a' tzimin

EMP-l so .IPR COM -1 SO.A-see-CTS DET horse
The topic marker generally marks given, background elements that provide context for
new information to follow. It may appear with this function at the end of a fronted prepositional
phrase (10)-(11) (cf. 13.1.2) or after a fronted adverb (12) (cf. 14.1).
(10) D'iyos t-uy-an-t-aj-en ...

God cOM-3A-help-TRN-CTS-lso.B
'God helped me
tumen .. ich a' 'ab'iyoon-ej ... yanjun=tuul ix-ch'upal ..

because inside DETplane-TOP EXIST one-ANIM FEM-girl
because inside the plane there was a girl' (92.2.29-31)
(11) Ti Peten-ej kim-i ka'=tu winik tija'.

in Flores-TOP die-3s0.B twO=ANIM man in water
'In Flores, two men died in the water.'
(12) Samal-ej ma'.

tomorrow-TOP NEO
'Tomorrow, no.'
The topic marker occasionally marks fronted topical indefmites - both plain indefmites
(13)-(14) and enumerated indefmites (15)-(16a). It does not occur on indefinites in their unmarked
post-verbal position (16b)-(16c) (cf. 9.2, 9.5.1, 17.6.1).
(13) Winik-oo'-e t-u-jek'-aj-oo'jun=ku(l) naj.

man-PL-TOP cOM-3A-break-CTs-PL one=round house
'Men broke up a house.'
(14) Winik-ej k-u-kin-s-ik b'alum.

man-TOP INC-3A-die-CAUS-ITS jaguar
'Man kills jaguar(s).' (general statement)
(15) Jun=tui winik-ej .. tal-i u-kim-es aj-mis-e . ..

one=ANIM man-TOP come-3S0.B 3A-die-CAUS/DTS MASC-cat-TOP
'A man, he came to kill the cat.'
(16a) Jun=tuui winik ti kaj-e b'in-een inw-il-a'.

one=ANIM man in town-TOP go-IS0.B IS0.A-see-DTS
'One man in town, I went to see him.'
(16b) B'in-een inw-il-a'jun=tuul winik ti kaj.

go-lSG.B lSG.A-see-DTS one=ANIM man in town
'I went to see a man in town.'
(16c) *B 'in-een inw-il-a' jun=tuul winik ti kaj-ej.

go-lSG.B lSG.A-see-DTS one= ANIM man in town-TOP
The topic marker also enters into frames marking the boundaries of a number of clause
types, including relative clauses (17), conditionals (18), and subordinate adverbial clauses (19).
(see chapters 21-22, 24; Hofling 1982, 1987).
(17) tumen a' naj tu 'ux .. kiij-a 'an-il-ej jach chokoj.

CONI DET house where live-PART-FOC-TOP very hot
'because the house where he lives is very hot.' (91.1.36)
(18) Wa ma' tan-u-mas=k'oj-a'an-tal-ej ...

COND NEG DUR-3A-more=sick-PART-INCH-TOP ...
'Ifhe doesn't get sicker,
b'el in-ka'a in-kiixiin-t-ej u-laak' inw-et'ok ..

go lSG.A-go lSG.A-seek-TRN-DTS 3A-Other lSG.A-companion
I'm going to look for another companion' (91.1.18)
(19) A '-ka' wak'-ij in-tz'on-ej .. chen t-inw-il-aj ..

DET-when frre-3sG.B lSG.A-gun-Top just cOM-1sG.A-see-CTs
'When my gun frred, I just saw' (91.2.19-20)
9.10. The Partitive Marker -i'ij

The partitive marker -i'ij is used to refer to a part of a previously mentioned (or otherwise
given) nominal referent. It is most common as a phrase-fmal suffix to numeral classifiers (1)-(2)
and quantifiers (3)-(4) but may also be suffixed to nouns (5), pronouns (6), verbs (7), and some
adverbials (8) (Hofling 1982).
(1) Ka' t-u-p 'is-aj jun =yuul-i'ij. '"

then cOM-3A-measure-CTS one=piece-PARTIT
'Then he measured a piece of it.' (91.2.31)
(2) K-in-si(y)-ik tech jun=tuul-i'ij . ...

INC-1SG.A-donate-ITS 2SG.IOPR one=ANIM-PARTIT
'I'll give you one of them.' (91.12.78)
(3) Ya(a)n a-jan-t-ik tz'eek-i'ij.

OBUG 2A-eat-TRN-ITS little-PARTIT
'You have to eat a little of it.'
(4) Je' wa 'a-jan-t-ik yaab'-i'ij-ej?

ASSUR INTER 2A-eat-TRN-ITS muCh-PARTIT -TOP
'You perhaps will eat a lot of it?'
(5) Je' u-jok'-oljum=p'e ma'lo' chem-i'ij-ej. ...

ASSUR 3A-leave-IIS one=INAM good canoe-PARTIT-TOP
'A good canoe will come out of it.' (91.10.43)
(6) la'ayti' .. patal u-p'iit-ik ten-i'ij. ...

3IPR ABIL 3A-Ieave-ITS ISG.lOPR-PART
'he could leave me some of them.' (91.4.9)
(7) fan in-jan-t-ik-i'ij?

OBUG ISG.A-eat-TRN-ITS-PARTIT
'Do I have to eat some of this?'
(8) Tak in-jan-t-ik sarnal-i'ij.

DES ISG.A-eat-TRN-ITS tomorrOW-PARTIT
'I want to eat some of it tomorrow.'
9.10.1. Contrast of Partitive -i'ij with Locative -i'ij, Interrogative -i'ij, and Negative -i'ij.
There is also an -i'i} suffix marking locative scope and the scope of interrogative and
negative focus (cf. 12.1, 18.4 and 19.3). Ordinarily there is no question about the intended
meaning because of other elements in the context such as the locative marker te' (1), a negative
marker (2), or an interrogative marker (3). However, when a suffix of this form appears without
such preposed elements, there is a possible ambiguity between the locative and partitive
interpretations. A locative interpretation is given when -i'i} is suffixed to a noun representing new
information (4), but it may be ambiguous when suffixed to a defmite noun representing given
information (5) (see Hofling 1982, chapter 5).
(1) te'wa'anjun=tuul keej-i'ij ....

LaC stand/PART one=ANIM deer-LaC
'there was standing a deer.' (91.2.17)
(2) A'-la'-ej ma' rna'lo' bra'ax-i'ij. ..

DET-PROX-TOP NEG good thing-Foe
'This is not a good thing.' (91.2.70)
(3) B'a'ax che'-il-i'ij?

what tree-paS-Foe
'Which of the trees is it?' or 'What kind of tree is it?'
(4) Tan-a-jan-t-ik b'u'ul-i'ij.

DUR-2A-eat-TRN-JTS bean-LaC
'You are eating beans there.'
(5) Tan-ki-jan-t-ik xan a' b'u 'ul-i'ij(-ej).

DUR-IPL.A-eat-TRN-ITS also DET bean-PART/LOe(-TOP)
'We are also eating some of the beans.' or 'We are also eating beans there.'
9.11. Contrastive Focus

Contrastive focus is an important highlighting mechanism for nominal information. It
functions to contrast one argument of a proposition to other possible arguments. Contrastive focus
is marked by fronted position, the absence of the topic marker, and often by stress (marked by an
acute accent in the examples below) (cf. 8.1.2.2, 17.5, 22.4). It appears before the predicate
but after a topicalized NP, if there is one (1)-(7) (Hofling 1984; England 1991; Aissen 1992).
Focused NPs may be unmodified (1)-(2), or modified by the determiner (3), possessive pronouns
(4), and demonstratives (5) (cf. 9.12). Contrastive focus is one context in which the determiner
may appear alone as a definite marker (cf. 9.8). Independent pronouns may also be focused (6)-
(7).
(1) A' winik-ej .. chen b'lI 'ul k-u-jan-t-ik.

DET man-TOP only beans INC-3A-eat-TRN-ITS
'The man, it's only beans he eats.'
(2) Mix=mdak t-uy-i1-aj .. mix=mdak uy-ojel

NEG=person cOM-3A-see-CTS NEG=person cOM-3A-know
'No one saw it, ~ knows' (txt1.150-151)
(3) Ten-ej .. a' pek' t-inw-il-aj.

lSG.IPR-TOP DET dog COM-1SG.A-see-CTS
'Me, I saw the dog.'
(4) Chen u-ya'ax-il u-nok' k-u-man .. k-u-sut-ik u-b'aj y-ok'ja'.

only 3A-green-pos 3A-clothing INc-3A-pass INC-3A-tum-ITS 3A-REFL 3A-over water
'Only the green of his shirt was passing, spinning in the water.' (txt1.40-42)
(5) A' winikje'-/6' t-u-b'et-aj.

DET man OST-D1ST COM-3A-do-CTS
'That man did it.'
(6) i ten k-im-b'el in-sa'al-t-e'ex

and ISG.IPR INC-1SG.A-go ISG.A-defend-TRN-2pL.B
'and I am going to defend you all' (92.3.146)
(7) A '-/6' k-u-b 'et-ik-oo'

DET-D1ST INc-3A-do-ITS-PL
'That is what they do' (txt2.26)
9.12. Demonstrative Adjectives

demonstrative adjectives are composed of the ostensive marker,je'-, and either the
proximal tharker -la' or the distal marker -10' (cf. 4.3.4.2.2). They follow the modified noun in
the construction: DET + N + OST-DISTIPROX([ -relative clause]-TOP). NPs that are highlighted
by demonstratives are frequently topicalized (1)-(3) or in constrastive focus (4) but may appear in
unmarked post-verbal position (1), (5) (cf. 11.5).
(1) I a' k'inje'-Io'-ej tak b'a-je'-Ia'-ej ..

and DET day OST-D1ST-TOP until TEMP-OST-PROX-TOP
'And from that day until now,
ma' ka'=xik-en t-u-ka'ye' t-a' kolje'-lo'-ej

NEG REPET=gO/D1s-1SG.B to-3A-again to-DET milpa OST-D1ST-TOP
I haven't returned to that milpa,' (91.2.102-3)
(2) La'ayti' u-ki'mak='ol-al a' kajje'-la'-ej ...

3IPR3A-happy=spirit-NoM DET town OST-PROX-TOP
'It is the fiesta of this town,' (91.9.20)
(3) A' che' je'-la'-ej .. la'ayti' a' ki' t-inw-ich-ej

DET tree OST-PROX-TOP 3IPR DET good to-1SG.A-eye-ToP
'This tree, it is the one I like,' (91.10.30-31)
(4) Ja'li' a' meyajje'-Io' t-im-bet-aj-ej

only DET work OST-D1ST COM-l SG.A-do-CTS-TOP
'It's only that work that I did' (91.10.124)
254 IlZAJ MA fA GRAMMAR
(5) In-ten-ej mixjum=pak in-meyaj-t-ej a' meyajje'-lo'. ..

EMP-lSG.IPR-TOP NEG one=time lSG.A-work-TRN-DTS DETwork OST-DIST
'Me, not even once have I done that work.' (91.10.45)
10. POSSESSION 255
10. Possession
10.0. Contents
10.1. Unmarked Possessive Constructions
10.1.1. Kinship and Other Social Relationships
10.1.2. Personal Possessions
10.1.2.1 Beneficiary and Recipient as Possessor
10.1.3. Personal Activities
10.1.4. Parts of Wholes
10.1.4.1. Animate Possessors of Body Parts
10.1.4.2. Inanimate Possessors of Parts
10.1.5. Other Possessed Nouns with Inanimate Possessors
10.1.6. Reflexives and Reciprocals
10.1.6.1. Direct Objects
10.1.6.2. Equational Constructions
10.1.7. Possessed Adjectival and Participial Anaphors
10.2. Marked Possessive Constructions
10.2.1. (Collective) Possession with -a/
10.2.2. Inalienable Possession of Body Parts with -el
10.2.3. Possession with-il
10.2.3.1. Inanimate Possessors
10.2.3.2. Part or Place of with -il
10.2.3.3. Beneficiary or Goal with-il
10.2.3.4. Abstract Derivation with -il
10.2.3.5. Kind or Member of a Group with N-il
10.2.3.5.1. (u-)NP-il
10.2.3.5.2. Interrogative N-il( -i'i})
10.2.3.6. Material of Construction
10.2.3.7. Diseases
10.2.3.8. Focused Locative Part-Whole Constructions
10.2.3.9. Gerunds (Antipassive Nominalizations) with -il
10.2.4. Intransitive Verbal Nouns with -VI
10.2.5.1. Comitative y-et-el and Copresent y-iik-nal
10.2.5.1.1. As Prepositions
10.2.5.1.2. As Pronouns
10.2.5.2. Interior ich-il
10.2.5.3. Possessive u-ti'-a'al
10.2.5.4. Other
10.3. Existential Constructions with yaan
10.1. Unmarked Possessive Constructions

Possessive marking on nouns is a very common way to help identify defmite nominal
referents and is used to indicate a variety of related semantic relationships. I Unmarked possessive
constructions occur in the structure: A.PR-Possessed NP (+ Possessor NP), with Set A (ergative)
person-marking prefixes referencing the possessor attached to the possessed noun or noun phrase
(1)-(5) (cf. 2.1.1). The possessor may be referenced by the person marker alone (1)-(3), or by an
additional full NP as well, which regularly follows the possessed NP (4)-(5).
(1) inw-otoch 'my home'

lSG.A-home
I See Lehmann (1998) for a detailed account of possession in Yukateko.

(2) a- k''
a 'your arm'
2A-arm
(3) u-tat 'herlhis father'

3A-father
(4) u-paal a/ winik-ej 'the child of the man'

3A-child DET man-TOP
(5) u-pek' aj-Paanchoj 'Pancho's dog'

3A-dog MASC-PN
Most frequently in discourse, the possessor is animate, topical information and the
possessor NP is absent (Hofling 1990). Possessed NPs commonly refer to kin (cf. 10.1.1),
personal property (cf. 10.1.2), activities (cf. 10.1.3), body parts (cf. 10.1.4.1), and reflexive
pronouns (cf. 10.1.6). Inanimate part-whole relationships are commonly marked by possessive
constructions in which the possessor NP is present and are often locative (cf. 10.1.4.2).
Possession may also be indicated by constructions with the existential predicate yaan (cf. 10.3,
18.3).
10.1.1. Kinship and Other Social Relationships

Nominal references to people who are kin or are in other social relationships are
frequently marked simply by Set A possessive pronouns, which allow the hearer to identify
specific referents of accessible or given information (1 )-( 5). Such possessed nouns frequently are
used to introduce new characters into a discourse (1)-(2). In (3) the identity of the possessed noun
is given with a proper noun in an equational construction (see chapter 17).
Possessed nouns may be used with non-specific reference (4)-(5). In (4) possession is
indicated in a construction with the existentialyaan (cf. 10.3, 18.3), while in (5) a simple
equational construction is used. In (5) the Set A person marker indexes the possessor, while the
Set B person marker references the possessed referent.
(1) Ka' k'och-een-ej ma' t-in-tzikb'al-t-aj mix=b'a'al t-inw-iitan ..

when arrive-lSG.B-TOP NEG COM-lsG.A-say-TRN-cTS NEG=thing to-lSG.A-wife
'When I arrived I didn't say anything to my wife,' (91.2.92-93)
(2) ka/ !ik'-ij inw-iitan . ...

then get.up-3SG.B ISG.A-wife
'then my wife got up.
T-u-jeb'-aj-oo' u-jol a/ naj-ej ... et-el in-na'. ...

cOM-3A-open-CTS-PL 3A-door DET house-TOP WITH-POS ISG.A-mother
She opened the door of the house with my mother.' (91.3 .18-20)
(3) In-suku'un aj-Jwan.

ISG.A-older.brother MAsc-Juan
'My older brother is Juan.'
(4) B'oon a-paal yaan?

how.many 2A-child EXIST
'How many children do you have?'
10. POSSESSION 257
(5) B'oon a-paal-oo'?

how.many 2A-child-PL
'How many children do you have?' (lit., 'How many are your children?')
When the identity of the possessor is not clear, it may be referred to by a noun in addition
to the person marker in a possessed + possessor construction (6)-(9). Note that reciprocal kinship
terms do not ordinarily enter into possessed + possessor constructions (6b), the exception being in
cases withpaal, 'child', as the possessor noun (7). Possessed + possessor chains (8)-(9) are
possible but unusual.
(6a) u-paal a' winik-ej

3A-child DET man-TOP
'the child of the man'
(6b) ??u-paal a' tat-ej

3A-child DET father-TOP
(7) U-tat a' paal-ej t-u-tz'aj ixi'im ti'i).

3A-father DET child-TOP eOM-3A-give/cTs com 3IO.PR
'The father of the child gave com to him (the child).'
(8) uy-al u-pek' u-paal in-kik

3A-young 3A-dog 3A-child ISG.A-older.sister
'the young (puppies) of the dog of the child of my older sister'
(9) uy-et'ok u-suku'un uy-iij-ka'an-s-aj im-paal

3A-friend 3A-older.brother 3A-MASC-Ieam-CAus-DTR ISG.A-child
'the friend of the older brother of the teacher of my child'
The honorific -(in)tzil may be suffixed to kinship terms of the ego's immediate family,
including sibling spouses and lineal ascending kin. This suffix is generally used when the referent
of the possessed noun is in a given relationship to a group of people (cf. 4.2.5.1). So, for
example, sentence (10) is appropriate only if Juan has two or more children. An additional-it
suffix may appear to indicate possession by a group (11)-(13) (cf. 4.2.3.5, 10.2.3.5). The plural
suffix -00' may also appear, indicating a third-person plural possessor (11 )-(12), while -e 'ex marks
a second-person plural possessor (13). A plural possessor may also be indicated by the anaphoric
relational noun ichil, 'among' (14) (cf. 9.4.1.2).
(10) In-tat-intzil aj-Jwan.

lSG.A-father-HON MASc-Juan
'My father is Juan.' (There are two or more children.)
(11) Aj-Jwan u-suku'un-tzil(-il)(-oo~.

MASe-Juan 3A-older.brother-HoN( -pos)( -pL)
'Juan is the oldest brother of them.'
(12) Aj-ya'ax=nok'-e .. u-tat-intzil(-il)(-oo~ (aj-Jwan i u-suku'un-oo~.

MAsc-green=shirt-TOP 3A-father-HoN(-POS)(-PL) (MASC-PN and 3A-older.brother-PL)
'The one with the green shirt is the father of them (Juan and his older brothers).'
(13) Aj-Jwan-ej a-suku'un-tzil(-il)-e'ex.

MASC-PN-TOP 2A-older.brother-HON( -POS)-2PL
'Juan is your (plural) older brother.'
258 ITZA} MAYA GRAMMAR
(14) La'ayti' tat-intzil ich-il-oo'.

3IPR father-HON in-POS-PL
'He is the father among them.'
10.1.2. Personal Possessions

Personal possessions are most frequently referred to by simple possessed noun
constructions (1)-(3). When class 2 nouns are possessed, the noun classifier is optional (2)-(3) (cf.
4.1.2.3, 9.3.1). Possessed nouns may be further modified (4) or followed by possessor nouns
(5)-(6) (cf. 9.8.2, 10.3).
(1) U-ka'aj u-b'et-ej uy-otoch ...

3A-go 3A-make-DTS 3A-home
'He is going to make his home' (91.1.5)
(2) in (w-ix)-kax
ISG.A( -FEM)-chicken
'my chicken'
(3) in(w-iij)-toy
1SG .A( -MASC )-spider
'my spider'
(4) Sat-ij ten in-k'ek'en siikjo'lej-ij.

lose-3sG.B ISG.lOPR ISG.A-pig white yesterday-3sG.B
'I lost my white pig yesterday.'
(5) Ak'ii'-iij-ij tal-ij u-pek' aj-Jwan.

night-cIS-3sG.B come-3SG.B 3A-dog MASC-PN
'Last night Juan's dog came.'
(6) Lub'-ij y-ok' b'ej u-k'ab' u-che' aj-kol-oo'.

fall-3sG.B 3A-over road 3A-branch 3A-tree MAsc-make.milpa-PL
'The branch of the tree of the milperos fell over the road.'
10.1.2.1. Beneficiary and Recipient as Possessor

Referents marked as possessor NPs may also be semantic beneficiaries or recipients (1)-
(2) (Hofling 1990).
(1) a' chiimach-ej lun-Iz'ik u-jan-at u-ba'alche'-oo'. ...

DET old.man-TOP DuRl3A-give/ITs 3A-eat-NOM 3A-animal-PL
'the old man is giving the animals their food.' (91.15.84-85)
(2) K-in-Iz'ik u-maskab' a' winik-ej.

INC-l sG.A-give/ITs 3A-machete DEI man-TOP
'I give the man his machete.'
10.1.3. Personal Activities

Active verbal nouns are frequently possessed, with the possessor indicating an
underlying subject argument of the nominalized verb (1)-(4) (cf. 4.1.2.2).
(1) U-meyaj-e .. in-len k-inw-il-ik li'ij.

3A-work-TOP EMP-1SG.lPR INC-1SG.A-see-ITS 3IOPR
JO. POSSESSION 259
(2) u-k'ay ix-Mariiyaj

3A-song FEM-PN
'the song of Maria'
(3) u-k'ay-ej ti'i} ix-Mariiyaj

3A-song-TOP for FEM-PN
'his song is for Maria'
(4) Yutzil u-paaychi'-oo' ix-ch'up-oo'-ej.

pretty 3A-prayer-PL FEM-woman-PL-TOP
'The prayers of the women are beautiful.'
10.1.4. Parts of Wholes

There are two important types of part-whole constructions: parts with animate possessors
(cf. 10.1.4.1), and parts with inanimate possessors (cf. 10.1.4.2) (Hofling 1990).
10.1.4.1. Animate Possessors of Body Parts

Animate possessors are usually topical information, in which case possessor NPs are
optional and generally absent (1)-(2) (Hofling 1990). If the possessor is not topical or is
ambiguous, it may appear as a full noun following the possessed noun (3).
(1) xi'il=ke'el-n-aj-een . ... Im-pol-ej .. 'al='al. ...

shiver=cold-AP-CIS-lsG.B ISG.A-head-TOP heavy=heavy
'I felt chills. My head was very heavy.
I tak inw-ak' ... siis=pomeen-aj-i}. ...

and up.to ISG.A-tongue cold=numb-CIS-3sG.B
And even my tongue was numb.' (91.2.64-67)
(2) I la'ayti' ka' t-u-mutz'-aj uy-ich.

and 3IPR then cOM-3A-close-cTs 3A-eye
'And he then closed his eyes.' (91.15.143-44)
(3) A' winik-ej ... tal-i} t-u-na 'at ...

DETman-TOP come-3SG.B in-3A-mind
'The man, it came into his mind
u-man-es a' top' t-uy-ich uy-atan-ej ..

3A-pass-CAuS DET flower to-3A-face 3A-wife-TOP
to pass the flower over the face of his wife,' (91.17.68-70)
10.1.4.2. Inanimate Possessors of Parts

Inanimate possessors usually appear as full nouns following the possessed noun. Body
parts that are "parts of parts" are referred to in this way and often involve metaphors (1)-(7)
(Hofling 1997:81-83). In part-whole expressions, the possessed noun has a Set A prefIx cross-
referencing the possessor, but it usually has no suffIx. In unusual cases, an -il suffIx may appear,
as in (6). An unsuffIxed ka' refers to tears (5), but when the -i/ suffIx is added, it may refer to the
aqueous humor inside the eye (6) (cf. 10.2.3.1). In body-part constructions, the possessor of the
second noun is usually animate and topical and therefore not referred to by a noun (cf. 10.1.4.1).
If it is not topical/animate or is ambigous, the possessor of the second noun may also appear as a
noun (6)-(7). Part-whole expressions, including metaphorical uses of body parts, are often used to
refer to elements of the physical landscape and parts of objects (8)-(18) (cf. 10.2.3.8).
(1) u-muk' uy-ok 'hislher thigh' (lit., 'the strength of the leg')
3A-force 3A-Ieg
(2) uy-al uy-ok 'hislher toes' (lit., 'the children of the foot')
3A-young 3A-foot
(3) u-pach uy-ich 'hislher eyelid' (lit., 'the back of the eye')
3A-back 3A-eye
(4) uy-ich u-wakax 'hislher ankle bone' (lit., 'the eye of the cow')
3A-eye 3A-cOW
(5) u-k'a'inw-ich 'the tear of my eye' (lit., 'the liquid of my eye')

3A-liquid 1SG.A-eye
(6) jok'-ij u-k'a'-il u-nek' inw-ich 'the aqueous humor of my eyeball came out'
leave-3SG.B 3A-liquid-pos 3A-seed lSG.A-eye
(7) uy-al u-k'ab' a' b'alum-ej .. 'the toes of the jaguar's paw' (91.12.127)
3A-child 3A-hand DET jaguar-TOP
(8) u-jol a' naj-ej ... 'the door of the house' (91.3.19)
3A-hole DET house-ToP
(9) t-u-jaal a' ja' ... 'at the shore of the lake' (91.18.7)
at-3A-edge DET water
(10) uy-ich che' 'fruit of a tree'

3A-eye tree
(11) u-chun in-che' 'the trunk of my tree'

3A-base lSG.A-tree
(12) t-u-ni' jun=kuul witz 'at the top of a hill'

at-3A-nose one=round hill
(13) u-ni'laapis 'the tip of a pencil'

3A-nose pencil
(14) uy-it laapis 'the eraser end of a pencil'

3A-butt pencil
(15) uy-it a' kum-ej 'the bottom of the pot'

3A-butt DET pot-TOP
(16) u-tzeel inw-otoch 'the side of my house'

3A-side lSG.A-home
(17) u-pach inw-otoch 'the back of my home'

3A-back lSG.A-home
(18) u-ch'aj a'ja'-ej man-ij 'the drop of water passed by'

3A-drop DET water-TOP pass-3SG.B
10. POSSESSION 261
10.1.5. Other Possessed Nouns with Inanimate Possessors

Simple possessed + possessor constructions mark a variety of close semantic
relationships other than part-whole relations, as in (1}-(3).
(1) B'a'ax u-b'a'al a-waj?

what 3A-meat 2A-tortilla
'What is the meat of (to eat with} your tortilla?'
(2) B'oon u-tool a' k'ek'en-oo' b'a=)e'-laj?

how. much 3A-price DETpig-PL TEMP-OST-PROX
'How much is the price of the pigs now?'
(3) u-tr.'ok a'jaab'-ej

3A-end DET year-TOP
'the end of the year'
10.1.6. Reflexives and Reciprocals
10.1.6.1. Direct Objects

Reflexives are composed of possessive Set A prefixes and the reflexive pronoun b'a).
When functioning as direct objects, they typically appear immediately after the verb (1}-(5).
Ordinarily the possessor is given, topical information, but it may appear in nominal form after the
reflexive in a possessed + possessor relationship (5). Reflexive pronouns may also be incorporated
into the verb (cf. 3.5.1.1.2). Reciprocals are marked in the same way as reflexives, but are plural
(6}-(8). Verbal semantics and context indicate whether the reflexive or reciprocal interpretation is
intended.
(I) te' k-u-jil-t-ik u-b'aj-i'ij. ...

LOC INC-3A-tbrow-TRN-ITS 3A-REFL-LOC
'there it hurls itself.' (91.2.3 7)
(2) I ki-mol-ik ki-b'aj a' k'in ..

and INCllpL.A-Collect-ITS IpL.A-REFL DET day
'And we meet (collect ourselves) on the day' (91.9.63)
(3) T-u-jaal(-il} a' che'-e) .. te' k-u-sa'al-t-ik u-b'aj-i'ij.

in-3A-shore(-pos} DET WOOd-TOP LOC INC-3A-defend-TRN-ITS 3A-REFL-LOC
'Around the tree, there it was defending himself.'
(4) te' u-muk-m-aj u-baj-i'ij.

LOC 3A-bury-PERF-CTS 3A-REFL-LOC
'there it has hidden itself.'
(5) kap-ij u-pek-es u-b'aj uy-iitan-ej. ...

begin-3sG.B 3A-move-cAus/DTS 3A-REFL 3A-wife-TOP
'his wife began to move herself.' (91.17.81)
(6) I a' ka'=tuul winik-oo')e'-la'-e) ma' tun-b'i-s-ik u-b'aj-oo'. ...

and DET two=INAM man-PL OST-PROX-TOP NEG DuRl3A-go-CAUS-ITS 3A-REFL-PL
'And these two men didn't get along with one another.' (91.14.10-11)
(7) waye' tulakal yan kiw-an-t-ik ki-b'aj

here all OBLIG 1PL.A-help-TRN-ITS 1PL.A-REFL
'here we all have to help one another' (92.2.61)
(8) Y-ok' a' witz-ej t-uy-il-aj u-b'aj-oo'.

3A-over DET hill-TOP cOM-3A-see-cTs 3A-REFL-PL
'On top of the hill they met one another.'
10.1.6.2. Equational Constructions

Reflexives and reciprocals may also appear as nominals in equational constructions (1)-
(6), and some of these have become lexicalized (6) (cf. 3.5.1.1.2, 17.2). With reciprocals, the
suffix -ii, indicating possession by a group, may appear suffixed to the reflexive pronoun (2)-(6)
(cf. 4.2.3.5, 10.2.3.5).
(1) waye muk-a'an ki-b'aj . ...

here bury-PART 1PL.A-REFL
'here we (ourselves) are buried.' (91.17.95)
(2) i tulakal a' kol-oo' yan natz' .. t-u-b'aj-il-oo'-ej .. k-u-Iaj=b'el-oo' ti lu'um ..

and all DET milpa-PL EXIST close to-3A-REFL-POS-PL-TOP INC-3A-all=go-PL to earth
'and all of the milpas that are close to one another, they all go to earth,' (91.19.54-55)
(3) Y-ok' a' witz-ej yan b'a'alche' i laj k'it-a'an u-b'aj(-il)oo'.

3A-over DEThill-TOP EXIST animal and all spread-PART 3A-REFL(-POS)-PL
'On the hill are animals and they are spread out from one another.'
(4) A' che'-oo' k'iit-a'an (u-b'aj-il)-oo'.

DET tree-PL cross-PART 1 (3A-REFL-POS)-PL
'The logs are crossed (over each other).'
(5) Tulakal-o'on suku'un i itz'in ki-b'aj(-il).

all-lpL.B older. brother and younger. sibling 1PL.A-REFL(-POS)
'All of us are brothers to one another.'
(6) iik-taan-b 'aj(-il)-oo'

face-front-REFL( -POS)-PL
'they are face to face, facing one another'
10.1.7. Possessed Adjectival and Participial Anaphors

Adjectives and participles may function as nominal anaphors when they are possessed or
modified by the determiner (cf. 9.7.5).
(1) In-mo 'nok-ej jach yan u-muk'.

lSG.A-small-TOP very EXIST 3A-strength
'My small one (child) is very strong.'
(2) In-k'oj-a'an-ej ma' u-k'a't-ij ch'an-iil.

lSG.A-sick-PART-TOP NEG 3A-want-TS heal-lIS
'My sick one isn't getting better.'
10.2. Marked Possessive Constructions

There are several, more marked, possessive constructions in which the possessed noun
takes a-VI suffix in the structure: 3A-Possessed NP-VI (+ Possessor NP). The -al suffix appears
to indicate collective possession ( to.2.1). The possessive suffix -el appears on a set of
10. POSSESSION 263
inalienably or inherently possessed body parts ( 10.2.2). An -i/ suffix also occurs on the
possessed NP when the possessor is inanimate, indefmite, or a group, in constructions other than
the part-whole type described in 10.1.4, and in deriving abstract nouns from adjectival forms (cf.
1O.2.3).
10.2.1. Collective Possession with -al

The -al suffix indicates collectivity, i.e., that there are many entities in a group, and often
occurs on possessed nouns, usually followed by the possessor nouns (1)-(8) (cf. 4.2.4.4.2,
10.2.3 .5). There may be a contrast between the sense of a general or group possessor, marked by
-al (8), and an individuated owner without this suffix (9).
(1) U-muuch'-al a' sus-ej mU'-muuch'-kij.

3A-pile-pos DET sand-TOP REDUP-pile-ADJ
'The mounds of the sand are mounded all over.'
(2) Uy-ik'-al a'ja'-ej .. k'a'am u-tal.

3A-wind-pos DET water-TOP rough 3A-come
'The wind of the thundercloud came roughly.'
(3) u-kuuch-al u-si'-ej

3A-Ioad-pos 3A-wood-TOP
'his load (tercio) of wood'
(4) u-tZ'aap-al a' che'-ej .. b'i-sii-b'-ij.

3A-stack-pos DET wood-TOP gO-CAUS-PAS-3SG.B
'The stack of wood was stolen.'
(5) U-xib'-al (a' keej-ej).

3A-male-pos (DET deer-TOP)
'The male(s) (of the deer).'
(6) B'oon u-xib'-al?

how.many 3A-male-POS
'How many of them (of the litter) are males?'
(7) u-IZ'omen-al
3A-brain-pos
'his brains'
(8) u-k'ewel-al b'alum

3A-hide-Pos jaguar
'the hides of jaguars' (on or off animal, in general or as a group)
(9) A'-Ia'in-k'ewel. T-in-tz'on-aj a' b'alum-ej.

DET-PROX ISG.A-hide COM-1SG.A-shoot-CTS DET jaguar-TOP
'This is my hide. I shot the jaguar.' (-al is not permissible)
10.2.2. Inalienable Possession of Body Parts with -el

A number of body parts take an -el suffix to indicate inalienable possession (cf.
4.2.4.4.3). The possessed body part is usually followed by the possessor noun, often another
body part. The -el suffix indicates that the body part is attached to the body and/or that the
possessor is given information (1), (2), (4), (6), (8). Detached body parts may occur without it, as
in (2), (3), (5), (7), and (9). So, for example, b'iik'-el refers to flesh of a body (8), while b'iik' refers
to meat for eating (9).
(I) Chawak u-t1.o'ot1.-el u-pol. ...

long 3A-hair-pos 3A-head
'The hair of her head is long.' (91.3.25)
(2) A'-Ia' u-lZo'ot1.(-el) aj-Josej.

DET-PROX 3A-hair(-pos) MASC-PN
'This is the hair of Jose (on the table).'
(3) Ich in-jan-al-ej jok'-ij jum=p'eel t1.o 'ot1..

in ISG.A-eat-NoM-TOP come.out-3SG.B one=INAM hair
'A hair came out of my food.' (unknown possessor)
(4) K-u-Iub'-ul tak t-u-b'ak-el uy-it. ...

INC-3A-fall-lls til to-3A-bone-POs 3A-rump
'It falls to the bone of her rump.' (91.3.26)
(5) T-inw-il-aj jum=p'e b 'ak ti b 'ej.

COM-ISG.A-see-cTS one=INAM bone on road.
'I saw a bone on the road.' (don't know of what animal)
(6) u-choch-el a' keej-ej

3A-intestine-POS DET deer-TOP
'the intestines of the deer'
(7) A' keej-ej b'in-ij .. chen u-choch p'at-ij waYe'.

DET deer-TOP go-3SG.B only 3A-intestine remain-3SG.B here
'The deer went, only its (unattached) intestines remained here.'
(8) Y-ok' im-b'ik'-el tan-u-jok'-ol chu'chum.

3A-over ISG.A-flesh-pos DUR-3A-come.out-IIS boil
'Boils are coming out all over my body.'
(9) T-in-jan-t-aj yaab' b'ik'.

COM-ISG.A-eat-TRN-CTS much meat.
'I ate a lot of meat.'
10.2.3. Possession with -il

There are a variety of more marked possessive relationships in which the possessed noun
takes an -il suffIx.
10.2.3.1. Inanimate Possessors

An -il suffIx frequently appears on nouns with inanimate possessors, excluding the part-
whole expressions described in IO.1.4.2 (1)-(11) (cf. 4.2.3.I, 4.5.2.3). The inanimate
possessors are usually not topical and appear immediately after the possessed noun. The general
category of inanimate possession is related to the other, more specific, relationships described
below. The defmiteness of the possessed referents in the constructions is indeterminate when the
possessor NP is indefmite (1)-(5). Indefmite reference may also be made with numeral
constructions (6)-(8) (cf. 9.5).
(1) u-tunich-il witz 'some/the stones of hills'

3A-stone-POS hill
JO. POSSESSION 265
(2) u-witz-il tunich 'a/the hill of stones'

3A-hill-poS stone
(3) u-p 'uul-il ja ' 'a/the jug of water'

3A-jug-pos water
(4) u-tunich(-il) keej 'a/the deer stone' (a charm)2

3A-stone(-POS) deer
(5) Tz'aO) ten u-mas-il b'u 'ulf 'Give me some more beans!'
give/IMPTs ISG.IOPR 3A-more-POS bean
(6a) u-yum-il k'aax

3A-owner-POS forest
'a/the forest spirit, forest owner'
(6b) Yan ox=tuul u-yum-il k'aax ti'i} a' b'iyotoopoj Itzaj.

EXIST three=ANIM 3A-Iord-Pos forest of DET biotope Itzaj
'There are three lords of the forest of the Bio Itzaj.'
(7) A' pek'-ej t-u-b'i-s-aj jun=taach b'ak'.

DET dog-TOP cOM-3A-go-CAUS-CTS one=haunch meat
'The dog took a haunch of meat.'
(8a) jun=jiil kay 'a string of fish'

one=string fish
(8b) u-jiil-il kay 'a/thelhis string of fish'

3A-string-pos fish
The nominal reference is defmite if the possessor NP is defmite (9)-( 17). When the
possessor NP is topical it may be deleted or appear before the possessed NP, as in (17).
(9) u-jiil-il a' kay-ej 'thelhis string of the fish'

3A-string-pos DET fish-TOP
(10) u-tunich(-il) a' keej-ej 'the deer stone'

3A-stone(-pos) DET deer-ToP
(11) u-janal-il a' kol-ej 'the milpa's food'

3A-food-pos DET milpa-TOP
(12) A '-pek'-ej t-u-bi-s-aj u-jun=taach-il a' b'ak'-ej.

DET dog-TOP cOM-3A-go-CAUS-CTS 3A-one=haunch-Pos DET meat-TOP
'The dog took the quarter of the meat.'
(13) U-nok'-il a' k'u=naj-ejjach lab'.

3A-cloth-pos DET god=house-TOP very old
'The (altar) cloths of the church are very old.'
2 A magic stone that is believed to come from a deer's nose when it dies.
(14) ke la'ayti' u-tz'ul-il a' meyaj-ej ...

SUB 3IPR3A-patron-pos DET work-TOP
'that he is the one who is the patron of the work,' (91.22.210)
(15) Jo'lej-ij t-in-tiika'-t-aj im-paa/ t-u-noj kaj-il Tik'al.

yesterday-3SG.B cOM-lsG.A-send-TRN-cTS ISG.A-child in-3A-big town-POS PN
'Yesterday I sent my child to the great city of Tikal.'
(16) U-che'-il in-'ab'iil-ej tan-u-tikin-tal.

3A-tree-POS ISG.A-plum-TOP DUR-3A-dry-INCH
'My plum tree is drying.'
(17) B'in-een ti xi'mal Atitlan i yutzil wab'in u-ja '-il.

go-ISG.B SUB walk PN and pretty EMP 3A-water-POS
'I went to visit Atitlan, and how beautiful is its lake.'
Inanimate possessors may indicate a variety of semantic relations, including the location,
source, or origin of the possessed noun (18)-(27). As in other cases described above, topical NP
possessors may precede the possessed noun, as in (25)-(27).
Locative/Source/Origin
(18) Je'-in-kin-s-ik u-b'alum-il k'aax.

ASSUR-1SG.A-die-cAuS-ITS 3A-jaguar-pos forest
'I will kill jaguars of the forest.'
(19) u-k'uutz-il u-kol aj-Josej

3A-tobacco-pos 3A-milpa MASC-PN
'the tobacco of the milpa of Jose'
(20) k-u-top'-ol uy-ix-nok'ol-il a' xa'an-ej. ..

INC-3A-hatch-IIS 3A-FEM-worm-pos DET thatch-TOP
'the worm of (in) the thatch hatches.' (91.21.51)
(21) t-a' 'ariyopweertoj-il Teejas-ej ..

to-DET airport-pos PN-TOP
'at the airport of (in) Texas,' (92.2.45)
(22) ka' b'in-oo' tulakal t-u-kaj-il Meejikoj

then gO-PL all to-3A-town-pos PN
'they all went to towns in Mexico,' (txt2 .171 )
(23) u-p'uul-il San Josej.

3A-jug-pos PN
'the water jug of (made in) San Jose'
(24) A'-Ia' u-chuuk(-il) in-che'.

DET-PROX 3A-coal(-pos) ISG.A-wood
'These are the coals of (from) my tree.'
(25) A' k'aax-e jach yan u-kan-il.

DET forest-TOP very EXIST 3A-snake-pos
'The forest, it has a lot of snakes.'
10. POSSESSION 267
(26) Ti kaj-ej jach yan u-mak-il.

in town-TOP very EXIST 3A-person-pos
'In the town, many are its people.'
(27) Tumen a' kol ma' tan-u-wiitz'-b'-iil-ej ..

because DET milpa NEG DUR-3A-double-PAS-IIS-TOP
'Because the milpa that isn't doubled,
k-u-p'at-iiljach k'as u-'ixi'im-i1 ..

INC-3A-remain-lls very ugly 3A-com-pos
its (the cornfield's) com comes out very ugly,' (91.20.105-6)
Many body-part terms have metaphoric senses in constructions with -il (28)-(30) (cf.
10.1.4).
Secondary Metaphoric
(28) Luk' wab'in u-kal-il u-nok' aj-Fernaand'o.

dirty EMP 3A-neck-POS 3A-clothes MASC-PN
'How dirty the collar of Fernando's shirt is!'
(29) u-tzem-il a-nok'-ej

3A-chest-pos 2A-shirt-TOP
'the front of your shirt'
(30) u-piix-il a-wex-ej

3A-knee-Pos 2A-pants-TOP
'the knee of your pants'
Possessed nouns of dead possessor nouns also appear with -ii, as shown in (31 )-(33).
Dead Possessors
(31a) u-IZ'omen aj-Jwan 'the brain of Juan' (Juan is alive)

3A-brain MASC-PN
(31b) u-tZ'omen-il aj-Jwan 'the brain of Juan' (Juan is dead)

3A-brain-Pos MASC-PN
(32a) in-kim en 'my corpse' (another person's body)

1SG.A-corpse
(32b) In-kimen-il k-a-b'el a-b'en-es-e'ex.

ISG.A-corpse-pos INC-2A-go 2A-go-CAUS-2pL.B
'You are going to take away my corpse.' (after I die)
(33) Ak'ii'-iij-ij tal-ij u-pixan-il u-yum-il a' najje'-laj.

night-CIS-3SG.B come-3SG.B 3A-spirit-pos 3A-owner-POs DET house OST-PROX
'Last night the spirits of the (dead) owners of the house came.'
Time periods are also referred to as possessed nouns with the -il suffix (34)-(35) (cf.
13.2.12).
268 IIZAJ MA fA GRAMMAR
Time Periods
(34) t-u-jaab'-il mil=nob'esiyentos='ocheentaj.

in-3A-year-pos thousand=nine .hundred=eighty
'in the year of 1980'
(35) Uch-ak ma u-wa I-tal a yax=k'in ti'i) u-mes-il /agoostoj.

I I
happen-IRREAL NEG 3A-stand-POSIT DET first=sun for 3A-month-pos August

'Perhaps the summer won't stand (stay) in the month of August.' (91.24.138)
10.2.3.2. Part or Place of with -il

Possessed nouns with the -i/ suffix based on adjectival, participial, or nominal stems may
indicate parts of a whole with specific qualities (1 )-(4) (cf. 4.2.3.2, 10.1.4, 10.2.3.4).
Part of
(1) A nuk-uch niil jach ma'lo

I I ... ii ma Ian u-jol=xux-il
DET big-AD] ear very good and NEG/EXIST 3A-hole=wasp-poS
'The big ears (of com) are very good, they don't have parts with insect holes,' (91.20.127-
28)
(2a) fan u-jan-al.

EXIST 3A-food-NOM
'Slhe has food.'
(2b) A tuk'-ej yan u-jan-al-il.

I
DET cocoyal-TOP EXIST 3A-food-NOM-POS

'The cocoyal palm has edible parts.'
(3) Tu'ux yan a-chi'-a'an-il.

where EXIST 2A-bite-PART-POS
'Where is your bite?' (lit., 'bitten place')
(4) In-tz'on-a'an-il ma' tun-ch'an-iil.

ISG.A-shoot-PART-POS NEG DuRl3A-heal-IIS
'My gunshot wound (lit., 'shot place') isn't healing.'
The related meaning, 'place of', is also signalled by the -if suffix (5)-(6) (cf. 4.2.3.2,
10.2.3.1). While nouns with -i/ are usually possessed, they do not have to be (5a)-(5b). The
possessed noun may appear without a following possessor noun (5d), (6b). A person's place of
origin is marked by a noun-classifier prefix indicating the sex of the referent, along with the -if
suffix (7)-(11) (cf. 4.2.3.2).
Place of
(5a) u-kuuch 'ik-il 'the place of a chile patch'

3A-place chile-pos
(5b) u-kuuch a 'ik-il-ej

I 'the place of the chile patch'
3A-place DET chile-pos-TOP
(5c) in-'ik 'my chile'

1SG.A-chile
JO. POSSESSION 269
(5d) in-'ik-il 'my chile patch'

1SG .A-chile-POS-TOP
(6a) in-'ab'iil 'my plum'

ISG.A-plum
(6b) in- 'ab 'ii/-il 'my plum grove'

ISG.A-plum-pos
Person's Place of Origin
(7) aj-tanxel=kaj-i1 'foreigner'

MAsc-foreign=town-pos
(8) aj-Taankaj-il 'Yucatecan'

MASC-PN-POS
(9) ka' tal-oo' sofd'aad'oj-oo' ... aj-Sakaapaj-il-oo' .. (aj-)Jutiyaapaj-il-oo' ...

then come-PL soldier-PL MASC-PN-POS-PL (MASC-)PN-POS-PL
'then the soldiers came, the ones from Sacapa, the ones from Jutiapa,' (txt2.73-75)
(10) Ii ... yan nuk-uch winik-oo' aj-wa'ye'-il-oo'-ej ...

and EXIST big-ADJ man-PL MAsc-here-POS-PL-TOP
'And there were some gentlemen, natives of here,' (txt2.86)
(11) Aj-Paabloj-ej aj-Peten-il.

MASC-PN-TOP MASC-PN-POS
'Don Pablo is from Flores.'
10.2.3.3. Beneficiary or Goal with -il

The -if suffix may also mark a beneficiary or goal relationship (cf. 10.1.2.1). In this case
the possessor is the goal or beneficiary (1 )-(8). This function overlaps the more general inanimate
possessor function (cf. 10.2.3.1).
(1 a) u-ju 'um a' winik-ej

3A-paper DETman-TOP
'the man's letter, paper'
(1 b) u-ju 'um-il a' winik-ej

3A-paper-pos DET man-TOP
'the legal papers of, for, the man'
(lc) u-ju'um-il inw-otoch

3A-paper-pos ISG.A-home
'the legal papers of, for, my house'
(2) T-in-chuk-b'-es-ik u-che'-il (inw-otoch).

cOM-lsG.A-complete-PAs?-CAUS-ITS 3A-wood-pos (lsG.A-home)
'I'm completing (gathering) the wood (for my home).'
(3) u-chuj-il in-ja'

3A-gourd-pos ISG.A-water
'the gourd for my water', 'my water gourd'
(4) Ki-ka'aj ki-tz'aj u-janal(-il) a' ik'-oo'-ej ich kol.

IPL.A-go IPL.A-give/DTS 3A-food(-pos) DET wind-PL-TOP in milpa
'We are going to give food to the winds in the milpa.'
(5) U-paaychi'-il u-paal kimen.

3A-prayer-pos 3A-child dead
'It is the prayer for her dead child.'
(6a) u-k'aax(-il) Itzaj

3A-forest(-pos) PN
'the Itzaj forest', 'the forest for the Itzajs'
(6b) u-k'aax(-il) aj-'Itzaj-oo'

3A-forest(-pos) MASC-PN-PL
'the forest of, for, the Itzajs'
(7) Yan ox=tuul u-yum-il u-k'aax-il Lakand'on.

EXIST three=ANIM 3A-Iord-POS 3A-forest-POS PN
'There are three lords of the Lacandon forest.'
(8) u-che'-il pax

3A-wood-pos marimba
'wood of, for, a marimba'
10.2.3.4. Abstract Derivation with -il

Abstract nouns with -il possessive marking may be derived from adjectival (1)-(7),
participial (8), or nominal stems (9)-(12) (cf. 4.2.3.4, 10.2.3.2). Abstract nouns are ordinarily
possessed but may appear as free forms (3), (10).
(la) yutzil 'beautiful'

beautiful
(lb) (u-)yutz-il-il 'beauty'

(3A-)beautiful-poslABST
(2a) 'al 'heavy'

heavy
(2b) U-'al-il a' chiiklej-ej ...

3A-heavy-poslABST DET chicle-TOP
'The weight of the chicle,' (91.22.339)
(3) Yan ten ke'el-il i chok-w-il.

EXIST ISG.IOPR cold-pos/ABST and hot-ADJ-pos/ABST
'I have chills and fevers (malaria).'
(4) Ma' tan-in-mukyaj-t-ik in-chok-oj-il.

NEG DUR-1SG.A-control-TRN-ITS 1SG.A-hot-ADJ-poslABST
'I can't control my (body) heat.'
(5) Luk'-ij in-luk'-il.

leave-3sG.B lSG.A-dirty-pos/ABST
'I got clean.' (lit., 'My filth left.')
10. POSSESSION 271
(6a) Saak aj-Jwan.

afraid MASC-PN
'Juan is afraid.'
(6b) u-saak-il aj-Jwan

3A-fear-pos/ABST MASC-PN
'the fear of Juan'
(7) Aj-Jwan-ej rna' chik-a'an u-chiimach-it.

MASC-PN-TOP NEG see-PART 3A-old-pos/ABST
'Juan, his (old) age doesn't show.'
(8) a' winikjach yaj u-k'oj-a.'an-il-ej ..

DET man very bad 3A-sick-PART-pos/ABST-TOP
'the man whose sickness is very bad,' (91.22.245)
(9) Sut-n-aj-ij tunich(-i/).

tum-AP-CIS-3sG.B stone(-poslABST)
'He turned into stone.'
(10) T-im-paal-itjach kuy-aj-een.

in-I SG.A-child-poslABST very mischievous-CIS-l SG.B
'In my childhood I was very mischievous.'
(11) Utz tech a-k'ek'en-it t-u-b'et-aj.

good 2SG.IOPR 2A-pig-pos/ABST COM-3A-do-CTS
'Good for you, your pigginess (gluttony) did it.'
(12) jach yaab' u-Iob'-il

very much 3A-injury-pos/ABST
'he has a lot of badness, illness, evil'
Topical possessor nouns may precede the abstract (possessed) noun (13)-(14) or simply
be cross-referenced with the possessive Set A prefix (15). Non-topical possessor nouns follow the
possessed noun (16).
(13) Sam-ij siik a' muyal-ej

while-3SG.B white DET cloud-TOP
'A little while ago the clouds were white
i b'a-je'-Iaj laj luk'-ij u-sak-it-illaj b'ox-aj-ij.

and TEMP-OST-PROX allleave-3sG.B 3A-white-Pos/ABST-POS all black-CIS-3SG.B
and now their whiteness is all gone and they've gotten black.'
(14) je-b'ix u-b'iik'-el a' tzimin-ej ..

oST-like 3A-flesh-POS DET horse-TOP
'just like the body of the horse,
u-ka 'n-al-il .. u-noj-och-il .. u-chawak-il. ...

3A-high-NOM-poslABST 3A-big-ADJ-PoslABST 3A-Iong-poslABST
its height, its size (bigness), and its length.' (92.3.72-75)
(15) Ma' a-k'a'ool in-winik-il.

NEG 2A-know ISG.A-man-POS/ABST
'You don't know my manhood (what a man I am).'
(16) A' piik'-aal-oo' tanto) u-jok'-ol-e) ..

DET plant-NoM-PL IMM 3A-come.out-JJS-TOP
'The seedlings that just came out,
k-u-la)=kim-if et-el u-chokoj-il a' lu'um-ej. ...

INC-3A-al1=die-JJS WITH-POS 3A-hot-pos/ABST DET earth-ToP
they all die with the heat of the earth.' (91.21.36-37)
Some terms labelling discourse genres and speech acts are abstract nouns (17)-(21),
which may also have inanimate possessors (20)-(21).
(17) p'a'as-il 'joking'

3A-joke-pos
(18) tus-il 'lying'

3A-lie-POs
(19) In-ten-e) t-inw-a'l-a) .. chen tzikb'al-il. ...

EMP-lSG.JPR-TOP cOM-lsG.A-say-cTs only talk-poS/ABST
'Me, I said it's only talk. (92.2.170-71)
(20) A '-la' u-tzikb 'al-i/ pwes '" u-tiyeempo)-i(l) kaniikulaj. ..

DET-PROX 3A-talk-POS/ABST well 3A-time-Pos/ABST Canicula
'This is the talk (story), then, of the time of Canicula.' (91.21.110-11)
(21) La'ayti' u-mo'nok kweentoj-il .. a' b'a'ax uch-ij .. Tik'al-ej. ...

3IPR 3A-small story DET what happen-3sG.B PN-TOP
'That is the small story of what happened at Tikal.' (txt 1.196-97)
10.2.3.5. Kind or Member of a Group with N-i/

Group membership is also indicated by the -il suffix. This meaning overlaps with that of
superlative constructions (cf. 9.7.3.2).
10.2.3.5.1. (u-)NP-il
The -i/ suffix can indicate that a NP has a particular relationship to a group 'possessor'
(1 )-(2), including taxonomic identity (3) (cf. 18.3.1, 18.3.2). Nouns with the -if suffix ordinarily
also have a third-person Set A prefix. These nouns may be followed by a possessor noun (3), (8).
A possessive prefix is not required if a generic meaning identifying a member of an unspecified
group is intended (4). An additional plural suffix -00' may appear to indicate a defmite plural
possessor, but not with indefinites (5)-(8).
(la) u-pol 'his head'

3A-head
(lb) u-pol-il 'his chief' , 'the head of a group'

3A-head-pos
(2) yan)un=tuul ... u-nojoch-il

EXIST one=ANIM 3A-big-pos
'there is one who is the chief' (lit., 'the big one of the group') (91.22.322-23)
10. POSSESSION 273
(3a) A'-laj u-che'-iljab'in.

DET-PROX 3A-wood-pos PN
'This is a jab'in tree.'
(3b) A'-la' u-che'-il cholol

DET-PROX 3A-wood-pos PN
'This is a cholol tree.'
(4) Aj-Jwan-ej tat-il.

MASC-PN-TOP father-pos
'Juan is a father (of some group).'
(5) *Aj-Jwan-ej tat-il-oo /.

MASC-PN-TOP father-pos-PL
(6) Aj-Jwan-ej u-tat-il(-oo~.

MASC-PN-TOP 3A-father-pos(-PL)
'Juan is their father.'
(7) Tulakal-oo' k'och-oo'. Chen u-na'-il(-oo~ ma' k'och-ij.

all-PL arrive-PL only 3A-mother-pos( -PL) NEG arrive-3SG.B
'They all arrived. Only their mother didn't arrive.'
(8) Aj-Josej t-u-b'i-s-aj u-kimen-il in-k'ek'en-oo'-e.

MASC-PN cOM-3A-gO-CAuS-CTS 3A-dead-pos ISG.A-pig-PL-TOP
'Jose took the dead (corpses) of my pigs.'
When the -il suffIx appears, the possessor must be plural, whether or not its identity is
explicit, as shown in (9)-(10). The honorific suffIx -(in)tzil also generally marks plural possessors
of certain immediate kin (1l)-(12)(cf. 4.2.5.1, 9.4.1, lO.l.l).
(9a) Aj-Jwan-ej ki-suku'un(-il).

MASC-PN-TOP IPL.A-older.brother(-POs)
'Juan is our older brother.'
(9b) A-suku'un(-il)-e'ex aj-Jwan.

2A-older.brother(-POS)-2PL MASC-PN
'Your older brother is Juan.'
(9c) *In-suku'un-il aj-Jwan.

ISG.A-older.brother(-pos) MASC-PN
(lOa) Aj-ya'ax=nok'-ej u-tat aj-Jwan.

MAsc-green=shirt-ToP 3A-father MASC-PN
'The (man with the) green shirt is Juan's father.'
(lOb) *Aj-ya'ax nok'-ej u-tat-il aj-Jwan.

MAsc-green=shirt-TOP 3A-father-pos MASC-PN
(lOc) Aj-ya'ax=nok'-ej u-tat-il a' mak-oo'je'-Io'.

MAsc-green=shirt-TOP 3A-father-pos DET-person-PL OST-DIST
'The (man with the) green shirt is the father of those people.'
(11) A}-Jose} uy-itz'in-tzil-oo'.

MASC-PN 3A-younger.brother-HoN-PL
'Jose is the youngest brother of them.'
(12) A}-Jose} u-suku'un-tzil-il(-oo~

MASC-PN 3A-older.brother-HoN-POS(-pL)
'Jose is the oldest brother of them.'
The possessor group may be referred to in a prepositional phrase with ich-il, 'among'
(13)-(14). In this construction the possessive prefix is usually missing and the meaning is
indefmite-generic, identifying an exemplar of a category. These appear to be stative or equational
constructions, not possessed + possessor constructions (cf. [4]-[5]; chapter 17).
(13) Te' yanjun=tuul (u-)nojoch-il .. ich-il a)-meya}-oo'-e}

LOC EXIST one=ANIM (3A-)big-pos among-pos MASC-worker-PL-TOP
'There, there is a chief among the workers' (91.22.318-19)
(14) La'ayti' a' nojoch-il .. ich-il a)-meya}-oo'-e}.

LOC EXIST one=ANIM big-pos among-pos MAsc-worker-PL-TOP
'He is the chief among the workers.'
The pluralized relational noun, ich-il-oo', 'among them', may refer to the possessor group
anaphorically in an equational construction (15)-( 17) (cf. 9.4.1.2). The noun referring to the
member of the group may be unmodified (15), (16), modified by the determiner (17a), or
possessed, if the -il suffix is also present (17b)-(17d).
(15) yan b'in a}-waay ich-il-oo' ...

EXIST REPORT MASC-sorcerer among-pos-PL
'there was, they say, a sorcerer among them,'
(16a) La'ayti' suku'un ich-il-oo'.

3IPR older.brother in-POS-PL
'He is (the) oldest brother among them.'
(16b) A}-Jose} suku'un-tzil ich-il-oo'.

MASC-PN older.brother-HON in-POS-PL
'Jose is (the) oldest brother among them.'
(17a) La'ayti' a' suku'un-tzil ich-il-oo'.

3IPR DET older.brother-HON in-POS-PL
'He is the oldest brother among them.'
(17b) A}-Jose} u-suku 'un-il ich-il-oo'.

MASC-PN 3A-older.brother-POS in-POS-PL
( 17c) *A}-Jose} u-suku 'un-tzil ich-il-oo'.

MASC-PN 3A-older.brother-HON in-POS-PL
(17 d) A}-Jose} u-suku 'un-tzil-il ich-il-oo'.

MASC-PN 3A-older.brother-HON-POS in-POS-PL
10. POSSESSION 275
10.2.3.5.2 Interrogative N-il(-i'ij)

A possessive construction with -it also marks interrogative focus (1)-(3) (cf. 18.4). The
focused noun may be additionally marked with the focus marker -i'i} (4)-(7).
(1) Max t-a-t'an u-tat-il?

who in-2A-speech 3A-father-POS
'Who do you say is the father (of the group)?'
(2) A: Max t-a-t'an u-chlimach-il ich-il-oo'?

who to-2A-speech 3A-old-pos in-POS-PL
'Who do you say is the oldest among them?'
B: Aj-Jwan u-suku'un(-tzil)-il.
MASC-PN 3A-older.brother(-HON)-POS
'Juan is the oldest brother of them.'
(3) B'a'ax che'-il a'-la'-ej?

what tree-POS DET-PROX-TOP
'What type of tree is this?'
(4) Max winik-il-i'ij a' man-i}-ej?

who man-POS-FOC DET-pass-3sG.B-TOP
'Who of the men, what kind of man is it that went by?'
(5) B'a'ax kaj-il-i'i .. a' tu'ux kim-i} a' winik-oo'-ej?

what town-POS-FOC DET where die-3SG.B DET man-PL-TOP
'Which of the towns is it where the men died.'
(6) Ba'ax keej-il(-i'ij), mo'nok wa nojoch?

what deer-pos(-FOC) small or big
'Which of the deer (is it), small or big?'
(7) B'a'ax pek'-il-(i'ijj?

what dog-pose-FOC)
'Which of the dogs (is it)?'
10.2.3.6. Material of Construction

Material of construction may be indicated in possessed-noun constructions with -il (1)-
(3). It may also be indicated unambiguously with prepositional phrases, as shown in (3)-(5) (cf.
13.2.9).
(1) A' nok' je'-Ia' k-u-jok'-ol ma'lo' u-wex-il.

DET cloth OST-PROX INC-3A-Ieave-IIS good 3A-pants-pos
'This cloth, good pants come from it.'
(2) A' che' je'-Io' ma'lo' u-k'anche'-il.

DET wood OST-DIST good 3A-seat-PoS
'That wood, good seats are made from it.' (lit., 'good are its seats')
(3a) b'aat b'i yeeroj 'ax of iron'

ax of iron
(3b) u-b 'aat-il yeeroj 'ax of iron'

3A-ax-POS iron
(4a) kum b'i luk' 'pot made of clay'

pot of clay
(4b) u-kum-illuk' 'pot (full) of clay'

3A-pot-pos clay
(Sa) kum b'i che' 'pot made of wood'

pot of wood
(Sb) u-kum-il che' 'pot (full) of wood'

3A-pot-pos wood
10.2.3.7. Diseases
Diseases are a special category of possessed-noun constructions in which the possessor
noun indicates the location of the disease (I )-(3). Diseases also have been lexicalized as noun
compounds (4)-(6) (cf. 4.4.2.2.S).
(1) u-k'oj-a'an-ilok 'disease of feet'

3A-sick-PART-POS foot
(2) u-yaj-il ok 'pain, disease of feet'

3A-pain-pos foot
(3) u-yaj-il tzem 'pain of chest'

3A-pain-pos chest
(4) ix-yaj= 'ok-il 'pain, disease of feet'

FEM-pain=foot-ABST
(S) ix-yaj= 'ich-il 'pain, disease of eye'

FEM-pain=eye-ABsT
(6) ix-yaj=tzem-il 'chest pain', 'disease of chest'

FEM-pain=chest-ABsT
10.2.3.8. Focused Locative Part-Whole Constructions

An -if suffix may function to mark contrastive focus of a possessed noun in locative
possessed + possessor constructions (1)-(6) (cf. 10.1.4.2, 10.2.3.1). The noun in focus
ordinarily precedes the possessor noun (1 )-( 6) but may follow a topical possessor NP (7) or appear
alone (8). The possessed noun may take an additional -if suffix with no apparent difference in
meaning (1b), (3b), (8).3
(Ia) t-u-ni'jun=kuul witz 'at the top of a hill'

at-3A-nose one=round hill
(Ib) t-u-ni'-il(-il) jun=kuul witz 'at the very top of a hill'

at-3A-nose-FOC-POS one=round hill
3 The possessed nounjaal does not permit two -il suffixes, perhaps because, unlike the others,
it is not a basic body part.

10. POSSESSION 277
(2a) t-u-ni' a' che'-ej 'at the top of the tree'

at-3A-nose DET tree
(2b) t-u-(p'irich) ni'-il a' che'-ej 'at the very top of the tree'
at-3A-(tiptop) tip-Foe DET tree-TOP
(3a) t-u-chi'ja' 'at the edge of the water'

at-3A-edge water
(3b) t-u-chi'-il(-il) ja' 'at the very edge of the water'

at-3A-edge-Foe( -pos) water
(4a) t-u-jaal ja' 'at the water shore'

at-3A-shore water
(4b) t-u-jaal-il a' ja'-ej 'at the very edge of the water'
at-3A-shore-Foe DET water-TOP
(5) t-u-chun(-il) a' che'-ej. 'at the (very) base of the tree.'
at-3A-trunk( -Foe) DET tree-TOP
(6) A: Laj nik-ij?

all collapse-3sG.B
'Did it (the hill) all collapse?'
B: Tulakal .. nukuch tunichjok'-ij t-u-ni'-il a' witz-ej.

all big stone leave-3sG.B from-3A-nose-pos DET hill-TOP
'All, great rocks came out from the very top of the hill.'
(7) Ch'iik-ii' ma'lo' a' che'-ej .. a' kab'-ej tak t-u-chun-il yan.
cut-IMPTS well DET tree-TOP DET hive-TOP til to-3A-trunk-Foe EXIST
'Cut the tree well, the hive is at the very base of it.'
(8) Yul-u't-u-chun .. ma' a-b'el a-ch'aa' u-chun-il(-il) tumen ya tu'.

cut-IMPTS at-3A-base NEG 2A-go 2A-grab/DTS 3A-base-FOe( -pos) because already rotten
'Cut it at the trunk, don't go taking the very bottom because it's already rotten.'
10.2.3.9. Gerunds (Antipassive Nominalizations) with -il

Gerundial constructions with the antipassive stem and -il suffIx often indicate semantic
patient, goal, or beneficiary relationships of the possessor NP (1)-(6) (cf. 4.2.2.5, 10.2.3.3).
These nominalizations may occur with the durative aspect marker, but with no other aspect
marker (3)-(6). They usually occur with third-person possessors, the semantic patients, goals, or
beneficiaries. Third-person agents or beneficiaries, but not first- or second-person agents or
beneficiaries, may be mentioned obliquely (4)-(7). This construction is semantically similar to a
mediopassive voice form (cf. 3.3.1.1.2.1, 16.3.2).
(I) Aj-Jwan-ej b'in-ij t-u-k'aat-il ix-Mariiyaj.

MAse-PN-TOP go-3SG.B to-3A-asking-pos FEM-PN
'Juan went to the betrothal of Maria.'
(2) A' winik-oo' ke'en-oo' I-u-k'aat-il ix-Mariiyaj.

DET man-PL present-PL at-3A-asking-pos FEM-PN
'The men are present at the betrothal of Maria.'
(3) Ix-Mariiyaj-ej tan u-k'aat-il.

FEM-PN-TOP DUR-3A-asking-pos
'Maria, they are at her betrothal, they are asking for her.'
(4) Taan u-k'aat-il men a' winik u-k'a't-ij-ej.

DUR 3-ask-pos for DET man 3A-want-TS-TOP
'They are at her betrothal on behalf of the man who wants her.'
(5) Tan u-mach-il a' winik okol-n-aj-ij-ej men a' polis-oo'e).

DUR 3A-grab-pos DET man rob-AP-CIS-3SG.B-TOP by DET police-PL-TOP
'(There is) the grabbing of the man who was a thief by the police.'
(6) A'lak-oo'-ej tan u-p'o'-il(-oo'j men ix-ch'up-ej.

DET dish-PL-TOP DUR 3A-wash-pos( -PL) by FEM-woman-TOP
'The dishes are being washed by the woman.'
(7) *A'lak-oo'-ej tan u-p'o'-il(-oo'j men in-ten (lin-tech).

DET dish-PL-TOP DUR 3A-wash-pos( -PL) by EMP-ISG.lPR (/EMP-2sG.lPR)
10.2.4. Intransitive Verbal Nouns with -VI

Intransitive verbal nouns are nominal counterparts to root-intransitive or mediopassive
intransitive verbs (1)-(3) (cf. 4.2.7.l). In these constructions the semantic experiencer appears as
the possessor. They are ordinarily possessed but can appear in unpossessed forms (3).
(I) V-kim-il ix-ch 'up-ej .. jach yaj-aj-ij.

3A-die-NOM FEM-woman-TOP very painful-CIS-3SG.B
'The death of the woman was very painful.'
(2) Vy-ok-ol a' winik-ej k-u-k'as-kun-t-ik inw-ool.

3A-enter-NOM DET man-TOP INC-3A-bad-CAUS-TRN-ITS ISG.A-spirit
'The man's entrance puts me in a bad humor.'
(3) Ijo'm-ij a' kim-ilje'-Ioj . ...

and end-3SG.B DET die-NOM OST-DIST
'And that death ended.' (txt 1. 80)
10.2.5 Relational Nouns

Relational nouns are a special class of possessed forms that typically signal oblique,
often locative, case relations (cf. 4.2.6, 13.2, 13.3). Full forms are composed of a possessive
Set A person marker, the root, and (usually) a-V1 suffix. Certain common relational nouns may
appear in abbreviated forms without affixes. They frequently occur functioning as prepositions in
prepositional phrases but may also appear as objects of prepositions or appear alone functioning
pronominally.
10.2.5.1. Comitative y-et-el and Cop resent y-iik-naI 4

While both y-et-el and y-iik-nal indicate proximity of entities, there can be a contrast in
meaning, with yetel indicating accompaniment in motion, and yiiknal indicating stationary
copresence (cf. 13.2.1O, 13.3).
4 The morphological composition of iiknal is unclear. It appears to be derived from the root
AK, 'face'.
10. POSSESSION 279
10.2.S.1.1. As Prepositions
yetel is the more common and general comitative (1 )-( 17). y-et-el may be abbreviated to
et-el, its most common form (3)-(15). The fmall also tends to disappear preconsonantally (4)-(6)
(cf. 1.3.2.l). It appears that etel may be further abbreviated to et when it is followed by 'V-initial
word (8)-(15). There does not appear to be any grammatical difference among the variants. The
double preposition ket (y-)et-el means 'together with' (16)-( 17).
y-et-eINP
(1) u-tzikb'al-iljun=tuul winiky-et-eljun=tuul b'alum.

3A-tallc-pos one=ANIM man 3A-with-pos one=ANIM jaguar
'the story ofa man with (and) a jaguar.' (91.12.2-3)
(2) Aj-Jwan-ej k'och-ij y-et(-el) aj-Josej.

MASC-PN-TOP arrive-3SG.B 3A-with(-pos) MASC-PN
'Juan arrived with Jose.'
et-eiNP
(3) A' k'uchje'-lo'-ej

DET thread OST-DIST-TOP
'That thread
la'ayti' a' k-u-b'et-ik a' chiimach-oo' uchij et-el tiimiin . ...

3IPR DET INC-3A-make-ITS DET old-PL long.ago with-pos cotton
is the one that the old people before made with cotton.' (91.18.49-50)
(4) In-ka'aj in-chlik-ii' et-e(l) b'aat.

ISG.A-go ISG.A-cut-DTS with-pos ax
'I'm going to cut it with an ax.'
(Sa) T-inw-il-aj a' winik et-e(l) pek'.

COM-1sG.A-see-CTS DET man with-pos dog
'I saw the man with a dog.'
(5b) *T-inw-il-ajjun=tuul winik et pek'.

COM-1SG.A-see-CTS one=ANIM man with dog
(6a) T-inw-il-aj a' winik et-e(l) jun=tuul aj-kax.

COM-1SG.A-see-CTS DET man with-pos one=ANIM MAsc-chicken
'I saw the man with a chicken.'
(6b) *T-inw-il-aj a' winik et jun=tuul aj-kax.

COM-1SG.A-see-CTS DET man with one=ANIM MASC-chicken
(7a) t-u-jil-t-aj et-e tulakal u-muk' ...

cOM-3A-pull-TRN-CTS with-pos a1l3A-strength
'it pulled it with all of its strength.'
(7b) *t-u-jil-t-aj et tulakal u-muk'

cOM-3A-pull-TRN-CTS with a1l3A-strength
et(-el) NP
(8) T-inw-il-aj a' winik et(-el) aj-kax.

COM-lSG.A-see-CTS DET man with(-pos) MASC-chicken
'I saw the man with a chicken.'
(9) Ma' tan-in-tal et(-el) a' winik-ej.

NEG DUR-lSG.A-come with(-pos) DET-man-TOP
'I'm not coming with the man.'
(10) ti'i} u-kaj-tal et(-el) u-paal-oo' ...

SUB 3A-live-POSlT with( -POS) 3A-child-PL
'for him to live with his children,' (91.1.35)
(11) In-ka'aj ti wen-el et(-el) ix-ch'up.

ISG.A-go SUB sleep-lIS with(-pos) FEM-woman
'I'm going to sleep with a woman.'
(12) T-u-jeb'-aj-oo' u-jol a' naj-ej ... et(-el) in-na'. ...

COM-3A-open-CTS-PL 3A-door DET house-TOP with(-pos) ISG.A-mother
'She opened the door of the house, with my mother.' (91.3.19-20)
(13) tulakal uy-ich .. rna' chik-a'an et(-el) u-tzo'otz-el. ...

a1l3A-face NEG appear-PART with(-pos) 3A-hair-Pos
'all of its face, none of it was visible with its fur.'
(14) In-ka'aj in-chak-a' et(-el) im-b'aat.

ISG.A-go ISG.A-cut-DTS with( -pos) ISG.A-ax
'I'm going to cut it with my ax.'
(15) a' winik .. tun-man u-kiix-an-t-ej et(-el) u-tz 'on-ej. ...

DET man DuRl3A-walk 3A-seek-NOM-TRN-DTS with(-pos) 3A-gun-TOP
'the man that walks seeking it with his gun.' (19.16.54-55)
ket (y-)et(-el) NP
(16) B'in-o'on ket (y)et-el aj-Josej.

go-IPL.B together with-pos MASC-PN
'We went together with Jose.'
(17) te' yan ich a' muk-nal ket et uy-iitan-ej. ...

LOC EXIST in DET bury-NOM together with 3A-wife-TOP
'there he is inside the tomb together with his wife.' (91.17.45)
The relational noun yaknal, indicating stationary copresence, does not have abbreviated
forms (18)-(19) (cf. 13.2.10).
y-iik-nal NP
(18) Aj-Jwan-ej k'och-i} y-iik-nal aj-Josej.

MASC-PN-TOP arrive-3SG.B 3A-face-NOM MASC-PN
'Juan arrived to be with Jose.'
10. POSSESSION 281
(19) In-tz'on-ej y-iik-nal aj-Josej yan.

ISG.A-gun-ToP 3A-face-NOM MASC-PN EXIST
'My gun is with Jose.'
10.2.5.1.2. As Pronouns
Both etel and iiknal may appear in conjunction with the preposition ti' in the
construction: ti' + A.PR-Relational Noun for fIrst- and second-person (1 )-(12) (cf. 13.3). In this
construction the relational noun functions like a pronoun with deictic or anaphoric reference and
not like a preposition. Only the full forms of the relational nouns occur in this construction. The
unmarked position for these relational nouns is post-verbal (1)-(6), but they may be fronted (7).
etel indicates accompaniment in motion, and, as indicated in (8), is not appropriate to indicate
stationary copresence. Forms with ti' + A.PR-iik-nal function like pronouns to indicate stationary
(face to face) copresence (9)-(12), but not accompaniment (13).
ti' A.PR-et-el
(1) b'e! in-ka'a Ii muk-b'-ul ket t-aw-et-el ...

go lSG.A-go SUB bury-PAS-IIS together to-2A-with-pos
'I am going to be buried together with you.' (91.17.12)
(2) B'a'ax u-ka'a ma' tan-b'el ti-kiw-et-el?

what 3A-go NEG DuRl2A-go to-1PL-with- pos
'Why don't you come with us?' (91.17.142)
(3) A' winik-ej ma' tun-tal t-inw-et-el.

DET man-TOP NEG DuRl3A-come to-1SG.A-with-pos
'The man is not coming with me.'
(4) B'in-ij t-inw-et-el.

go-3SG.B to-1sG.A-with- pos
'He went with me.'
(5) I y-o'l-al a' paalje'-Io' k-u-man t-aw-et-el-ej "

and 3A-over-NOM DET child OST-DIST INC-3A-walk to-3A-with-POS-TOP
'And for that child that walks with you,' (91.16.127-28)
(6a) A' pek'-ej k-u-b'e/ t-aw-et-el-e'ex.

DET dog-TOP INC-3A-go to-2A-with-pos-2pL.B
'The dog goes with you all.'
(6b) A' pek'-ej k-u-b'el ti-kiw-et-el-e'ex.

DET dog-ToP INC-3A-go to-1 pL.A-with-pos-2pL.B
'The dog goes with all of us.'
(7) T-inw-et-el b'in-ij Ii si' aj-Jose}.

to-1SG.A-with-pos go-3SG.B SUB make. fIrewood MASC-PN
'With me Jose went to cut fIrewood.'
(8a) *Aj-Josej t-inw-et-el yan.

MASC-PN to-l SG.A-with-POS EXIST
(8b) ??Kun-aj-ij t-inw-et-el.

remain-CIS-3SG.B to-l SG.A-with-pos
'He stayed with me.'
ti' A.PR-iik-nal
(9) Tal-ij t-inw-iik-nal. 'S/he came to be with you.'

come-3SG.B to-lSG.A-WITH-POS
(10) Kun-aj-ij t-inw-iik-nal. 'S/he remained with me.'

remain-cIS-3SG.B to-lSG.A-WITH-POS
(11) Aj-Josej t-inw-iik-nal yan. 'Jose is with me.'

MASC-PN to-l SG.A-WITH-POS EXIST
(12) In-tech t-uy-iik-nal yan-ech. 'You are with him.'

EMP-2SG.IPR to-3A-WITH-POS EXIST-2SG.B
(13a) *B 'in-ij t-inw-iik-nal.

go-3SG.B to-lSG.A-WITH-POS
(13b) *T-inw-iik-nal b'in-ij ti si' aj-Josej.

to-lSG.A-WITH-POS go-3SG.B SUB make.fIrewood MASC-PN
Third-person anaphoric pronominal forms generally appear without the preposition ti'
(14)-(20). Third-person forms with etel do not permit the preposition ti (17)-(18), while third-
person forms with iiknal do allow it (19)-(20).
y-et-el
(14) ka' tzo'ok-ok u-b'ely-et-el. ...

SUB end-DIs 3A-way 3A-with-pos
'for her to marry him.' (91.17.184)
(15) A' pek'-ej k-u-b'el y-et-el-oo'.

DET dog-TOP INC-3A-go 3A-with-poS-PL
'The dog goes with them.'
(16) In-tech k-a-b 'el y-et-el.

EMP-2SG.IPR INC-2A-go 3A-with-pos
'You go with him.'
(17a) In-k'a't-ij ka' xi'ik-ech y-et-el.

ISG.A-want-Ts SUB go/DIS-2sG.B 3A-with-pos
'I want you to go with him.'
(17b) *In-k'a't-ij ka' xi'ik-ech t-uy-et-el.

ISG.A-want-Ts SUB go/DIS-2SG.B to-3A-with-pos
(18a) B'in-ij y-et-el.

go-3SG.B 3A-with-pos
'S/he went with himlher.'
(18b) *B'in-ij t-uy-et-el.

go-3SG.B to-3A-with-pos
10. POSSESSION 283
y-iik-nal
(I9a) K'och-ij y-iik-nal.

arrive-3SG.B 3A-face-NOM
'S/he arrived to be with himlher.'
(I9b) K'och-ij t-uy-iik-nal.

arrive-3SG.B to-3A-face-NOM
'S/he arrived to be with himlher.'
(20a) In-tech y-iik-nal yan-ech.

EMP-2SG.IPR 3A-face-NOM EXIST-2SG.B
'You are with him.'
(20b) In-tech t-uy-iik-nal yan-ech.

EMP-2SG.IPR to-3A-face-NOM EXIST-2SG.B
'You are with him.'
10.2.5.2. Interior ich-il

The function of the relational noun ich-il to indicate group membership was examined in
some detail in 10.2.3.5.1. ich(-il) may function as a preposition in a prepositional phrase (1)-(6).
ich, 'in', 'inside', may occur with defmite or indefinite nouns and is the most common form in
discourse (1)-(3). When the -il suffix appears, the meaning is 'inside of', 'among', and the
following noun is usually defmite, given information (3)-(5), but this is not obligatory (1)-(2). ich-
il may also indicate focus (6).
ich(-il) NP
(1) T-inw-il-aj keej ich(-il) kol.

COM-ISG.A-see-CTS deer in(-pos) milpa
'I saw a deer in a/the milpa.'
(2) T-inw-il-aj keej ich(-il) (jum=p'e) 'aktun.

COM-ISG.A-see-CTS deer in(-pos) (one=INAM) cave
'I saw a deer in(side of) a cave.'
(3) T-inw-il-aj keej ich(-il) in-kol.

COM-1SG.A-see-CTS deer in(-pos) ISG.A-milpa
'I saw a deer in my milpa.'
(4) ich-il tulakal a' winik-oo '

in-pos all DET man-PL
'among all of the men,' (91.9.28)
(5) ich-il tulakal u-se'es a' che'-oo'

in-pos all 3A-chip DET tree-PL
'among all the chips of the branches' (91.10.96)
(6) A: A '-laj ti' witz t-a-jok'-s-aj.

DET-PROX in hill cOM-2A-remove-cAus-CTS
'You took this from a hill.'
B: Ma'. A '-la' ich-il kol t-in-kiixiin-t-aj.

NEG DET-PROX in-FOC milpa cOM-ISG.A-find-TRN-CTS
'No, I found this inside a milpa.'
The preposition ti', 'to', may appear in conjunction with ich-i/ with pronominal function
meaning 'inside of' (7)-(10), but this is not a common construction. A similar meaning results
from combining ich-i/ with independent pronouns, as in (II).
ti' A.PR-ich-il
(7) t-in-'ich-il 'inside of me', in my heart'

to-I SG.A-inside-pos
(8) t-a- 'ich-il 'inside of you'

to-2A -inside-pos
(9) t-u- 'ich-il 'inside of himlher/it'

to-3A-inside-POS
(10) T-in- 'ich-il tan-in-muk'=yaaj.

in-I SG.A-in-POS DUR-I sG.A-endure=pain
'Inside I am suffering.'
(II) Ich-il ten k-in-muk'=yaaj.

in-pos ISG.lPR INC-ISG.A-endure=pain
'Inside I suffer.'
When marked by Set B suffixes, ich-i/ may function pronominally for plurals and for the
third-person singular, but not for first- or second-person singular (12)-(16) (cf. 2.1.2,
10.2.3.5.1).
ich-il-B.PR
(12) J komo ich a' nuk-uch winik-oo' .. je'-lo'-ej ... yan b'in aj-waay ich-il-oo' ...
and as in DET big-NOM man-PL OST-D1ST-TOP EXIST REPORT MASC-shaman in-POS-PL
'And among the gentlemen, there were some shamans among them,' (92.33.76-77)
(13) Max itz'in-tzi/ ich-il-oo'?

who younger.sibling-HoN among-POS-PL
'Who is the youngest sibling among them?'
(14) Max itz'in-tzi/ ich-il-e'ex?

who younger.sibling-HoN among-poS-2PL.B
'Who is the youngest sibling among you?'
(15) Ich-il-IJ-ej .. ma' tikin.

in-POS-3SG.B-TOP NEG dry
'Inside it isn't dry.'
( 16a) *ich-il-en
in-POS-1SG.B
( 16b) *ich-il-ech
in-POS-2SG.B
10. POSSESSION 285
10.2.5.3. Possessive u-ti'-a'al

Independent possessive pronouns are a form of relational noun (1)-(3) (cf. 2.2.3, 11.4).
These pronouns may also be inflected with Set B pronouns in stative constructions (4)-(5). This
relational stem also enters into interrogative and subordinate constructions (6)-(7) (cf. 18.3.2,
24.4).
(1) Uy-otoch aj-'Antoonyo natz' t-in-ti'-a'al-ej.

3A-home MASC-PN close to-1SG.A-to-NOM/POS-TOP
'The home of Antonio is close to my own, mine.'
(2) A' chem-e nojochje-b'ix in-ti'-a'al-e

DET canoe-TOP big OST-like lSG.A-to-NOM/POS-TOP
'The canoe is big like mine.'
(3) A' naj-ej a-ti'-a'al

DET house-ToP 2A-to-NOM/POS
'The house is yours.'
(4) a-ti'-a'al-en
2A-to-NOM/pos-lsG.B
'I am yours'
(5) in-ti'-a'al-ech
ISG.A-to-NOM/pos-2sG.B
'You are mine'
(6) B'a'ax=ti'-a'al tech a'ju'um-ej.

what=to-NOM/POS 2SG.IOPR DET paper-TOP
'Why do you want the paper?'
(7) yan ki-kiix-t-ik ma'[o' u-k'in-il .. ti'-a'al ka' pat-ak u-b'et-ik. ...
EXIST IpL.A-Seek-TRN-ITS good 3A-day-pos to-NOM/POS SUB able-DIS 3A-do-ITS
'we have to seek a good day so that we can do it.' (91.21.9-10)
10.2.5.4. Other
A variety of other relational nouns may also function as prepositions or as anaphoric pro-
forms, with and without ti', (1)-(9) (cf. 4.6.3, 13.2).
( 1) Ko 'ox kiw-il-a' wa chuk-a 'an t-inw-ok'-01.

HORT IPLA-see-DTS COND fit-PART to-1SG.A-over-POS
'Let's see if it fits over me.' (91.13.101-2)
(2) B'a-fa in-ka'a ti kim-if t-aw-o'l-al.

TEMP-PROX ISG.A-go SUB die-liS to-2A-over-NOM/POS
'Now I'm going to die because of you.'
(3) Ma' patal in-k'ach-al t-u-seeb'-al.

NEG ABIL ISG.A-arrive-IIS to-3A-fast-NoM/POS
'I can't arrive quickly.'
(4) T-inw-alam yanjum=p'e ch'e'em.

in-1SG.A-below EXIST one=INAM cave
'Below me there is a cave.'
(5) Y-alam ti'ten tu'ux wa'an-en-ej yanjum=p'e ch'e'em.

3A-below to ISG.IOPR where stand!PART-ISG.B-TOP EXIST one=INAM cave
'Below (me) where I am standing, there is a cave.'
(6) La 'ayti'-oo '-ej k-u-b 'el-oo' t-u-jun-al-oo'.

3IPR-PL-TOP INC-3A-go-PL in-3A-one-NoM-PL
'They, they go alone.'
(7) A' tz'aap yan pach-il-ej ya ok-ol-b'-ij.

DET stack EXIST back-poS-TOP already rob-NOM-PAs-3sG.B
'The stack that was behind (it) was stolen.'
(8) i b'in-een t-u-pach .. tzay-een t-u-pach . ...

and go ISG.B to-3A-back follow-lsG.B to-3A-back
'and I went behind it, I followed behind it.' (91.2.31-32)
(9a) Y-ok'-ol ti' ten yanjun=kuul witz.

3A-over-POS to ISG.IPR EXIST one=round hill
'Above me there is a hill.'
(9b) T-inw-ok'-ol yanjun=kuul witz.

on-I SG.A-over-POS EXIST one=round hill
'Above me there is a hill.'
10.3. Existential Constructions withyaan

Possession is asserted in constructions with the existential yaan (I )-( II ). These
constructions take the form: EXIST (+ IO.PR) + NP. The indirect object pronoun is optional if the
NP has a Set A person markers indicating the possessor, but it is required otherwise (cf. 17.6.3).
The possessed noun permits a full range of modifiers (1)-(8). The negation or denial of possession
is expressed with ma' yaan or its contraction, ma 'an (9)-( II) (cf. 17.6.1.4).
Unmodified Possessed Noun
(I) i yan-aj-ij to'on tak'in

and EXIST-CIS-3sG.B IpL.IOPRmoney
'and we had money' (91.9.37)
A.PR-Possessed Noun
(2) Yaan (ten) in-tz'on.

EXIST (ISG.IOPR) ISG.A-gun
'I have my gun.'
(3) Ten-ej yan in-wakax ...

ISG.IPR-TOP EXIST ISG.A-cattle
'Me, I have cattle' (91.12.76)
(4) /ch inw-otoch-oo' yan ten-ej

among ISG.A-home-PL EXIST ISG.IOPR-TOP
'Of the houses that I have,
in-ka 'aj in-kon-o' a' yan ten San B 'eniitoj-ej.

ISG.A-go ISG.A-sell-DTs DET EXIST ISG.IOPR PN-TOP
I'm going to sell the one I have in San Benito.'
10. POSSESSION 287
DET-N-TOP
(5) Yaan ten a' tzlon-ej.

EXIST ISG.IO.PRDET-gun-TOP
'I have the gun.'
NUM & NUM.CL + N
(6) Yan tenjum=p'eel otoch.

EXIST ISG.IOPR one=INAM home
'I have a home.'
(7) Yaan tenjum=p'eel tz'on.

EXIST ISG.IOPR one=INAM gun
'I have a gun.'
NUM & NUM.CL + A.PR.N
(8) Yan (ten)jum=p'eel inw-otoch.

EXIST (lSG.IOPR) one=INAM ISG.A- home
'I have a home.'
(9) Ma' yaan u-tz'on.

NEG EXIST 3A-gun
'Slbe doesn't have a gun.'
(10) Ma'an u-tz'on.

NEG/EXIST 3A-gun
'Slbe doesn't have his/a gun.'
(11) Ma'an u-tzik.

NEG/EXIST 3A-respect
'Slbe doesn't have (show) respect.'
11. Pronouns in Discourse
11.0. Contents
11.1. Repetition and Redundancy of Pronominal Information
11.2. Information Flow, Reference Tracking, and Discourse Highlighting
11.2.1. Nominal Highlighting: Topicalization, Contrastive Focus, and Emphasis
11.2.1.1. Topicalized Pronouns
11.2.1.2. Focused Pronouns
11.2.1.3. Emphatic Pronouns
11.2.2. Reference Tracking and Third-Person Plural Marking
11.2.2.1. Single Plural Marking
11.2.2.2. Multiple Plural Marking
11.3. Indirect Object Pronouns
11.3.1. With Transitive Verbs
11.3.2. With Intransitive Verbs and Statives
11.4. Independent Possessive Pronouns
11.5. Demonstrative Pronouns
11.5.1. Ostensive Presentative
11.5.2. With Determiner
In this chapter the morphosyntax and discourse functions of the pronouns presented in
chapter 2 are described.
11.1. Repetition and Redundancy of Pronominal Information

As described in 2.1, dependent pronouns or person markers obligatorily indicate the
major verbal arguments of subject and direct object. Thus, when independent pronouns refer to
major arguments of the verb, which they generally do, they are referentially redundant. Such
apparent informational inefficiency may be explained on the basis of their discourse-pragmatic
functions (Brody 1986). In addition to their highlighting functions of indicating topicalization and
contrastive focus, independent pronouns typically signal initial boundaries of larger discourse
units (Hofling 1987), and enter into culturally and rhetorically salient parallelisms (see chapter
25).
11.2. Information Flow, Reference Tracking, and Discourse Highlighting

Pronouns may function to highlight information as well as serve the discourse cohesive
function of reference tracking, that is, keeping track of who is doing what to whom. New
information typically enters discourse as a noun or a noun phrase, after which it may be referred
to pronominally (1)-(4). Once a topic is established, additional references can be made simply
with person markers. In the following examples, new nominal mentions are in boldface and
subsequent references are in boldface and underlined.
(1) In-na' ij inw-iitan-ej .. yan !!-men-t-ik-oo' paaychi' ..

ISG.A-mother and ISG.A-wife-TOP OBLIG 3A-make-TRN-ITS-PL devotion
'My mother and my wife have to make devotions
t(i'ij)-!!-pak'-t-ik-al-oo' a' pixan-oo' kim-en-oo'-ej . ...

sUB-3A-wait-TRN-ITS-SUB-PL DET spirit-PL die-NOM-PL-TOP
to await the spirits of the dead.' (91.6.8-10).
(2) fan ka'=tuul im-b'al. ...

EXIST twO=ANIM ISG.A-brother.in.law
'I have two brothers-in-law.
11. PRONOUNS IN DISCOURSE 289
I la'avti'-oo'-ej k-f!-tsikb'al-t-ik ten ...

and 3IPR-PL-TOP INC-3A-tell-TRN-ITS ISG.lOPR
And they were telling me' (91.18.4-5)
(3) I a' winik-e; t-W!.-a'al-aj ten-ej ke ka' xik-en ..

and DET man-TOP cOM-3A-say-cTs 1SG.lOPR-TOP SUB SUB go/Ols-1 SG.B
'And the man told me that I should go
im-men-t-ej jum=p'e chem @ ....

ISG.A-make-TRN-DTS one=INAM canoe 3IOPR
to make a canoe for him.'
Ii .. lea' t-f!-tz'aj tenjun=tuul aj-wach ... jun=tuul aj-Yukatan-il ..

and then cOM-3A-give/cTs ISG.lOPR one=ANIM MASC-Mexican one=ANIM MASC-PN-POS
'And then he gave me a Mexican, a Yucatecan,
W!.-an-t-~ .. in-meyaj-t-ej. ...

3A-help-TRN-1SG.B 1SG.A-work-TRN-DTS
to help me do the work.' (91.10.19-24)
(4) Uch-ij b'in-ej yan-aj-ij jun=tuul winik ..

happen-3SG.B REPORT-TOP EXIST-CIS-3SG.B one=ANIM man
'Long ago, they say, there was a man
kiJj-a'an waye' ... ijach W!.-ojel=tz'on . ...

live-PART here and much 3A-know=shoot
living here and he knew a lot about shooting.' (91.15.1-4)
11.2.1. Nominal Highlighting: Topicalization, Contrastive Focus, and Emphasis

Plain independent pronouns and demonstrative pronouns generally signal discourse
highlighting of nominal information. I The three principal forms of nominal highlighting are
topicaIization, contrastive focus, and emphasis.
11.2.1.1. Topicalized Pronouns

Topicalization of independent pronouns highlights given, topical information (1)-(3).
When the speaker shifts to a new topic (often also a previous topic), the topic typically appears at
the beginning of the clause marked by the topic-marker suffix -e' (cf. 8.1.2.I). Topic shift
commonly marks the initial boundary of discourse chunks such as scenes in narrative (cf. 25.4;
Hofling 1993, in press). The pronoun may be in any case role but is overwhelmingly in the subject
role. Case role is marked later in the sentence. In (I), for example, there is a topic shift from a'
che'ej, 'the tree', to tenej, 'I' (the speaker), which is later marked as an intransitive subject on the
verb. In (2) there is a. shift from a ftrst-person plural topic (kiw-) to a second-person singular topic
(techeJ), which is also marked as a stative subject. In (3) there is a shift from a fIrst-person
singular topic (in-) to a third-person singular topic (la'ayti'e), also marked as a transitive subject.
(I) A' che'-ej .. pul-a'an-II. ...

DET tree-TOP throw-PART-3SG.B
'The tree was lying down (on the ground).
1 See 8.1.2 and chapter 9 for more information on the highlighting of nouns and noun
phrases.
I ten-ej ka' .. nak'-een y-ok' a' che'-ej

and ISG.IPR-TOP then climb-IsG.B 3A-over DET tree-TOP
Me, then I climbed on top of the tree,' (91.10.34-36)
(2) B'ix ma' kiw-ok'-ol

how NEG IPL.A-cry-IIS
'why wouldn't we be crying
si tech-ej .. sat-al-ech. ...

if2SG.IPR-TOP lose-PART-2sG.B
since you, you were lost.' (91.15.186-88)
(3) ma' t-in-tz'on-ik mix=b'a'al. ...

NEG COM-ISG.A-shoot-ITS NEG=thing
'I don't shoot anything.'
La'ayti'-e ka' t-uy-a'l-aj ten-ej:

3IPR-TOP then cOM-3A-say-cTs ISG.IOPR-TOP
'Him, then he told me,' (91.16.17-19)
11.2.1.2. Focused Pronouns

Contrastive focus highlights nominal information by contrasting one referent to other
possible referents. Focused NPs, including independent pronouns, usually appear immediately
before the verb (cf. 8.I.2.2) but after a topicalized NP, if there is one. In (1) there is a series of
contrastively focused first- and second-person independent pronouns. Contrastively focused
pronouns never receive a topic marker, but first- and second-person forms often are marked by the
emphatic prefix in-, as in (1).
(1) ten-ej t-u-jaj-il jach in-k'a't-eech. ...

ISG.IPR-TOP in-3A-true-ABST much ISG.A-Iove-2sG.B
'I truly love you very much.'
Wa tech k-a-kim-il taan-il-ej ...

COND 2SG.IPR INC-2A-die-IIS front-pos-TOP
'If XQl! die first,
in-ten k-im-b'el ti muk-b'-ul ket t-aw-et-el. ...

EMP-ISG.IPR INC-ISG.A-go SUB bury-PAS-IIS together to-2A-with-pos
! am going to be buried together with you.'
Pero wa ten k-in-kim-il taan-il-ej ..

but COND ISG.IPR INC-IsG.A-die-IlS front-POS-TOP
'But if! die first,
in-tech yan a-muk-b'-ul t-inw-et-el. ...

EMP-2SG.IPR OBUG 2A-bury-PAS-IIS to-ISG.A-with-pos
XQl! have to be buried with me.' (91.17.14-19)
The focus of third-person pronouns frequently involves relativization as well (cf. 17.5,
22.4). In (2) the focused pronoun is coreferential to the head noun of the preceding relative
clause ('ayim, 'crocodile'). In (3) and (4) a focused pronoun is coreferential to a preceding
topicalized NP and appears in an equational construction with a following relative clause. In (4)
the second focused pronoun is also the direct object of the following subordinate verb.
(2) iij ... a' 'ayim [t-u-kin-s-aj aj-yax winik-ej] ..

and DET crocodile [coM-3A-die-cAus-CTS MASc-frrst man-ToP]
'and the crocodile that killed the frrst man,
la 'ayti' t-u-kin-s-aj a' noj-och winik xan je '-Ioj. ...

3IPR cOM-3A-die-CAUS-CTS DET big-ADJ man also OST-DIST
it killed this man too.' (txt1.92-93)
(3) A' k'uchje'-lo'-ej

DET thread OST-DIST-TOP
'That thread,
la'ayti' [a' k-u-b'et-ik a' chamach-oo' uchij et-el taman] . ...

3IPR [DET INC-3A-make-ITS DET old.man-PL long.ago with-pos cotton]
it is the one that the old people before made with cotton.' (91.18.49-50)
(4) A' che'je'-la'-ej .. la'ayti' [a' ki' t-inw-ich-ej]

DET tree OST-PROX-TOP 3IPR [DET good to-ISG.A-eye-ToP]
'This tree, it is the one that I like,
la'ayti' [in-k'a't-ij k(aJ-a-men-t-ej ten a' chem-ej]. ...

3IPR ISG.A-want-Ts sUB-2A-make-TRN-DTS ISG.lOPR DET canoe-TOP
it is (from) it that I want you to make me the canoe.' (91.10.30-33)
11.2.1.3. Emphatic Pronouns

Emphasis is a more generalized highlighting mechanism. It is typically marked by
independent pronouns, which may have the emphatic marker in-, if frrst- or second-person (I )-(2).
Emphatic pronouns are often stressed, indicated by an acute accent in the examples below (cf.
1.3.8.1.1). Emphasis may appear in cases which might otherwise be ambiguous (3)-(4).
Emphatic pronouns may occur before or after the verb (cf. 11.5.2).
(I) k-u-jek'-p-aJ-al a' che'-ej .. k-a-jek'-ik in-tech.

INC-3A-Open-PAs2-DTR-IIS DET tree-TOP INC-2A-open-ITS EMP-2SG.lPR
'when the log opens, you split it.' (1991.12.93-94)
(2) La'ayti'-oo'-ej t-u-t'an-oo'-ej

3IPR-PL-TOP in-3A-thought-PL-TOP
'They thought
ke a' b'a'al=che'-ej k-u-jan-alje-b'ix ki-jan-al in-to'on-ej ...

that DET animal-TOP INC-3A-eat-NoM OST-how IpL.A-eat-NOM EMP-lpL.IPR-TOP
that the animal ate like we eat,' (92.3:35-37)
(3) wa ma'an u-b'a'al in-tz'on-ej

CONDNEG/EXIST 3A-bullet lSG.A-gun-TOP
'if there aren't any bullets for my gun,
la'ayti' .. patal u-p'at-ik ten-i'ij. ...

3IPR ABIL 3A-leave-ITS lSG.lOPR-PARTIT
he could leave me some of them.' (91.4.8-9)
(4) I lea' tal-ij .. la'aytl' ..

and then come-3SG.B 3IPR
'And then he came, him,
wa'-l-aj-ij uy-il-a' a' witz'-ej ..

stand-POSIT-CIS-3SG.B 3A-see-DTS DET hill-TOP
he stood to see the hill' (91.15:158-59)
11.2.2. Reference Tracking and Third-Person Plural Marking

Third-person plural is indicated by the Set B suffix -00'. Plural marking may appear on
nouns, noun modifiers, independent pronouns, the verb, or some combination of these elements
setting up parallelisms (cf. 25.2). Plurality is obligatorily marked for first- and second-person on
independent pronouns and verbs.
11.2.2.1. Single Plural Marking

Plural marking is not required to show agreement between a noun and its modifier or a
verb and its argument (cf. 9.6). In (1) the plural is marked only on the noun and not on the
following demonstrative, independent pronoun, or verb. Inanimate objects are less likely to have
repeated plural marking (1)-(2). Initial focused or emphatic pronouns are often unmarked for
plural but may be followed by a verb that indicates plural (3)-(4) or a parallel series of verbs with
plural marking (5) (cf. 11.2.2.2).
(1) A' muchiilaj-oo' je'-Io '-ej

DET bag-PL OST-DIST-TOP
'Those bags,
la'ayti' k-u-bel ti k'abeet-tal t-a' chikleeroj-ej. ...

3IPRINC-3A-go SUB need-INCH to-DET chiclero-TOP
they are going to be needed by the chiclero.' (91.22.110-11)
o v S
(2) tulaleal .. la'ayti' k-u-b'et-ik a' nukuch ko'lel-oo'-ej. ...
all 3IPR INC-3A-make-ITS DET big lady-PL-TOP
'all (of those things), the great ladies make them.' (91.23.116)
(3) La'ayti' k-uy-em-el-oo' ... u-mach-a'-oo'

3IPR INC-3A-Iower-IIS 3A-grab-DTs-PL
'They descend to grab (the birds)'. (91.13.54)
(4) I la'ayti' t-u-tzikb'al-t-aj=ten-oo'

and 3IPR cOM-3A-talk-TRN-CTS-lsG.lO.PR-PL
'And they told me' (19.18.15)
(5) La'ayti' k-u-b'et-ik-oo' kum

3IPR INC-3A-make-ITs-PL pot
'They make clay pots,
k-u-b'et-ik-oo' u-Iak ...

INC-3A-make-ITS-PL 3A-plate
they make their clay plates,
k-u-b'et-ik-oo' u-sarten-oo' ..
INC-3A-make-ITs-PL 3A-pan-PL
they make their pans,
k-u-b'et-ik-oo' ...
INC-3A-make-ITs-PL
they make
tulakal' a' b'a'ax tu'ux k-u-jan-al-oo'. ...

all DET thing where INC-3A-eat-NOM-PL
all the things where they eat.' (91.23.88-92)
11.2.2.2. Multiple Plural Marking

Plural may be marked on nouns, descriptive adjectives following nouns (cf. 9.6.4), all
predicate adjectives, independent pronouns, and verbs. When the plural is marked repeatedly, it
creates aesthetically valued parallelisms (cf. 25.2). These multiply marked plurals typically begin
with topicalized nouns or with independent pronouns (1 )-(6). It is unusual to have both a transitive
verb and a following indirect object marked for plural, as in (8)-(9).
(1) La'ayti'-oo' yan u-b'et-ik-oo' u-jan-al-oo'. ...

3IPR-PL OBUG 3A-make-ITS-PL 3A-eat-NOM-PL
'They have to make their food.' (91.22.187)
(2) K-u-tzikb'al-t-ik to'on ... in-noolaj .. jach uchi}

INC-3A-tell-TRN-ITS 1PL.IOPR 1SG.A-grandmother very long.ago
'She told it to us, my grandmother, long ago,
ke la'ayti'-oo'-ej t-uy-ojel-t-aj-oo' ...

SUB 3IPR-PL-TOP cOM-3A-know-TRN-CTS-PL
that they knew
xan ke tumen u-noolaj-oo'

also SUB because 3A-grandmother-PL
also because their grandmothers
t-u-tzikb 'al-t-aj ti'y-oo'. ...

cOM-3A-tell-TRN-CTS 3IOPR-PL
told them.' (1992.3.5-8)
(3) I a' nukuch winik-oo'-ej ...

and DET great man-PL-TOP
'And the gentlemen,
t-uy-a'l-aj-oo' ti'i} ke ..
cOM-3A-say-cTs-PL 3IOPR that
they told him that
la'ayti'-oo' k-u-b'el u-kiiniin-t-oo' a' tzimin-ej. ...

3IPR-PL INC-3A-go 3A-guard-TRN-PL DET horse-ToP
they are going to guard the horse.' (92.3.25-27)
(4) I la'ayti'-oo' a' nukuch winik-oo' ...

and 3IPR-PL DET big man-PL
'And they, the gentlemen,
t-u-tz'aj u-b'aj-oo' u-kiiniin-t-oo' a' tzimin-ej ..

cOM-3A-give/cTS 3A-REFL-PL 3A-guard-TRN-PL DET horse-TOP
devoted themselves to guard the horse' (92.3.52-3)
(5) Ii ... b 'a-laj la 'ayti'-oo' p 'at-oo' jak'-a 'an uy-ool-oo'. ...

and TEMP-PROX 3IPR-PL remain-PL frighten-PART 3A-spirit-PL
'And now they remained frightened.' (92.3.119)
(6) B'in a' nukuch ko'lel-oo' uchij-ej

REPORT DET big ladY-PL long. ago-TOP
'They say that great ladies in the past
ma' tan-u-miin-ik-oo' ...

NEG DUR-3A-buy-ITS-PL
didn't buy
u-nu'uk-ul ... u-traastoj-oo' .. t-u-kosiinaj. ...

3A-meanS-NOM 3A-dish-PL of-3A-kitchen
their kitchenware, their dishes of the kitchen.' (91.23.84-87)
(7) pwes .. la'ati'-oo' yan u-chiik-ik-oo' u-b'u'ul .. u-b'iik' .. u-'ixi'i'm

well 3IPR-PL OBUG 3A-Cook-ITS-PL 3A-bean, 3A-meat 3A-com
'well, they have to cook their beans, their meat, their com' (91.22.180)
(8) I la'ayti'-oo'-ej k-u-tzikb'al-t-ik ten

and 3IPR-PL-TOP INC-3A-talk-TRN-ITS ISG.IOPR
'And them, they tell me
ke u-tat-oo' k-u-tzikb'al-t-ik ti'ij-oo'

that 3A-father-PL INC-3A-talk-TRN-ITS 3IOPR-PL
that their father tells them' (91.18.5-6)
(9) K-u-b'i-s-iib-iil tulakal a' b'a'ax k'ab'eet-oo' ti'ij

INC-3A-go-CAUS-PAS-IIS all DET thing need-PL 3IOPR
'All the things that they need are carried in,' (91.22.31)
Plural topicalized independent pronouns and NPs are generally marked with the plural
suffix -00' and are regularly followed by predicates with plural agreement marking (10)-(14).
Focused pronouns with plural reference need not be marked with the plural-oo' suffix (15)-(17).
(10) La'ayti'-oo'-ej kiij-a'an-oo' tak Chal.

3IPR-PL-TOP live-PART-PL til PN
'Them, they live over at Chal.' (91.4.12-13)
(11) La'ayti'-oo'-ej yan u-b'et-ik-oo'jan-al.

3IPR-PL-TOP OBUG 3A-make-ITS-PL eat-NOM
'Them, they have to make food.' (91.6.13)
(12) La'ayti'-oo'-ej .. ma'=ta'ax uy-il-ik-oo' a' b'a'alche'je'-lo'.

3IPR-PL-TOP NEG=ever 3A-see-ITS-PL DET animal OST-DIST
'Them, they had never seen that animal.' (91.13.72-73)
(13) La'a'yti'-oo'-ejjach yaab' u-na'at-oo' ...

3IPR-PL-TOP very much 3A-idea-PL
'Them, they have a lot of ideas.' (91.19.7)
(14) la'ayti'-oo'-ej ma' t-u-k'a'ol-t-aj-oo' ba'ax tzimin . ...

3IPR-PL-TOP NEG cOM-3A-know-TRN-PL what horse
'them, they didn't know what a horse was.'
La'ayti'-oo'-ej t-u-t'an-oo'-ej
3 IPR-PL-TOP in-3A-thought-PL-TOP
'Them, they thought' (it was in their minds) (92.3.34-35).
(15) A'tzimin-oo'-ej
DET horse-PL-TOP
'The horses,
la'ayti'(-oo~ k-u-b'el u-kuch-u'-oo'

3 IPR( -PL) INC-3A-go 3A-carry-DTs-PL
it's them that are going to carry (it)' (91.22.27-28)
(16) Ituulakal a' winik-oo'

and all DET man-PL
'And all of the men,
a' treeyntaj wa a' kwareentaj winik-oo' ..

DET thirty or DET forty man-PL
the thirty or forty men
k-u-b'e! u-meyaj-t-oo' a' chiiklej-ej ..

INC-3A-go 3A-work-TRN-PL DET chicle-TOP
that go to work the chicle,
la'ayti'(-oo') b'aay-Io' k(-u-b'el)-u-meyaj-t-oo' ..

3IPR(-PL) like-DIST INC( -3A-go )-3A-work-TRN-PL
they thus go to work it,
tuulakal-oo' ..
all-PL
all of them' (91.22.141-45)
(17) K-u-b'et-ik-oo' la' lak-oo'-ej ...

INC-3A-make-ITS-PL DET plate-PL-Top
'They make the dishes,
ix-mejen sarten-oo '-ej et-el u-maak-oo'

FEM-small pan-PL-TOP with-pos 3A-top-PL
the small pans with their lids,
tu!akalla'ayti' k-u-b'et-ik a' nukuch ko'lel-oo'-ej. ...

all3IPR INc-3A-make-ITs DET big lady-PL-Top
everything, the great ladies make it.' (91.23.114-16)
11.3. Indirect Object Pronouns

Indirect object pronouns occur with transitive verbs, intransitive verbs, and statives.
Ordinarily they refer to given information, and indirect objects are usually referred to
pronominally, rather than by full NPs (cf. 2.2.2).
11.3.1. With Transitive Verbs

When indirect objects occur with transitive verbs, they overwhelmingly appear
immediately after the verb (1)-(3). Both direct (1)-(2) and indirect quotation (3) ordinarily include
an indirect object pronoun with the topic marker. The indirect object usually occurs after the verb
and before the quotation (cf. 23.2.3).
(1) Ka' t-uy-a'al-aj ti'ij-ej: "Jotz'(-o') in-k'ab'." ..

then cOM-3A-say-cTs 3IOPR-TOP remove( -IMPTS) ISG.A-paw
'Then he said to him, "Take out my hands!'" (91.12.120-21)
(2) "] b'aay-lo' .. " t-uy-a'al-aj ten-ej: .. "i aw-il-ik-ej .. "

and thus-OIST cOM-3A-say-cTs ISG.JOPR-TOP and 2A-See-ITS-TOP
'''And thus," he said to me, "and you will see,'" (91.16.34-36)
(3) Ka' t-uy-a'l-aj ten-ej ... keje'-uy-an-t-ik-en-ej ..

then cOM-3A-say-cTs ISG.JOPR-TOP SUB ASSUR-3A-help-TRN-ITS-lSG.B-TOP
'Then she told me that she would help me' (92. 2.38-39)
Subject and direct object nouns may also appear after the verb (4)-(11) (cf. 8.1.1,
17.6.3.2). Third-person indirect objects preferably follow subject or direct object nouns (4)-(7).
First- and second-person indirect objects are more tightly bound to the verb. They generally
appear immediately following the verb (8)-(10) and may be incorporated into the verb (11). Plural
marking is generally optional on third-person indirect object pronouns when it is recoverable from
context (12)-(13). Indirect object pronouns may also take the partitive suffix (14).
V S 10
(4) ka' t-uy-a'l-aj uy-iitan ti'ij-ej:
then cOM-3A-say-cTs 3A-wife 3IOPR-TOP
'and his wife said to him:' (91.12.9)
v 0 10
(5) rna' pat-aj-ij uy-a'al-ik mix=b'a'al ti'ij
NEG ABIL-CIS-3SG.B 3A-say-ITs NEG=thing 3IOPR
'he couldn't say anything to him' (91.15.113)
v 0 10
(6) K-u-tiik'-ik k'aak' ti'ij ...
INC-3A-light-ITS fIre 3IOPR
'He lights fIre to it (the milpa)' (91.20.48)
s v 0 10
(7) a' wakax-ej ka'ax a-pul-u' che' ti'ij-ej ..
DET COW-TOP although 2A-throW-DTS tree 3IOPR-TOP
'the cow, even if you throw down logs for it,' (91.24.347)
V 10 0 S
(8) T-u-tz'aj ten wakax a' winik-ej.
cOM-3A-give/cTs lSG.JOPR cow DET man-TOP
'The man gave me cattle.'
V 10 S
(9) T-uy-a'l-aj ten inw-iitan.
cOM-3A-say-cTs ISG.lOPR ISG.A-wife
'My wife said it to me.'
v 10 o
(10) k-in-ta-s-ik tech jun =kuul tunich,
INC-lSG.A-come-cAus-ITS 2SG.lOPR one=round stone
'I'll bring you a stone,' (91.17.154)
(11) I la'ayti' t-u-tzikb'al-t-aj-ten-oo' ...

and 3IPRCOM-3A-tell-TRN-CTS ISG.lOPR-PL
'and they told me' (91.18.14)
(12) tan-ki-jan-al-ej ka' kap-een in-tzikb'al-t-ej ti'ij ...

DUR-lpL.A-eat-NoM-TOP when begin-lsG.B ISG.A-tell-TRN-DTS 3IOPR
'we were eating when I began to tell it to them,' (91.2.98-99)
(13) ke tumen xan u-noolaj-oo' t-u-tzikb'al-t-aj ti'ij-oo'. ...

that because also 3A-grandmother-PL cOM-3A-tell-TRN-CTS 3IOPR-PL
'also because their grandparents told them.' (92.3.8)
(14) wa ma'an u-b'a'al in-tz'on-ej la'ayti' .. patal u-p'iit-ik ten-i'ij. ...

COND NEG/PART 3A-thing ISG.A-gun-TOP 3IPR ABIL 3A-Ieave-ITS ISG.lOPR-PARTIT
'if there aren't any bullets for my gun he could leave me some of them.' (91.4.8-9)
11.3.2. With Intransitive Verbs and Statives

First- and second-person indirect object pronouns also directly follow intransitive and
stative predicates (1 )-(4). Third-person indirect object pronouns are not so tightly bound to the
verb. They may directly follow the predicate (5)-(6) or follow another NP (7) (cf. 17.6.3 .2). In
(6) the indirect object pronoun follows a passive verb and precedes an oblique agent NP.
(I) tum en .. tz'iib'-n-aj-i ten ..

because write-AP-CIS-3sG.B ISG.lOPR
'because he had already written to me,'
(2) I la'ayt(i'} a'-lo' k'iij-a'an ten-ej. ..

and 3IPRDET-DISTremember-PART ISG.lOPR-TOP
'And it is that, which I remember.
Tak b'a-je'-la'-ej rna' tub'-uk ten . ..

until TEMP-OST-PROX-TOP NEG forget-DIS ISG.IOPR
Until now it hasn't been forgotten by me.' (91.15.221-24).
(3) Pwes b'aay-lo' uch-ij ten-ej. ...

well thus-DIST happen-3sG.B ISG.lOPR-TOP
'Well thus it happened to me.' (91.24.154)
(4) "Ma' a-saak-il ... noj-och winik" ki ten ..

NEG 2A-fear-NOM big-ADJ man QUOT ISG.lOPR
, "Don't be afraid sir," she told me,' (92.22.54-55)
(5) ya saak-en ti'ij.

already afraid-lSG.B 3IOPR
'I'm still afraid of it.' (91.2.104)
(6) k'ub'en-b'-ij ti'ij men a' chiimach-ej ..

recommend-PAS-3SG.B 3IOPR by DET old.man-TOP
'it was recommended to him by the old man' (91.15.66)
(7) liMa' a-b 'el a-jan-t-een II . ki a' winik ti'ij-ej. ...

NEG 2A-go 2A-eat-TRN-lSG.B QUOT DET man 3IOPR-TOP
, "You aren't going to eat me," the man said to him.' (91.12.74-75)
Third-person indirect objects are not regularly marked for plural (8)-(10) (cf. 11.3.1). A
plural indirect object case role may be marked on the verb when the indirect object is promoted to
direct object role or subject role, as in these examples.
(8) ke b'in-i u-tzimin-oo' ti'ij fija'-ej. ...

that go-3SG.B 3A-horse-PL 3IOPR in water-TOP
'that the horse went from them into the water.'
I ka' aal-b'-oo' ti'ij men u-noj-och-il

and then saY-PAS-PL 3IOPR by 3A-big-ADJ-POS
'And they were told by the head man' (92.3.132-33)
(9) pero a' ik' t-u-pul-aj-oo' ti'ij-ej

but DETwind cOM-3A-knock.over-CTS-PL 3 IOPR-TOP
'but it was the wind that tipped it over from them,
i mentiik-ej b'in-oo' ti'ij ti'ja'. ...

and therefore-TOP gO-PL 3IOPR to water
and it was for that reason that it went from them into the water.' (92.3.138-39)
(10) aj-Wit'-oo'-ej ma' uy-ojel-oo' b'a'ax k-u-b'el ti uch-ul-oo' ti'ij. ..

MASC-PN-PL-TOP NEG 3A-know-PL what INC-3A-go SUB happen-IIS-PL 3IOPR
'the Wit's didn't know what was going to happen to them.' (txt2.116-17)
11.4. Independent Possessive Pronouns

Independent possessive pronouns occur most commonly in stative or equational
constructions (1)-(2) (see chapter 17). These pronouns refer to given information, but the assertion
of possession may be new or contrastive (1)-(2). They may be focused (1) or topicalized (2)-(3)
and may function as major arguments of the verb (3).
(1) "Aa ma' in-ti'-a'al-i'ij" ki ten.

EXCL NEG ISG.A-tO-POS-FOC QUaT ISG.lOPR
, "Oh, it (a horse) isn't mine," he said to me.'
"Komo no a-ti'-a'al"
how NEG 2A-to-POS
, "How isn't yours" (what do you mean it isn't yours?)' (91.24.264-65)
(2) D: "A' kolje'-la' .. ma'an u-yum-il" .. ki wal-ej. .. [both laugh]

DET rnilpa OST-PROX NEG/EXIST 3A-owner-POS QUaT prehaps-TOP
, "This rnilpa doesn't have an owner," perhaps it (the animal) said.'
J: "Je'-Ia' yan a' ki-ti'-a'al-ej" kiij-oo'. [both laugh]

OST-PROX EXIST DET 1PL.A-to-POS-TOP QUOT-PL
, "This is ours," they said.' (91.24.322-23)
(3) Jum=p'ejaab'-il-ej in-ti'-a'al-ej tan-u-wach'-iil ..

one=INAM year-POS-TOP lSG.A-to-POS-TOP DUR-3A-tassel-IIS
'A year ago mine was tasseling' (91.24.143)
11.5. Demonstrative Pronouns
11.5.1. Ostensive Presentative

Ostensive demonstrative pronouns are composed of the ostensive markerje'- and either
the proximal suffix -la' or the distal suffix -10' in ostensive presentative expressions of the form:
OST-PROXIDIST (cf. Hanks 1990). These may appear alone (1)-(2) or in constructions with the
existentialyaan (3)-(6) (cf. 12.3, 18.1).
(1) A: Tu'ux ke'en-ech? 'Where are you?'

where be-2sG.B
B: Je'-la'-en-ej. 'Here I am.'

OST-PROX-1SG.A-TOP
(2) Je'-Io'-ech. 'There you are.'

OST-DIST-2SG.B
(3) Je'-Ia' yan-en-ej. 'Here I am.'

OST-PROX EXIST-1SG.B-TOP
(4) Je'-la' yan a' naj-ej. 'Here is the house.'

OST-PROX EXIST DET house-TOP
(5) Je '-10' yan jun =kuul naj. 'There is a house.'

OST-DIST EXIST one=round house
(6) K-uy-a'al-ik-oo' kee .. je'e-lo' yan kab'. ...

INC-3A-say-ITS-PL SUB OST-DIST EXIST honey
'They say that there is honey there.' (91.23.245-46)
Ostensive demonstratives may appear as the ftrst element in equational constructions (7)-
(9) (see chapter 17). The second noun may be marked indeftnitely (7)-(8) but is usually deftnite
and occurs in conjunction with the topic (or relative) marker in the construction: OST-
DISTIPROX + DET/A.PR + N(-relative clause)-TOP (9)-(12) (Hofling 1982: 122ff.). In (9) it
precedes a possessed noun, while in (10)-(12) it precedes a relative clause. The proximal marker
may contract with a following determiner (10), but the distal marker may not (11). The ostensive
demonstrative may also appear as the head of a relative clause (l3) (see chapter 22).
(7) Je'-Io' winik.

OST-DIST man
'There is a man.' or 'That is a man.'
(8) Je'-lo'jun=kuul naj .. tan-u-kon-b'-ol.

OST-DIST one=round house DUR-3A-sell-PAS-IIS
'There is a house, it's being sold.'
(9) Je'-lo'in-pek'-ej.
OST-DIST ISG.A-dog-ToP
'There is my dog.'
(10) Je'-la' (a~ winik k-in-kiix-t-ik-ej.

OST-PROX (DET) man INC-lSG.A-seek-TRN-ITS-TOP
'Here is the man I'm looking for.'
(11) Je'-lo' a' winik k-a-kiix-t-ik-ej.

OST-DIST DET man INC-2A-seek-TRN-ITS-TOP
'There is the man you're looking for.' (determiner required)
(12) Ich in-kiil-a'an-il t-in-t'ox-aj tak'in i

in ISG.A-drunk-PART-POS COM-lsG.A-share-CTS money and
'In my drunkenness I gave out money and
je'-la' a/ winik t-u-ch'a'-aj ten u-chuk-a'an-ej.

OST-PROX DET man cOM-3A-grab-cTs ISG.JOPR 3A-complete-PART-TOP
here is the man who took the rest.'
(13) Je'e-la' k-im-b'el in-tzikb'al-t-eOJ tech-ej ..

OST-PROX INC-lsG.A-go ISG.A-tell-TRN-DTS 2SG.lPR-TOP/REL
'This that I am going to tell you
u-tzikh 'al-il jun =tuul winik ..

3A-story-pos one-ANIM man
is the story ofa man' (1991.12.1)
The ostensive pronoun may also occur as the second element in equational constructions
(14), (16). Pause and intonation may distinguish a demonstrative pronoun (14) from a
demonstrative adjective (15) (cf. 1.2). When the ostensive pronoun occurs phrase-fmally, it may
also have the locative suffix -i'ij (16).
(14) A'winik .. je'-la' k-u-tal-ej.

DET man OST-PROX INC-3A-come-TOP
'The man, this one that's coming.' (clause-initial demonstrative pronoun)
(15) A' winikje'-laj k-u-tal-ej.

DET man OST-PROX INC-3A-Come-TOP
'This man that's coming.' (phrase-fmal demonstrative adjective)
(16) Ten-ej tan-inw-il-ikjun=kul naj je'-lo'-i'ij.

ISG.lPR-TOP DUR-1SG.A-see-ITS one=round house OST-DIST-LOC
'Me, I am seeing a house there.' (phrase-fmal demonstrative pronoun)
11.5.2. With Determiner

Demonstrative pronouns usually occur with the determiner a' (cf. 2.2.5) and signal
discourse highlighting (cf. 11.2). They may be topicalized (1 )-(2) but more frequently appear in
contrastive-focus constructions (3)-(6). In both cases, the demonstrative appears in a fronted
position. The ostensive marker is often deleted in these forms (a'je'la' > a'la'; a'je'lo' > a'lo~.
(1) A '-la'-ej ma' ma'lo' b'a'ax-i'ij.

DET-PROX-TOP NEG good thing-FOC
'This is not a good thing.' (91.2.70)
(2) A '-lo'-oo'-ej .. yan u-b'o'ol-b'-ol u-meyaj ix-ch'up-ej. ...

DET-DIST-PL-TOP EXIST 3A-pay-PAs-IIS 3A-work FEM-woman-TOP
'All of those (tasks), the work of the woman has to be paid for.' (91.22.168-69)
(3) Ma' a-b'el ti t'an .. a'-laj keej. ...

NEG 2A-go SUB talk DET-PROX deer
'Don't talk, this is a deer.' (91.11.57-58)
(4) Ka't-uy-a'l-aj: ''A '-la' ma '10 , .. tikin" ...

then cOM-3A-say-cTs DET-PROX good dry
'Then he said, "This is good, dry" , (91.10.25-26)
(5) I la'ayti' .. k-u-kon-ik yaab' b'iik' tumen chen a'-lo' u-meyaj-ej

and 3IPR INC-3A-sell-iTs much meat because only DET-DIST 3A-work-TOP
'And him, he sells a lot of meat because only that is his work,
chen a'-lo' tu'ux k-u-kux-tal-ej. ...

only DET-DIST where INC-3A-live-POSIT-TOP
only from that was where he makes a living.' (91.15.13-16)
(6) A '-loj k-u-tzikb'al-t-ik to 'on .. ki-noolaj uchij ...

DET-DIST INC-3A-tell-TRN-ITS IPL.lOPR 1pL.A-grandmother long.ago
'That, our grandmother told us long ago' (91.15.218-19)
The demonstrative pronoun may also combine with the third-person independent
pronoun la 'ayti' in a contrastive-focus construction (cf. 17.5, 22.4). This construction is usually
formed with the distal demonstrative (7)-(9), but the proximal form is also grammatical (10). It
often functions to mark contrastive focus of a direct object, as in these examples. The independent
pronoun may contract with the demonstrative pronoun (e.g., /a'ayti' a '10' > la'ayt a '10), as in (9)-
(10).
(7) I b'aay-Io' p'at-ij ... u-kweentoj-il a' b'a'ax uch-ij ti'ij-ej ..

and thus-DIST remain-3SG.B 3A-story-pos DET what happen-3sG.B 3IOPR-TOP
'And thus ended the story of what happened to him,
la'ayti' a'-lo' t-inw-u'y-aj-ej in-ten

3IPR DET-DIST COM-1SG.A-hear-CTS-TOP EMP-1SG.IPR
that is what I heard, me,
tan-in-ch'iJ-il .. jach uchij. ...

DUR-1SG.A-grow-lIs very long.ago
when I was growing up, long ago.' (92.3.157-60)
(8) Tulakal a' nuk-uch niil tulis-ej ..

all DET big-ADJ ear whole-TOP
'All of the big ears that are whole,
la'ayti' a'-lo' k-u-b'el u-yej-t-ej maak-ej

3IPR DET-DIST INC-3A-go 3A-pick-TRN-DTS person-TOP
it's those that one is going to pick out' (91.20.131-32)
(9) La'ayt(i') a'-lo' u-k'a't-ij a' maak-oo'-ej ..

3IPR DET-DIST 3A-want-TS DET person-PL-TOP
'It is that that the people want,' (91.9.41)
(10) La'ayt(i') a'-Ia' u-k'a't-ij a' maak-oo'-ej ..

3IPRDET-PROX 3A-want-TS DETperson-PL-TOP
'It is this that the people want,' (91.9.41)
Demonstrative pronouns may also function to signal the more diffuse highlighting of
emphasis (11}-(14), appearing either before or after the verb (cf. 11.2.1.3).
(II) A' winik-oo 'je'-lo' k-u-meyaj-t-ik-oo' a '-10 '-ej ..

DET man-PL OST-DIST INc-3A-work-TRN-ITS-PL DET-DIST-TOP
'Those men that work at that
u-k'ab'a'-oo'-ej .. 'ariyeeroj.
3A-name-PL-TOP muleteer
are called muleteers.' (91.22.49-51)
(12) A '-Ioj k-u-tzikb'al-t-ik to'on .. Iei-noolaj uchij ...

DET-DIST INC-3A-say-TRN-ITS IPL.IOPR IpL.A-grandmother long.ago
'That, (our grandmother) told us long ago' (91.15:218-19)
(13). A '-10' man-ij ... waakjaab' ...

DET-OIST pasS-3SG.B seven year
'That happened for seven years,' (91.17:74)
(14) J: A'-Io'sijaj ..
DET-DIST yes true
'Yes, that is true' (91:24:491)
12. LOCATIVES 303
12. Locatives
12.0. Contents
12.1. Distal Locatives
12.1.1. te'(yaan) ... -e'
12.1.2. te'lo'{e~
12.1.3. Contrastive Focus with te'(lo1i'i}, te'{lo~ yaani'i}
12.1.4. te' ... -i'i}
12.1.5. -i'i}
12.2. Proximal Locative
12.2.1. waye'{ ... -e~
12.2.2. waye' yaan ... -e'
12.3. Ostensive Demonstratives
12.4. Locative Prepositions
Deictic locative adverbs, which indicate relative distance in relation to the discourse
center, are a pervasive feature of Mayan discourse. In addition to indicating relative distance, they
typically indicate locative scope with framing particles.
12.1. Distal Locatives
12.1.1. Ie' (vaan) ... -e'

The locative deictic adverb Ie' may appear clause-initially to highlight a location that is
given infonnation from discourse context (including previous mention) with the topic marker -e'
occurring clause-fmally. It is often followed by a relative clause including additional new
supplementary infonnation (1)-(2). The locative may be followed by an existential construction
withyaan (3)-(6), where new locational infonnation is provided (cf. 12.2.2, 17.6.1).
(I) I a'ja'-ej .. komo Ie' k-u-ch'i'-ik a' mak-oo' uy-uk'-oo'-ej ...

and DET water-TOP as LOC INC-3A-take-ITs DET person-PL 3A-drink-PL-TOP
'And the water, since it's there that the people get it to drink it,
k-u-kiiniin-t-ik-oo'
INC-3A-guard-TRN-ITS-PL
they guard it,' (91.10.13-15)
(2) I Ie' t-uy-il-aj yaab' keej .. k-u-man u-b'aak'-I-oo' a' winik-ej ..

and LOC cOM-3A-see-CTS many deer INC-3A-Walk 3A-surround-TRN-PL DET man-TOP
'And there he saw a lot of deer that pass surrounding the man' (91.15.86-87)
(3) Ie' yan a' noj witz Job'on=pich-ej ..

LOC EXIST DET big hill PN-TOP
'there is that big hill, Job'onpich,' (91.13.168-69)
(4) Te' yanjun=tuul noj-och-il .. ich-il aj-meyaj-oo'-ej

LOC EXIST one=ANIM big-ADJ-POS in-pos MASC-work-PL-TOP
'There there is one chief, among the workers' (91.22.318-19)
(5) I a' winik-ej .. Ie' yan ich a' muk-nal ket et uy-iitan-ej. ...
and DET man-TOP LOC EXIST in DET bury-NOM together with 3A-wife-TOP
'And the man, there he is inside the tomb together with his wife.' (91.17.44-45)
(6) u-k'aan te' yan ... y-alam a' naj-ej. ...

3A-hammock LOC EXIST 3A-below DET house-TOP
'his hammock was there below the house.' (txt1.171)
The locative may also have a dramatic stylistic effect, especially after sensory verbs (cf.
23.2.2.1, 25.2). In (7) there are parallel locative constructions, the frrst introducing the locative
and the second further emphasizing it. Parallel constructions with the locative te' may begin with
an anaphoric locative construction (te') ... -i'ij and then present a new locative assertion (9)-(10).
(7) I k-uy-il-ik-ej te' wa'an a' noj keej ... t-u-tz'on-aj xan-ej. ..
and INC-3A-See-ITS-TOP LOC stand/PART DET big deer COM-3A-shoot-CTS also-TOP
'And he sees that there is standing the big deer that he shot too.
Te' yan-i'ij
LOC EXIST-FOC
There it is,' (91.15.90-93).
(8) k-uy-il-ik-ej .. t-u-jaj-il Ie' jiiw-a 'an a' kim-en-ej ..

INC-3A-See-ITS-TOP in-3A-true-ABsT LOC lie-PART DET die-NOM-TOP
'he sees it, it is true, there was lying the corpse,
ich uy-otoch a' rey-ej. ..

in 3A-home DET king-TOP
inside the king's house.' (91.17.199-201)
(9) ka'jup-b'-ij ich-il. ... Te' kim-ij ix-ch'up-i'ij-ej. ...

then insert-PAS-3sG.B in-pos LOC die-3sG.B FEM-woman-LOC-TOP
'and she was put inside. There the woman died.
Ii .. te'jo'm-ij a' u-t'an-il ..

and LOC end-3SG.B DET 3A-story-pos
And there ended the story of them' (91.17.240-42)
(10) a' mak-oo' kiij-a'an-oo' natz'-i'ij-ej ..

DET person-PL live-PART-PL near-LOC-TOP
'the people that live close to there,
te' k-u-ch 'i'-ik-oo' wal u-che'-il t(i'ij)-u-si'-in-t-oo'. ...

LOC INC-3A-take-ITS-PL perhaps 3A-wood-pos SUB-3A- frrewood-TRN-PL
there they took the wood, perhaps, for making frrewood.' (91.8.22-24)
12.1.2. te'lo'(e')
The locative marker te' appears with the distal marker -10 ' in constructions that heighten
its deictic, pointing function and provide a grounding for the following assertion (1)-(4). te'lo'
commonly appears in initial focus position, as in (1)-(4). It may also be topicalized (5) or occur in
unmarked post-verbal position (6).
(1) B'in-o'on tulakal t-a' noj b'ej k-u-b'el tak Sik'u'-ej. ..

go-IPL all to-DET big road INC-3A-go to PN-TOP
'We went all the way on the road that goes up to La Trinidad.
Te'-lo' ti-ki-ch'a'-aj u-ben-il tzimin. '"

LOC-DIST COM-lpL.A-take-CTS 3A-path-pos mule
There we took the mule path.' (91.11.2-4)
12. LOCATIVES 305
(2) J: Tal-oo' b'in . ...

come-PL REPORT
'They say they came.'
D: Si.
yes
'Yes.'
J: Te'-lo' ka' ka'=sut-k'-aj-oo'

LOC-DIST then REPET=return-CELER-DTR-PL
'Then they returned there again,' (91.24.442-44)
(3) t-u-'emb'ajaad'aj-i(l) 'alemaanyaj ... t-u-kaj-il Gwatemaalaj. ...

in-3A-embassy-pos PN in-3A-town-pos PN
'to the German embassy, in Guatemala City.
Te'-Io' ... miiyaj tiika'-b'-i wal t-u-tat

LOC-DIST perhaps send-PAS-3SG.B maybe to-3A-father
From there, perhaps, it was sent to his father' (txt1.187-90)
(4) ka'tal-een ... tak Ii 'ariyopweertoj. ...

then come-ISG.B up to airport
'then I came to the airport.
Te'-loj .. t-inw-il-aj a' noj 'ab'iyoon ..

LOC-DIST COM-l SG.A-see-CTS DET big airplane
There, I saw the big plane' (92.2.4-7)
(5) Ii .. te'-Io'-ej ..
and LOC-DIST-TOP
'And there,
ka't-uy-il-a(j) b'in u-b'aj a' och-ej et-ejun=tuul nojoch winik

then cOM-3A-see-CTS REPORT 3A-REFL DET opossum-TOP with-pos one=ANIM great man
then the opossum met with a gentleman' (91.14.61-63)
(6) Ka' b'in-oo' te'-lo' ..

then go-PL LOC-DIST
'Wben they went there,
t-u{uJ-xet'-ellu'um u-k'ab'a' San Jeroonimo ...

to-3A-piece-pos land 3A-name PN
to a piece ofland that is named San Geronimo.' (92.3.65-66)
12.1.3. Contrastive Focus with te'(lo')i'ij, te'(lo? yaani'ij

Locative contrastive focus may be highlighted by adding the suffix -i'ij to the distal
locative or the existentialyaan (1)-(3) (cf. 18.4.1, 19.3).
(1) I k-uy-il-ik-ej te' wa'an a' noj keej ... t-u-tz'on-aj xan-ej. ..
and INC-3A-See-ITS-TOP LOC stand/PART DET big deer COM-3A-shoot-CTS also-TOP
'And he sees that there is standing the big deer that he shot too.'
Te' yan-i'ij
LOC EXIST-FOC
'There it is,' (91.15.90-93)
(2) laj wej-al-oo' .. tak t-u-chi' a' riiyoj-ej

all scatter-PART-PL up to-3A-edge DET river-TOP
'they were scattered all along the shore of the river,
te' yan-oo '_i'ij. ..

LOC EXIST-PL-FOC
there they were.' (txt2.134-35)
(3) A: A' tz'on-ej ma 'an t-inw-otoch.

DET gun-TOP NEG/EXIST in-ISG.A-home
'The gun isn't in my house.'
B: Te'(-lo~ yan-i'ij!
LOC(-DIST) EXIST-FOC
'It's there!'
A: Ma' te' yan-i'ij.

NEG LOC EXIST-FOC
'It's not there.'
B. Te'-(lo~-i'ij!
LOC(-DIST)-FOC
'It's there!'
12.1.4. te' -i'ij

The locative te' often appears as the initial framing element of a phrase in combination
with the terminal frame marker -i'i} to highlight locations known from immediately prior
discourse (1)-(5). This structure is common in narrative discourse and enters into larger,
aesthetically valued structures comprised of parallel series (6)-(7) (see chapter 25). Locative
framing constructions may also appear after sensory verbs with dramatic effect (8)-(10).
(1) I chumuk t-a' kol-ej,

and middle Of-DET milpa-TOP
'And in the middle of the milpa,
te' wa'anjun=tuul keej-i'ij. ...

LOC stand/PART one=ANIM deer-LOC
there was standing a deer.' (91.2.16-17).
(2) Lub'-een a' tu'ux lub'-een-ej

fall-1SG.B DETwhere fall-lsG.B-TOP
'I fell where I fell,
te' p'at-een t-in-wen-el-i'ij. ...

LOC remain-1SG.B in-1SG.A-sleep-IIs-LOC
there I stayed sleeping.' (91.3.14-16)
(3) liy-alam a'najje'-Io'

and 3A-below DET house OST-DIST
'And below (the roof of) that house,
12. LOCATIVES 307
Ie' k-u-b'el u-b'et-ej mak a' makan-i'ij. ...

LOC INC-3A-go 3A-make-DTs person DET granary-LOc
there one is going to make the granary.' (91.20.141-42)
(4) T-u-chi' a' noj ja'je'-Io' yan-ej ...

at-3A-edge DET big water OST-DIST EXIST-TOP
'At the edge of that big lake there,
Ie' patal a-chi-tal-i'ij ..

LOC ABIL 2A-lie-POSIT-LOC
there you can lie down' (91.14.67-68)
(5) I a' tu'ux xu'l-ij u-telchaak-il-ej

and DET where end-3SG.B 3A-buttress-POS-TOP
'And where the buttresses (roots) ended,
le't-in-yul-aj-i'ij. ...
LOC COM-l SG.A-cut-CTS-LOC
there I trinuned it.' (91.10.78-79)
(6) tulakal a' k'aax tu'ux mas sup '-ej ..

all DET forest where more overgrown-ToP
'all around the forest where it is more overgrown,
Ie' k-u-kax-t-ik-i'ij
LOC INC-3A-Seek-TRN-ITS-LOC
there he seeks it,
Ie' k-u-b'el ..
LOC INC-3A-go
there it goes,
Ie' k-u-jil-t-ik u-b'aj-i'ij. ...

LOC INC-3A-tbrow-TRN-ITS 3A-REFL-LOC
there it hurls itself.' (91.2.34-37)
(7) u-witz aj-Chan-oo'

3A-hill MASC-PN-PL
'the hill of the Chans.'
Te' b'in p'at-oo'-i'ij

LOC REPORT remain-PL-LOC
'There they say they remained,
Ie' xu'l-oo'-i'ij
LOC end-PL-LOC
there they ended,
Ie' kim-oo'- i'ij.

LOC die-PL-LOC
there they died.' (91.13.171-74)
(8) ka' t-uy-il-aj a' yun T'u'ul-ej Ie' chil-a'an- i'ij ..

when cOM-3A-see-CTS DET HON Rabbit-ToP LOC lie-PART-LOC
'when he saw Sir Rabbit, there he was lying,' (91.14.87-88)
(9) tu'ux k-u-bel a' k'ik'-ej .. te' b'in-i)-i'ij. ...

where INC-3A-go DET blood-TOP LOC go-3SG.B-LOC
'where the blood goes, there he goes.' (15.47-48)
(10) A '-ka' k'och-i)-ej ... k-uy-il-ik b'in-ej ..

DET-when arrive-3SG.B-TOP INC-3A-see-ITS REPORT-TOP
'When he arrived, he sees, they say,
te' wa'an jun=tuul noj-och winik-i'ij. ...

LOC stand/PARTone-ANIM big-ADJ man-LOC
there is standing an old man.' (91.15.75-77)
12.1.5. -i'ij
The locative suffix -i'i) may appear without the preceding locative te' to indicate
locations known from prior discourse (1)-(4). These constructions lack the highlighting and
scoping functions of the te' ... -i'i) frame but may combine with it (1).
(I) rna' u-k'a'ool a'jol-ej. .. A '-ka' tak-ej .. k-u-jup-ik u-pol-i'ij-ej ..

NEG 3A-know DET hole-TOP DET-when come/ms-TOP INC-3A-insert-ITS 3A-head-LOC-TOP
'he isn't familiar with the hole. When he comes, he puts his head in there,
te' k-u-b'el ti k'a'l-iil-i'ij. ...

LOC INC-3A-go SUB stick-IIS-LOC
there he's going to get stuck.' (91.14.43-46)
(2) Yaab' wal su'uk-i'ij? ..

much perhaps grass-Loc
'Is there a lot of grass there?' (91.24.207)
(3) a' nuk-uch muyal-ej yan siik-i'ij .. yan k'iin-i'ij yan b'ox-i'ij. ...
DET big-ADJ cloud-TOP EXIST white-LOC EXIST yellow-LOC EXIST black-LOC
'the big clouds, white ones are there, yellow ones are there, black ones are there.'
(92.2.95-98)
(4) yan u-Iaak' kol in-k'a'ool. ... Uch-ak .. patal kik-il-ik .. b'a'alche'-i'ij. ...
EXIST 3A-other milpa ISG.A-know happen-IRREAL ABIL IpL.A-see-ITS animal-LOC
'there is another milpa I know. Perhaps we can see animals there.' (91.11.30-32)
12.2. Proximal Locative
12.2.1. waye' (... -e~

The proximal locative is the deictic adverb waye', 'here'. Like most other adverbs, its
unmarked position is post-verbal (1)-(4), but it may be fronted to highlight it (5)-(8). Additional
information identifying the location may appear after the locative in a relative clause with a
terminal topic marker (-e~, as in (1). Historically, the final e' ofwaye' was probably a topic
marker, and occasionally constructions with a way ... -e' frame occur (8), but waye' generally
functions as a frozen form (unlike Yukateko; cf. Hanks 1990) and may take an additional topic
marker suffix (3), (7). Like the distal locative described in 12.1, waye' may also enter into
aesthetically valued parallelisms (8).
12. LOCATIVES 309
(l) Yan u-kol waye' pach kaj-ej. ...

EXIST 3A-milpa here behind town-TOP
'He has his milpa here behind town.' (91.4.2)
(2) B'a'ax k-a-man a-kiix-t-ej wayej. ..

what INC-2A-pass 2A-Iook-TRN-DTS here
'What are you passing by to look for here?' (91.12.64)
(3) I u-suku'un-ej .. jach chich u-b'a'te' 'aasta ka' k'och-ij waYe'-ej. ...
and 3A-older.brother-TOP very hard 3A-paddle until when arrive-3SG.B here-TOP
'And the older brother, paddled very hard until he arrived here.' (91.13.160-62)
(4) Uch-ij b 'in-ej yan-aj-ij jun =tuul winik .. kiij-a 'an wa ye' ...
happen-3SG.B REPORT-TOP EXIST-CIS-3SG.B one=ANIM man live-PART here
'Long ago, they say, there was a man living here' (91.15.1-3)
(5) A' 'aktunje'-la'-ej

DET cave OST-PROX-TOP
'As for this cave,
waye' ok(-ij) a' b'a'alche'-ej. ...

here enter(-3SG.B) DET animal-TOP
here the animal entered.' (91.15.63-64)
(6) Wayej kiij-a'an-o'on .. tijum=p'e mo'nok ... kaj-tal-il u-k'ab'a' .. Ix-Lu'. ...
here live-PART-1pL.B in one=INAM smalllive-POSIT-ABST 3A-name FEM-PN
'Here we are living in a small town whose name is IxLu'.' (91.22.3-6)
(7) Pero ma' tun-ket-ik a' ke'el-oo' k-u-b'e-t-ik waye'-ej. [chuckling] ...
but NEG DUR/3A-equal-ITS DET cold-PL INC-3A-make-TRN-ITS here-TOP
'But it doesn't equal the cold spells that are here.'
Waye't-u-jaj-iljach 'al a' ke'el-ej. ...

here in-3A-true-ABST very heavy DET cold-TOP
'Here, truly, the cold is very hard.' (92.2.118-20)
(8) Waye' ch'ij-een

here grow-1SG.B
'Here I grew up,
way yan-aj-een-ej
here EXIST-CIS-1SG.B-TOP
it's here I was born,
waye' ... ch'ij-een-ej ...

here grow-1SG.B-TOP
here that I grew up,
waYe' .. yan-en tak b'a-je-la'. ...

here EXIST-1SG.B until TEMP-OST-PROX
here I am until now.' (91.16-19)
12.2.2. waye' yaan .. -e'

The proximal deictic may appear with the existential yaan in locative assertions and
questions (1)-(2) (cf. 12.1.1).
(1) I tech-ej .. tu'ux yan-en wa 'yej? ..

and 2SG.IPR-TOP where EXIST-lSG.B here
'And you, where am I here?' (91.17.90-91)

3IPR COM-3A-ask-cTs ISG.IOPR two=INAM month permit
'he asked two months permission
ti'a'(al) ka' pat-ak in-tal-el wa'yej. ...

SUB SUB ABIL-DIS ISG.A-come-I1S here
for me so that I could come here.
Mentak-ej wa'ye' yan-en-ej ...

therefore-TOP here EXIST-1 SG .B-TOP
Therefore here I am,' (91.2.190-92)
12.3. Ostensive Demonstratives

The ostensive demonstrative pronouns are described in more detail in 11.5.1 but are
mentioned here because they may have a meaning similar to the distal and proximal locative
adverbs described above. However, morphosyntactically they are nominal (not adverbial)
constructions. The ostensive demonstratives have a presentative locative meaning and occur
clause-initially (1)-(2).
(I) Je'-la'yana'naj-ej.
OST-PROX EXIST DET house-TOP
'Here is the house.' or 'This is a house.'
(2) Je'-lo' yan jun=kuul naj.

OST-DIST EXIST one=round house
'There is a house.' or 'That is a house.'
12.4. Locative Prepositions

New locational information is often conveyed in prepositional phrases (1)-(4) (see
chapter 13). Many of the prepositions are metaphoric extensions of body-part terms (cf. 4.6.1,
4.6.2, 10.1.4.2) and/or relational nouns (4.2.6, 10.2.5). New locational information may also
be given in possessed + possessor constructions (cf. 10.2.3.8, 10.2.5)
(I) ('Aas)ta ka' k'och-oo' .. tijum=p'e noj kaj. ...

until when arrive-PL to one=INAM big town
'until they arrived at a city.' (91.17.171-72)
(2) Ten-ej ka' .. nak'-eeny-ok' a' che'-ej

ISG.IPR-TOP then climb-lsG.B 3A-over DET tree-TOP
'Me, then I climbed on top of the tree,' (91.10.36)
(3) k-in-ta-s-ik techjun=kuul tunich ..

INC-ISG.A-come-CAUS-ITS 2SG.IOPR one=round stone
'I'll bring you a stone,
k-a-tz'ik y-alam u-pol aw-icham-ej ..

INC-2A-give/ITs 3A-below 3A-head 2A-husband-TOP
you put it underneath your husband's head' (91.17.154-55)
12. LOCATIVES 311
(4) k-u-man-s-ik t-u-pol tak t-u-ni' uy-al uy-ok. ...

INC-3A-pass-cAuS-ITS to-3A-head up.to to-3A-tip 3A-child 3A-foot
'he passes it from her head to the tips of her toes.' (91.17.73)
13. Prepositions and Prepositional Phrases
13.0. Contents
13.1 Sentential Position
13.1.1. Post-verbal
13.1.2. Fronted
13.2. Basic Prepositions: PREP + NP
13.2.1. Goal
13.2.1.2. Other Nouns
13.2.2. Point of Origin
13.2.3. Path
13.2.4. Recipient and Beneficiary
13.2.5. Purpose
13.2.6. Instrument
13.2.7. Inanimate Cause
13.2.8. Oblique Agent
13.2.9. Material of Construction
13.2.10. Comitative
13.2.11. Spatial Orientation
13.2.11.1. ti', 'on', 'in', 'at', 'to', 'from'
13.2.11.2. tak, 'up to'
13.2.11.3. ich(il), 'in', 'inside', 'inside of'
13.2.11.4. yok'(ol) , 'over', 'on top of'
13.2.11.5. yalam, 'below'
13.2.11.6. kan 'with', 'by', 'in close proximity'
13.2.11.7. pach(il), 'behind'
13.2.11.8. iiktaan and taan(il) 'in front of', 'on the front of'
13.2.11.9. tanxeel, 'opposite', 'far away'
13.2.11.10. chum uk, 'in the middle'
13.2.12. Temporal
13.3. ti' + Relational Noun
13.4. Preposition (!Relational Noun) ti'(iJ) NP
Prepositional phrases are composed of a preposition or a relational noun and a noun

phrase. Relational nouns and prepositions are listed in 4.2.6 and 7.3, respectively.
13.1 Sentential Position
13.1.1. Post-verbal
The unmarked position for prepositional phrases is after the verb in the structure: V
(quantifier) PP, or after a noun phrase in the structure: NP PP (1)-(4).
(1) B'in-een tulakal I-a' noj b'ej tu'ux k-in-meyaj-ej. ...

go-ISG.B all to-DET big road where INC-lsG.A-work-TOP
'I went all along the big road where I work.'
I yan jum =p'e noj kol .. chum-uk a' bej-ej. ...

and EXIST one=INAM big milpa begin-NOM DET road-TOP
'And there is a big milpa midway along the road.' (91.2.3-6)
J3. PREPOSITIONS AND PREPOSITIONAL PHRASES 313
(2) Ka' kap-een ti xi'mal .. tulakal .. t-u-b'aak' a' kol-ej,

then begin-IsG.B SUB walk all on-3A-perimeter DET milpa
'Then I began to walk all around the milpa' (91.2.9-10).
(3) yan ix-kuxul=niil ich a' kol-ej ...

EXIST FEM-live=com.ear in DEI milpa-IOP
'there are tender ears of com in the milpa' (91.19.50)
(4) k-u-chik-p-aJ-al yok' a' ja '-ej. ...

INC-3A-See-PAs-DTR-US over DET water-TOP
'it appeared over the water.' (txt1.53)
13.1.2. Fronted
Prepositional phrases may be fronted, appearing before the predicate, to mark
topicalization (1 )-(2) or focus (3)-(5) (cf. 8.1).
(1) Ti kaj-ej sat-ij jun =tuul paal.

in town-TOP lose-3sG.B one=ANIM child
In town a child was lost.
(2) B'ayooritaj .. ich k'aax-ej .. rna' patal u-wen-el mak ma'lo'

now in forest-ToP NEG ABIL 3A-sleep-IIS person well
'Now, in the forest, a person can't sleep well' (91.5.1-2)
(3) Y-ok' a' meesaj yan a' laapis-ej.

3A-over DET table EXIST DET pencil-TOP
'The pencil is on the table.'
(4) In-tz'on-ej y-iik-nal aj-Josej yan.

ISG.A-gun-ToP 3A-face-NOM MASC-PN EXIST
'My gun, it is with Jose.'
(5) Kan aj-Josej yan in-tz'on-ej.

with MASC-PN EXIST ISG.A-gun-ToP
'My gun is with Jose.'
13.2. Basic Prepositions: PREP + NP

Prepositional phrases serve a variety of functions, including providing locational
information and other case role information, such as point of origin, goal, instrument, oblique
agent, and beneficiary. The most frequently used preposition is ti', which has a broad range of
meanings, including 'to', 'at', 'from', 'on', and 'in'.
13.2.1. Goal

Context and verbal semantics interact with prepositions to indicate point of origin and
goal (1)-(7). Most toponyms do not require any preposition. Toponyms with a noun classifier
require the preposition ti', as does Peten, 'Flores', the departmental capital. The preposition ti', 'to',
contracts with noun classifiers (cf. 1.4.7). Other toponyms, including Spanish borrowings, do not
appear with ti' (cf. 4.1.2.4.2, 4.6.3.3, 9.4.2). The preposition tak, 'up to', is optional to indicate
goal (1)-(5).
(1) Tan-im-b 'el (tak) Xilil. 'I'm going to XiiiI'

DUR-lsG.A-go (up.to) PN
(2) Tan-im-b'el (tak) Ni'ma'. 'I'm going to Ni'ma'.

DUR-lso.A-go (up.to) PN
(3) Tan-im-b'el (tak) t-Ix-Lu'. 'I'm going to IxLu'.'

DUR-lso.A-go (up.to) to-FEM-PN
(4) Tan-im-b'el (tak) t-Aj-Job'o'. 'I'm going to AjJob'o'.'

DUR-lso.A-go (up.to) to-MASC-PN
(5) Tan-im-b'el (tak) ti Peten. '1m going to Flores.' (speaker not in Flores)
DUR-lso.A-go (up.to) to PN
(6) Tal-een ti Peten. 'I came to Flores.' (speaker in Flores)

come-IsO.B to PN
(7) Tal-een San Josej. 'I came to San Jose.'

come-ISO.B PN

Nouns that are not toponyms require prepositions when they are indicating locational
goals (1)-(3). The preposition ti', 'to', contracts with noun classifiers, the determiner, and
possessive pronouns (cf. 1.4.7). The locative te'lo'may also indicate a locational goal (4) (cf.
I2.1.2).
(1) Bin-een (tak) t-a' kol-ej. 'I went (up) to the milpa.'
go-ISO.B (up.to) to-DET milpa-ToP
(2) In-ka'aj ti k'aax. 'I'm going to the forest.'

IsO.A-go to forest
(3) In-ka'aj ich k'aax. 'I'm going into the forest.'

IS0.A-go into forest
(4) B'el in-ka'(a) inw-i/-a' tak te'-lo'. 'I am going to see it over there.'
go IS0.A-go ISo.A-see-DTS up.to LOC-DIST
13.2.2. Point of Origin

As with goal, point of origin is indicated by a combination of context, verbal semantics
and prepositions. Toponyms with noun classifiers and Peten, 'Flores' require a preposition but
most toponyms do not (1)-(4) (cf. 13.2.1.1).
(1) Tal-een ti Peten. 'I came from Flores.' (speaker not in Flores)
come-ISO.B from PN
(2) Tal-een t-Ix-Lu'. 'I came from Ixlu'.'

come-ISO.B from PN
(3) Tal-een Mutul. 'I came from Mutul.'

come-IsO.B from PN
(4) Tal-een San 'And'res. 'I came from San Andres.'

come-Iso.B from PN

Plain nouns require the preposition ti', 'from', to indicate locational point of origin (1)-
(5). Indirect object pronouns also serve this function (6) ( 13.2.1.2).
(1) Tal-een t-a' kol-ej. 'I came from the milpa.'

come-Iso.B to-DET milpa-TOP
(2) Jok'-ij t-u-kol. 'He left his milpa.'

leave-3so.B from-3A-milpa
(3) tun-jok'-ol u-k'ik'-el t-u-pach ..

DuRl3A-Ieave-IIS 3A-blood-pos from-3A-back
'the blood is coming out of his back' (91.12.117)
(4) T-inw-il-aj u-Iub'-ul k'aak' ti muyal.

cOM-ISO.A-see-CTS 3A-fall-IIs/NOM fIre from cloud
'I saw the fIre fall from the clouds (shooting stars).'
(5a) Jok'-ij ich k'aax ...

leave-3S0.B in forest
'He came out from inside the forest.'
(5b) Jok'-ij ti k'aax ...

leave-3so.B from forest
'He came out of the forest.'
(6) b'in-ij a' tzimin-oo' ti'ij tija'-ej. ...

go-3S0.B DET horse-PL 3IOPR to water-TOP
'the horse went from them into the water.' (92.3.32)
13.2.3. Path
The path from a point of origin to a goal may also be indicated with prepositional phrases
indicating extension, often with the quantifIer tulakal, 'all' (1)-(5).
(1) B'in-een tulakal t-a' noj b'ej tu'ux k-in-meyaj-ej. ...

go-ISO.B all on-DET big road where INc-lsO.A-work-TOP
I yanjum=p'e noj kol .. chumuk a' bej-ej. ...

and EXIST one=INAM big milpa middle DET road-TOP
(2) Ka' tal-ij .. i tun-tal chumukja'-ej. ..

then come-3so.B and DuRl3A-come middle water-TOP
'Then he came, and he was coming in the middle of the lake.' (91.13.148-49)
(3) laj wej-al-oo' .. tak t-u-chi' a' riiyoj-ej

all scatter-PART-PL up.to to-3A-edge DET river-TOP
'they were scattered all along the shore of the river,' (txt2.134)
(4) tumen a' ik'-ej .. k-u-man tulakal t-u-jaal a' kol-oo'-ej

because DET wind-ToP INC-3A-pass all on-3A-edge DET milpa-PL-TOP
'because the wind, it passes all along the edges of the milpas' (91.19.52-53)
(5) Aj-Juan-ej man-ij t-u-toj-il a' najje'-loj.

MASC-PN-TOP pasS-3SG.B in-3A-straight-ABST DET house OST-DIST
'Juan passed in the direction of that house.'
13.2.4. Recipient and Beneficary

The indirect object relations of recipient and beneficiary are indicated by the preposition
ti'ij and an NP, or by indirect object pronouns (1)-(7) (cf. 8.1, 11.3). li'ij may contract with a
following determiner, noun classifier, or possessive pronoun (4)-(5). Indirect object pronouns are
much more common in discourse that full NPs (6)-(7).
(1) kiij b'in uy-iitan ti'ij a' winik-ej. ...

QUOT REPORT 3A-wife to DET man-TOP
'they say the wife said to the man.' (91.17.92)
(2) In-ka'aj in-tzikb'al-t-ej ... ti'ij ... d'on Karlos 'And'res ... Joflink-ej ...
ISG.A-go ISG.A-tell-TRN-DTS to HON PN PN PN
'I am going to tell don Carlos Andres Hofling' (91.19.1-2)
(3) tuulakal a' b'a'ax k'ab'eet .. ti'ij mak ich k'aax-ej. ...
all DET thing necessary for person in forest-TOP
'all of the things that are necessary for people in the forest.' (91.22.36-37)
(4) B'a'ax ki-b'el ki-k'ub'-u' t-a' winik ka' tak-ej? ...

what INCllpL.A-go IpL.A-deliver-DTS to-DET man when come/DIS-TOP
'What are we going to deliver to the man when he comes?' (92.3.124)
(5) ka' kap(-ij) u-tzikb'a(l)-t-ej t-uy-iitan ..

then begin(-3SG.B) 3A-tell-TRN-DTS to-3A-wife
'then he began to tell it to his wife,' (91.16.154)
(6) Chenjach t-u-k'ub'en-t-aj ten ...

only much cOM-3A-recommend-TRN-CTS ISG.IOPR
'Only he strongly recommended to me
ka' in-jok'-es .. ti'ij chen ma'lo' che',

SUB ISG.A-Ieave-CAUS 3IOPR only good wood
that I take out only good wood for him,' (91.1.29-30)
(7) U-tu'umb'en ok in-maskab'-ej men-b'-i ten b'i che'.

3A-new handle 1SG.A-machete-TOP make-PAs-3SG.B 1SG.IOPR of wood
'The new handle of my machete was made for me of wood.'
13.2.5. Purpose
Purpose is indicated by the prepositions li'ij and ti'a'al, 'for' (1)-(2) (cf. 24.4).
(1) A: In-ka'aj in-miin-ii' im-b'aat.

lSG.A-go ISG.A-buy-DTS lSG.A-ax
'I'm going to buy my ax.'
B: B'a'ax=ti'-a'al tech b'aat?

what-for-NOM 2SG.IOPR ax
'What do you need an ax for?'
A: Ti'ij (Iti'a'al) in-kol.

for (Ifor) ISG.A- rnilpa
'For my rnilpa.'
(2) A' tunichje'-lo' ma'lo' ti'ij k'anche'.

DET stone OST-DIST good for seat
'That stone is good for a seat.'
13.2.6. Instrument
Instruments appear as objects of the preposition (relational noun) (y)et(el), 'with', (1)-(3)
(cf. 10.2.5.1.1).
(1) A' paal-ej tan-u-jup'-ul y-et(-el) a' puutz '-ej.

DET child-TOP DUR-3A-pierce-Ils 3A-with(-pas) DET needle-TOP
'The child is sticking himself with the needle.'
(2) U-chun a' che'-ej b'iik'-a'an et-e sum.

3A-trunk DET tree-TOP wind-PART with-pas rope
'The trunk of the tree is wound with rope.'
(3) A' b'oteeyaj-ej miik-a'an et(-el) u-xet'-el h'iikiil.

DETbottle-TOP cover-PART with(-pos) 3A-piece-NoM corncob
'The bottle is capped with a piece of corncob.'
13.2.7. Inanimate Cause

Inanimate causes are semantically related to instruments and agents, and may be marked
like either, with etel (1)-(3)(cf. l3.2.6), men (4)-(5)(cf. l3.2.8, 20.2.3.1), or yo'lal (6) (cf.
13.2.11.4) . Intransitive, patient-oriented voice forms are common when referring to inanimate
causes (cf. 16.3).
(1) A' 'okom-ej tan-u-jek'-p-aJ-al et-el a' k'in-ej.

DET house. corner-TOP DUR-3A-split-PAS2-DTR-IIS with-pas DET sun-TOP
'The house corner is being split with (from) the sun.'
(2) A' piik'-ej tan-u-jut-ul et-el a' ja '-ej.

DET wall-TOP DUR-3A-collapse-IIS with-pas DET water-TOP
'The wall is collapsing because of the water.'
(3) A' che'-ej k-u-yun-k'-aJ-al et-el a' ik'-ej

DET tree-TOP INC-3A-sway-CELER-DTR-IIS with-pas DET wind-TOP
'The tree sways with the wind.'
(4) A' 'okom-ej tan-u-jek'-p-aJ-al men a' k'in-ej.

DET house. corner-TOP DUR-3A-split-PAS2-DTR-IIS by DET sun-TOP
'The house corner is being split by the sun.'
(5) A' piik'-ej tan-u-jut-ul men a' ja '-ej.

DET wall-TOP DUR-3A-collapse-IIS by DET water-TOP
'The wall is collapsing because of the water.'
(6) In-'okom-ej laj=jek'-k'-aj-ij y-o'l-al a' k'in-ej.

ISG.A-house.post-TOP all=split-cELER-DTR-3sG.B 3A-over-POS DET sun-TOP
'My house post totally split because of the sun.'
13.2.S. Oblique Agent

In passive constructions, oblique agents may be indicated as objects of the preposition
men (1)-(4) (cf. 20.2.3.1). Less direct causation may be indicated with (tu)yo'lal (5)-(6) (cf.
l3.2.7). The semantic patient in these constructions typically is topical and appears as the subject
(cf. 16.3.1). .
(1) K-u-tak'-iil et-el a' k'uch tz'aj-a'an men a' chiimach-ej ..

INC-3A-stick-IIS with-POS DET thread place-PART by DET old.man-TOP
'It (the beast) sticks (is stuck) with the thread placed by the old man,' (91.18.73)
(2) yan u-men-t-ik-oo' tulakal a' b'a'ax k-u-k'ub'en-b'-el-oo' ti'i} ..

OBLIG 3A-do-TRN-ITS-PL all DET thing INC-3A-recommend-PAS-PL 3IOPR
'they have to do all the things recommended to them
men u-tat-oo' .. jach uchi} . ...

by 3A-father-PL very long.ago
by their fathers long ago.' (91.19.9-11)
(3) Tuulakal .. k-u-joch-b'-ol u-nal-i/ .. i k-u-lik'-s-ab'-al .. men u-yum-il. ..

all INC-3A-harvest-PAs-IIS 3A-ear-POS and INC-3A-raise-CAUS-PAS-IIS by 3A-owner-poS
'All of its (the milpa's) ears are harvested, and they are stored by its owner.' (91.19.59-60)
(4) Chen a'-ka'uy-b'-i} .. men uy-et='aj-meyaj-il-oo'-ej. ...

only DET-when hear-PAs-3SG.B by 3A-with=MASC-work-POS-PL-TOP
'Only then it (his shout) was heard by his co-workers.' (txt1.35-36)
(5) I y-o '-I-al a' paal je '-10' .. k-u-man t-aw-et-el-ej ..

and 3A-over-POS-NOM DET child OST-DIST INc-3A-pass to-2A-with-pos-TOP
'And for that child that walks with you,
mentak-ej ma' t-im-b'i-s-ik-ech . ..

therefore-TOP NEG DUR-1SG.A-gO-CAUS-ITS-2SG.B.
for that, I am not carrying you off.' (91.16.127-28)
(6) T-uy-o'-I-al aj-Jwan-ej ma' t-in-tz'on-aj a' keej-ej.

to-3A-over-POS-NOM MASC-PN-TOP NEG COM-1SG.A-shoot-CTS DET deer-TOP
'Because of Juan I didn't shoot the deer.'
13.2.9. Material of Construction

Material of construction may be indicated with the preposition b'i (1 )-(4) (cf. 10.2.3.6).
(1) et-el u-'al-i/ a' tzimin h'; tun;ch k-u-b 'i-s-ik-oo '-ej ...
with-pos 3A-heavy-ABsT DET horse of stone INC-3A-go-CAUS-ITS-PL-TOP
'with the weight of the horse of stone they were carrying,' (92.3.115)
(2) A' kumje'-Ia' h'; luk'.

DET pot OST-PROX of clay
'This pot is made of clay.'
(3) U-tu'umb'en ok in-maskab'-ej men-b'-i ten h'; che'.

3A-new handle lSG.A-machete-TOP make-PAS-3sG.B ISG.lOPR of wood
'The new handle of my machete was made for me of wood.'
13. PREPOSmONS AND PREPOSITIONAL PHRASES 319
(4) T-im-b'e-t-aj b'iyeeroj.

cOM-1S0.A-make-TRN-CTS of iron
'I made it of iron.'
13.2.10. Comitative
A comitative relationship (accompaniment) is indicated by the relational nouns (y-Jet(-el)
(1 )-(6) and y-ak-nal (7)-(8), and by the preposition kan (7), (9)-( 10). yetel is the most common
and general of the three and is especially used for accompaniment in motion, while yaknal and
kan are used for stationary copresence. The contrast between the two types of proximity is
indicated in (6)-(7) (cf. 10.2.5.1). kan especially indicates spatial proximity, as in (9). yetel may
function much like, or instead of, a nominal coordinator (2), (4) (cf. 21.2.1).
(1) T-u-jeb'-aj(-ooJ u-jol a' naj-ej ... et-el in-na'. ...

cOM-3A-open-cTs(-PL) 3A-door DET house-TOP with-pos IS0.A-mother
'She opened the door of the house with my mother.' (91.3.19-20)
(2) kiij-a'an b'injun=tuul winik .. y-et-eljun=tuul uy-iitan . ...

live-PART REPORT one=ANIM man 3A-with-pos one=ANIM 3A-wife
'they say a man lived with his wife.' (91.12.6-7)
(3) tumen .. tan-a-man et-el a' mo'nok paalje'-Io'-ej. ..

because DUR-2A-walk with-pos DET small child OST-DIST-TOP
'because you are walking with that little child.' (91.16.125-26)
(4) Je'e-la' k-im-b'el in-tzib'al-t-eOJ tech-ej ..

OST-PROX INC-ISO.A-go ISO.A-tell-TRN-DTS 2S0.IOPR-TOP
'This that I am going to tell you
u-tzikb'al-iljun=tuul winik .. y-et-eljun=tuul b'alum . ...

3A-story-pos ONE=ANIM MAN 3A-with-pos one=ANIM jaguar
is the story ofa man and a jaguar.' (91.12.1-3)
(5) a' winik-ej .. k-u-tzikb'al et-el uy-iitan . ...

DET man-TOP INC-3A-talk with-pos 3A-wife
'the man, he was talking with his wife.' (91.17.7-8)
(6) B'in-een y-et-el inw-et'ok-oo'.

go-ISO.B 3A-with-pos ISo.A-companion-PL
'I went together with my friends.'
(7) B'in-een kan (/y-iik-nal) inw-et'ok-oo'.

go-ISO.B with (/3A-face-NoM) ISO.A-companion-PL
'I went to be with my friends.'
(8) Aj-Tomas-ej k'och-ij y-iik-nal aj-Josej.

MASC-PN-TOP arrive-3S0.B 3A-face-NoM MASC-PN
'Thomas arrived to be with Jose.'
(9) Ka'natz'-iOJ a'noj-och b'alum-ej .. kan a'winik-ej. ...

then near-3S0.B DET big-ADJ jaguar-TOP with DET man-TOP
'Then the big jaguar came close to the man.' (91.12.41-42)
(to) Ka' k'och-ij kan a' rey-ej ..

then arrive-3SG.B with DET king-TOP
'Then he arrived to the king,' (91.17.198)
13.2.11. Spatial Orientation

Prepositions and relational nouns indicate a variety of spatial relationships and
orientations (cf. Haviland and Levinson 1995; Stolz 1996). Possessed + possessor noun
constructions are another way of indicating spatial relationships. Several of the more commonly
used spatial prepositions are described below.
13.2.11.1. ti', 'on', 'in', 'at', 'to', 'from'

ti'is a widespread and all-purpose spatial preposition (1)-(6). It may also enter into
possessed + possessor constructions to indicate locations (6)(cf. 10.1.4.2, 10.2.3.8, 13.2.1,
13.2.2).
(1) Je'-in-kin-s-ik b'alum ti' k'atIX-ej.

ASSUR-lsG.A-die-cAus-ITsjaguar in forest-ToP
'I will kill jaguars in the forest.'
(2) Ti kaj-ej sat-ij jun=tuul paal.

in town-TOP lose-3SG.B one=ANIM child
'In the town a child was lost.'
(3) A: Ok-sii-b'-ij ti chem a' k'ek'en-ej?

enter-CAUS-PAS-3SG.B in canoe DETpig-TOP
'Was the pig put in the canoe?'
B: Ma' ... k'iix-b'-ij ti che'.

NEG tie-PAS-3SG.B to tree
'No, it was tied to a tree.'
(4) A ' xak-ej niik-a 'an ti lu 'um.

DET basket-ToP sit-PART on ground
'The basket is sitting on the ground.'
(5) A 'ju'um-ej wa'an y-ok' a' 'estaantej tiik'-a'an t-a' pilk'-ej.

DET paper-TOP stand/PART 3A-over DET shelf stick-PART to DET wall-TOP
'The book is standing on the shelf that is stuck on the wall.'
(6) 'aasta u-k'och-ol mak .. t-u-nilk' a' witz-oo'-ej ..

until 3A-arrive-lls person at-3A-belly DET hill-PL-TOP
'until one arrives at the base of the hills,' (91.5.24)
13.2.11.2. tak, 'up to'

The preposition tak, 'up to', may appear alone (1)-(3) or in combination with ti' (4) (cf.
13.2.1, 13.4).
(1) A'-ka'jo'm-ij in-tz'ik u-xo'om tllk a' noj che'-ej ..

DET-when fmish-3sG.B ISG.A-give/ITs 3A-fork up.to DET big tree-TOP
'When I fmished putting the forked poles up to the big tree,' (91.10.57-58)
13. PREPOSmONS AND PREPOSITIONAL PHRASES 321
(2) b'in-ij b'in u-b'et-ej u-meyaj .. t-u-jol tak a' 'aktun-oo'-ej. ...
go-3SG.0 REPORT 3A-do-DTS 3A-work at-3A-opening up.to DET cave-PL-TOP
'he went to do his work up at the mouth of the caves.' (91.18.41-43)
(3) ma'jat-al u-ni' tak a'jolo'och-ej .. tulis . ..

NEG break-PART 3A-tip up.at DET husk-TOP whole
'the tip isn't broken, up to the husk it is whole.' (91.20.129-30)
(4) k-u-Iub'-ul tak t-u-b'ak-el uy-it

INC-3A-fall-IIS til at-3A-bone-pos 3A-rump
'It (her hair) falls to the bone of her rump.' (91.3 .26)
13.1.11.3. ich(il), 'in', 'inside', 'inside of'

The prepositions ich, 'in', and ichil, 'inside', are used to indicate interior spaces (1)-(8).
The shortened form ich, 'in', is associated with nonspecific, extensive spaces, while the full form
ichil, 'inside', 'inside of' , is associated with three-dimensional and definite spaces. Only the full
form is used pronominally (cf. 9.4.1.2, 10.2.5.2).
(I) chen ten inw-ojel a' b'a'ax t-inw-il-aj ich k'aax-ej. ...
only ISG.IPR ISG.A-know DET thing COM-ISG.A-see-CTS in forest-TOP
'only I know what I saw in the forest,' (91.2.94-95)
(2) a' b'a'ax t-uy-il-aj ... ich kol-ej. ...

DET thing cOM-3A-see-CTS in milpa-TOP
'the thing that he saw, in the milpa.' (91.16.155-56)
(3) Yan u-paak-t-ik mak ma'lo' ...

OOUG 3A-weed-TRN-ITS person well
'One has to weed it well,
y-ok' u-laj=p'at-aljan-il .. tulakal ich-il a' kol-ej. ...

3A-for 3A-all=remain-IIS clear-ADJ all in-pos DET rnilpa-TOP
so it all remains clear, all inside of the milpa.' (91.20.65-67)
(4) T-inw-il-aj keej ich(-il) 'aktun.

COM-ISG.A-see-cTS deer in(-pos) milpa
'I saw a deer inside of a cave.'
(5) In-tzimin-ej tan-u-jup-ul ich(-il) a' luk'-ej.

ISG.A-horse-TOP DUR-3A-insert-lls in( -POS) DET mud-TOP
'My horse is sinking in the mud.'
(6) A'je'-ej ich(-il) a' lakyan-ej.

DET egg-ToP in(-POS) DET bowl EXIST-TOP
'The egg is inside the bowl.'
(7) A' b'oolaj-ej pul-a'an ich(-il) uy-ok a' k'anche'-ej.

DET ball-TOp throw-PART in(-POs) 3A-Ieg DET chair-TOP
'The ball is thrown between the legs of the chair.'
(8) porke lub-een lele'kal ... ich-il tulakal u-se'es a' che'-oo'
because fall-lsG.o headfirst in-pos all 3A-chip DET tree-PL
'because I fell headfirst among all the chips of the branches' (91.10.95-96)
13.2.11.4.yok'(01), 'over', 'on top of'

The relational nounyok'ol, 'on top of', is usually abbreviated to yok' (1)-(10). There
appears to be a preference for the long fonn to precede defmite, animate NPs, but this is not
absolute. Only the full fonn is used pronominally (8) (cf. 13.3). yok'(ol) is also the preposition
used when referring to directions (9)-(10) and is used in subordinate purpose constructions (cf.
24.4. 1. 1.3).
(1) a' b'a'alche' k-u-tal y-ok'-ol a' winik-ej. ...

DET animal INC-3A-Come 3A-over-POS DET man-TOP
'the animal comes over the man.' (91.16.89)
(2) t-u-man-s-ik a' top' y-ok'-ol uy-iitan-ej. ...

DUR-3A-pass-cAuS-ITS DET flower 3A-over-pos 3A-wife-TOP
'he is passing the flower over his wife.' (91.17.85)
(3) Ten-ej ka' .. nak'-eeny-ok' a' che'-ej

ISG.IPR-TOP then climb-lsG.B 3A-over DET tree-TOP
'Me, then I climbed on top of the tree,' (91.10.36)
(4) K-a-ch'uy-kin-t-iky-ok' k'aak'

INC-2A-hang-cAus-TRN-ITS 3A-over fIre
'You hang them over the fIre' (91.16.28)
(5) Tal-eeny-ok'tzimin.
come-1SG.B 3A-over horse
'I came on horseback.'
(6) Y-ok' in-b'iik'-el tan-u-jok'-ol ix-chu'chum.

3A-over ISG.A-flesh-POS DUR-3A-come.out-lls FEM-boil
'Boils are coming out all over my body.'
(7) A' chem-ej tan-u-xi'mal y-ok '(-01) ja'.

DET canoe-TOP DUR-3A-walk 3A-over( -POs) water
'The canoe goes over the water.'
(8) T-u-ch'uy-kin-t-aj y-ok'-ol.

cOM-3A-hang-cAus-TRN-CTS 3A-over-POS
'He hung it above (it).'
(9) T-u-pach a' witz-ej .. xen y-ok' aj-xiiman.

to-3A-back DET hill-TOP gO/IMPIS 3A-over MASC-north
'Behind the hill, go (over) north.'
(10) JO'm-ol-ej .. k-aw-il-ikjum=p'eeljon=ka'-ily-ok' aj-Iak'in.

end-NOM-TOP INc-2A-see-ITS one=INAM open=earth-pos 3A-over MASC-east
'Afterward, you see a clearing to the east.'
13.2.11.5.yalam, 'below'
The relational nouny-alam, 'below', may function like a preposition (1)-(3) or a
locational adverb (4) (cf. 13.3, 13.4).
(1) A' b'oolaj-ej pul-a'any-alam a' k'anche'-ej.

DETball-TOP throW-PART 3A-below DETchair-ToP
'The ball is thrown beneath the chair.'
(2) k-a-tz'ik y-alam u-pol aw-icham-ej ..

INC-2A-putlITS 3A-below 3A-head 2A-husband-TOP
'you put it underneath your husband's head' (91.17.155)
(3) /iy-alam a' najje'-lo'

and 3A-below DEThouse OST-DIST
'And below (the roof ot) that house,
te' k-u-b'el u-b'et-ej mak a/ makan-i'ij. ...

LOC INC-3A-go 3A-make-DTS person DET granary-LOc
there one is going to make the granary.' (91.20.141-42)
(4) Y-alam yaan.

3A-below EXIST
'It's below.'
13.2.11.6. kan 'with', 'by', 'in close proximity'

The preposition kan, 'with', indicates close proximity (1)-(3) (cf. 13.2.10)
(1) P/at-a/ ten a/ k'ek'en kan a/ naj-ej.

leaVe-IMPTS ISG.IOPR DET pig with DET house-ToP
'Leave me the pig by the house.'
(2) Tan-u-sut kiln ix-Mariiyaj.

DUR-3A-visit with FEM-PN
'He is visiting with Mary.'
(3) In-tech kan la'ayti' yan-ech.

EMP-2SG.IPR with 3IPREXIST-2SG.B
'You are with him.'
13.2.11.7.pach(il), 'behind'
The body part pach, 'back', may also function as a preposition meaning behind (1 )-(4).
The full form pach-il is used with defmite nouns (3a) and anaphorically (4), but not with
unmodified nouns (3b)-(3c) (cf. 13.3, 13.4).
(1) Yan u-/col waye'pach kaj-ej. ...

'He has his milpa here behind town.' (91.4.2)
(2) Pach a'wUzyan-ej.

behind DET hill EXIST-TOP
'It's behind the hill.'
(3a) Yan pach-il a' naj-ej.

EXIST back-POS DET house-TOP
'It's behind the house.'
(3b) Yan pach nfl.

EXIST behind house
'It's behind the house.'
(3c) *Yan pach-il naj.

EXIST behind-pos house
(4) T-inw-il-aj pach-iI.

cOM-I SG.A-see-CTS back-pos
'I saw it behind (it).'
13.2.11.8.liktaan and taan(il) 'in front (ot)', 'on the front of'
The body part taan, 'front', may also function as a preposition (I )-( 6) (cf. 13.3, 13.4).
Like pach (13.2.11.7), the form taanil is used with defmite nouns (I), (3b) and as an anaphoric
form (4), but not with unmodified nouns (2)-(3). The form iik=taan, 'in front', is a compound that
may also be used as a preposition (5) or alone (6). It does not take the possessive suffIx -il.
(I) Irn-b'aat-ej taan(-il) inw-otoch yan.

ISG.A-ax-ToP front(-pos) ISG.A-home EXIST
'My ax is in front of my house.'
(2) A' chern-ej k-u-b'el taanja'.

DET canoe-TOP INC-3A-go front water
'The canoe goes over (on the surface of) the water.'
(3a) Taan kaj yaan a'ja'-ej.

front town EXIST DET water-TOP
'The lake is in front of town.'
(3b) Taan-iI a' kaj-ej yaan a'ja'-ej.

front-POS DET town-TOP EXIST DET water-TOP
'The lake is in front of the town.'
(3c) *Taan-il kaj yaan a'ja'-e}.

front-pos town EXIST DET water-TOP
(4) T-in-piit-aj taan-il.

COM-I SG.A-Ieave-CTS front-POS.
'I left it in front (of it).'
(5) A'k=taan inw-otoch-ej yan in-chern.

face=front ISG.A-home-TOP EXIST ISG.A-canoe
'My canoe is in front of my house.'
(6) T-in-piit-aj lik=taan.

COM-1SG.A-Ieave-CTs face=front.
'I left it in front.'
13.2.11.9. tanxeel, 'opposite', 'far away'

The compound tan=xeel, 'opposite', may also function as a preposition (1)-(2).
(1) ti'ij u-rnan-s-ik-a/-oo' tan=xeel u-chi' a' -ja' ...

for 3A-pass-cAuS-ITS-SUB-PL front=? 3A-edge DET water
'in order to take it to the opposite shore of the lake' (92.3.101-2)
(2) B'in-ij tan=xeel kaj.

go-3SG.B front=? town
'He went to another town.'
13. PREPOSITIONS AND PREPOSITIONAL PHRASES 325
13.2.11.10. chum uk, 'in the middle'

chumuk may function as a noun meaning 'center' or as a preposition meaning 'in the
middle' (1)-(4) (cf. 13.4).
(1) I yanjum=p'e noj !wI .. chumuk a' b'ej-ej. ...

and EXIST one=INAM big milpa middle DET road-TOP
(2) Ka' tal-ij ., i tun-tal chumukja'-ej. ..

then come-3S0.B and DuRl3A-come middle water-TOP
'Then he came and he was coming in the middle of the lake.' (91.13.148-49)
(3) t-uy-il-aj aj-noj b'a'alche' .. wa'an chumuk kol-ej ..

cOM-3A-see-CTS MASC-big animal stand/PART mid milpa-ToP
'he saw the big animal standing in the middle of the milpa' (91.15.19-20)
(4) Chumuk ka'an yan a' k'in-ej.

mid sky EXIST DET sun-TOP
'The sun is in the middle of the sky (overhead).'
13.2.12. Temporal
Temporal expressions referring to the hour of day, day, month, and year employ Spanish
borrowings (cf. 10.2.3.1). The hour is referred to by lars) and the number of the hour (1). The
day of the week is similarly referred to with a nominal expression (2). Otherwise, prepositional
phrases are commonly used to refer to time periods (3)-(12) but are not always required, as shown
in (9). Expressions of temporal duration do not require prepositions (10). Parts of the day other
than hours may also appear in prepositional phrases (11)-(12) (cf. 14.2).
(1) A' paad'rej k-u-tallas='oochoj las=nweeb'ej u-b'et-ej u-miisaj 'aanimas ...

DET priest INC-3A-come at=eight at=nine 3A-do-DTS 3A-mass saints
'The priest comes at eight or nine o'clock to perform the mass of saints,' (91.23. 338-39)
(2) In-ten k'och-een b'iyeernes.

EMP-l SO .IPR arrive-l SO.B Friday
'I arrived on Friday.'
(3) San B'eniitoj k-u-b'et-ik ke'el chen t-u-mes-il d'isiyeemb'rej ..

PN INC-3A-make-ITS cold only in-3A-month-POS December
'in San Benito it's cold only in the month of December,' (92.2.115-16)
(4) wa patal in-jok'-s-ik .. ich(-il) a' k'in-oo'je'-la' ..

COND ABIL 1SG.A-come.out-CAUS-ITS in( -POS) DET day-PL OST-PROX
'if! can take it out within the next few days,' (9 L 1.24-25)
(5) In-ka'aj ti tal ;ch(-;l)job'=p'eel k';n.

ISG.A-go to come in(-pos) five=INAM day
'I am going to come within five days.'
(6) I (t-Ja' k'inje'-lo'-ej tak b'a-je'-la'-ej ..

and (from-)DET day OST-DIST-TOP until TEMP-OST-PROX-TOP
'And (from) that day until now,' (91.2.102)
(7) 'aasta (t-)u-Iaak' u-k'in-il-ej ..

until (on-)3A-other 3A-day-POS-TOP
'until (on) the next day' (91.10.118)
(8) T-u-'ox=p'e k'in-il-ej t-in-jo'om-s-aj a' mo'nok chem-ej ..

on-3A-tbree=INAM day-POS-TOP COM-lSG.A-fmish-CAUS-CTS DET small canoe-TOP
'On the third day I fmished the little canoe,' (91.10.121-22)
(9) a' pixan-oo' k-u-b 'el-oo' ti tal (t-)a' k 'in je '-10 '-ej. ...
DET spirit-PL INC-3A-go-PL SUB come (on-)DET day OST-DIST-TOP
'the spirits that are going to come (on) that day' (91.6.14-15)
(10) T-inw-a'l-aj ti'ij .. ka' meyaj-n-ak ka'=p'e k'in ..

COM-lsG.A-say-cTs 3IOPR SUB wOrk-AP-DIS twO=INAM day
'I told him to work two days' (91.8.12-13)
(11) Ok-es waj ich naj. Chak tak-en et-el ak'ii'.

enter-CAus/IMPTS tortilla in house perhaps come/DIs-lsG.B with-pos night
'Bring tortillas in the house. I might come at night.'
(12) Ko'on-e'ex tijan-al .. ya chumuk k'in.

HORT-2PL SUB eat-NoM already mid day
'Let's eat, it's already noon.'
13.3. ti' + Relational Noun

The general proposition ti' may combine with relational nouns to form reduced (one-
word) prepositional phrases of the form t(i~-A.PR-Relational Root(-POS/NOM) (1)-(14) (cf.
10.2.5.1.2). In these constructions, the locational field is indicated by the possessive pronoun
instead of by an oblique noun (1). It signals a shift in point-of-view, typically to that of the given,
animate possessor, and is primarily used with the first- and second-person. In the third-person and
in anaphoric forms, the preposition is often omitted, as in (5) and (8) (cf. 13.2.10, 13.2.11).
pach and taan do not have abbreviated anaphoric forms in this construction (13)-(14).
(1) (y-)et(-el) a' winik-ej > t-uy-et-el

(3A-)with(-pos) DET man-TOP to-3A-with-pos
'with the man' 'with him'
(2) a' paalje'-lo' .. k-u-man t-aw-et-el-ej

DET child OST-DIST INc-3A-walk to-2A-with-POS-TOP
'And for that child that walks with you,' (91.16.127-28)
(3) b'el in-ka'aj ti muk-b'-ul ket t-aw-et-el ...

go ISG.A-go SUB bury-PAs-IIS together to-2A-with-pos
'I am going to be buried together with you' (91.17.12)
(4) B'a'ax u-ka'aj ma' tan-b'e(/) ti-kiw-et-el? ...

what 3A-go NEG DuRl2-go to-1PL.A-with-pos
(5) B'in-ij (t-u)y-et-el.

go-3SG.B (to-3)A-with-pos
'S/he went with herlhim.'
13. PREPOSITIONS AND PREPOSITIONAL PHRASES 327
(6) mentiik-ej wa ye yan-en .. t-aw-iik-nal

therefore-ToP here EXIST-1 SG.B to-2A-face-NOM
'therefore I am here with you' (91.17.104)
(7) Aj-Josej t-inw-iik-nal yan.

MASC-PN to-1SG.A-face-NOM EXIST
'Jose is with me.'
(8) Aj-Josej (t-u)y-iik-nal yan.

MASC-PN (to-3A-)face-NOM EXIST
'Jose is with him.'
(9) Ko'ox kiw-il-a' wa chuk-a'an t-inw-ok'-ol. ..

HORT IPLA-See-DTs COND reach-PART to-1SG.A-over-POS
'Lets see if it fits over me.' (91.13.101-2)
(10) Tikin-aj-ij in-nok' t-inw-ok'-ol.

dry-cIS-3SG.B ISG.A-clothes on-1SG.A-over-NOM
'My clothes dried on me.'
(11) T-inw-alamyanjun=tuul kan.

to-1SG.A-below EXIST one=ANIM snake
'Below me there is a snake.'
(12) A' k'anche'-ej yan t-inw-alam.

DETchair-ToP EXIST to-ISG.A-be1ow
'The chair is underneath me.'
(13) Tzay-een t-a-pach.

follow-ISG.B to-2A-back
'I followed behind you.'
(14) T-uy-il-aj t-in-taan.

cOM-3A-see-cTS in-ISG.A-front
'He saw it in front of me.'
13.4. Preposition (!Relational Noun) ti'(ij) NP

Locative prepositional phrases may also be formed with two prepositional elements in
the form: PREP + ti'ij + NP (1)-(13) (cf. 13.2.II). In these constructions the object of the
prepositions is individuated, usually defmite, and provides a ground or context for the predicate.
Indirect object pronouns may appear as objects of the preposition (5), (9). The preposition ti' or
ti'ij is usually contracted, but either ti' or ti'ij can occur.
(1) I chum uk t-a' kol-ej .. te' wa'anjun=tuul keej-i'ij . ...

and middle Of-DET milpa-TOP LOC stand/PART one=ANIM deer-LOC
'And in the middle of the milpa, there was standing a deer.' (91.2.16-17)
(2) Tan-in-tal chumuk t-a' nojja'-ej.

DUR-ISG.A-come middle Of-DETbig water-TOP
'I was coming in the middle of the big lake.'
(3) Chumuk t-a' nuk-uch . che'-oo' (u-}pul-m-aj-oo'-ej ..

middle Of-DET big-ADJ tree-PL (3A-)fell-PERF-CTS-PL-TOP
'In the middle of the big trees that they have felled,
te'... k-u-kin-s-ik-oo' aj-kax ..

LOC INc-3A-die-CAUS-ITS-PL MASc-chicken
there they killed a chicken' (91.19.18-20)
(4) Chumuk ti('ij)jum=p'e kol.

middle of one=INAM milpa
'in the middle of a milpa'
(5) tumen ya ... yaan mak tal-ij taan-il to'on . ...

because already EXIST person come-3SG.B front-poS IPL.IOPR
'because there are already people that came in front of us.' (91.11.25-26)
(6) K'och-ij taan-il t-uy-et'ok-oo'.

arrive-3SG.B front-pos of-3A-companion-PL
'He arrived ahead of his companions.'
(7) I a'-lea' k'och-ij a' b'a'alche' tak t-u-chi a/ja/-ej ..

and DET-when arrive-3SG.B DET animal up. to at-3A-edge DET water-TOP
'And when the animal arrived up to the edge of the water,' (91.13.143)
(8) I 'aastaj u-k'och-ol mak tak t-u-xul a' bej ..

and untiI3A-arrive-US person up.to at-3A-end DET road
'And until a person arrives at the end of the road,' (91.5.22)
(9) Y-alam ti'(ij) ten tu/ux wa/an-en-ej .. yanjum=p'e ch'e'em.

3A-below to ISG.IOPR where stand/PART-lsG.B-TOP EXIST one=INAM cave
'Below (me) where I am standing, there is a cave.'
(10) Y-alam t-a' winik-oo'-ej t-inw-il-aj sina'an.

3A-below to-DET man-PL-TOP COM-lSG.A-see-CTS scorpion
'Below the men I saw a scorpion.'
(11) Ka' tal-ij-ej wa'-I-aj-ij waye/ lik-taan t-inw-otoch-ej ...

when come-3SG.B-TOP stand-POSIT-CIS-3sG.B here face=front to-1SG.A-home-TOP
'When she came she stood here in front of my home,' (91.3.41-42)
(12) Jun=tuul paal wa/an lik-taan ti'(ij)jum=p'e k'anche'.

one=ANIM child stand/PART face=front to one=INAM chair
'One child is standing in front of a chair.'
(13) T-inw-il-aj tzimin pach-il t-a' kaj-ej.

COM-lSG.A-see-CTs horse back-pos to-DET town-TOP
'I saw horses behind the town.'
14. ADVERBIALS 329
14. Adverbials
14.0. Contents
14.1. Sentential Position
14.2. Temporal Adverbs
14.2.1. Past and Future Time
14.2.1.1 Past Time
14.2.1.1.1. Time Since
14.2.1.2. Future Time
14.2.1.3. Temporal Duration
14.2.2. Post-verbal Position
14.2.3. Pre-verbal Position
14.2.4. Pre- and Post-verbal Positions
14.2.5. Positionally Conditioned Temporal Adverbs
14.2.5.1.1a'ayilik ( ... -e~, 'still'
14.2.5.2. tantoj(ilik), tantoj ... -e', 'just' (Immediate Past)
14.2.5.3. ka' (... -e'), 'when', 'then'
14.2.5.4. yaj, 'already'
14.2.5.5. toj, 'still'
14.3. Manner Adverbs
14.3.1. b'aay ... -e', 'like'
14.3.2. b'aaylo' (... -e~, b'aayla' (... -e~, 'thus'
14.3.3.jeb'ix ... -e', Just as', 'so'
14.3.4. -ilik - -iii', 'customarily', 'only thus'
14.3.4.1. Adverbs and Numerals
14.3.4.2. Incompletive Status Verbs
14.3.4.3. CompletivelPerfect Status Verbs and Participles
14.3.5. suk, 'customarily'
14.4. Modal-Epistemic Adverbs
14.4.1. tujajil, 'certainly', 'truly'
14.4.2.je'le' ... -e', 'surely'
14.4.3. tak, Desiderative
14.4.4. miiyaj, 'probably'
14.4.5. chak, uchak, 'maybe'
14.4.6. wal, 'perhaps'
14.4.7. kuchij, 'formerly' (Counterfactual)
14.4.8. b'a'ak(an), Counter-expectative
14.4.9. b'in, Reportative
14.5. Adverbial Focus with -ik-il- -ik - -il
14.5.1. Transitive Verbs
14.5.2. Intransitive Verbs
14.5.3. Withyaan and Participles
14.1. Sentential Position

Adverbial position is variable. The unmarked position for most adverbs is after the verb.
They may be fronted to mark contrastive focus or emphasis. Certain adverbs, however, occur in
phrase-initial position, others frame phrases with phrase-initial and phrase-fInal elements, and still
others mark scope by following the relevant constituent. In the description below, positional
characteristics will be noted for each type.
14.2. Temporal Adverbs
14.2.1. Past and Future Time

As noted in 6.2.1, there are specialized adverbs to indicate past and future time.
Past Future
jo'lej(-ij) 'yesterday' samal 'tomorrow'
kab'ej-ij 'day before yesterday' kab'ej 'day after tomorrow'
ox-ej-ij 'three days ago' ox-ej 'in three days'
kiim-b'ej-ij 'four days ago' kiim-b'ej 'in four days'
14.2.1.1 Past Time

For past-time references other than those listed in 14.2.1, one may use the construction:
EXIST + NUM & NCL + Temporal Unit(-FOC) + Verb [completive/durative] (1)-(4). In
temporal-focus constructions such as these, the adverbials regularly appear sentence-initially (cf.
I4.2.3). One may also use the construction tub'etaj ('it made') + NUM & NCL + Temporal Unit
+ Verb [completive/durative] to indicate past-time reference (5)-(6). The durative aspect indicates
that the action has continued for the specified time (cf. I4.2.I.3), while the completive indicates
punctual events in the past.
(1) Yan ka'=(p'eel)jaab'(-il) tal-een waYe'.

EXIST twO=(INAM) year(-FOC) come-lSO.B here
'Two years ago I came here.'
(2) Yanjob'=(p'eel) k'in(-il) b'in-een t-inw-otoch.

EXIST five=(INAM) day(-FOC) go-ISO.B to-ISO.A-home
'Five days ago I went to my house.'
(3) Yan ... ka'=p'e mes ... wa ox=p'e mes tan-u-meyaj ...
EXIST twO=INAM month or three=INAM month DUR-3A-work
'It was two or three months he was working' (txt1.90-9I)
(4) Yanjo'=p'eel k'in(-il) tan-u-lub'-ulja'.

EXIST five=INAM day( -FOC) DUR-3A-fall-IIS water
'It's been raining for five days.'
(5) T-u-b'et-ajjo'=p'eel k'in tan-u-lub'-ulja'.

cOM-3A-make-CTs five=INAM day DUR-3A-fall-IIS water
'It's been raining for five days.'
(6) T-u-b 'et-aj jo '=p 'eel k'in lub '-ij ja'.

cOM-3A-make-cTs five=INAM day fall-3so.B water
'It rained five days ago.'
14.2.1.1.1. Time Since

Perfect constructions are commonly used to indicate time elapsed since a past event in
the construction: EXIST + NUM & NUM.CL + Temporal Unit(-FOC) + Verb [dependent status]
(1)-(5), or tub'etaj + NUM & NUM.CL + Temporal Unit(-FOC) + Verb [dependent status] (6)-(9)
(Hofling 1998) (cf. I5.4.2.5).
(1) Yaanjum=(p'eel)jaab'(-il) kim-ik in-suku'un.

EXIST one=(INAM) year( -FOC) die-DIS ISO.A-older.brother
'It's a year since my brother died.'
(2) Yan ka'=(p'eel)jaab'(-il) tak-en waYe'.

EXIST twO=(INAM) year(-FOC) come/DIs-Iso.B here
'It's two years since I came here.'
14. AD VERBIALS 331
(3) Yanjob'=(p'eel} k'in(-il) xik-en t-inw-otoch.

EXIST five=(INAM) day(-FOC) go/DlS-1SG.B to-1SG.A-home
'It's five days since I went to my home.'
(4) Yaan ka'=p'eel semaanaj(-il} kaJ-ak u-wach'-iil in-kol.

EXIST twO=INAM week(-Foc) begin-DIs 3A-tassel-lls ISG.A-milpa
'It's two weeks since my milpa began to tassel.'
(5) Ya yan .. ox=p'e mes .. xik-ech .. ti tz'on

already EXIST three=INAM month go/DlS-2SG.B SUB shoot
'It's already three months since you went to shoot' (91.15.189-90)
(6) T-u-b'et-aj ka'=p'eel semaanaj inw-il-a'.

cOM-3A-make-CTs two=INAM week lSG.A-see-DTS
'It's two weeks since I saw it.'
(7) T-u-b'et-aj ox=p'eeljaab' in-miin-a' inw-otoch.

cOM-3A-make-CTs three=INAM year lSG.A-buy-DTS lSG.A-home
'It's three years since I bought my home.'
(8) T-u-b'et-aj job'=(p'eel) k'in xi'ik-en t-inw-otoch.

cOM-3A-make-CTs five=(INAM) day go/DlS-1sG.B to-1SG.A-home
'It's been five days since I went to my home.'
(9) T-u-b'et-ajjo'=p'eel k'in lub'-ukja'.

cOM-3A-make-cTS five=INAM day fall-DIs water
'It's been five days since it rained.' or 'It rained five days ago.'
14.2.1.2. Future Time

Future time may be indicated with the construction ich(il} + NUM & NUM.CL +
Temporal Unit + Verb [incompletive status] (1)-(3). In these constructions, the temporal phrase
functions as a TAM marker in the incompletive status (cf. 15.2). ichil constructions may also
appear after verbs with other aspectual marking, as in (4)-(5) (cf. 13.2.12, 15.2.6, 15.4.2.1).
(1) Ich(-il} kiim=p'eel k'in in-tal.

in(-POS) fOur=INAM day ISG.A-come
'In four days I'm coming.'
(2) Ich(-il} ka'=p'eel semaanaj inw-il-ik.

in(-pos) two=INAM week lSG.A-see-ITS
'In two weeks I'll see it.'
(3) Ich(-il} job'=k'in .. im-b'el.

in(-pos) five=day lSG.A-go
'In five days I'll go.'
(4) Patal inw-il-ik ich-il ka'=p'e k'in.

ABIL ISG.A-see-ITS in-pos twO=INAM day
'I can see it in two days.'
(5) In-ka'aj ti k'och-ol ich-il 'ox=p'e semaanaj.

ISG.A-go SUB arrive-lIS in-pos three=INAM week
'I am going to arrive in three weeks.'
14.2.1.3. Temporal Duration

To indicate temporal duration, one may simply add an NP referring to the temporal
period (1)-(3). A prepositional phrase withyok', 'for', is optional (4)-(6). Another, but less
common way of indicating temporal duration up to the present, is in perfect "time since"
constructions marked by a dependent status suffix (7), (9)-(13) (cf. 14.2.1.1.1, 15.4.2.5). In
these constructions, the main verb is in the incompletive status. With native Mayan temporal
words, the dependent status suffix may appear on the time period (7), (9), (11), or on the auxiliary
verb (10), (12), but Spanish loans referring to time periods only allow dependent marking on the
auxiliary verb, as shown in (8) and (13) (cf. 15.2.5.1). When the dependent status marker appears
on the time period, the main verb is optionally marked for the durative aspect (7), (11).
(1) Tan-in-meyaj ox=p'e k'in.

DUR-lSG.A-work here three=INAM day
'I am working for three days.'
(2) Meyaj-n-aj-ij ox=p'e k'in.

work-AP-CIS-3SG.B three=INAM day
'He worked for three days.'
(3) Meyaj-n-aj-ij ox=b'ul k'in.

work-AP-CIS-3SG.B three=entire day
'He worked for three whole days.'
(4) Tal-een waye' chen (y-ok') ox=p'e k'in.

come-lSG.B here only (3A-over) three=INAM day
'I came here for just three days.'
(5) In-ka'aj ti meyaj (y-ok') ka'=p'e k'in.

ISG.A-go SUB work (3A-over) two=INAM day
'I'm going to work (for) two days.'
(6) Tan-in-kiiniin-t-ik a' tzimin-ej (y-ok~ 'ox=p'e k'in.

DUR-lSG.A-guard-TRN-ITS DEThorse-TOP (3A-over) three=INAM day
'I am looking after the horse (for) three days.'
(7) (Yan) 'ox=p'e k'in-ak tan-in-meyaj.

(EXIST) three=INAM day-DIS DUR-lsG.A-work
'It's been three days I am working.' or 'I've been working for three days.'
(8) *(Yan) 'ox=p'e semaanaj-ak tan-in-meyaj.

(EXIST) three=INAM week-DIS DUR-lSG.A-work
(9) (Yan) 'ox=p'e k'in-ak in-meyaj.

(EXIST) three=INAM day-DIS lSG.A-work
'It's been three days I am working.' or 'I've been working for three days.'
(10) (Yan) 'ox=p'e k'in kaJ-ak in-meyaj.

(EXIST) three=INAM day begin-DIs ISG.A-work
'It's been three days since I started working.' or 'I've been working for three days.'
(11) T-u-b'et-aj ox=p'e k'in-ak tan-in-meyaj.

cOM-3A-make-CTs three=INAM day=DIS DUR-1SG.A-work
'It's been three days that I am working.' or 'I've been working for three days.'
14. AD VERBIALS 333
(12) T-u-b'et-aj ox=p'e k'in kaJ-ak in-meyaj.

cOM-3A-make-CTS three=INAM day begin-DIs ISG.A-work
'It's been three days since I began working.' or 'I've been working for three days.'
(13) ran k'a=p'e 'ooraj kaj-ak inw-il-ik.

EXIST twO=INAM hour begin-DIs ISG.A-see-ITS
'It's been two hours since I started watching it.' or 'I've been watching it for two hours.'
14.2.2. Post-verbal Position

The unmarked position for most temporal adverbs is after the verb (1 )-(9).
(1) Ii .. koomo ya tan-u-b'el-oo' b'a-je'-Ia' .. t-u-kaal-oo'-ej. ..

and as already DUR-3A-go-PL TEMP-OST-PROX to-3A-town-PL-TOP
'And they were already going now to their towns.' (91.4.10-11).
(2) Ma' t-in-b'i-s-ik-ech b'a-je'-Ia'-ej ...

NEG DUR-1SG.A-go-CAUS-ITS-2SG.B TEMP-OST-PROX-TOP
'I am not taking you now' (91.16.124)
(3) jach ... tal-a'an-oo' .. mak-oo' waYe' .. b'a-Ia'. ...

very come-PART-PL person-PL here TEMP-PROX
'Many people have come here now.' (91.23.67)
(4) Laj=k'iij-a'an ten tak b'a-laj.

all=remember-PART ISG.IOPR until TEMP-PROX
'I remember it all till now.' (91.23.321)
(5) Aajach yutzil a' su'uk b'a-laj.

EXCL very pretty DET grass OST-PROX
'Ah, the grass is very pretty now.' (91.24.181)
(6) Pwes .. b 'in-een jo 'lej-ij ma' ok-ok. ...

well go-ISG.B yesterday-3sG.B NEG enter-DIS
'Well, I went yesterday, they hadn't entered.' (91.24.240-41)
(7) ke yan in-lik'-il tak et-e 'ak'ii'

SUB OBLIG ISG.A-get.up-IIS even with-pos night
'that I have to get up even at night' (91. 7 .24)
(8) La'ayti'-oo'-ej k'och-oo' et-el 'ak'ii'. ...

'They arrived at night.' (txt2.1 0 I)
(9) U-k'ab'a'je'-lo'-ej ... tz'a-b'-ij ti'ijjach uch-ij ..

3A-name OST-DIST-TOP give-PAS-3SG.B 3IOPR very happen-3sG.B
'That name was given to it long ago' (91.13.9-10)
14.2.3. Pre-verbal Position

Preverbal position is a marked adverbial position signalling discourse highlighting.
Adverbial fronting is a very common construction in discourse, and temporal adverbs often appear
preverbally at the beginnings of discourse sections (cf. 25.4). Topicalized adverbs are marked by
the suffix -e' (1)-(4), while emphatic or contrastively focused adverbs are not (5)-(12) (cf. 8.1.2).
Topicalization
(I) Samal-ej ma' tan-ki-b'el ti meyaj ...

tomorrow-TOP NEG DUR-lpL.A-go SUB work
'Tomorrow, we aren't going to work' (91.6.1)
(2) I a' k'inje'-lo'-ej tak b'a-je'-la'-ej ..

and DET day OST-DIST-TOP until TEMP-OST-PROX-TOP
ma' ka'=xik-en t-u-kaye' t-a' kol je'-lo'-ej

NEG REPET=gO/DIS-ISG.B to-3A-again to-DET milpa OST-DIST-TOP
(3) I b'a-je'-la'-ej .. b'el ki-ka'aj kiw-il-a' max u-k'a't~ij uy-an-t-o'on ...

and TEMP-OST-PROX-TOP go IpL.A-go IpL.A-See-DTS who 3A-want-TS 3A-help-TRN-lpL.B
'And now, we are going to see who wants to help us' (91.9.25-27)
(4) Jach uchi(j) tun bin-ej .. jaal b'injum=p'e noj kaj-ej ..

very long.ago then REPORT-TOP edge REPORT one-INAM big town-TOP
'Very long ago, they say, at the edge of a big town, they say,' (91.12.4-5)
Focus and Emphasis
(5) I b 'a-laj san=samal yan ki-kiiniin-t-ik ...

and OST-PROX REDUP=tomorrow OBLIG IpL.A-guard-TRN-ITS
'And now, everyday, we have to care for them' (91.7.12)
(6) Ma'lo' ... samal im-b'el in-tal-es si'. ...

fme tomorrow ISG.A-go ISG.A-come-CAUS fIrewood
'Fine, tomorrow I'm going to bring fIrewood.' (91.12.11-12)
(7) I b'a-laj .. kim-ij u-na'-ej. ...

and OST-PROX die-3SG.B 3A-mother-TOP
'And now, their mother died.' (91.7.5-6)
(8) B'a-la' ma' k'och-ok .. mix=b'a'al,

OST-PROX NEG arrive-DIS NEG=thing
'Now nothing has arrived' (91.24.403)
(9) Jo'lej-ij .. tal-ij im-b'al ...

yesterday-3SG.B come-3SG.B ISG.A-brother.in.law
'Yesterday my brother-in-law came' (91.1.1)
(10) Ya 'ak'/i' .. ka' k'och-een t-u-chi' a' kol-ej ..

already night when arrive-lSG.B at-3A-edge DET milpa-ToP
'It was already night when I arrived at the edge of the milpa,' (91.2.12-13)
(11) 'Ak'/i'='u-sas-tal .. wa et-e(l) 'ak'ii' .. jok'-i ich a'ja'-ej ..

night=3A-light-INCH or with-pos night leave-3sG.B in DET water-TOP
'At dawn, or at night, he went out in the water' (txtl.155-57)
14. ADVERBIALS 335
(12) Uchij ... yan-aj-ij b'in ka'=tu(ul) winik ... waye' t-a' kaj-ej. ...
long.ago EXIST-CIS-3SG.B REPORT twO=ANIM man here in-DET town-TOP
'Long ago, there were two men here in the town.' (91.13.1-3)
14.2.4. Pre- and Post-verbal Positions

Temporal adverbials rnay appear at both the beginnings and ends of clauses entering into
linguistic parallelisms (cf. 25.2).
(1) san-samal .. yan u-lik'-il-oo' 'ak'/i'=u-sas-tal. ...

REDUP-tomorrow OBUG 3A-get.up-IIs-PL night=3A-light-INCH
'everyday they have to get up at dawn.' (91.22.146-47)
(2) k-u-tal-el-oo'ich k'aax-ej ... las-seeys ..

INC-3A-Come-IIS-PL in forest-ToP at-six
'they come from the forest at six,
las-siiyetej 'ak'/i' .. tan-u-k'och-ol-oo' ..

at-seven night DUR-3A-arrive-Ils-PL
at seven at night they are arriving' (91.22.154-57)
(3) A' k'in ka' k'och-een-ej ..

DET day when arrive-ISG.B-TOP
'The day that I came,
k'och-een et-e 'ak'/i'. ...

arrive-ISG.B with-pos night
I arrived at night.' (92.2.107-8)
(4) k-inw-a'l-ik tech .. b'a-je'-la'-ej ..

INC-ISG.A-say-ITs 2SG.IOPR TEMP-OST-PROX-TOP
'I tell you now,
ke samal-ej .. ma' a-tal! ..

that tomorrOW-TOP NEG 2A-come
that tomorrow don't (you) come!' (91.6.17-20)
14.2.5. Positionally-conditioned Temporal Adverbs

There are a number of temporal adverbials that regularly appear phrase-initially, or
phrase-fmally.
14.2.5.1.la'aylik (. -e~, 'still')

The adverb la'aylik, 'still', appears preverbally before the incompletive or durative aspect
marker with verbs (1)-(4) and with statives (5). Expressions with la'aylik are often framed with the
adverb initially and the topic marker fmally, indicating that these clauses contain given or
accessible information (1)-(3).
(I) La'aylik tan-a-meyaj-ej.

still DUR-2A-work-TOP
'You are still working.'
) La'aylik, 'still', has the alternate form la'ayli' (cf. 1.3.7.3). It appears to derive
historically from the determiner la' and the customary particle -ilik (cf. 14.3.4).
(2) La'ayli' tun-b'el aj-Jwan ti meyaj-ej.

still DuRl3A-go MASC-PN SUB work-TOP
'Juan is still going to work.'
(3) La'aylik tun-kom-b'-ol b'ak'-ej.

still DuRl3A-sell-PAs-IIS meat-TOP
'Meat is still being sold.'
(4) La'aylik k-u-kiix-t-ik lox.

still INC-3A-seek-TRN-ITS fight
'S/he still looks for fights.'
(5) La'aylik kux-a'an toj.

still live-PART still
'S/he is still alive.'
14.2.5.2. tantoj(-ilik), tantoj ... e' 'just' (Immediate Past)

The adverb tantoj, indicating immediate past, functions as an aspectual adverb (1)-(5)
(cf. 3.1.l.1, 15.2.4). It may combine with the focus-marking suffixes -il-ik with the meaning
'only just' (1) (cf. 14.3.4). With the topic marker -e', it frames clauses referring to given
information that provide an immediately prior context for succeeding events (4)-(5).
(I) Tantoj-il-ik in-tal.

IMM-FOC-PERF ISG.A-come
'I only just came.'
(2) I tantoj inw-ok-ol ich naj ..

and IMM ISG.A-enter-IIS in house
'And I just entered inside the house
a'-ka' .. t-u-chema'-t-aj-oo' .. uy-il-a'-oo' u-'ix-ch'up-ej

DET-when cOM-3A-SPY-TRN-CTS-PL 3A-see-DTS-PL 3A-FEM-woman-TOP
when they spied to see the woman,' (91.3.30-32)
(3) Jatz'ka' .. tantoj u-sas-tal ... k-u-kap-al u-jum a' kaniikyulaj-e'

early IMM 3A-light-INCH INC-3A-begin-Ils 3A-sound DET Canicula-TOP
'Early, it's just dawning, when the sound of the Canicula begins,' (91.21.115-16)
(4) A' piik'-aal-oo' tantoj u-jok'-ol-ej ..

DET plant-NoM-PL IMM 3A-come.out-us-TOP
'The seedlings just came out,
k-u-Iaj=kim-il et-el u-chokoj-il a' IU'um-ej . ...

INC-3A-all=die-Ils with-pos 3A-hot-ABST DET earth-ToP
then they all die with the heat of the earth.' (91.21.36-37)
(5) Komo tant-uy-ok-ol ka'jok'-sa-b'-ij-ej ... ma' t-u-b'et-aj mix=ba'al. ..

as IMM-3A-enter-us when leave-CAUS-PAS-3SG.B-TOP NEG COM-3A-do-cTS NEG=thing
'As it had just entered when it was taken out; it didn't do anything.' (91.24.310-12)
14.2.5.3. ka' (.. -e1, 'when', 'then'

ka', 'when', 'then', is a ubiquitous temporal adverb that occurs clause-initially and
indicates temporal sequence (1)-(3). It often functions in the frame (a~ka' ... -ej to provide
background for information in the subsequent clause and is especially important in narrative (cf.
14. AD VERBIALS 337
20.2.2.1, 24.1.1).
(I) t-u-k'ub'-aj in-tz'on-ej. ..

cOM-3A-deliver-CTS ISG.A-gun-ToP
'he delivered my gun.
Ii .. ka' t-uy-a'l-aj ten-ej ke ..

and when cOM-3A-say-cTs ISG.IOPR-TOP that
And then he asked me
wa ma'an u-b'a'al in-tz'on-ej

COND NEG/EXIST 3A-bullet ISG.A-gun-TOP
if! didn't have any bullets for my gun' (91.4.5-8)
(2) Ka' k'och-een-ej ..

when arrive-ISG.B-TOP
'When I arrived,
ka' t-uy-a'l-aj-oo' ten-ej ...

when cOM-3A-say-cTs-PL ISG.IOPR-TOP
then they told me' (91.9.6-7)
(3) i t-im-p'is-aj u-polok-i!. ...

and COM-ISG.A-measure-CTS 3A-wide-ABST
'and I measured its width.
Ka' t-inw-a'l-aj ti'ij-e' ke a' che'-ej .. jach yutzil. ..

when cOM-lsG.A-say-cTs 3IOPR-TOP that DET tree-TOP very pretty
Then I told him that the tree is very pretty.' (911.10.39-42)
14.2.5.4.yaj, 'already'
The Spanish borrowingyaj, 'already', 'then', also appears clause-initially and often
precedes new information that is contemporaneous with (not sequential to) a time reference given
elsewhere (1)-(3). It is not regularly followed by the topic marker (cf. 20.2.2.3).
(I) Ka' k'och-een .. ya tan-uy-ok-ol k'in . ...

when arrive-ISG.B already DUR-3A-enter-lls sun
'When I arrived, the sun was already setting.' (91.2.7-8)
(2) Ya ak'Ii' .. ka' k'och-een t-u-chi' a' kol-ej ..

already night when arrive-ISG.B at-3A-edge DETmilpa-TOP
'It was already night when I arrived at the edge of the milpa,' (91.2.12-13)
(3) A'-ka' k'och-een waYe' .. t-inw-otoch-ej

DET-when arrive-1SG.B here in-1SG.A-home-TOP
'When I arrived here in my house
ya ak'Ii'= 'u-sas-tal. ... Ya tan-u-k'ay aj-kax. ...

already night=3A-light-INCH already DUR-3A-Crow MASC-chicken
it was already dawning. The roosters were aleady crowing.' (91.2.89-91)
14.2.5.5. toj, 'still'

toj, 'still', regularly appears at the ends of phrases (1)-(3) (cf. ma' toj, 'not yet' in 24.1.5).
(1) A'-loj k-u-tzikb'al-t-ik to'on .. ki-noolaj uchij ... mejen-o'on toj. ...
DET-DIST INC-3A-tell-TRN-ITS IPL.IOPR IpL.A-grandmother long.ago small-IPL.B still
'That, (our grandmother) told us long ago when we were still little.' (91.15.218-20)
(2) Komo jach mejen toj-ej

as very small still-TOP
'As it (com) is still very small,
ma'tun-jach=pul-ik. ..
NEG DuRl3A-much=knock.down-ITs
it (the wind) is not knocking it down much.' (91.24.67-68)
(3) Ma'jach ma'lo'-ak .. jach tan a'yax=k'in toj-ej. ..

NEG very good-DIS very DUR DET frrst=sun still-TOP
'It (weather) hadn't been very good, it was still very much summer.' (91.24.123-24)
14.3. Manner Adverbs
14.3.1. baay -e', 'like'

The adverb b'aay (often shortening to b'ay) generally appears phrase-initially as a
framing particle, with the topic marker -e' appearing fmally (1)-(7). It is used to make a
comparison of something new to something given, usually some general cultural information (cf.
14.3.2).
(1) ya ma'an mix=b'a'al ya b'ay chen ik'-ej. ...

already NEG/EXIST NEG=thing already like only air-TOP
'then there wasn't anything, then it was like just air.' (91.3.52-53)
(2) Ka' koch-ij-ej .. b'ay jun='awat b'in t-a'jaal kaj-ej

then arrive-3SG.B-TOP like one=shout REPORT from-DET town-TOP
'Then he arrived, like at a shout's distance from the town, they say,' (91.12.20-21)
(3) yanjun=p'eel noj 'aktun .. b'ay u-joljun=kuul naj-ej. ...

EXIST one=INAM big cave like 3A-door one=round house-TOP
'there was a big cave, like the door ofa big house.' (91.15.56-57)
(4) Ka'n-a'an ix-ch'up-ej b'ay kiil-a'an-ej ..

tire-PART FEM-woman-TOP like drunk-PART-TOP
'The woman is tired, like she is drunk,' (91.17.116)
(5) k-uy-ub'-ik mak u-jum b'ay u-jum chaak-ej. ...

INC-3A-hear-ITS person 3A-sound like 3A-sound thunder-TOP
'one hears the sound, like the sound of thunder.' (91.21113-14)
(6) U-noj maskab'-ej .. jay=jay ... b'ay u-yej xileetej ...

3A-big machete-TOP sharp=sharp like 3A-edge razor/TOP
'His big machete is very sharp, like the edge ofa razor' (91.22.122-25)
(7) tu'ux k-u-chokoj-tal a' uy-itz a' che'-ej ..

where INC-3A-hot-INCH DET 3A-resin DET tree-TOP
'where the resin of the tree gets hot,
14. AD VERBIALS 339
k-u-chich-tal b'ay kib'-ej. ...

INc-3A-hard-INCH like wax-TOP
it hardens like wax.' (91.22.305-6)
14.3.2. b 'aaylo' (. -e'), b 'aayla' (. -e'), 'thus'

When b'aay combines with the distal deictic particle -10', or the proximal deictic particle
-la', the meaning changes to 'thus', 'in that way', or 'in this way' (1)-(11). In this construction the
adverbial makes reference to information mentioned immediately before it. It is usually
contrastive or emphatic and may be followed by information in a relative clause with a fmal topic
marker -e'. The form with the distal marker (1)-(10) is much more common than the proximal
form (11) (cf. 24.2.1).
(1) b'el in-ka'a in-kiixan-t-ej u-Iaak' inw-et'ok,

go lSG.A-go lSG.A-seek-TRN-DTS 3A-other lSG.A-companion
'I'm going to look for another companion
y-ok'-ol a' b'ay-lo'-ej .. patal ki-jok'-s-ik ..

3A-over-pos DET like-DIST-TOP ABIL IpL.A-Ieave-CAUS-ITS
so that in that way we can take it out' (91.1.19-21)
(2) T-a'jaab' man-ij-ej ... b'aay-lo' ti-ki-b'et-aj-ej

in-DETyear pasS-3SG.B-TOP like-DIST COM-lpL.A-do-CTS-TOP
'In the year that passed (last year), it is thus that we did it' (91.9.32-33)
(3) B'aay-lo' ya kiw-ojel max-oo'-tak-i'ij. ...

like-DIST already INc/lpL.A-know WhO-PL-PL-FOC
'Thus, we already know who they will all be.' (91.9.50-51)
(4) Ii ... b'aay-lo' ka' .. ok-ij k'in-ej ka' wen-een . ..

and like-DIST when enter-3SG.B sun-TOP when sleep-lsG.B
'And thus when the sun set, then I slept.' (91.110.115-16)
(5) Ja'li' b'aay-lo' patal u-b'o'-t-ik tech a' b'a'ax t-u-b'et-aj tech-ej. ...
only like-DIST ABIL 3A-pay-TRN-ITS 2SG.IOPR DET what cOM-3A-do-CTS 2SG.IOPR-TOP
'Only in that way can he pay you for what he did to you.' (91.14.83-84).
(6) B'aay-lo' u-meyaj-b-al a' kol-ej. ...

like-DIST 3A-work-PAS-IIS DET milpa-ToP
'It is thus that the milpa is worked.' (91.20.158)
(7) I b'aay-lo' 'aasta u-jo'm-ol a' temporaad'aj-ej ...

and like-DIST until 3A-end-IIS DET season-TOP
'And thus, it is only when the season ends
k-uy-em-el a' winik-oo' .. ich k'aax-ej

INC-3A-Iower-IIS DET man-PL in forest
that the men come down from the forest,' (91.22.223-24)
(8) B'aay-lo' u-meyaj-b-al a' chiiklej-ej. ...

like-DIST 3A-work-PAS-IIS DET chicle-TOP
'It is thus that the chicle is worked.' (91.22.272)
(9) Pwe(s) b'aay-lo' .. a' mak-oo' uchij-ej ..

welllike-DisT DET person-PL happen-Iong.ago-TOP
'Well, it is thus that the people were before,' (91.23.319)
(10) B'ay-lo'ich u-p'at-iil piintoj-il a' b'alum.

like-DIST in 3A-remain-Ils spotted-pos DET jaguar
'Thus the jaguar remained spotted.' (91.12.139)
(11) B'aay-la'in-jan-t-ik-ej.
like-PRox INc-l SG.A-eat-TRN-ITS-TOP
'I eat it like this.' or 'It is like this that I eat it.'
14.3.3.jeb'ix . -e', 'just as', 'so'

The ostensive rnarkerje'- may combine with the interrogative b'jx, 'how', to make
comparisons (1)-(7) (cf. 24.2.2).jeb'jx functions much like b'aay ... -e' (cf. 14.3.1), but, with
jeb'jx, both elements of the comparison are more explicit andjeb'jx often appears between the two
items compared. It is also used to indicate simultaneous events (1)-(3).
(1) Je-b'ix .. t-im-b'e/ ti xi'mal-ej ...

oST-how DUR-1SG.A-go SUB walk-TOP
'As I was walking,
tan-inw-u'y-ik u-jum u-tal a' ok t-in-pach-ej . ...

DUR-lSG.A-hear-ITS 3A-sound 3A-come DET foot at-lSG.A-back-TOP
I was hearing the sound of the footstep coming behind me.' (91.2.58-59)
(2) Je-b'ix u-tz'on-ik-oo'-ej ..

oST-how 3A-shoot-ITS-PL-TOP
'lust as they shot them,
je-b'ix u-/ub'-ul a' b'a'alche'-oo' .. t-u-yaam a' witz-ej. ...

oST-how 3A-fall-lls DET animal-PL in-3A-clearing DET hill-TOP
so the animals fell in the clearing of the hill.' (911.13.43-45)
(3) i miiya uy-al-oo'-ej .. je'-u-jok'-ol-oo' xan .. ma'lo'je-b'ix u-na'-ej. ..

and maybe 3A-young-PL-ToP ASSUR-3A-come.out-IIS also well OST-how 3A-mother-ToP
'and perhaps her young will also come out well, just like their mother.' (91.7.16-18)
(4) Yaa .. uy-ich mak-ej ma'je-b'ix a' uch-ij-ej. ...

already 3A-eye person-TOP NEG OST-how DET happen-3sG.B-TOP
'Now, the views of people aren't like before.' (91.23.219-20)
(5) T-a"aanyoj man-ij-ej ma' t-u-b'et-aj .. ja'jach k'a'am

in-DET year pasS-3SG.B-TOP NEG cOM-3A-make-CTS water very strong
'In the year that passed it didn't make very strong rain
je-b'ix b'a-la'-ej. ..
OST-like TEMP-PROX-TOP
like now.' (91.24.103-5)
(6) A ' tzimin-ej ma' je-b'ix a' wakax-ej. ..

DET horse-ToP NEG OST-like DET cow-TOP
14. ADVERBIALS 341
(7) La'ayti'-oo'-ej t-u-t'an-oo'-ej ke a' b'a'alche'-ej k-u-jan-al

3IPR-PL-TOP cOM-3A-thought-PL-TOP that DET animal-TOP INC-3A-eat-NOM
'They thought that the animal eats
je-b'ix ki-jan-al in-to'on-ej ... mak-o'on-ej. ...

OST-how INCIlPL.A-eat-NOM EMP-lpL.IPR-TOP persOn-lpL.B-TOP
just like we eat, we people.' (92.3.35-38)
14.3.4. -ilik - iii', 'customarily', 'only thus'

-il-ik - -il-i' may appear with adjectives, adverbs, numerals, adverbially focused verbs,
and participles to indicate that an activity is customarily done in a specific way (cf. 6.2.4.4,
9.5.8, 14.5). Its morphological analysis is uncertain. It is analyzed here as composed of a focus
marker (-it) and a perfect marker (-ik), but it may be one morpheme. The customary meaning is
especially apparent in stative adverbial-focus constructions and on verbs in the incompletive status
(cf. 14.3.4.1, 14.3.4.2). A perfect meaning is salient when it appears on participles and in
adverbial-focus constructions with verbs in the completive status form (cf. 14.2.4.3).
14.3.4.1. Adverbs and Numerals

Examples of -il-ik with numerals, adjectives, and adverbs are given in (1)-(5). With
numerals its meaning is 'only', 'no more', and the perfect meaning is neutralized (1) (cf. 5.3.4,
9.5.8).
(1) A: B'oon paal yan-aj-ij ti'ij-oo'?

how.many child EXIST-CIS-3SG.B 3IOPR.PL
'How many children did they have?'
B: Jun=tuul-il-ik.
on=ANIM-FOC-PERF
'Only one.'
(2) B'aay-Io'-il-ik.
like-DIST-FOC-PERF
'Thus it has been.' or 'Thus it customarily is.'
(3) B'aay-Io'-il-i' ka' yan-aj-ij.

thus-DIST-FOC-PERF when EXIST-CIS-3SG.B
'Thus he was when he was born.'
(4) Te'-il-i' kiij-a'an-en-i'ij.

LOC-FOC-PERF live-PART-lSG.B-LOC
'I am still living there.'
(5) Mooch-il-i' ka'yan-aj-ij.

limbless-FOC-PERF when EXIST-CIS-3SG.B
'He was already a cripple when he was born.'
14.3.4.2. Incompletive Status Verbs

The customary meaning is prominent in adverbial-focus constructions with verbs in the
incompletive status (I )-( 11). In adverbial focus constructions, -il-ik may be suffixed to a fronted
adverb (1)-(4) or to an incompletive status verb (6)-(8). It may also be attached to the verb without
an adverb (9)-(11).
(1) B 'aay-lo '-il-ik u-b 'en-s-ik.

like-DIST-FOC-PERF 3A-go-CAUS-ITS
'Thus he has always carried it.' or 'Thus he customarily carries it.'
(2) Ma'lo'-il-i' u-b'et-ik.

well-FOC-PERF 3A-do-ITS
'He always does it well.'
(3) B'aay-lo'-il-ik u-wen-el.

like-DIST-FOC-PERF 3A-sleep-IIs
'Thus is his manner of sleeping.' or 'He only sleeps in that way.'
(4) B 'aay-lo '-il-ik u-jan-t-ik.

like-DIST-FOC-PERF 3A-eat-TRN-ITS
'Thus is his manner of eating.' or 'He only eats in that way.'
(5) B'aay-lo' u-wen-el.

like-DIsT 3A-sleep-IIs
'Thus he sleeps.'
(6) B'aay-lo' u-wen-el-il-ik.

like-DIST 3A-sleep-IIs-FOC-PERF
'Thus is his manner of sleeping.' or 'He only sleeps in that way.'
(7) B'aay-lo' u-jan-t-ik-il-ik.

like-DIsT 3A-eat-TRN-ITS-FOC-PERF
'Thus is his manner of eating.' or 'He only eats in that way.'
(8) Ti Peten tan-im-b'el-il-i' ka' k'och-eech.

to Flores DUR-lsG.A-go-FOC-PERF when arrive-2SG.B
'I was always going, accustomed to go, to Flores when you arrived.'
(9) In-ka'aj-il-i't-in-chem.
ISG.A-go-FOC-PERF in-lSG.A-canoe
'I was always going in my canoe.'
(10) Ti Peten in-ka'aj-il-i'.

to Flores ISG.A-go-FOC-PERF
'I was always going to Flores.'
(11) K-in-jan-t-ik-il-ik a' b'iik'je'-lo'.

INC-lSG.A-eat-TRN-ITS-FOC-PERF DET meat OST-DIST.
'I always eat that meat.' or 'I customarily eat (have eaten) that meat.'
14.3.4.3. Completive/Perfect Status Verbs and Participles

Focused adverbs with -i/-ik may also appear with perfect status forms of transitive verbs
to indicate customary or habitual behavior up to the present, as in (1}-(2) (cf. 15.3.2). In
adverbial-focus constructions the suffixes may also move to the end of the verb, as in (3}-(4),
where the perfect -ik suffix is optional. They may also appear on the verb without a preceding
focused adverbial, as in (5), where both suffixes are required for the customary interpretation (cf.
14.5).
14. ADVERBIALS 343
(1) B'aay-lo'-il-i'im-b'et-m-aj.
like-DIST-Foe-PERF 1SG.A-make-PERF-CTS
'Thus I have always done it.'
(2) Ma'lo'-U-ik a-meyaj-m-aj.

well-Foe-PERF 2A-work-PERF-CTS
'You have always worked it well.'
(3) B'aay-lo'im-b'et-m-aj-U(-ik).
like-DIST 1SG.A-make-PERF-CTS-FOC(-PERF)
'Thus I have always done it.'
(4) Ma '10' u-meyaj-m-aj-U(-ik).

we1l3A-work-PERF-CTS-FOC(-PERF)
'He has always worked it well.'
(5) Im-b'et-m-aj-il-ik.
ISG.A-make-PERF-CTS-FOC-PERF
'I have always done it in that way.'
With intransitive verbs, adverbial-focus constructions may be formed with the

completive status form, as in (6)-(7), or the -il-ik suffixes may appear on the verb alone (8). More
commonly, -il-ik appears with perfect-participial forms of intransitive verbs (9)-(14) (cf. 6.3.1.2).
The perfect meaning is especially clear when the participles are marked for the completive status,
as shown in (9)-(10). The habitual meaning is most clear if both completive marking and the -i/-ik
suffixes are present. With the participial forms, either suffix may be deleted and simple focus may
be salient (cf. 14.5.3). Addition of the adverb yaj, 'already', may also highlight a perfect meaning
(14)-(15).
(6) K'as-U-ikjok'-ij.
bad-Foe-PERF come.out-3SG.B
'It always came out bad.'
(7) K'as jok'-ij-il-ik

bad come.out-3SG.B-FOC-PERF
'It always came out bad'
(8) Jok'-ij-U-ik.
come.out-3SG.B-FOC-PERF
'He always went out.'
(9a) B'aay-Io'-il-i' kiij-a'an.

like-DIST-FOC-PERF live-PART
'Only thus does he live.'
(9b) B'aay-Io'-il-i' kiij-I-aj-a'an.

like-DIST-FOC-PERF live-POSIT-CIS-PART
'Thus he has always lived.'
(lOa) B'aay-lo' kiij-I-aj-a'an.

like-DIST live-poSIT-CIS-PART
'Thus he has lived.'
(lOb) B'aay-lo' kaj-l-aj-a'an(-il)(-ik).

like-DIST live-POSIT-CIS-PART( -FOC)( -PERF)
'Thus he has (always) lived.'
(11) B'aay-lo' kaj-l-aj-a'an(-il)(-ik)-en et(-el) in-'otzi/-il.

like-DisT live-poSIT-CIS-PART( -FOC)( -PERF)-1 SG.B with( -pos) 1SG.A-poor-ABsT
'Thus I have (always) lived with my poverty.'
(12) B'aay-lo' wen(-el-n-aj-)a'an(-il)(-ik).

like-DisT sleep( -NOM-AP-CIS)-PART( -FOC)( -PERF)
'Thus has he (always) slept.'
(13) Wol-is kop-a'an-il(-ik) a' sum-ej.

round-ADl coil-PART-FOC( -PERF) DET rope-ToP
'The rope is (had been) coiled round.'
(14) Ya kop-a'an-il-ik ka' tal-een.

already coil-PART-FOC-PERF when come-ISG.B
'It had already been coiled when I came.'
(15) Ya em-a'an-il-ik-ech ka' tal-een.

already descend-PART-FOC-PERF-2sG.B when come-ISG.B
'You had already come down when I came.'
14.3.5. suk, 'customarily'

Customary action may also be indicated with the aspectual adverb suk (cf. 3.1.1.2.1,
15.2.3).
(1) B'aay-lo' suk-aj-ij u-b'et-ik.

like-DIST CUST-CIS-3SG.B 3A-do-ITS
'Thus I was accustomed to doing it.'
(2) Ma'suk in-muk'=yaj-t-ik ke'el ...

NEG CUST ISG.A-force=pain-TRN-ITS cold
'I am not accustomed to withstanding cold' (92.2.113)
14.4. Modal-Epistemic Adverbs

Adverbs may indicate the speakers' degree of certainty that propositions asserted are true
or will be actualized. This information may be coded by obligatory tense-aspect-modality markers
(cf. 3.1, 15.2.6) or by independent adverbs (cf. 6.2.3).
14.4.1. tujajil, 'certainly'

Affirmation of the truth of an assertion may be indicated by the adverbial tujaji/, 'truly',
'certainly' (1 )-( 5). It may appear after the predicate (1 )-(2) or be fronted in focused or topicalized
constructions (3)-(5) (cf. I4.2.3). In conversation, tujaji/ also functions as a backchannel device
indicating the listener's attention and agreement (6)-(8) (see chapter 25).
(1) tum en uy-ojel ke la'ayti' u-si'pi/ t-u-jaj-il

because 3A-know that 3IPR 3A-crime in-3A-true-ABST
'because he knows that it is his crime, truly,' (91.15.114-15)
(2) Pwej tan-in-tzikb'a(l)-t-ik .. y-ok-'ol uy-ub'-ik a' mak-oo'-ej ...

well DUR-lsG.A-tell-TRN-ITS 3A-over-POs 3A-hear-lTs DET person-PL-TOP
'Well, I am telling so that the people hear of
14. AD VERBIALS 345
la' k'in (t-)inw-il-aj-ej .. jach t-u-jaj-il. ...

DET time (COM-)1 SG.A-see-CTS-TOP very in-3A-true-ABST
the time I really, truly saw.' (91.23.143-46)
(3) In-ten-e t-u-jaj-il-e komo ma' inw-ojel-ej ...

EMP-1SG.lPR-TOP in-3A-true-ABsT-TOP as NEG ISG.A-know-TOP
'I, in truth, as I didn't know' (91.16.40-41)
(4) ke ten-ej t-u-jaj-iljach in-k'a't-eech . ...

that ISG.IPR-TOP in-3A-true-ABST much ISG.A-Iove-2SG.B
'thatl, truly, love you very much.' (91.17.14)
(5) t-uy-ub'-aj ke tuny-aal-b'-iil ke u-paal a' rey kim-en ..

cOM-3A-hear-CTs that DuRl3A-say-PAS-IIS that 3A-child DET king die-NOM
'he heard that it's being said that the child of the king was dead' (91.17.191-93)
k-uy-il-ik-ej .. t-u-jaj-il le'jiiw-a'an a' kim-en-ej ..

INC-3A-see-ITS-TOP in-3A-true-ABST LOC lie-PART DET die-NOM-TOP
'he sees, it is true, there was lying the corpse' (91.17.199-200)
(6) J: Jo'lej-ij man-ij ik' .. k'a'am-aj-ij ik'. ..

yesterday-3SG.B pasS-3SG.B wind rough-CIS-3sG.B wind
'Yesterday wind passed; the wind was strong.'
D: Jach t-u-jaj-il.
very in-3A-true-ABsT
'Very true.'
J: K'a'am-aj-ij a'ja'-ej
rough-CIS-3sG.B DET water-TOP
'The water got rough' (91.24.14-17)
(7) D: Aaa ma'an mix=b'a'al tijan-b'-iil. ..

EXCL NEG/PART NEG=thing SUB eat-PAS-IIS
'Ah, there isn't anything to be eaten.'
J: Ma'an mix=b'a'al. ..
NEG/PART NEG=thing
'There isn't anything.'
D: Mjmm ... t-u-jaj-il. ...

EXCL in-3A-true-ABST
'Mhm, it's true.'
J: B'aay-Io'. ...
like-DIST
'Thus.' (91.24.420-23)
(8) J: Tulakal ix-Iii' naj-oo'-ej ya laj=lub'-oo'.

all FEM-old house-PL-TOP already all=fall-PL
'All of the old houses already all fell down.'
D: T-u-jaj-il.... T-u-laj=p'iit-aj-oo'
cOM-3A-true-ABST cOM-3A-all=leave-cTs-PL
'Truly. They left them all,' (91.24.435-37)
14.4.2.je'le' ... -e', 'surely'

The assurative aspect marker,je'(lej ... -e', marks the speaker's strong commitment that
something will happen (1)-(4) (cf. 15.2.6.1). The presence of the topic marker indicates that the
assurance refers to given or accessible information. The assurative aspect marker may also
function as a backchannel device (5). By adding other evidentials, such as miiyaj, 'maybe', the
speaker may hedge an assurance, as in (6) (cf. 14.4.4).
(1) a' che'-ej .. jach yutzil. ..

DET tree-TOP very pretty
'the tree is very pretty.
Je'-u-jok'-oljum=p'e ma'lo' chem-i'ij-ej. ...

ASSUR-3A-come.out-IIS one=INAM good canoe-PARTIT-TOP
A good canoe will come out of it.' (91.10.41-43)
(2) i wa ma' tan-ki-'aseb'il-kun-t-ik ki-b'aj-ej ..

and COND NEG DUR-lpL.A-hurry-CAUS-TRN-ITS IPL.A-REFL-TOP
'and if we don't hurry ourselves,
je'-uy-ok-ol to'on k'in ti bej-ej. ...

ASSUR-3A-enter-IIS IPL.IOPR sun on road-TOP
it will get dark on us on the road.' (91.13.51-52)
(3) Tood'os wa'-l-ak-oo' tijan-al-ej je'-u-jan-t-ik-oo'-ej. ..

all stand-POSIT-DIS-PL SUB eat-NoM-TOP ASSUR-3A-eat-TRN-ITS-PL-TOP
'All that stop to eat will eat (a lot of) it.' (91.24.320-21)

when cOM-3A-say-cTs ISG.lOPR-TOP that AssuR-3A-help-TRN-ITS-l SG.B-TOP
'Then she told me that she would help me' (92.2.38-39)
(5) D: uch-ak ma' .. u-b'et-ik k'in. Wa ma'je'-uy-ok-ol k'aak'-i'ij. ...

happen-IRREAL NEG 3A-do-ITS sun COND NEG ASSUR-3A-enter-IIS ftre-LOC
'perhaps it won't be sunny. Ifnot, ftre (plant blight) will enter there (in the leaves).'
J: Je'l-ej ... {D:jmm}

ASSUR-TOP
'It will.
Jum=p'ejaab'-il-ej in-ti'a'al-ej tan-u-wach'-iil ..

one=INAM year-pos-TOP ISG.A-own-TOP DUR-3A-tassel-IIS
A year ago mine was tasseling,' (91.24.140-43)
(6) i miiya uy-al-oo'-ej .. je'-u-jok'-ol-oo' xan .. ma'lo'je-b'ix u-na'-ej. ..

and maybe 3A-young-PL-TOP ASSUR-3A-leave-IIS-PL also well oST-how 3A-mother-TOP
'and perhaps her young will also come out well like their mother.' (91.7.16-18)
14.4.3. tak, Desiderative

The desire of an animate subject of a verb to do something is expressed with the
aspectual adverb tak (1)-(5) (cf. 3.1.1.2.1, 15.2.6.4). Proclivities of inanimate subjects are also
J4. AD VERBIALS 347
expressed with tak (6).
(I) jun=tu(ul) winik .. t-u-k'a't-aj ten meyaj .. i tak u-paak-t-ik. ...

one=ANIM man cOM-3A-ask-CTS ISG.lOPR work and DES 3A-clear-TRN-ITS
'a man asked me for work and he wants to clear it.' (91.8.9-11)
(2) I ya ma' tak-aj-ij mas in-meyaj ..

and already NEG DES-CIS-3SG.B more ISG.A-work
'And then I didn't want to work any more,' (91.1 0.1 08)
(3) porke a' b'a'alche'-ej tan-u-jan-t-ik a' ch'iich'-ej ..

because DET animal-TOP DUR-3A-eat-TRN-ITS DET bird-TOP
'because the animal was eating the bird
i tak u-pul-ik u-baj y-ok' a' winik-oo'-ej. ..

and DES 3A-throw-ITS 3A-REFL 3A-over DETman-PL-TOP
and wanted to throw itself on top of the men.' (91.13.70-71)
(4) Jach wi'ij-en . .. Tak in-jan-t-ik-ech ..

very hungry-ISG.B DES ISG.A-eat-TRN-ITS-2SG.B
'I'm very hungry. I want to eat you,' (91.13.157-58)
(5) In-ten-ejjach tak in-jan-t-ik kiiy ..

EMP-ISG.lPR-TOP much DES ISG.A-eat-TRN-ITS fish
(6) I ya tak u-yul-ul-ej ..

and already DES 3A-split-IIS-TOP
'And it (the tree trunk) already wanted to break' (9.10.80)
14.4.4. miiyaj, 'probably'

The epistemic adverbial miiyaj, 'probably', indicates a speaker's belief in the possibility or
likelihood of the actuality of the relevant proposition (1)-(7). It precedes the constituent in
question.
(I) Miiyaj u-yum-il k'aax .. wa u-yum-il witz. ...

maybe 3A-Iord-POs forest or 3A-owner-POs hill
'I think it's the Lord of the Forest, or the Lord of the Hills.
Wa miiyaj la'ayti' a' keej t-inw-il-aj t-in-tz'on-aj ..

or maybe 3IPR DET deer COM-ISG.A-see-CTS COM-ISG.A-shoot-cTS
Or maybe its the deer that I saw and shot
i ma' kim-ij-ej. ...

and NEG die-3sG.B-TOP
and it didn't die.
Miiyaj la'ayti' u-pixan .. a' k-u-ta/ t-im-pach-ej. ...

probably 3IPR 3A-spirit DET INC-3A-come at-ISG.A-back-TOP
I think it is a spirit, that which is coming behind me.' (91.2.71-78)
(2) a' k'in-oo'je'-la'-ej miiyaj .. b'el in-ka'a ti wen-el-i'ij ..

DET day-PLosT-PROX-TOP probably go lSG.A-go SUB sleep-IIS-LOC
'these days I think maybe I'll sleep there' (91.5 .12-13)
(3) I b'a-laj .. miiyaj ich a' k'in-oo'je'-la' b'el ki-ka'a ki-chun-u' ...
and TEMP-PROX probably in DET daY-PL OST-PROX go 1PL.A-go 1PL.A-start-DTS
'And now, I think that during the next few days we are going to begin it,' (91.9.44-47)
(4) O'tzi/ in-suku'un-ej miiyaj kim-ij. '"

poor lSG.A-older.brother-TOP probably die-3SG.B
'My poor older brother, I think he died.' (91.14.91-92)
(5) Miiyaj ja 'Ii' 'oochoj kostal niil t-in-jok'-s-aj-i'ij . ..

probably only eight bag ear.ofcom cOM-1sG.A-Ieave-cAUS-CTS-LOC
'I think I only got out eight bags of ears there.' (91.24.159)
(6) tumen a'-lo' ma' ti-kiw-i/-a' ... chen ki-tuk-l-ik ...

because DET-DlST NEG cOM-1pL-see-DTS only INC/1pL.A-think-NOM-ITS
'because we didn't see that, we only think it,
ke miiyaj a' noj 'ayimje'-loj .. la'ayti' xan t-u-jan-t-aj ..

that probably DET big crocodile OST-DlST 3IPR also cOM-3A-eat-TRN-CTS
that perhaps that big crocodile, it also ate him' (txt1.134-37)
(7) Iij .. miiyaj ma' t-in-b'el inw-i/-a' max y-ojel t'an ich 'espanyol ...
and I.think NEG DUR-1SG.A-go ISG.A-see-DTs who 3A-know speak in Spanish
'And I think I am not going to see anyone that knows Spanish' (92.2.47-48)
14.4.5. chak, uchak, 'maybe'

The epistemic adverbials chak and uchak indicate somewhat less certainty on the part of
the speaker about the actuality of the proposition than does miiyaj (1 )-(3) (cf. 14.4.4). They
indicate possibility, but not the speaker's commitment to the likelihood of an event or state. They
occur preverbally, usually at the beginning of a clause, and may function as aspect markers with
verbs in the incompletive status (cf. 3 .1.1.1, 15.2.6.6). Like many other aspect markers, they
may function as backchannel devices (3).
(1) yan u-laak' kol in-k'a'ool. .,.

EXIST 3A-other milpa lSG.A-know
'there is another milpa I know.
Uch-ak .. patal kik-i/-ik .. b'a'alche'-i'ij. ...

happen-IRREAL ABIL INC/lPL.A-see-ITS animal-wc
Perhaps we can see animals there.' (91.11.30-32)
(2) Wa d'yoos k-uy-ooL-t-ik-ej

COND God INC-3A-want-TRN-ITS-TOP
'If God wants it,
chak ma' u-bet-ik noj ik' " kwaand'o tan-u-wach'-iil ..

perhaps NEG 3A-make-ITS big wind when DUR-3A-tassel-lls
perhaps there won't be a big wind when it's tasseling,
14. ADVERBJALS 349
uch-ak ma'. ...

happen-IRREAL NEG
perhaps there won't.' (1.24.74-77)
(3) D: Pero b'a-Iaj .. uch-ak u-b'et-ik yax=k'in . ...

but TEMP-PROX happen-IRREAL 3A-make-ITS first=sun
'But now, perhaps summer is starting.'
J: Uch-ak ...
happen-IRREAL
'Perhaps.' (91.24.114-15)
14.4.6. wal, 'perhaps'

The adverb wal indicates possibility like chak and uchak (1 )-(7) (cf. 14.4.5). It occurs
after the constituent in focus, usually the predicate, and does not occur clause-initially.
(1) Chen men Dyoos noj-och-ej ma' ti kach-ij wal in-kal-ej ..

only because God great-ADJ-TOP NEG COM break-3SG.B perhaps ISG.A-neck-TOP
'It's only because God is great that I didn't break my neck perhaps,' (91.1 0.93-94)
(2) K-uy-a'l-ik-oo'-ej kee .. u-ka'a ti k'och-ol wal u-k'in ...

INC-3A-say-ITs-PL-TOP that 3A-go SUB arrive-lIS perhaps 3A-day
'They say that perhaps the day will come
u-jok'-ol a ' b'oo'-oo'-ej ..

3A-arrive-lls DET beast-PL-TOP
that the beasts will come out' (91.18.27-29)
(3) Ik' wal tal-ij mas k'a'am .. ik' t-u-b'et-aj wal-ej. ..

wind perhaps come-3SG.B more rough wind COM-3A-do-CTS perhaps-ToP
'The wind, perhaps, came stronger; wind did it perhaps.' (91.24.61-62)
(4) Tul wal a I u-ja I tu 'ux yan-oo '? ..

full perhaps DET 3A-water where EXIST-PL
'Is the water full, perhaps, where they are?' (91.24.4)
(5) "A' kolje'-Ia' ma'an u-yum-il" .. ki wal-ej. .. {both laugh}

DET rnilpa OST-PROX NEG/EXIST 3A-owner-POS QUOT perhaps-TOP
, "This rnilpa doesn't have an owner," perhaps it (the animal) said.' (91.24.322)
(6) jok'-i ich a'ja'-ej .. i .. mach-b'-i wal men a ' 'ayim-ej. ...
go.out-3SG.B in DET water-TOP and grab-PAS-3sG.B maybe by DET crocodile-TOP
'he went out in the water and maybe he was grabbed by the crocodile.' (txt!. 157-58)
(7) Te'-lo' ... miiyaj taka I_b I_i wal t-u-tat

LOC-DIST possibly send-PAs-3SG.B perhaps to-3A-father
'From there, perhaps it was sent to his father' (txt!. 189-90)
14.4.7. kuchij, 'formerly' (Counterfactual)

The counterfactual adverb kuchij,2 'formerly', indicates a previous state of affairs that no
longer obtains (1)-(6). It generally follows the item under its scope and usually appears after a
2 The fmal ij may be the completive (third-person) marker -ij historically.

verb or stative predicate (1)-(3). It may be incorporated into the verbal complex after the durative
or desiderative aspect marker (4) (cf. 15.5.2). It may be fronted in a focus construction (5), and it
also occurs in counterfactual conditionals (6) (cf. 21.3).
(1) wak'-ij .. u-jum .. jun=p'e tz'on .. ich a' kol tu'ux .. b'el ki-ka'a kuchij
explode-3sG.B 3A-sound one=INAM gun in DETmilpa where go IPL.A-go formerly
'the sound ofa gun exploded in the milpa where we were going before' (91.11.20-21)
(2) B'in-o'on kuchij et-e sweertej peero ma' ti-kiw-ooL-t-aj ki-ta-s-ik ..

go-IPL.B formerly with-pos luck but NEG COM-lpL-know-TRN-CTS IPL.A-come-CAUS-ITS
'We had gone with luck but we didn't know how to bring it in,' (91.11.82-84)
(3) Aj-Peed'ro waye yan kuchij-ej. Peero ma' sam-ik u-b'el.

MASC-PN here EXIST formerlY-ToP but NEG while-IRREAL 3A-go
'Pedro was here. It's not long since he left.'
(4) In-ten-ej tak kuchij in-k'a'ol-t-ik

EMP-1SG.IPR-TOP DES formerly ISG.A-know-TRN-ITS
'I wanted to know it' (92.2.87)
(5) Kuchij yan yaab' in-k'ek'en .. b'a '-laj laj=kim-ij ten.

formerly EXIST many ISG.A-pig TEMP-PROX all=die-3SG.B ISG.IOPR
'Before I had a lot of pigs, now they all died on me.'
(6) Wa tal-eech kuchijjatz'ka'-ej t-in-kon-aj tech in-k'ek'en-ej.

COND come-2SG.B formerly early-TOP COM-lsG.A-sell-cTs 2SG.IOPR ISG.A-pig-TOP
'If you had come early I'd have sold you my pig.
B'a-Iaj jo'm-ij u-b'i-sii-b'-iil.

TEMP-PROX fmish-3sG.B 3A-gO-CAUS-PAS-IIS
Now it's already been taken.'
14.4.8. b'a'ak(an), Counter-expectative

The counter-expectative ba'ak(an) is not a common adverb. It follows the items under its
scope, generally appearing after the verb or clause-fmally (1)-(4). It does not appear initially but
may be incorporated into the verb after certain incompletive status TAM markers (4b) (cf.
15.5.2).
(1) B'aay-Io' b'a'ak(-an).

like-DIsT COUNTER(-?)
'Thus it was.' (although I had thought otherwise)
(2) Je'-la' yan-ech b'a'ak-an-ej.

OST-PROX EXIST-2sG.B COUNTER-?-TOP
'Here you were.' (while I was looking for you elsewhere)
(3) A' paal-ej tulakal uy-ich u-tat yan Ii'ij b'a'ak-an.

DET child-TOP a1l3A-face 3A-father EXIST 3IOPR COUNTER-?
'The child has its father's face.' (and I didn't know it)
(4a) Tan-a-b'et-ik aw-otoch b'a'ak-an.

DUR-2A-do-ITS 2A-home COUNTER-?
'You are making your house.' (against my expectation)
14. ADVERBIALS 351
(4b) Tan b'a'ak-an a-b'et-ikaw-otoch.

DUR COUNTER-? 2A-do-ITS 2A-house
'You m making your house.' (against my expectation)
(4c) Tan-a-b'et-ik b'a'ak-an aw-otoch.'

DUR-2A-do-ITS COUNTER-? 2A-house
'You are making your house. (against my expectation)
14.4.9. b'in, Reportative

The reportative marker b'in, 'they say', is very common in traditional narratives and is a
marker of the genre, regularly appearing in formulaic openings (1)-(2). It also occurs in other
discourse genres but is much less frequent in them. It commonly occurs after the predicate (1)-
(3), often in formulaic references to quoted speech (4)-(9) or after a sensory verb (10) (cf. 23.2.3;
Lucy 1993). It may not occur in clause-initial position.
(1) Uchij ... yan-aj-ij b'in ka'=tu(ul) winik ... waye' t-a' kaj-ej . ...
long.ago EXIST-CIS-3SG.B REPORT twO=ANIM man here in-DET town-TOP
'Long ago, there were two men here in the town.' (91.13:1-3)
(2) Jach uchi(j) tun b'in-ej ..

very long.ago then REPORT-TOP
'Long ago, then, they say,
jaal b'injum=p'e noj kaj-ej ..

edge REPORT one=INAM big town-TOP
at the edge of a big town, they say,
kiij-a'an b'injun=tuul winik ..

live-PART REPORT one=ANIM man
lived a man' (91.12.4-6)
(3) Ka' natz'-i(j) b'in a' 'och u-jach='il-a'-ej. ...

then near-3SG.B REPORT DET opossum 3A-inuch=see-DTS-TOP
'Then, they say, the opossum drew near to see it well.' (91.14.101-2)
(4) Ka' t-uy-a'al-aj b'in-ej: .. "B'a-Iaj si" ..

then cOM-3A-say-cTs REPORT-TOP TEMP-PROX yes
'Then, they say, he said, "Now, yes,'" (91.12.44-45)
(5) Ka' t-uy-a'l-aj b'injun=tuul t-uy-et'ok-ej: ..

then cOM-3A-say-cTs REPORT one=ANIM to-3A-friend-ToP
'Then, they say, one said to his companion,' (91.13.99)
(6) I k-uy-a'al-ik b'in ti'ij-ej: ''Ay suku'un-ej"

and INC-3A-say-ITs REPORT 3IOPR-TOP EXCL older.brother-TOP
'And they say he says to him, "Oh, older brother,'" (91.13.111-12)
(7) "Tak in-jan-t-ik-ech" .. ki b'in t-u-suku'un-ej. ..

DES ISG.A-eat-TRN-ITS-2SG.B QUOT REPORT to-3A-older.brother-TOP
'''I want to eat you,"they say he said to his older brother.' (91.12.158-59)
(8) ''Jaajl'' ki b'in a' och-ej ..

EXCL QUOT REPORT DET opossum-TOP
'''Aha!'' they say the opossum said,' (91.14.106)
(9) "1 b'a-je'-la" ... kij-oo' b';n .. "b'a'ax ki-b'el ki-k'ub'-u' t-a' winik"
and TEMP-OST-PROX QUOT-PL REPORT what IPL.A-go IpL.A-entrust-DTS to-DET man
'''And now," they say they said, "what are we going to entrust to the man'" (92.3.122-
24)
(10) A-ka' k'och-ij-ej ... k-uy-il-ik b';n-ej ..

DET-when arrive-3SG.B-TOP INC-3A-See-ITS REPORT-TOP
'When he arrived, he sees, they say,
te' wa'an .. jun=tuul nojoch=winik-i'ij. ...

LOC stand/PART one=ANIM great man-LOC
there is standing an old man.' (91.15.75-77)
The reportative marker may also occur after focused elements (11 )-( 15), and after jach in
emphatic constructions (16).
(11) I ka' b';n t-uy-a'l-aj a' nojoch=winik Ii'ij-ej:

and then REPORT cOM-3A-say-cTs DET old=man 3IOPR-TOP
'And then, they say, the old man said to him,' (91.15.130)
(12) Te' b';n p'at-oo'-i'ij

LOC REPORT remain-PL-LOC
'There, they say, they remained,
te' xu '1-00 '-i'ij

LOC end-PL-LOC
there they ended,' (91.13.172-73)
(13) B'aay-Io' b';n uch-ij

like-DIST REPORT happen-3sG.B
'Thus, they say, it happened' (91.15.216)
(14) ix-nok'olje'-Io la'ayli' b';n k-u-piiy-ik uy-et'ok. ...

FEM-worm OST-DIST 3IPR REPORT INC-3A-Call-ITS 3A-friend
'that worm, they say, it calls its friends.' (91.16.65-66)
(15) chen a' niil b';n ma'lo'. ..

only DET ear REPORT good
'only the com ears, they say, are good.' (91.24.484)
(16) A' kaniikulaj-ej ... jach b';n chokoj. ...

DET Canicula-TOP very REPORT hot
'The Canicula, it is very hot, they say.' (91.21.27-28)
14.5. Adverbial Focus with -;kH - -;k - -;1

As described in 14.3.4, -ilik - -iii', with the meaning 'customarily' or 'only in that way',
appears in adverbial-focus constructions and may indicate numerical focus. The perfect marker -ik
and the focus marker -il also appear in adverbial-focus constructions together in the order
-ik-i/ and separately (cf. 18.4.2).
14.5.1. Transitive Verbs

Adverbial focus may be marked on adverbs with -ik-i/ (1)-(3) or on transitive verbs in the
incompletive status in the construction: Adverb + A.PR-Transitive Verb Stem-i/ (4)-(6). The
focused adverbs function as aspect markers (cf. 15.2). These constructions generally have a
14. ADVERBIALS 353
perfect or habitual interpretation (cf. 14.3.4)
(I) B'aay-lo'-ik-il im-b'et-ik

thus-DIST-PERF-FOC ISG.A-make-ITS
'I only make (/have made) it thus.'
(2) Ma '10 '-ik-il im-meyaj-t-ik.

Well-PERF-FOC ISG.A-work-TRN-ITS
'I (always) work (/have worked) it very well.'
(3) K'as-ik-il u-b'et-ik.

bad-PERF-FOC 3A-do-ITS
'8/he (always) does (/has done) it badly.'
(4) B'aay-lo'inw-il-ik-il.
like-DIST I SG.A-see-ITS-FOC
'I see (/have seen) it thus.'
(5) K'as u-b'et-ik-il.

we1l3A-do-ITS-FOC
'8/he does (/has done) it poorly.'
(6) Ma '10' im-meyaj-t-ik-il.

welllsG.A-work-TRN-ITS-FOC
'I work (/have worked) it well.'
14.5.2. Intransitive Verbs

Intransitive verbs enter into two focus constructions with -ik-il. They may be stativized
with -ik(-il), as in (1)_(4).3
(I) B'aay-Io' b'in-ik(-il)-ech.

like-DIST gO-PERF{-Foc)-2SG.B
'Thus you went.' or 'That is the way you went.' or 'Thus you have (always) gone.'
(2) Ma '10 , wen-ik(-il)-en.

well sleep-PERF{-FOc)-lsG.B
'I (have) slept well.'
(3) B'aay-Io' wen-ik(-il)-en.

like-DIST sleep-PERF{-Foc)-I SG.B
'That was how I slept.' or 'Thus I slept.' or 'Thus I have (always) slept.'
(4) Mentak-ej b'aay-Io' p'at-ik-il u-pach a' b'alum-ej ..

therefore-TOP like-DIST remain-PERF-FOC 3A-back DET jaguar-ToP
'Therefore, thus the jaguar's back has remained,' (91.12.134)
3 A very similar construction can be formed with the verb in the dependent status
marked by -Vk, rather than by the perfect marker -ik, as in the following examples (cf. 18.4.2):
(a) Baay-Io' wen-ek(-il)-en. (b) Ma '10 '-wen-ek(-il)-en.

Iike-DIST sleep-DIS{-FOC)-ISG.B well sleep-DIs{-FOC)-ISG.B
'Thus I have (always) slept.' 'I have slept well.'
Adverbial focus constructions also appear with completive forms of intransitive verbs, as
in (5)-(8). Both suffixes can appear on the adverb (5)-(6), or the perfect suffix -ik can appear alone
on the verb (7)-(8).
(5) Ma'lo'-ik-il wen-een.

Well-PERF-FOC sleep-lsG.B
'I slept well.'
(6) B'aay-lo'-ik-il kun-eech.

thus-DIST-PERF-FOC remain-2SG.B
'Thus you remained.'
(7) Ma'lo' wen-ik-een.

well sleep-PERF-1SG.B
'I slept well.'
(8) B'aay-lo' kun-ik-eech.

thus-DIST remain-PERF-2sG.B
'Thus you remained.'
14.5.3. Withyaan and Participles

With the existentialyaan and with participles there is considerable flexibility regarding
focusing suffixes, and either or both may be deleted. When both suffixes are present there is a
perfect meaning that may be absent when -il appears alone (1)-(2) (cf. 18.4.2). The suffixes
-ik-i/ also appear on participles with -a'an, with or without a fronted adverbial element, and often
shorten to -kil (3)-(6) (cf. 6.3.1.2.8). The presence or absence of a completive status marker may
affect a perfect interpretation when the -ik-il suffixes appear on the adverb (7) or when the focus-
marking suffix -il appears alone on the participle (8), but it appears to be redundant when the
perfect suffix -ik appears on the participle (9) or when both suffixes appear on the participle (10)
(cf. 14.3.4.3).
(1) B'ix yan(-il)-ech.

how EXIST(-FOC)-2sG.B
'How are you?'
(2) B'ix yan-ik-il-ech?

'How have you been?'
(3a) Kun-a'an-(i)k-iljum=p'e semaanaj.

remain-PART-PERF-FOC one=INAM week
'He has remained for a week.'
(3b) Kun-l-aj-a 'an-(i)k-il jum =p'e semaanaj.

remain-posIT-CIS-PART-PERF-FOC one=INAM week
'He has remained for a week.'
(4) Yaab' k'in k'oj-a'an-(i)k-il.

many day sick-PART{-PERF)-POS
'He has been sick for many days.'
(5) fa em-a'an-(i)k-il ka' lub'-ij a' che'-ej.

already descend-PART-PERF-FOC when fall-3sG.B DET tree-TOP
'He had already gotten down when the tree fell.'
14. ADVERBIALS 355
(6) A '-lea' k'och-o 'on ich kol-ej .. aj-Jwan ya kin-s-iij-a 'an-(i)k-il.

DET-when arrive-lpL.B in milpa-ToP MASC-PN already die-CAUS-DTR-PART-PERF-FOC
'When we arrived in the milpa, Juan was already killed.'
(7a) B'aay-lo'-ik-il kiij-a'an-en

like-DIST-PERF-FOC live-PART-1 SO.B
'Only thus I live'
(7b) B 'aay-lo '-ik-il kiij-l-aj-a 'an-en

like-DIST-PERF-FOC live-posIT-CIS-PART-lso.B
'Only thus I have lived'
(Sa) B'aay-lo' kiij-a'an-il-en.

like-DIST live-PART-FOC-lso.B
'Thus I live.'
(Sb) B'aay-lo' kiij-l-aj-a'an-il-en.

like-DIST live-POSIT-CIS-PART-FOC-lso.B
'Thus I live.' or 'Thus I have lived.'
(9) B'aay-lo' kiij(-l-aj)-a'an-ik-en.

like-DIST live(-posIT-CIS)-PART-PERF-lso.B
'Thus I have lived.'
(10) B'aay-lo' kiij(-l-aj)-a'an-ik-il-en.

like-DIST live(-POSIT-CIS)-PART-PERF-FOC-l SO.B
'Thus I have lived.'
15. Verbal Morphosyntax I: Tense, Aspect, and Mood
15.0. Contents
15.1. Tense-Aspect-Mood
15.2. Incompletive Status
15.2.1. Incompletive Aspect, k-
15.2.2. Durative Aspect, taan
15.2.3. Customary Aspect, suk
15.2.4. Temporal Adverbial Markers
15.2.5. Aspectual Auxiliaries
15.2.5.1. Inceptive Auxiliaries
15.2.5.2. Terminative Auxiliaries
15.2.6. Modal Adverbial Markers
15.2.6.1. Assurative Marker,}e'(le~- ... -e'
15.2.6.2. Necessitative Marker, k'ab'eet
15.2.6.3. Obligative Marker,yaan
15.2.6.4. Desiderative Marker, tak
15.2.6.5. Abilitative Marker, patal
15.2.6.6 Epistemic Markers, uchak, chak, olak
15.2.7. Manner Adverbial Markers
15.3. Completive Aspect and Status
15.3.1. Completive Aspect
15.3.2. Perfect Constructions
15.4. Irrealis Modalities
15.4.1. Imperative Mood and Status
15.4.2. Irrealis Constructions and Dependent Status
15.4.2.1. (Immediate) Future Auxiliary, ka'a}, 'go'
15.4.2.2. Admonitive
15.4.2.3. Hortative
15.4.2.4. Optative
15.4.2.4.1. Cross-Reference
15.4.2.4.2. Switch Reference
15.4.2.5. Irrealis Perfects
15.4.2.5.1. Unrealized Perfects
15.4.2.5.2. "Time Since" Perfects
15.4.2.6. IndefInite Relative Clauses
15.4.2.7. Speech and Cognitive Verb Complements
15.4.2.8. Irrealis Adverbial Clauses
15.4.2.8.1. Withka', 'when'
15.4.2.8.2. After Motion Verbs
15.4.2.8.3. After Inceptive Verbs
15.4.2.8.4. Purpose Clauses
15.5. Adverbial Incorporation
15.5.1. Manner Adverbs
15.5.2. Epistemic Adverbs
15.1. Tense-Aspect-Mood
As outlined in chapter 3, the verbal categories of tense, aspect, and mood (TAM) overlap
and are marked in two principal places on the verb. I TAM information occurs immediately before
I See Bohnemeyer (1998) for a detailed treatment of aspect and mood in Yucateko.
15. VERBAL MORPHOSYNTAX I: TENSE, ASPECT, AND MOOD 357
the verb and/or as a status suffix. For prototypically realis 2 verbs (as opposed to irrealis verbs in
the imperative and dependent statuses), there is a principal division between the completive
aspect/status and the incompletive aspect/status. A relatively large number of TAM markers occur
with the incompletive status, while only the completive and perfect aspects occur with the
completive status. This major division in verbal morphology is also reflected in different systems
of person marking, with a nominative-accusative system in the incompletive status and an
ergative-absolutive system in the completive status, as summarized in the following chart (cf.
2.1).
Incompletive Status Completive Status
Transitive k- inw- il -ik -ech t- inw- il -aj -ech

INC- 1SO. A-see -ITS -2S0.8 COM- 1SO. A-see -CTS -2S0.8
'I see you' 'I saw you'
Intransitive k- inw- em -el em -11 -eech

INC- 1S0.A descend-lIs descend-CIs -2so.B
'I descend' 'You descended'
In addition to the semantic distinctions implicit in TAM marking, it also serves to mark
different kinds of discourse highlighting, including the marking of foregrounded information in
the completive aspect and backgrounded information in non-completive aspects (Hopper 1979,
1982; Hopper and Thompson 1980; also see chapter 16).
15.2. Incompletive Status

A wide range of non-completive TAM prefixes appear with the incompletive status
marker indicating a variety of TAM distinctions (cf. 3.1.1, chapter 14, 19.1.4, 21.l.1). In
general, non-completive TAM markers mark backgrounded information, often in subordinate
clauses, in contrast to the completive aspect, which often marks highlighted, punctual information.
15.2.1. Incompletive Aspect, k-

The incompletive aspect is marked by the prefix k-, which precedes Set A person-
marking prefixes. 3 Jt is used to indicate habitual or repeated actions or states (1)-(3). The
incompletive aspect often appears in relative clauses supplying background information about the
head noun (4)-(5). The sense of repeated action appears with the incompletive in (6)-(7).
(1) la'ayti'-ej k-u-t'an .. ich 'espanyol. ...

3IPR-TOP INC-3A-speak in Spanish
'she speaks Spanish.' (92.2.37)
(2) San B'eniitoj k-u-b'et-ik ke'el chen t-u-mes-il d'isiyeemb'rej ..

PN INC-3A-make-ITS cold only in-3A-month-pos PN
'in San Benito it's cold only in the months of December, .. .' (92.2.115-16)
2 Realis is a modal category referring to an asserted, actualized, or real epistemic status

of events or states, as opposed to irrealis, which refers to a hypothetical or non-actualized
epistemic status (cf. Binnick 1991, Chung and Timberlake 1985, Friedrich 1974, Giv6n 1984,
Palmer 1986, Hofling 1998).
3 In negative constructions, the incompletive is marked by t(an)- and the contrast

between the incompletive and durative negative aspects is neutralized (cf. 19.1.4).
358 llZAJ MAYA GRAMMAR
(3) A' b'ej je'-lo k-u-b'el tak ti B'eenkej .. Kaayoj ...

DET way OST-DIST INC-3A-go up to PN PN
'That road goes up to Benque, to Cayo' (txt2.37-38)
(4) t-u-tzeeljun=kul noj naj

at-3A-side one=round big house
'at the side of the building
tu'ux k-u-k'och-ol tulakal aj-turiistaj-oo'-ej. ...

where INC-3A-arrive-Ils all MASC tourist-PL-TOP
where all the tourists arrive.' (txt1.87-88)
(5) yanjun=tuul ix-ch'up=paal ..

EXIST one=ANIM FEM-woman=child
'there was a woman
k-u-meyaj .. ich 'ab'iyon-ej ...

INC-3A-work in-plane-TOP
that works inside the plane,' (92.2.31-32)
(6) K-u-tzikb'al-t-ik to'on .. in-noolaj .. jach uchij . ...

INC-3A-tell-TRN-ITS IpL.IOPR ISG.A-grandmother very long.ago
'My grandmother told it (a story) to us long ago.' (txt2.7-8)
(7) A'-lo' k-u-b'et-ik-oo' ... kaad'a ka'=p'ee .. 'ox=p'e mes ...

DET-DIST INC-3A-do-ITS-PL each twO=INAM three=INAM month
'They do that every two or three months' (txt2.26-27)
15.2.2. Durative Aspect, taan

The durative aspect marker taan indicates ongoing or continuous action regardless of
deictic time reference (1)-(6). While it occasionally appears as a completive form, it ordinarily
occurs as a plain adverbial, often shortening or contracting with the Set A person marker it
precedes (cf. 3 .1.1.1 ). In narrative, the durative aspect frequently appears in clauses providing
background information for punctual completive events that follow, as in (5)-(6).
(1) la'ayti'-ej tan-u-klin-ik .. Maayaj Itzaj . ...

3IPR-TOP DUR-3A-Iearn-ITS Maya Itzaj
'he is learning Itzaj Maya.' (92.2.150)
(2) ya b'a-je'-laj .. ma' t(an)-in-jach='u'y-ik

already TEMP-OST-PROX NEG DUR-lsG.A-much=feel-ITS
'already now, I am not feeling so much' (92.2.133-34).
(3) It-a' b'ej-ej ... in-ten-ej tan-in-tal ...

and on-DET-road-TOP EMP-lSG.IPR-TOP DUR-lSG.A-come
'And on the road, me, I was coming,
ma'jach ki' inw-ool .. tum en tan-in-tuk-l-ik,

NEG very good lSG.A-spirit because DUR-lsG.A-think-NOM-ITS
I wasn't feeling very well, because I was thinking
b'ix k-im-b'el im-b'et-ej a'-ka' k'och-ok-en ...

how INC-lSG.A-go ISG.A-make-DTs DET-when arrive-DIS-lSG.B
how I was going to manage when I arrived' (txt1.22-27)
(4) I la'ayti' t-uy-a'l-aj to'on-ej:

and 3IPR cOM-3A-say-cTs 1PL.IOPR-TOP
'And he told us,
"Ma' .. ma' tun-b'et-ik ten mix=b'a'al." ...

NEG NEG DuR/3A-do-ITS lSG.IOPR NEG =thing
"No, it's not doing anything to me." , (txt1.23-24)
(5) Tan-uy-ok-ol k'in ...

'Night was entering,
i to'on-e ti-kiw-a'l-aj ti'i} .. ke ma' u-b'el ...

'and 1PL.IPR-TOP COM-1pL.A-say-cTS 3IOPR SUB NEG 3A-go
and we told him that he shouldn't go' (txt1.18-20)
(6) Ya tan-u-k'ay aj-kax. ... Ka' k'och-een-ej

already DUR-3A-sing MASC-chicken when arrive-1SG.B-TOP
'The roosters were already crowing. When I arrived' (91.2.91-92)
15.2.3. Customary Aspect, suk

The customary aspect may be marked by the plain adverbial suk, 'customarily' (1)-(3), or
by forms of an inchoative verb derived from it (4) (cf. 3.1.1.2.1, 14.3.5). In all cases, the main
verb appears in the incompletive status.
(1) Ma'suk in-muk'yaj-t-ik ke'el ...

NEG CUST lSG.A-withstand-TRN-ITS cold
'I am not accustomed to withstanding cold,' (92.2.113)
(2) Suk u-t'iin-ik b'aay-lo'.

CUST 3A-call-ITS thus-DIST
'He is accustomed to calling him thus.'
(3) Suk inw-en-s-ik uchi}.

CUST lSG.A-10wer-CAUS-ITS long.ago
'I was accustomed to lowering it long ago.'
(4) Suk-aj-ij u-b'et-ik.

CUST-CIS-3SG.B 3A-do-ITS
'He was accustomed to do it.'
15.2.4. Temporal Adverbial Markers

A variety of temporal adverbial markers can function in place of aspectual prefixes.
tantoj, an immediate past marker, generally occurs in clauses that provide background for
information to follow (1)-(3) (cf. 14.2.5.2). Its function to mark temporal sequences is similar to
that of terminative auxiliary verbs (15.2.5.2, 24.1.3) and perfect constructions (15.3.2).
Temporal adverbs such as samal, 'tomorrow', andjatz'ka', 'early', may also function as TAM
markers preceding incompletive status verbs with Set A prefixes (4)-(5).
(1) I tantoj inw-ok-ol ich naj .. a '-ka' t-u-chema '-t-aj-oo' ..

and IMM lSG.A-enter-IIS inside house DET-when cOM-3A-spy-TRN-CTS-PL
'And I just entered inside the house when they spied (her), (91.3.30-31)
(2) A' piik'-aal-oo' tantoj u-jok'-ol-ej ..

DET plant-NoM-PL IMM 3A-come.out-IIS-TOP
'The seedlings that just sprouted
k-u-Iaj=kim-il et-el u-chokoj-il a' lu'um-ej. ...

INC-3A-all=die-IIS with-pas 3A-heat-ABST DET earth-TOP
all die with the heat of the earth.' (91.21.36-7)
(3) Jatz'ka' .. tantoj u-sas-tal ... k-u-kap-iil u-jum a' kaniikulaj-e'

early IMM 3A-light-INCH INC-3A-begin-IIs 3A-sound DET Canicula-TOP
'Early, when it has just dawned, the sound of the Canicula begins,' (91.21.115-16)
(4) samal im-b'el in-tal-es si'. ...

tomorrow lSG.A-go lSG.A-come-CAUS firewood
'tomorrow I'm going to bring firewood.' (91.12.12)
(5) Jat'l.'ka' in-lik'-il y-ok' a-b'el.

early lSG.A-rise-IIS 3A-over 2A-go
'I get up early so that you can go.'
There are two different temporal adverbals indicating 'when'. kil, 'when', appears with
verbs in the incompletive status, generally referring to habitual or repeated actions, and is
accompanied by a clause-fmal topic marker -e' (6)-(8) (cf. 24.1.2). A different marker, ka',
'when', occurs with the completive and dependent statuses (cf. 15.3.1, 15.4.2.8).
(6) Kil u-miich-ik mak a' b'ej-ej .. puuro chen luk' .. luk'.
when 3A-take-ITS person DET road-TOP pure just mud mud
'When one takes the road, it's only pure mud! mud!' (91.5.20-21)
(7) Kil uy-ub'-ik-oo' ke utak aj-wit'-oo'-ej .. k-u-miich-ik-oo' b'ej-ej

when 3A-hear-ITS-PL SUB coming MASC-PN-PL-TOP INC-3A-grab-ITS-PL road-TOP
'When they heard that the bandits were coming, they took to the trails' (txt2.58-60)
(8) Kil u-man u-t'an-il ke yaj ma'an-oo'-ej

when 3A-pass 3A-word-POS SUB already NEG/EXIST-PL-TOP
'When the word passed that they weren't there anymore,
k-u-kap-iil-oo' ti jok'-ol tuka 'ye'. ...

INC-3A-begin-lls-PL SUB come.out-IIS again
they began to come out again.' (txt2.64-65)
15.2.5. Aspectual Auxiliaries

Several intransitive verbs function as inflected aspectual auxiliaries marking the
inception or completion of actions or states indicated by main verbs in the incompletive status.
15.2.5.1. Inceptive Auxiliaries

The intransitive verbs jop' and kaj both mean 'begin' and may appear as auxiliaries
marking the inception of events signalled by verbs in the incompletive status (1)-(4).jop' is
considerably more common that kaj as an inceptive auxiliary. Agentless passive forms of the
inceptive verb chu'm may also serve this function (5). More commonly still, inception is indicated
by complex subordinate constructions (cf. 15.4.2.8.3). In all of these constructions, the auxiliary
verb is inflected for TAM. These constructions may occur in subordinate adverbial clauses
providing context for succeeding main clause events (cf. 24.1).
J5. VERBAL MORPHOSYNTAX I: TENSE, ASPECT, AND MOOD 361
(1) Ka'jop'-ij u-pa'-ik.

then begin-3sG.B 3A-split-ITS.
'Then he began to split it.' (91.12.32)
(2) ka'jop'-ij u-tiil-ik a' nojoch b'alum-ej. ...

then begin-3sG.B 3A-hit-ITS DET big jaguar-TOP
'and he began to beat the big jaguar,' (91.12.112)
(3) Tantoj u-kaj-iil u-tal.

IMM 3A-begin-us 3A-come
'He just started coming.'
(4) Kaj-ij in-meyaj-t-ik.

begin-3sG.B ISG.A-work-TRN-ITS
'I began to work it.'
(5) K-u-chu'um-p-aJ-a1 u-meyaj-t-ik mak ...

INC-3A-begin-PAs2-DTR-IIS 3A-work-TRN-ITS person
'One begins to work it,' (91.20.15)
15.2.5.2. Terminative Auxiliaries

The completion, end, or fmishing of an event can be indicated by the intransitive
auxiliary verbsjo'm, tz'o'k, andxu'l, 'fmish', 'end' (1)-(7). These verb forms frequently appear in
clauses providng background for a following event, as do other non-completive verb forms. jo'm
is considerably more frequent in discourse than tz'ok or xu'l. While the incompletive form of
kujo'mol is often abbreviated tojo'mol (4), the other completive auxillaries are not abbreviated.
Participial forms ofjo'm and tz'o'k (but not xu'l) may also function as aspect markers signalling
completion of an action (8)-(9).
(1) Ka'jo'm(-i) u-k'ax-ik-oo' a' b'aalsaj-ej ..

when fmish( -3SG.B) 3A-tie-ITS-PL DET raft-TOP
'When they fmished tying the raft,
ka' t-u-nak'-s-aj-oo' a' tzimin y-ok'-ol a' b'aalsaj-ej ..

when cOM-3A-raise-CAUS-CTS-PL DET horse 3A-over-POS DET raft-TOP
then they lifted the horse onto the raft' (92.3.98-99)
(2) Jo'm-ij in-laj=man t-u-b'aak' tulakal a' kol-ej

fmish-3SG.B ISG.A-all=pass at-3A-perimeter all DET milpa-TOP
'I fmished walking completely around all the milpa;
ma' t-inw-il-aj mix=b'a'al. ...

NEG COM-lsG.A-see-CTS NEG=thing
I didn't see anything.' (91.2.42-43)
(3) K-u-jo'm-ol u-ch'iJ-il=k'o' a' kol-ej ... k-u-wach'-iil u-top'. ...

INC-3A-end-IIS 3A-grow-us=sprout DET milpa-TOP INC-3A-burst-IIS 3A-flower
'When the milpa fmishes sprouting, its flowers burst out.' (91.20.69-71)
(4) (K-u-)jo'm-ol uy-oom-t-es-ik-oo'-ej ...

INC-3A-end-IIS 3A-boil-TRN-CAUS-ITS-PL-TOP
'After they boil it,
k-u-tz'i'-ik-oo' t-u-lak' ...

INC-3A-put-ITS-PL in-3A-other
they put it in another (container)' (91.23.268-69)
(5) B'a-je'-la'-ej jach .. tZ'o'k-ij u-sup'-ul ..

TEMP-OST-PROX-TOP much fmish-3SG.B 3A-overgrow-Ils
'Now it's gotten very overgrown
i nak'-een inw-il-a'jun=tu(ul) winik ..

and climb-lSG.B ISG.A-see-DTS one=ANIM man
and I went up to see a man' (91.8.8-9)
(6) Tz'o'k-iljJ u-man ka'=p'eel k'in .. t-u-ox=p'e k'in ma'jan-ak. ...

fmish-3SG.B 3A-pass twO=INAM day in-3A-three=INAM day NEG eat-DIs
'Two days had passed, it was into the third day that it hadn't eaten.'
Ka' natz'-iO) a' nojoch b'alum-ej ..

then near-3SG.B DET big jaguar-TOP
'Then the big jaguar came close' (91.12.39-41)
(7) Ka' xu'l-ij .. u-b'el ti molestaar a' k'ek'en-oo'.

then fmish-3SG.B 3A-go SUB bother DET pig-PL
'Then the pigs stopped going to bother.' (91.24.370)
(8) Jo'm-a'an u-k'och-ol aj-Josej ka' k'och-ij aj-Jwan.

end-PART 3A-arrive-IIS MASC-PN when arrive-3sG.B MASC-PN
'Jose had already arrived when Juan arrived.'
(9) In-tzimin-ej .. tz'o'k-a'an u-jan-al ka' ok-ol-b'-ij.

ISG.A-horse-TOP fmish-PART 3A-eat-NoM when rob-NOM-PAs-3SG.B
'My horse had already eaten when it was stolen.'
15.2.6. Modal Adverbial Markers

A variety of adverbials signalling deontic and epistemic modalities may also function as
TAM markers with verbs in the incompletive status (cf. 14.4).4 Negative and interrogative
markers may also function in this way (cf. 18.3.4, 18.3.6, 19.1.4)
15.2.6.1. Assurative Marker,je'-(le~ ... -e'

The assurative aspect-modal marker,je'(le') indicates the speaker's strong belief or
intention that the action or state indicated by the verb will occur (cf. 14.4.2).je'- orje'-le' occurs
before the Set A person marker, with the topic marker -e' appearing clause-fmally, indicating the
scope of the assurance.

then cOM-3A-say-cTs ISG.IOPR-TOP SUB ASSUR-3A-help-TRN-ITs-lsG.B-TOP
'Then she told me that she would help me' (txt1.38-39)
4 Deontic modalities encode speaker's attitudes about the desirability or necessity of

actions or states, e.g., desiderative or obligative, while epistemic modalities refer to their
likelihood, e.g., being asserted as true or realis, as opposed to being stated as a possibility.
(2) Ije'-a-k'och-ol-ej. Ma' a-saak-i/

and ASSuR-2A-arrive-IIs-TOP NEG 2A-afraid-poS
'And yes, you will arrive. Don't be afraid,' (txtl.59-60)
(3) je'-in-ka'an-s-ik-ech-ej. ...

ASSUR-l sG.A-learn-CAUS-ITS-2SG.B-TOP
'I will teach you.' (txt1.155)
(4) i miiyaj uy-al-oo'-ej ..

and probably 3A-young-PL-TOP
'and perhaps her young
je'-u-jok'-ol-oo' xan .. ma'lo'je-b'ix u-na'-ej. ..

ASSUR-3A-come.out-IIS-PL also well oST-like 3A-mother-TOP
will also come out well like their mother.' (91.7.16-18).
15.2.6.2. Necessitative Marker, k'ab'eet

K'ab 'eet, 'necessary', may function as a modal adverb (1 )-(2) or be inflected as an
inchoative auxiliary verb (3) to indicate necessity with (main) verbs in the incompletive status (cf.
3.1.1.2.1).
(1) K'ab'eet im-b'et-ik.

need ISG.A-do-ITS
'I need to do it.'
(2) K'ab 'eet u-miin-ik tz'ak.

need 3A-buy-lTs medicine
'S/he needs to buy medicine.'
(3) K'ab'eet-aj-ij im-b'et-ik.

need-CIS-3SG.B ISG.A-do-ITS
'I needed to do it.'
15.2.6.3. Obligative Marker, yaan

The root YAAN, which functions as an existential, may also function as an aspectual
adverb to indicate obligation or necessity (1)-(5) (cf. 3.1.1.2.1). Plain adverbial forms and
inflected inchoative verb forms derived from yaan appear with verbs in the incompletive status.
(1) si wa'yej .. tulakal .. yan kiw-an-t-ik ki-b'aj.

yes here all OBLIG IpL.A-help-TRN-ITS IPL.A-REFL
'yes, here, we all have to help one another.' (92.2.61)
(2) ke yan in-suk-tal ... yan u-suk-tal ten . ...

SUB OBLIG ISG.A-accustomed-INCH OBLIG 3A-accustomed-INCH ISG.IOPR
'that I have to get accustomed, that it has to become familar to me.' (92.2.129-30)
(3) t-u-tz'ok u-mes-ilfeb'reeeroj .. yan in-ka'=sut t-inw-otoch ..

in-3A-end 3A-month-POS February OBLIG ISG.A-REPET=return to-1SG.A-home
'at the end of the month of February I have to return to my house again' (92.2.195-96)
(4) yan-aj(-ij) u-p'iit-ik .. tu'ux yan a' nukuch winik-oo '-ej. ...
OBLIG-CIS(-3SG.B) 3A-leave-lTs where EXIST DET big man-PL-TOP
'he had to leave it where the gentlemen were.' (92.3.23-24)
(5) ma' pat-aj-ij u-sa 'al-t-ik-oo' yan-aj-ij u-tz'am-iil a' tzimin-ej. ...
NEG ABIL-CIS-3SG.B 3A-save-TRN-ITS-PL OBLIG-CIS-3SG.B 3A-sink-IIS DET horse-TOP
'they couldn't save it, the horse had to sink.' (92.3.116-17)
15.2.6.4. Desiderative Marker, tak

The desiderative marker, tak, may function as an aspectual adverb or as an auxiliary
inchoative verb with (main) verbs in the incompletive status (1)-(4) (cf. 3. 1. 1.2.1). As shown in
(2), tak may combine with the counterfactual marker kuchij to indicate unrealized desires (cf.
14.4.3, 14.4.7).

EMP-1SG.IPR-TOP much DES 1SG.A-eat-TRN-ITS fish
(2) In-ten-ej tak kuchij in-k'a'ool-t-ik .. ti ik' ..

EMP-1SG.IPR-TOP DES formerly 1SG.A-know-TRN-ITS from air
'I wanted to know it from the air' (92.2.87)
(3) Chen a'-lo' tak inw-a'l-ik-ej ...

only DET-DIST DES 1SG.A-say-ITs-TOP
'That's all I want to say,' (92.2.137)

and already NEG DES-CIS-3SG.B more 1sG.A-work
'And then I didn't want to work more,
ka' b'in-een ti chi-tal t-in-k'aan . ...

then go-1SG.B SUB lie-POSIT in-1sG.A-hammock
then I went to lie down in my hammock.' (91.10.108-9)
15.2.6.5. Abilitative Marker,patal

The aspectual adverb patal, which indicates ability or possibility, and inchoative verbs
based on its root, PAT, appear with (main) verbs in the incompletive status (1)-(4) (cf. 3.1.1.2.1).
It appears as a plain adverbial form in (1), (2), and (4), and as inflected forms in both the
dependent status (2) and the completive status (3)-(4).
(1) i b'el in-ka'a inw-i/-a' .. wa patal in-litz-ik. ...

and go 1SG.A-go 1SG.A-see-DTS COND ABIL 1SG.A-hook-ITS
'and I am going to see if! can hook it.' (txt1.26-27)
(2) Iij .. miiyaj ma' t-in-b'el inw-i/-a' max y-ojel t'an ich 'espanyol ...
and maybe NEG DUR-ISG.A-go ISG.A-see-DTs who 3A-know speak in Spanish
'And I think I am not going to see anyone that knows Spanish
ti'a'al ka' pat-ak inw-ojel-t-ik .. tu'ux u-jol-tak a' naj ..

SUB SUB ABIL-DIS 1SG.A-know-TRN-ITS where 3A-door-PL OfDET house
so that I could know which of the doors of the airport
tu'ux patal in-jok'-ol i tu'ux patal inw-ok-ol. ...

where ABIL 1SG.A-Ieave-IIS and where ABIL 1SG.A-enter-IIS
where I can leave and where I can enter.' (92.2.47-52)
(3) Ma' pat-aj-ij u-jok'-s-ik-oo'

NEG ABIL-CIS-3SG.B 3A-Ieave-CAUS-ITS-PL
'They weren't able to take him out
lumen a' 'ayim-ej u-miich-m-aj ma'lo' ..

because DET crocodile-TOP 3A-grab-PERF-CTS well
because the crocodile had seized him well' (txt1.62-63)
(4) Ii .. kap-oo' u-tz'aj-oo' ik' li'ij .. u-lil-I-oo' ... uy-il-a'-oo'

and begin-PL 3A-give/DTs-PL air 3IOPR 3A-shake-TRN-PL 3A-see-DTS-PL
'And they began to give him air, to shake him, to see
wa patal u-ch 'i'-ik u-mus= 'ik' a' winik-ej. ...

COND ABIL 3A-get-ITS 3A-breathe=air DET man-TOP
if the man could get his breath.
Ya ma' pat-aj-ij
already NEG ABIL-CIS-3SG.B
Already he couldn't,
ya ka'jok'-i y-ok' IU'um-ej .. ya kim-en

already when leave-3sG.B 3A-over earth-TOP already die-ADJ
already when he came out over the earth, he was already dead
i ma' pat-aj-ij .. u-sut .. t-uy-ool. ...

and NEG ABIL-CIS-3SG.B 3A-return to-3A-life.force
and he couldn'treturn to himself.' (1991.1.72-79)
15.2.6.6 Epistemic Markers, uchak, chak, olak

Epistemic modality features of possibility may also be indicated by the aspectual adverbs
uchak and chak, 'possibly' (1)-(8) (cf. I4.4.5). uchak is apparently an irregular irrealis form
derived from the root UCH, 'happen'. chak appears with the same function and may be a shortened
form of uchak. They may function alone as aspectual adverbs with (main) verbs in the
incompletive status (1)-(3); with the negative marker (4)-(5); with other incompletive status
markers (6); with verbs in the completive status (7)-(8); and with verbs in the dependent status (cf.
15.4.2). They do not have a completive inflection (*(u)chakajij).
(1) D: Pero b'a-Iaj .. uch-ak u-b'el-ikyax=k'in . ...

but TEMP-PROX happen-IRREAL 3A-make-ITS frrst=sun
'But now, perhaps summer is starting.'
J: Uch-ak...
happen-IRREAL
'Perhaps.' (91.24.114-15).
(2) Jatz'ka' in-lik'-il y-ok' a-b'el.

early ISG.A-rise-IIS 3A-over 2A-go
'I'll get up early so that you (can) go.'
Chak aw-il-ik b'a'alche' a-tz'on-o' ich a-kol-oo'-ej.

perhaps 2A-see-ITS animal2A-shoot-DTS in 2A-milpa-PL-TOP
'Perhaps you will see an animal to shoot among the milpas.'
(3) Tan-im-pak'-t-ik i rna' tak. Chak u-tal ka'-ka'at.

DUR-1SG.A-wait-TRN-ITS and NEG come/DIS perhaps 3A-come REDup-Iater
'I am waiting for him and he hasn't come. Perhaps he is coming later.'
(4) Uch-ak ma' u-ka'=k'a'am-tal.

happen-IRREAL NEG 3A-REDUP=rough-INCH
'Perhaps it won't get violent again.' (91.24.78)
(5) Wa D'yoos k-uy-oo-t-ik-ej

COND God INC-3A-want-TRN-ITS-TOP
'If God wills,
chak ma' u-b'et-ik noj ik' .. kwaand'oj tan-u-wach'-iil ..

perhaps NEG 3A-make-ITS big wind when DUR-3A-tassel-lls
perhaps there won't be a big wind, when it's tasseling,' (91.24.74-76)
(6) Uch-ak .. patal kik-il-ik .. b'a'alche'-i'ij. ...

happen-IRREAL ABIL IpL.A-See-ITS animal-LOC
'Perhaps we can see animals there.' (91.11.32)
(7) Uch-ak t-u-b'et-aj.

happen-IRREAL COM-3A-do-CTS
'Perhaps he did it.'
(8) Chak t-u-tz'on-aj wa=b'a'ax ich k'aax.

perhaps COM-3A-shoot-cTS INTER=thing in forest.
'Perhaps he shot something in the forest.'
olak, 'almost', 'nearly', is semantically more complex than (u)chak, indicating an actuality
approached but not realized, as in (9)-(13) (cf. 3.1.1.2.1). It may appear alone as a TAM marker
for verbs in the incompletive status (9) and, in accord with its irrealis semantics, it may appear
with the counterfactual kuchij (10) (cf. 14.4.7). It may also appear as an inflected inchoative verb
(11). With negatives, olak indicates an actuality scarcely achieved (almost did not'" scarcely did)
(12)-(13).
(9) Olak u-lom-ik inw-ich a' che'-ej.

almost 3A-pierce-ITs lSG.A-eye DET wood-TOP
'the branch nearly pierced my eye.'
(10) Olak kuchij in-k'och-ol

almost formerly lSG.A-arrive-IIS
'I almost was going to come.'
(11 ) Olak-aj-ij in-tal.

almost-cIs-3sG.B lSG.A-come
'I almost came.'
(12) Olak rna' in-k'ochol.

almost NEG lSG.A-arrive
'I almost didn't come.' or 'I scarcely came.'
(13) Olak rna' im-b'et-ik.

almost NEG lSG.A-do-ITS
'I almost didn't make it.'
15.2.7. Manner Adverbial Markers

Several adverbs of manner, including chich, 'hard; seeb', 'quickly'; and ma'lo', 'well', may
also functions as TAM markers with verbs in the incompletive status (1)-(4) (cf. 3.1.1.1,
3.1.1.2.1). Some may also appear as inflected inchoative verbs with this function (5)-(6) (cf.
3.1.1.2.1). Manner adverbs may also be incorporated into the verb (cf. 15.5.1).
(1) Chich u-b'et-ik.

hard 3A-do-ITS
'S/he is doing it hard, fast.'
(2) Ma'lo' uy-a'l-ik.

well 3A-say-ITs
'S/he says it well.'
(3) A' naj-ej seeb' u-b'el u-meyaj-il.

DET house-ToP quick 3A-go 3A-work-Pos
'The work of the house goes quickly.'
(4) chen u-man=tz'on-ik. ...

only 3A-miS=shoot-ITS
'he only wounded them.' (91.16.81)
(5) Chich-aj-ij u-b'et-ik.

hard-cIs-3so.B 3A-do-ITS
'S/he did it hard, quickly.'
(6) Ma'lo'-aj-ij u-b'et-ik.

well-cIs-3so.B 3A-do-ITS
'S/he did it well.'
15.3. Completive Aspect and Status

The completive aspect and status is much simpler semantically and morphologically than
the incompletive aspects and status decribed in 15.2. Both the completive aspect and perfect
marking appear with verbs in the completive status.
15.3.1. Completive Aspect

The distinction between completive and non-completive aspects is one of the most
fundamental features of the Mayan verb. The completive aspect is a very common marking in
most genres and is especially important in narrative genres, where it marks foregrounded event
sequences (cf. 25.5.2). As previously noted (2.1, 15.1), there is an ergative person-marking
system in the completive aspect, in contrast to a nominative system in the non-completive aspects.
Transitive verbs are marked by a t- completive aspect prefix before Set A person
markers, and an -aj completive status sufftx after the stem but before Set B object person markers.
Intransitive verbs generally have no aspectual prefix in the completive aspect (cf. 24.1.1.3.1) but
do take an -aj or -0 completive status sufftx. The completive's function to mark event sequences is
illustrated in (1) and (2). In (1), after the first clause, which provides background with the
intransitive verb b'el, 'go', in the incompletive status, there is a series of verbs marked in the
completive aspect/status indicating a sequence of events. As in these examples, the temporal
adverbial ka', 'when' or 'then', frequently appears clause-initially with completive verbs (cf.
15.2.4). Subordinate adverbial clauses often appear with a'ka', as in (2) (cf. 14.2.5.3, 20.2.2.1,
24.1.1).
(1) Ma' sam-ik u-b'el .. t-u-chi' a'ja'-ej ...

NEG while-PERF 3A-go to-3A-edge DETwater-TOP
'Not long after he went to the edge of the laguna,
t-u-kiix-iin-t-aj u-xot'-ol che' ..

cOM-3A-seek-NOM-TRN-CTS 3A-piece-pos wood
he looked for a log,
ka' niik-l-aj-ij ..
then sit-POSIT-CIS-3sG.B
then he sat down,
ka' kap-IJ-ij ti litz. ...

then begin-cIS-3SG.B SUB fish
then he began to fish.' (txt1.29-33).
(2) A' 'ayim-e .. tal-IJ-ij ...y-alam a'ja'-ej ..

DET crocodile-TOP come-CIS-3SG.B 3A-below DET water-TOP
'The crocodile came beneath the water,
ka' t-u-miich-aj. ...

then cOM-3A-grab-cTS
then it grabbed him.
T-u-miich-aj u-k'ab' a' winik-ej ..

cOM-3A-grab-cTS 3A-arm DET man-TOP
It grabbed the hand of the man,
ka't-u-pul-aj tija'. ...

then cOM-3A-throw-CTS in water
then it threw him into the water.
A '-ka' lub'-IJ-ij a' winik tija'-ej ...

DET-when fall-CIS-3SG.B DET man in water-TOP
When the man fell in the water,
ka' t-u-miich-aj t-u-ju' ...

then cOM-3A-grab-cTs at-3A-waist
then it grabbed him at the waist,
ka' t-u-tz'iim-aj y-alam a'ja'-ej ...

then COM-3A-sink-CTS 3A-below DET water-TOP
and it pulled him under the water,
i ka' kap-IJ-ij u-sut-u'. ..

and then begin-cIS-3sG.B 3A-turn-DTS
and then it began to spin him.' (txt1.43-51)
15.3.2. Perfect Constructions

Perfect constructions indicate that an action or change of state has been completed before
the present (present perfects) or before a given time axis in the past (past perfects). 5 As described
in 15.2.5.2, a similar relationship can be signalled by terminative aspectual adverbs or
auxiliaries. In the case of perfect constructions, they ordinarily function to provide background
information that is out of temporal sequence (Hofling 1998). Topical chains and temporal flow are
interrupted to include information from an earlier time frame. Perfects often occur in subordinate
clauses. In this section, affIrmative perfect constructions will be described. Negative perfects and
"time since" perfects involve the dependent status and are described in 15.4.2.5.
Transitive perfect verbs do not regularly have aspectual prefIxes but are marked by the
perfect suffix -m and the completive status suffix _aj.6 As indicated in the following examples, the
time reference of the perfect shifts according to its discourse context, with a present perfect
meaning with incompletive verbs providing context (1)-(3), but with a past perfect meaning when
completive verbs appear as context (4)-(7).
(1) Tulakal a' b'a'alche'-oo'je'-la' k-aw-il-ik-oo'-ej ... a-laj=tz'on-m-aj ..

all DET animal-PL OST-PROX INC-2A-See-ITS-PL-TOP 2A-all=shoot-PERF-CTS
'All of these animals that you see, you have shot them all' (91.15.102-4)
(2) Nukuch kan .. k-uy-il-ik mak ich k'aax ..

big snake INC-3A-see-ITS person in forest
'One sees big snakes in the forest,
u-laj=ch'ot-m-aj u-baj-oo' .. u-xib'-al i u-ch'up-al.

3A-all=twist-PERF-CTS 3A-REFL-PL 3A-male-ADJ and 3A-female-ADJ
they have entwined themselves, the male and female.' (91.21.67-69)
(3) In-ten-ej yan in-b'en-il .. in-jeb'-m-aj .. tu'ux k-in-jok'-ol ...

EMP-lSG.IPR-TOP EXIST ISG.A-path-pos ISG.A-open-PERF-CTS where INC-lsG.A-gO.out-ilS
'I have my path that I have cleared where I go out' (91.11.37-39)
(4) Ajaa way inw-en-sii-m-aj-oo' way paay-il Sik'u'-ej. ...

EXCLhere ISG.A-lower-cAUS-PERF-CTS-PL here beach-pos PN-TOP
'Uh-huh, I had brought them down here, here at the beach of La Trinidad.'
Ka'b'ej-ij t-im-b'en-s-aj. ..
two.days-3SG.B COM-l SG.A-go-CAUS-CTS
'Two days ago I brought them.' (91.24.173-75)
(5) k'och-oo' tak t-a'fronteeraj tu'ux u-mol-m-aj u-b'aj tulakal a' mak-oo'-ej ...
arrive-PL til to-DET border where 3A-gather-PERF-CTS 3A-REFL all DET person-PL-TOP
'they arrived at the border where all of the people had gathered,' (txt2.94-95)

5 There is no straightforward future perfect, but see 24.1.5 on future temporal

sequences.
6 This may be a reanalysis of an earlier perfect marker, -ma (Kaufman 1991:31; cf.
6.3.1.2.6, 6.3.1.2.7, 16.3.4.6). The completive aspect marker t- occasionally occurs with
transitive perfect forms, as in example (7).
tumen a' 'ayim-ej u-miich-m-aj ma'lo' .. t-uy-ok a' winik-ej. ...

because DET crocodile-TOP 3A-grab-PERF-cTS well at-3A-foot DET man-TOP
because the crocodile had seized the man well by his foot.' (txt1.62-64)
(7) I a' b'a'alche'-ej a'-ka'jo'm-ij u-Iaj=jan-t-ik a' ch'iich'

and DETanimal-TOP DET-when end-3sG.B 3A-all=eat-TRN-ITS DETbird
'And the animal, when it fmished eating all of the birds
t-u-tz'on-m-aj-oo' la'ayti'-oo'-e .. ka' kap-ij ti siit'. ...

cOM-3A-shoot-PERF-CTS-PL 3IPR-PL-TOP then begin-3sG.B SUB jump
that they themselves had shot, then it began to jump.' (91.13.76-79)
Intransitive verbs may take the participial suffix -a'an to mark the perfect. The participle
-a'an is a general perfect/passive participial marker and does not always convey a perfect
meaning. Its meaning may simply be passive-participial (cf. 6.3). However, it clearly may have a
perfect meaning on transitive and root intransitive stems, as in (8)-(11).
(8) I mentiik-ej .. k'/ix-a'an uy-ok a' keej .. y-ok' a' k'aak'-ej ..

and therefore-TOP tie-PART 3A-foot DET deer 3A-over DET fire-TOP
'And therefore, when the foot of the deer has been tied over the fire,
ix-nok'ol je'-Io' la'ayti' b'in k-u-piiy-ik uy-et'ok. ...

FEM-worm OST-DIST 3IPR REPORT INc-3A-Call-ITs 3A-companion
that worm, they say it calls its friends.' (91.16.62-66)
(9) K-uy-il-ik-ej .. iik-a'an a' nojja' .. t-u-jol a' 'aktun-ej. ...

INC-3A-See-ITS-TOP POOl-PART DET big water in-3A-door DET cave-TOP
'It sees that a lake has formed in the mouth of the cave.' (91.18.68-70)
(10) jach tal-a'an-oo' .. mak-oo'wa'ye' .. b'a-Ia'. ...

many come-PART-PL person-PL here TEMP-PROX
'Many people have come here now.' (91.23.67)
(11) Jo 'm-a 'an u-jok'-s-ik yaab' tz'eek kiiy. ...

end-PART 3A-hook-CAUS-ITS much bit fish
'He had already taken a good bit offish.' (txt1.34)
A perfect meaning is generally indicated on derived intransitive stems such as

antipassives with an additional completive status marker, -aj preceding -a'an (12a) (cf. 6.3.1).
Some antipassive forms permit the transitive perfect -maj (or ma) suffix as well (12b) (cf.
6.3.1.2.6, 16.3.4.6). In adverbial focus constructions with the sufixes -ik-il, perfect meaning is
also indicated (13)-(14) (cf. 14.5).
(12a) kin-s-aj-n-aj-a'an
die-CAuS-DTR-AP-CIS-PART
's/he has been a butcher'
(12b) kin-sii-maj-n-aj-a'an
die-CAUS-PERF-AP-CIS-PART
's/he has been a butcher'
(13) Waye' mix=maak u-tz'on-o'. Tz'on-a'an-ik-il ich u-tal.

here NEG=person 3A-shoot-DTS shoot-PART-PERF-FOC SUB 3A-come
'No one here has shot him. He was already shot when he came.'
(14) A'-ka' k'och-o'on ich kol-ej .. aj-Jwanya kin-s-aj-a'an-ik-il.

DET-when arrive-lpL.B in milpa-TOP MASC-PN already die-CAuS-DTR-PART-PERF-FOC
'When we arrived in the milpa, Juan had already been killed.'
15.4. Irrealis Modalities
15.4.1 Imperative Mood and Status

An -en suffix marks intransitive imperative verbs, including derived intransitives (1)-(2)
(cf. 3.1.4). Transitive verbs are marked by the same status suffixes that mark the dependent
status but have no prefIxes to the root, as in (3)-(5) (cf. 3.1.4, 15.4.2). Negative imperatives are
formed with the negative marker ma' and the incompletive status stem form of the verb marked
for the second-person (6)-(8) (cf. 19.1.3).
(1 ) ka' t-uy-a 'I-aj ten ..

then cOM-3A-say-cTs ISG.IOPR
'then she told me,
"Ko'on! ... Ko't-en wa'yej! ... Tzay-en t-im-pach!" ...

come/HORT come-IMPIS here follow-IMPIS at-1SG.A-back
"Come! Come here! Follow me!'" (92.2.66-69)
(2) Chich b'a'te'-n-en yok' ki-k'och-oljach seeb'!

hard paddle-AP-IMPIS SUB IpL.A-arrive-IIS very quick
'Paddle hard so we arrive soon!'
(3) Man-es ten a' riiflej k-a-man-s-ik-ej ..

pass-CAUS/IMPTS 1SG.IOPR DET rifle INC-2A-pass-CAUS-ITS-TOP
'Pass me the rifle that you are carrying' (91.11.69-70)
(4) "Pak'-t-ej!" ki. ... "Pak'-t-ejjum=p'iit"

wait-TRN-IMPTS QUOT wait-TRN-IMPTS one=bit
, "Wait!" he said. "Wait a minute!" , (91.12.108-9)
(5) In-tech-ej mach-ii' ... i k'iix-ii' u-may-ej. ...

EMP-2sG.IPR-TOP take-IMPTS and tie-IMPTS 3A-hoof-TOP
'You take its hoofs and tie them.' (91.16.26-27)
(6) I xen! .. Ma' a-wa'-tal! ..

and gO/IMPIS NEG 2A-stand-posIT
'And go! Don't stop!' (91.13.123-24)
(7) Pak'-t-II-een! .. Pak'-t-II-een! .. Ma' a-b'el! .. Ko'on!

wait-TRN-IMPTS-1SG.B wait-TRN-IMPTS-1SG.B NEG 2A-go come/HORT
'Wait for me! Wait for me! Don't go! Come!' (91.13.151-53)
(8) tz'on-o' ma'lo'! ... ma' a-maan=tz'on-t-ik! ...

Shoot-IMPTS well NEG 2A-miS=shoot-TRN-ITS
'shoot it well! don't shoot it badly!' (91.15.123-24)
15.4.2. Irrealis Constructions and Dependent Status

The dependent status is associated with subordination (see chapters 23 and 24) and
irrealis modalities, including the imperative (15.4.1), the future (15.4.2.1), the admonitive
( 15.4.2.2), the hortative ( 15.4.2.3), the optative ( 15.4.2.4), irrealis perfects (15.4.2.5),
indefmite relative clauses (15.4.2.6), irrealis complements (15.4.2.7), and irrealis adverbial clauses
(15.4.2.8) (Hofling 1984a, 1998). Intransitive verbs in the dependent status are marked by a
harmonic -Vk suffix and Set B person markers. Transitive verbs in the dependent status are
marked by a harmonic -v' suffix (cf. 3.1.3). As elsewhere, transitive subjects are marked by Set
A person markers and transitive objects are marked by Set B person markers. Thus the person-
marking system appears in an ergative configuration in the dependent status (cf. 15.1).
Dependent Status
Intransitive Transitive
ka' wen -ek -ech ka' u- mach -a' -ech

SUB sleep -DIS -2SG.B SUB 3A- grab -DTS -2SG.B
'that you sleep' 'that s/he grab you'
15.4.2.1. (Immediate) Future Auxiliary, ka'aj, 'go'

A specialized auxiliary construction with ka'aj, 'go', or h'el uka'aj, 's/he goes', is often
used to indicate the future, usually the immediate future, as indicated in the chart below. In these
constructions, if the following subordinate verb is intransitive, it appears as an incompletive status
stem after the subordinator ti, 'to' (1)-(2). If the subordinate verb is transitive, it appears as an
inflected dependent-status verb (3)-(4) (Hofling 1998; cf. 15.4.2.8, 23.2).
Intransitive Subordinate Verb Transitive Subordinate Verb
(b'e/) u- ka'aj ti wen -el (b'e/) u- ka'aj u- jan -I -ej

(go) 3A-go SUB sleep-lIS (go) 3A-go 3A- eat -TRN -DTS
's/he is going to sleep' 's/he is going to eat it'
(1) 'ya natz'-ech .. ya b'el a-ka'aj Ii k'och-ol .. ki ten ...

/I
already close-2sG.B already go 2A-go SUB arrive-lIS QUOT lSG.IOPR

, "you are already close, already you are going to arrive," she told me,' (92.2.81-82)
(2) ya b'el in-ka'aj Ii lal-el. ...

already go lSG.A-go SUB come-lIS
'now I am going to come.' (92.2.176)
(3) B'el in-ka'aj in-tzikb'al-t-ej ... jum=p'e mo'nok kweentoj ...

go lSG.A-go lSG.A-tell-TRN-DTS one=INAM small story
'I am going to tell a little story,' (txtl.1)

EMP-1SG.IPR-TOP much DES lSG.A-eat-TRN-ITS fish
'Me, I really want to eat fish,
i b'el in-ka'aj inw-il-a' .. wa patal in-litz-ik. ...

and go lSG.A-go lSG.A-see-DTS COND ABIL lSG.A-hook-ITS
and I am going to see ifI can hook some.' (txt1.25-27)
15.4.2.2. Admonitive
The admonitive marker b'i(i)kij or b'i(i)k7 appears clause-initially with verbs in the
dependent status marking its irrealis modality (1)-(12) (Hofling 1998). Ordinarily, the admonitive
occurs with second-person subjects and its primary function is to give warnings, as in (1)-(5).
Third-person subjects are possible (6), and one can also admonish oneself with constructions
using b'Ukij (7)-(8). Uses of b'iikij include notices of possible negative or unanticipated
consequences, as in (9)-(12).
(1) B'i(i)kij /ub'-uk-ech!

ADMON fall-DIS-2SG.B
'Don't fall!' or 'You could fall!'
(2) B'i(i)kij a-ch'ak-li' aw-ok!

ADMON 2A-cut-DTS 2A-foot
'Don't cut your foot!'
(3) B'ikij a/ka'-n-ak-ech!

ADMON run-AP-DIS-2SG.B
'Don't run!' (you could hurt yourself)
(4) B'ikijjan-b'-lik-ech men b'a/um!

ADMON eat-PAS-DIS-2SG.B by jaguar
'Careful! You could be eaten by a jaguar.'
(5) B'ikij chuk'-b'-uk-ech kiil-a'an-ech!

ADMON screw-PAS-DIS-2SG.B drunk-PART-2SG.B
'Be careful, you could get screwed (when you're) drunk!'
(6) Mach-a' a' paal-ej! B'ikij lub '-uk!

grab-IMPTS DET child-TOP ADMON fall-DIS
'Grab the child. It could fall!'
(7) Man-es ten in-xolte'-ej! B'iikij lub'-uk-en!

pass-CAUS/IMPTS ISG.IOPR ISG.A-staff-TOP ADMON fall-DIS-ISG.B
'Pass me my staffl I could fall!'
(8) B'iik(ij) in-kim-es a'pek'-ej!

ADMON lSG.A-die-cAus/DTS DET dog-TOP
'I could kill the dog!' (so I am going to work with caution)
(9) Ta/-es ten a' k'ub'-een-ej! B'ikij xi'ik-en et-e/'ak'a'.

bring-CAUS ISG.IOPR DET deliver-NOM-TOP ADMON gO/DIs-ISG.B with-pos night
'Bring me your charge (the thing entrusted to you)! (Because) I might have to go at
night.'
(to) Je'-/o' k-u-taljun=tuul winik chaknal

OST-DIST INC-3A-come one=ANIM man nude
'There is a nude man coming
7 B'iikij obligatorily shortens or contracts to b'i(i)k with fIrst-person plural subjects

marked by ki-, e.g., b'iikij ki-kimes! > b'iik ki-kim-es, 'we could kill it!'
i luk'-en te'-loj .. b'iki aw-il-a'.

and leave-IMPIs LOC-DIST ADMON 2A-see-DTS
and leave there! You could see him!'
(11) In-ka'aj in-luk'-es a' b'eneenoj waye' b'ikij a-jan-t-ej.

ISG.A-go ISG.A-Ieave-CAUS DETpoison here ADMON 2A-eat-TRN-DTS
'I am going to take the poison from there because you could eat it.'
(12) B'el in-ka'aj in-nutz'-u' a' k'aak'-ej .. b'ikij tak-ech et-el ak'jj'.
go ISG.A-go ISG.A-puUogether-DTs DET fIre-TOP ADMON come/DIs-2sG.B with-pos night
'I am going to put together the fIre, you could come at night.' (so we might need fIre
later)
15.4.2.3. Hortative
The specialized forms ko'ox (exclusive) and ko'oxe'ex (inclusive) are used for fIrst-person
plural hortative constructions meaning 'let's go' or simply 'let's' (1)-(3). The specialized forms
ko'on, 'come' (singular), and ko'one'ex, 'come you all', are used to urge second-person participants
to action (4).8
(1) b'a-laj ko'ox .. tak ka'nal. ...

TEMP-PROX HORT til above
'And now let's go up to the top.' (91.11.27-28)
(2) Ko'ox. .. B'a'ax u-ka'aj rna' tan-b'el ti kiw-et-el? ...

HORT what 3A-go NEG DuR/2A-go to IPL.A-with-pos
'Let's go. Why don't you come with us?' (91.17.141-42)
(3) Ko'ox San 'And'res.

HORTPN
'Let's go to San Andres.'
(4) Ko'on-e'ex!
come/HORT-2PL
'Come all of you!'
Like the intransitive auxiliary ka'aj described in 15.4.2.1, subordinate verbs may follow
the hortative markers (5)-(11). Intransitive subordinate verbs follow ti and are marked as plain
incompletive status stems (5)-(6). Transitive subordinate verbs are inflected and appear in the
dependent status (7)-( 11).
(5) Ko'ox ti p'at-iil.

HORT SUB remain-lIS
'Let's stay.'
(6) Ko'on-e'ex tijan-al.

come/HORT-2PL SUB eat-NOM
'Come all of you to eat.'
8 Alternatively, ko'on and ko'on-e'ex could be considered irregular imperative forms, in

addition to ko'ten, 'come! (singular)' and ko'tene'ex, 'come all of you!'
15. VERBAL MORPHOSYNTAX 1: TENSE, ASPECT, AND MOOD 375
(7) Ko 'ox kik-il-a' wa u-ch 'U-il-oo'. ...

HORT IpL.A-See-DTs COND 3A-groW-lIS-PL
'Lets see if they grow.' (91.7.21-22)
(8) Ko'on a-kiiniin-t-ej ki-paal to'on.

come/HORT 2A-watch-TRN-DTS IpL.A-child IpL.IOPR
'Come watch our children for us.'
(9) Ko'ox kiw-utz-kin-t-ej ki-k'aak' ..

HORT IPL-good-CAUS-TRN-DTS IpL.A-frre
'Let's fIx our light
ti'a'al ka' ki-tich'=k'ak'-t-ej a' kolje'-la'-ej. ...

SUB SUB IpL.A-pass=frre-TRN-DTS DET milpa OST-PROX-TOP
so that we can illuminate this milpa.' (91.11.9-11)
(10) Ko'ox ki-mol-'-oo' a' ki-ch'iich'-ej. ..

HORT IpL.A-gather-DTs-PL DET IpL.A-bird-TOP
'Let's gather our birds.' (91.13.48)
(II) I b'a-laj .. ko'ox kiw-il-a' b'ix patal ki-jok'-ol wa'yej. ...

and TEMP-PROX HORT IpL.A-See-DTs how ABIL IpL.A-Ieave-IIs here
'And now lets see how we can leave here.' (91.17.107-8)
15.4.2.4. Optative
The optative mood is most often marked by the irregular modal verb k'a't(ij), 'want'. The
subordinate construction varies according to whether or not the subject of the subordinate verb
cross-references the main-clause subject and according to transitivity, as diagrammed in the
following chart (cf. 23.2.1; Hofling 1984a, 1998).
Intransitive Subordinate Verb Transitive Subordinate Verb

Cross-Reference A.PR-k'a'tij V-lIS A.PR-k'a'tij A.PR-V-DTS
Switch Reference A.PR-k'a'tij ka' V-DIS-B.PR A.PR-k'a'tij ka' A.PR-V-DTS
15.4.2.4.1. Cross-Reference
With intransitive subordinate verbs, when the subordinate subject cross-references the
main-clause subject, an uninflected incompletive status form appears (1) (cf. 23.2.1.1.1). With
transitive subordinate verbs, when the subordinate subject cross-references the main-clause
subject, an inflected dependent-status form appears (2)-(3) (cf. 23.2.1.1.2).
(I) Ii .. u-k'a't-ijjok'-ol t-a' 'aktun-ej. ...

and 3A-want-Ts leave-lIS from-DET cave-TOP
'And it wants to leave the cave.' (91.18.64)
(2) U-k'a't-ij kuchij u-jan-t-'-oo' a' ka'=tuul winik-oo'-ej. ...

3A-want-TS formerly 3A-eat-TRN-DTS-PL DET twO=ANIM man-PL-TOP
'It wanted to eat the two men.' (91.13.80)
(3) A-k'a't(-ij) a-mlich-ii' a-suku'un-ej ..

2A-want( -TS) 2A-grab-DTs 2A-older.brother-TOP
'You wantto grab your older brother' (91.14.65)
15.4.2.4.2. Switch Reference

Switch reference between the main and subordinate subjects is marked by the
subordinator ka', and the subordinate verb appears in the dependent status for both intransitives
(1)-(2) and transitives (3)-(4) (cf. 23.2.1.2).
(1) ma' u-k'a't-oo' ka' luk'-ak. ...

NEG 3A-want-PL SUB muddy-DiS
'they don't want it to get muddy.' (91.10.16-17)
(2) aj-meyaj-oo'-ej ... u-k'a't-oo' ka' xi'ikjun=tuul ix-ch'up ..

MASC-work-PL-TOP 3A-want-PL SUB gO/DIS one=ANIM FEM-woman
'the workers want a woman to go' (91.22.160-61)
(3) u-k'a't-ij ka' in-jok'-es ... u-che'-il ka'=ku(ul) naj. ...

3A-want-TS SUB ISG.A-come.out-CAUS/DTS 3A-wood-pos two=round house
'he wants me to take out (of the forest) the wood for two houses.' (91.1.3-4)
(4) la'ayti' in-k'a't-ij k(a~-a-men-t-ej ten a' chem-ej. ...

3IPR ISG.A-want-Ts sUB-2A-make-TRN-DTS ISG.IOPR DET canoe-TOP
'it is (from) it that I want you to make me the canoe.' (91.10.32-33)
15.4.2.5. Irrealis Perfects

In contrast to affIrmative perfect constructions, which were described in 15.3.2,
unrealized perfects and "time since" perfects appear in the dependent status (Hofling 1998).
15.4.2.5.1. Unrealized Perfects

Unrealized perfects indicate irrealis states prior to the relevant time axis (1 )-(4)
(cf.19.1.6). A negative marker, usually ma', appears clause-initially and the verb is marked for
the dependent status. There is also a specialized negative adverbial, ma' samik, 'not long ago', (5)
that appears to be related to these negative perfect constructions and itself functions as an
incompletive status TAM marker (cf. 6.2.4.1, 15.2.4, 19.1.5).

and DET day OST-DIST-TOP until TEMP=OST-PROX-TOP
ma' ka'=xik-en tuka'ye' t-a' kolje'-lo'-ej

NEG REPET=gO/DiS-1SG.B again in-DET milpa OST-DIST-TOP
(2) tumen ... mix jum=pak ... naach-ak-en .. t-inw-otoch ...

because NEG one=time far-DiS-1SG.B from-lsG.A-house
'because not even once have I been far from my house,' (92.2.11-12)
(3) Ma' u-xi'ma'-t-II-oo'

NEG 3A-walk-TRN-DTS-PL
'They haven't walked it.'
(4) Tak b'a-je'-la'-ej ma' tub'-uk ten.

until TEMP-OST-PROX-TOP NEG forget-DIs ISG.IOPR
'Until now it hasn't been forgotten by me.' (91.15.223-24)
(5) Ma'sam-ik u-b'el .. t-u-chi' a'ja'-ej ...

NEG while-IRREAL 3A-go to-3A-edge DET water-TOP
'Not long after he went to the edge of the laguna,
t-u-kiixiin-t-aj u-xot'-ol che' ..

cOM-3A-fmd-TRN-CTS 3A-cut-NOM wood
he found a log,' (txt1.29-31)
15.4.2.5.2 "Time Since" Perfects

"Time since" perfects indicate the length of time since an event has occurred and are thus
related to unrealized or negative perfects (cf. 15.4.2.5.1). The relevant action or state has not
occurred or is irrealis during a specified time prior to the discourse time axis (Hofling 1998).
These constructions begin with a specification of the relevant time period and the verb appears in
the dependent status (1)-(3). The "time since" perfect may also occur with aspectual auxiliaries
such asjo'm, 'fmish', in (3).
(1) Yayan .. ox=p'e mes .. xik-ech .. ti tz'on i ma' tak-ech.

already EXIST three=INAM month go/DIS-2SG.B SUB shoot and NEG come/DIS-2sG.B
'It's already three months since you went to shoot and you haven't come (back).'
(91.15.189-91)
(2) 'Oochoj d'iiyas man-lik a' noj k'in-ej k-u-ka'=b'et-ik-oo' a' 'oktaab'aj-e ..
eight days paSS-DIS DETbig day-TOP INC-3A-REPET=do-ITS-PL DEToctava-TOP
'Eight days since the great day has passed, they do the octava again,' (91.23.376-77)
(3) K-u-man ... jum=p'e mes .. wa ka'=p'e mes ...

INC-3A-pass one=INAM month or twO=INAM month
'One month or two months pass
jo'm-ok u-b'et-ik mak uy-otoch-ej ...

end-DIS 3A-do-JTS person 3A-home-TOP
since a person has fmished making his house
k-u-top'-ol uy-ix-nok'ol-il a' xa'an-ej . ..

INC-3A-hatch-HS 3A-FEM-worm-POS DET thatch-ToP
when the worm of the thatch hatches.' (91.21.47-51)
15.4.2.6. Indefinite Relative Clauses

Irrealis relative clauses modifying indefinite head nouns with the meanings such as
'whoever', whatever', or 'whichever' may also appear in the dependent status (1)-(2) (cf.
22.2.1.2). Related forms withje'- ... -ak are lexicalized as indefinite pronouns (3)-(5) (cf.
2.2.6.2, 6.2.2).
(1) I a' max [k(a~-u-k;m-es .. jun=tuul b'a'alche'-ej] ..

and DET who [suB-3A-die-cAus/DTS one=ANIM animal-TOP]
'And whoever would kill an animal,
k'och-ok uy-ojel-t-ej u-nojoch-il a' meyaj-ej ...

arrive-DIS 3A-know-TRN-DTS 3A-big-pos DET work-TOP
when the chief comes to know it,
k-u-jok'-sii-b'-iil .. t-a' meyaj-ej ..

INC-3A-remove-CAUS-PAS-IIS from-DET work-TOP
he is taken from work' (txt1.209-11)
(2) Tood'os [wa'-l-ak-oo' tijan-al-ejlje'-u-jan-t-ik-oo'-ej. ..

all [stand-POSIT-DIS-PL SUB eat-NoM-TOP] ASSuR-3A-eat-TRN-ITS-PL-TOP
'All that stop to eat, will eat (a lot of) it.' (91.24:320-21)
(3) Je'-tu'ux-ak-ej k-uy-ok-ol.

OST-where-IRREAL-TOP INC-3A-enter-IIS
'It enters wheresoever.' (91.24.248)
(4) je-tu'ux-ak ka' xi'ik-oo'-ejjach yaab' mak.

OST-where-IRREAL SUB go/DIS-PL-TOP very many person
'wheresoever they might go, there are many people.' (91.24.476-77)
(5) Tal-es tenje'-ba'ax-ak-ej.

come-CAus/IMPTS 1SG .IOPR OST-what-IRREAL-TOP
'Bring me whatever.'
15.4.2.7. Speech and Cognitive Verb Complements

Speech and cognitive verbs may also have complements in the dependent status that are
generally marked by the subordinator ka' (1)-(6) (cf. 23.2). In the relevant constructions, the
speech verbs are often directives, such as 'order' or 'tell', and the subordinate clauses are marked as
irrealis (1)-(4). The cognitive verb ojel, 'know', may also take dependent-status complements (5)-
(6).9
(1) Aal-b'-ij ti'ij-ej .. ke ka' u-jok'-esja' ...

say-PAs-3sG.B 3IOPR-TOP SUB SUB 3A-Ieave-cAus/DTs water
'He was told that he should take out water,' (txtl.84-85)
(2) T-inw-a'l-aj ti'ij .. ka' meyaj-n-ak ka'=p'e k'in ..

COM-lsG.A-say-cTs 3IOPR SUB work-AP-DIS twO=INAM day
'I told him to work two days,
k(a ~-u-paak-t-ej ka'ax chen u-b 'aak' a' naj-ej. ...

SUB 3A-clear-TRN-DTS although only 3A-circle DET house-TOP
that he clear it, even if only the perimeter of the house.' (91.8.12-14)
(3) Tal-een ti t'am-b'-al ... ka' nak'-ak-en t-a' noj naj ..

come-lSG.B to call-PAS-IIS SUB ascend-DIS-lSG.B to-DETbig house
'I came to be called to climb to the town hall' (91.9.1-2)
(4) Ka' t-u-k'at-aj-ej .. ka' muk-b'-uk ket et-el uy-iitan . ...

and cOM-3A-ask-CTS-TOP SUB bury-PAS-DIS together with-pos 3A-wife
'Then he asked that he be buried together with his wife.' (91.17.34-35)
(5) I a' tzimin-ej ma' uy-ojel u-jan-t-ej. ...

and DET horse-TOP NEG 3A-know 3A-eat-TRN-DTS
'And the horse didn't know to eat it.' (92.3.41-42)
(6) B'ix aw-ojel-e'ex ka' kim-ik-en

how 2A-know-2pL.B SUB die-DIS-lsG.B
'How do you know that I would die' (91.15.196-97)
9 Other cognitive verbs, such as tuklik, 'think', do not take dependent-status complements
(cf. 23.2).
15.4.2.8. Irrealis Adverbial Clauses
15.4.2.8.1. Irrealis Adverbial Clauses with ka', 'when'

As mentioned in 15.2.4, subordinate adverbial clauses with ka' appear in both the
completive and dependent statuses, but not in the incompletive status. In the dependent status,
these irrealis adverbial clauses refer to possible future actions or states (1 )-(3). The adverbial ka'
may also enter into indefmite-irrealis relative constructions (4)-(5) (cf. 15.4.2.6). The epistemic
modality marker uch-ak, 'possibly', shown in (6) and described in 15.2.6.6, appears to be related
to these irrealis adverbial constructions.
(1) tumen tan-in-tuk-I-ik .. b'ix k-im-b'el im-b'et-e(j)

because DUR-1SG.A-think-NOM-ITS how INC-1SG.A-go ISG.A-do-DTS
'because I am thinking, how am I going to manage
a'-ka' k'och-ok-en ...

DET-when arrive-DIs-lsG.B
when I arrive' (92.2.25-27)
(2) I ka' tak a' 'och-ej ...

and when come/DIS DET opossum-TOP
'And when the opossum comes,
in-ten-ej b'el in-ka'a in-ye'ye'=lox-t-ej ..

EMP-1SG.IPR-TOP go ISG.A-go ISG.A-threaten=punch-TRN-DTS
I'm going to threaten to punch him' (91.14.36-37)
(3) A '-ka' yiij-ak a' niil-ej .. k-u-kap-iil mak ti watz'. ...

DET-when rippen-Dls DET ear-TOP INc-3A-begin-ns person to double
'When the ears are ripe, one begins to double (the com over).' (91.20.97-98)
(4) a' k'in ka'jok'-ok-ech ti tz'on-ej .. b'el a-k(a'a)-aw-il-a' keej ...

DET day when go.out-DIs-2SG.B SUB Shoot-TOP go 2A-go-2A-see-DTs deer
'the day that you go out to shoot, you are going to see deer,' (91.16.37-38)
(5) a' k'in ka' kim-ik-en-ej ... b'el in-ka'a ti muk-b-ul ket t-aw-et-el ...
DET day when die-DIS-lsG.B-TOP go ISG.A-go SUB bury-PAs-IIs together to-2A-with-pos
'the day that I die, I am going to be buried together with you' (91.17.11-12)
(6) Uch-ak .. patal kik-il-ik .. b'a'alche'-i'ij . ...

happen=IRREALiDIS? ABIL IpL.A-See-ITS animal-LOC
'Perhaps we can see animals there.' (91.11.32)
15.4.2.8.2. After Motion Verbs

In motion-verb constructions, subordinate intransitive verbs appear as bare incompletive
status forms after the the subordinator ti, 'to' (1)-(2), while subordinate transitive verbs appear in
the dependent status without a subordinator (3)-(5), a pattern like that described for the auxiliary
ka'aj, 'go' in 15.4.2.1. These constructions often indicate purpose (cf. 15.4.2.8.4).
(I) b'in-i ti litz ... t-u-chi' a'ja'

go-3SG.B SUB fish at-3A-edge DET water
'he went to fish at the edge of the lake' (txt1.15-16)
(2) te' k-u-b 'el-oo' ti wen-el-i'i}. ...

LOC INC-3A-gO-PL SUB sleep-IIS-LOC
'there they go to sleep.' (txtl.132)
(3) Ka' tal-i uy-et'ok-oo' uy-il-a' b'a'ax k-uy-uch-ul ti'i}-ej ...

then come-3SG.B 3A-companion-PL 3A-see-DTS what INc-3A-happen-JIs 3IOPR-TOP
'When his companions came to see what was happening to him,' (txtl.38-39)
(4) I nak'-ij a' nojoch=winik-ej u-tul-u' u-kum ... y-ok'jum=p'e che'. ...
and ascend-3sG.B DET big=man-TOP 3A-fill-DTS 3A-pot 3A-over one=INAM tree
'And the gentleman went up to fill his pot on top of a tree trunk.' (91.1.94-96)

EMP-ISG.JPR INC-ISG.A-go ISG.A-go-CAUS-2sG.B
in-ten k-im-b'el inw-a'l-e(j) tech .. b'ix k-a-b'el a-b'et-ej. ...

EMP-lSG.JPR INC-lSG.A-go ISG.A-tell-DTS 2SG.JOPR how INC-2A-go 2A-do-DTS
I am going to tell you how you are going to do it.' (92.2.56-58)
15.4.2.8.3. After Inceptive Verbs

The inceptive verbs kap and jop', 'begin', behave similarly to motion verbs, with
subordinate intransitive verbs appearing as bare intransitive status stems after ti, 'to' (I )-(2), and
subordinate transitive verbs in the dependent status (3)-(6). Unlike the inceptive auxiliaries with
incompletive status verbs described in 15.2.5.1, these constructions tend to mark narrative
foreground (cf. 24.1).
( 1) ka' kap-ij ti litz. ...

then begin-3sG.B SUB fish
'then he began to fish.' (txtl.33)
(2) Ka'jop'-ij Ii awal a' b'alum-ej. ...

then begin-3sG.B SUB roar DET jaguar-ToP
'Then the jaguar began to roar.' (91.12.103)
(3) i ka' kap-i u-sul-u/. ..

and then begin-3sG.B 3A-spin-DTs
'and then it began to spin him.' (txt 1. 51)
(4) Kap-ij u-chun-u / u-meyaj. ...

begin-3sG.B 3A-start-DTS 3A-work
'He began to start his work.' (txtI.89)
(5) t-u-ch'iik-aj-oo' che' ... kap(-i) u-k'iix-ii'-oo'. ... T-u-k'iix-aj-oo'ma'lo'. ...

COM-3A-cut-DTS-PL wood begin( -3SG.B) 3A-tie-DTS-PL cOM-3A-tie-CTS-PL well
'They cut wood, they began to tie it. They tied it well.' (92.3.95-97)
15.4.2.8.4. Purpose Clauses

Subordinate clauses indicating purpose may also appear in the dependent status (cf.
15.4.2.8.2). In the most complex forms, purpose clauses appear after the subordinators ti'i} ka' or
ti'a'al ka', 'in order that' (cf. 24.4.2). A variety of other purpose-clause constructions with the
incompletive status are also possible (cf.24.4.1). There appears to be an iconicity between
syntactic and semantic integration in these constructions (cf. Givon 1990) such that the
constructions with full subordination marking are less integrated semantically than those with
reduced or deleted subordination marking (cf. Hotling 1984a; Durbin, Hotling, and Ojeda 1990).
Full forms of the pUlpose construction are given in (1)-(3). These constructions may
involve subordinate abilitative adverbia1s marked as irrealis in the dependent status (2)-(3) (cf.
15.2.6.5). Dependent-status pUtpose clauses with only one of the subordinators (ti'ijlti'a'al or ka1
(4)-(5) or neither (6)-(7) are also possible and appear to mark increasing clause integration (see
chapter 24).
(1) ka' t-uy-a'l-aj ti'ij tulakal uy-et=sold'aad'oj-il-oo'-ej ..

then cOM-3A-say-CTs to all 3A-with=soldier-POS-PL-TOP
'when they told all of their fellow soldiers,
leeejach ma'lo' 'ooraj ti'ij ka' ok-ok-oo' ..

that very good hour SUB SUB enter-DIS-PL
that it was a very good time to enter,' (txt2.II2-13)
(2) lee wa ma' inw-ojel b'ix u-men-b'-el u-sekreetoj-il ...

that COND NEG ISG.A-know how 3A-make-PAS-IIS 3A-charm-pos
'if I don't know how their charm is made
ti'-a'(al) ka' pat-ak u-tz'on-ik mak .. a' keej-oo'-ej. ...

SUB-NOM SUB ABIL-DIS 3A-shoot-ITS person DET deer-PL-TOP
so that one would be able to shoot the deer.' (91.16.5-7)
(3) yan ki-kiix-t-ik ma'lo' u-k'in-il .. ti'-a'al ka' pat-ak u-b'et-ik. ...
OBUG 1PL.A-seek-TRN-ITS good 3A-day-pos SUB-NOM SUB ABIL-DIS 3A-do-ITS
'we have to seek a good day so that we can do it.' (91.21.9-10)
(4) I ki-tz'ik .. t-u-joljum=p'eel b'oteeyaj .. ti'-a'al pat-ak uy-uk'-ul. ...

and IpL.A-give/ITs in-3A-mouth one=INAM bottle SUB-NOM ABIL-DIS 3A-drink-IIS
'And we put it on the mouth of a bottle so that they could drink.' (91.7.10-11)
(5) B'a'-Ia ko'ox .. b'el in-ka'a in-jok'-es-eech ..

TEMP-PROX HORT go ISG.A-go lSG.A-Ieave-CAus/DTS-2SG.B
'Now let's go, I'm going to take you out
ka' xik-ech I-aw-otoch . ...

SUB go/DIS-2sG.B to-2A-home
for you to go to your house.' (91.15.131-33)
(6) Ka' kap-oo' u-tz'aj-oo' waj .. ijanal u-jan-t-ej a' tzimin-ej. ..

then begin-PL 3A-give/DTS-PL tortilla and food 3A-eat-TRN-DTS DET horse-TOP
'When they began to give it tortillas and food for the horse to eat.' (92.3.39-40)
(7) T-u-tuk-I-aj-oo' pwes ..

cOM-3A-think-NOM-CTS-PL well
'They thought, well,
yan ki-b'et-ik ... jun=tuul tzimin .. u-jel-in-t-ej ...

OBUG IPL.A-make-ITS one=ANIM horse 3A-replace-cAus-TRN-DTS
we have to make a horse to replace it,' (92.3.60-63)
15.5. Adverbial Incorporation
15.5.1. Manner Adverbs

A number of manner adverbs may be incorporated into the verb, appearing before the
root, regardless of status (1)-(13) (cf. 3.5.2, 15.2.7). Incorporated manner adverbs follow Set A
pronouns if they are present.
(I) Tan-u-chich=meyaj.
DUR-3A-hard=work
'S/he is working hard.'
(2) K-u-ma'lo'=b'el.
INC-3A-well=go
'It goes well.'
(3) I ka' ka'=wa'-I-aj-een in-ka'=i/-a'. ..

and then REPET=stand-POSIT-CIS-ISG.B ISG.A-REPET=see-DTS
'And then I stood again to see it again.' (91.2.60-61)
(4) I a'winik-ej t-u-ka'=tz'on-aj. ...

and DET MAN-TOP COM-3A-REPET=shoot-CTS
'And the man, he shot it again. (91.15.30-31)
(5) Wa k-aw-an-t-ik-en im-pa'-a' in-si'-ej .. ki-seeb'=b'el. ...

COND INC-2A-help-TRN-ITS-lsG.B ISG.A-Split-DTS IPL.A-Wood-TOP IpL.A-fast=go
'If you help me split my fIrewood, we'll go soon.' (91.12.79-80)
(6) Ka' natz-iOJ b'in a' 'och u-jach='il-a'-ej. ...

then near-3S0.B REPORT DET opossum 3A-really=see-DTS-TOP
'Then, they say, the opossum drew near to see it well.' (9114.101-2)
(7) A' mak-oo' b 'a-je '-la' .. ma' tun-jach =k'at-ik-oo' ma '10'. ...
DET person-PL TEMP-OST -PROX NEG DuR/3A-really=ask-ITS-PL well
'The people now, aren't really asking (God) well.' (91.23.349-50)
(8) Tan-ki-ket='alka'.
DUR-l PL.A-together=run
'We are running together.' (e.g., in a race).
(9) Aa ya tan-u-yaab '=tal-oo' t-u-ka Ye'.

EXCL already DUR-3A-much=come-PL in-3A-again
'Ah, already many are coming again.' (91.24.428)
(10) i laj=kin-sii-b'(-ij) aj-Wit'-oo'-ej. ...

and all=die-cAus-PAS(-3sG.B) MASC-PN-PL-TOP
'and all of the bandits were killed.' (txt2.140)
(11) chen u-maan=tz'on-ik. ...

only 3A-rnis=shoot-ITS
'he only wounded them.' (91.16.81)
(12) k-u-chen=b'el.
INC-3A-only=go
's/he only goes.'
J5. VERBAL MORPHOSYNTAX J: TENSE, ASPECT, AND MOOD 383
(13) in-tech a'winik-ech k-a-senkech=tz'on-ik a' im-b'a'alche'-oo'-ej. ...

EMP-2sG.IPR OET man-2SG.B INC-2A-INTENS=shoot-ITS OET ISG.A-animal-PL-TOP
'you are the man that so often shoots my animals.' (91.15.97-99)
15.5.2. Epistemic Adverbs

A small set of primarily epistemic or evidential adverbial elements, including the
reportative marker b'in, the interrogative waj, and the epistemic adverb wal, 'perhaps', may occur
between TAM markers and the Set A pronoun (1)-(6) (cf. 14.4). This construction has been
observed with the obligative aspect yaan, the durative aspect taan, and the desiderative aspect tak.
(1) Yan b';n u-men-t-ik.

OBLIG REPORT 3A-do-TRN-ITS
'They say he has to do it.'
(2) Tan waj aw-il-ik ka' b'i-sii-b'-ij?

OUR INTER 2A-see-ITs when gO-CAUS-PAS-3sG.B
'Did you see it, perhaps, when it was taken?'
(3) Tak wal u-kin-s-ik.

OES perhaps 3A-die-cAuS-ITS
'Maybe he wants to kill it.'
(4) Tan xan a-xok?

OUR also 2A-read
'Are you reading too?'
(5) Tan b'a'akan a-b'et-ik aw-otoch.

OUR COUNTER 2A-make-ITS 2A-home
'You are making your home.' (against my expectations)
(6) Tan kuchij u-kiij-tal waYe'.

OUR formerly 3A-live-POSIT here
'He used to live here.'
16. Verbal Morphosyntax II: Transitivity and Voice
16.0. Contents
16.1. Transitive vs. Intransitive
16.2. Active Transitive
16.3. Intransitive Voices
16.3.1. Canonical Passive
16.3.2. Mediopassive (Middle)
16.3.3. Agentless Passive and Celeritive Intransitive
16.3.3.1. Agentless (Impersonal) Passive
16.3.3.2. Celeritive Intransitive
16.3.4. Antipassive
16.3 .4.1. Plain Antipassive
16.3.4.2. Object Incorporation
16.3.4.4. Retransitivization
16.3.4.5. Antipassive Participles
16.3.4.6. Antipassive and Perfect
16.4. Topicality and Clause Linkage
16.1. Transitive vs. Intransitive

As described in chapters 3 and 15, the distinction between transitive and intransitive
verbs is fundamental to verbal morpho syntax and interacts with status and voice. In this chapter
the functions of the various voice categories will be described.
Transitive verbs have two arguments marked on the verb. Transitive subjects, or agents,
are marked by Set A pronouns, and transitive direct objects, or patients, are marked by Set B
pronouns, regardless of tense-aspect-mood or status. In contrast, intransitive verbs have only one
argument, and its semantic role may be either agent or patient according to verb class and voice,
as summarized in the following chart (also see chapter 3).
Transitive Intransitive
Incompletive TAM A.PR-STEM -ITS -B.PR TAM A.PR-STEM -lIS
Completive TAM- A.PR-STEM -CTS -B.PR STEM -CIS -B.PR
Dependent SUB A.PR-STEM -DTS -B.PR SUB STEM -DIS -B.PR
Voice changes may convert transitive verbs into intransitive ones, and, conversely,
derivational processes may convert most types of intransitive verbs into transitive ones (cf.
3.3.3). The result is a complex and finely nuanced system of distinctions regarding agency and
patientivity that may be used for discourse-pragmatic purposes.
16.2. Active Transitive

Active transitive verbs mark both agent and patient on the verb. As demonstrated by Du
Bois (1987), it is unusual for transitive verbs to have two nominal arguments. Rather, the agent of
a transitive verb is typically given information in the discourse, and, as such, is marked only by
person markers (and not by full nouns). Patients may be either given or new information, and thus
are more likely to have nominal arguments in addition to person marking on the verb. This pattern
is related to the tendency for transitive agents to be discourse topics. In (1), for example, the
speaker, always given information, begins a story as the subject of an auxiliary and a transitive
verb (marked by a Set A pronoun) with an indefinitely marked nominal object (jurnp'e rno'nok
kweentoj, 'a little story') referring to new information.
16. VERBAL MORPHOSYNTAX II: TRANSITIVITY AND VOICE 385
(1) B'el in-ka'a in-t:ikb'al-t-ej-IJ ... jum=p'e mo'nok kweentoj ...

go ISG.A-go ISG.A-tell-TRN-DTS-3sG.B one=INAM small story
'I am going to tell a little story,' (91.1.1-2)
Example (2) begins with a ftrst-person plural topic, which is highlighted by an initial
independent pronoun as well as being marked as an agent on the verb. The man referred to by the
indirect-object pronoun ti'ij, 'to him', is also given, topical information. A new character, 'ayim,
'crocodile', is introduced in an existential construction with a full noun before appearing as a
topical agent of the transitive verbjantik, 'eat', with the man, still given information, as a direct
object. The man and the crocodile trade off as agents in the next series of transitive verbs. In this
series, the transitive agents are not marked by full nouns but may be marked by independent
pronouns, while the direct objects may be given information marked solely by person-marker
suffIXes, or new information, marked by nouns (e.g., mixb'a'al, 'nothing', or kay, 'ftsh') (see
chapter 11).
(2) i to'on-e ti-kiw-a'l-aj-1J ti'ij .. ke ma' u-b'el ...

and IPL.IPR-TOP cOM-1pL.A-say-cTS-3sG.B 3IOPR SUB NEG 3A- go
'and we told him that he shouldn't go
tumen te' .. natz' .. yan a' 'ayim ... ke patal u-jan-t-ik-IJ. ...
because LOC close EXIST DET crocodile SUB ABIL 3A-eat-TRN-ITS-3SG.B
because there, close, is the crocodile, that it could eat him. '
I la'ayti' t-uy-a'l-aj-IJ to'on-ej:

and 3IPRCOM-3A-say-cTS-3sG.B IpL.IOPR-TOP
'And he told us,
"Ma' .. ma' tun-b'et-ik-IJ ten mix=b'a'al. ...

NEG NEG DuR/3A-do-ITS-3SG.B lSG.IOPR NEG=thing
"No, it's not doing anything to me.
In-ten-ej jach tak in-jan-t-ik-IJ kay" ..

EMP-lSG.IPR-TOP much DES lSG.A-eat-TRN-ITS-3SG.B ftsh
Me, I really want to eat ftsh,'" (91.1.19-25)
Transitive verbs also tend to mark discourse highlighting, as reflected by the correlation
between narrative foregrounding and transitivity noted by Hopper and Thompson (1980). In (3),
background contextual information is given in the ftrst clause, which contains an intransitive verb
whose subject is topical, given information. In the next clause, this topical referent is the subject
ofa transitive verb (tukiixantaj, 'he looked for [it]') that has a nominal direct object (uxot'ol che', 'a
log'). In (4), after ftrst appearing as a nominal subject of an intransitive verb, the crocodile
becomes a transitive agent in a highlighted event sequence. These examples reflect the general
function of transitive clauses to mark foregrounded events involving topical agents. New nominal
information typically appears in intransitive subject, direct object, or oblique object roles (Hofling
1990, 1999).
(3) Ma' sam-ik u-b'el .. t-u-chi' a'ja'-ej ...

NEG while-IRREAL 3A-go to-3A-edge DET water-TOP
'It wasn't long after he went to the edge of the laguna,
t-u-kiixlin-t-aj-IJ u-xot'-ol che' ..

cOM-3A-seek-TRN-CTS-3SG.B 3A-cut-NOM wood
he looked for a log,' (91.1.29-31)
386 ITZAJ MAYA TEXTS
(4) A' 'ayim-ej .. tal-ij ... y-alam a' ja '-ej ..

DET crocodile-TOP come-3SG.B 3A-below DET water-TOP
ka' t-u-miich-aj-IJ. ...

then cOM-3A-grab-cTS-3sG.B
and it grabbed him.
T-u-miich-aj-IJ u-k'ab' a' winik-ej ..

cOM-3A-grab-cTS-3sG.B 3A-hand DET man-TOP
ka' t-u-pul-aj-IJ tija'. ...

then cOM-3A-throw-CTS-3sG.B in water
and it threw him into the water.' (91.1.43-47)
16.3. Intransitive Voices

Intransitive voices derive intransitive verbs from transitive ones for discourse purposes.
Detransitivization may occur in order to highlight the patient and/or background the agent, as in
passives, or to highlight the agent and/or background the patient, as in antipassives.
16.3.1. Canonical Passive

In canonical passive constructions, a semantic patient is the subject of an intransitive verb
marked by the suffix -b'. The agent may be deleted or appear as an oblique object after the
preposition men, 'by'. Instruments may appear as oblique objects after the preposition etel, 'with'.
Whether or not they are mentioned, canonical passives usually have (implicit) human agents. (1)-
(4) are textual examples with oblique agents. In (I), a topical patient is the subject of a passive
verb with an indefinite nominal agent mentioned as an oblique noun.
(I) I to 'on-ej jok'-o 'on ki-kiixiin-t-ej tulakal tu'ux ich k'aax .. t-a' b 'ej-oo '-ej . ...
and IpL.IPR-TOP leave-lpL.B IpL.A-Seek-TRN-DTS all where in forest in-DET road-PL-TOP
'And we went out to look for him all over in the forest and on the roads.'
Ii tan-ki-k'at=peksil-t-ik .. wa ma' il-b'-ij .. men wa=max. ...

and DUR-IpL.A-ask=news-TRN-ITS CONDNEG see-PAs-3SG.B by INTER=who
'And we were asking for news, if he wasn't seen by anyone.' (txt 1.142-47)
The mention of defmite oblique agents may also help disambiguate agent and patient
roles. In third-person narrative, the mention of definite and accessible (Chafe 1994) agent
nominals helps the listener keep track of who is doing what to whom (2)-(4). Note that an indirect
object has been promoted to become a passive subject in (2) (cf. 11.3.2). In (3), the oblique agent
is mentioned only in the first passive construction but is implicit for the second and third passive
verbs. Note also in (3) that an oblique instrument, b'ayoneetaj, 'bayonet', appears as an object of
the preposition etel, 'with'.
(2) ka' t-uy-a'l-aj-oo' ti'i) b'a'ax a' uch-oo' ti'i)-e) ...

then cOM-3A-say-cTs-PL 3IOPR what DET happen-PL 3IOPR-TOP
'when they told him (the head man) what happened to them,
ke b'in-i a' tzimin ti'i)-oo' ti)a'-e) . ...

SUB go-3SG.B DET horse 3IOPR-PL to water-TOP
that the horse went from them into the water.'
16. VERBAL MORPHOSYNTAXII: TRANSITIVITY AND VOICE 387
I ka' aal-b'-oo' ti'ij men u-nojoch-il a' mak-oo' kiij-a'an-oo' Tayasal-ej

and when say-PAs-PL 3IOPR by 3A-big-pos DET person-PL live-PART-PL PN-TOP
'And they were told by the head man of the people living in Tayasal,
ke ma' u-ch'i'-ik-oo' saak-il ..

SUB NEG 3A-take-ITS-PL afraid-NoM
not to be afraid,' (92.3.130-35)
(3) Tulakal aj-Wit'-oo' t-u-pul-aj u-b'aj-oo' tija'-ej ..

all MASC-PN-PL cOM-3A-throw-CTS 3A-REFL-PL in water-TOP
'All of the bandits threw themselves in the water,
te' k-u-tZ'on-b'-oI-oo' men a' sold'aad'oj aj-wa'ye'-il-oo'-ej. ...

LaC INC-3A-shoot-PAS-IIS-PL by DET soldier MASc-here-pos-PL-TOP
there they were all shot by the soldiers, those from here (Guatemala).
I k-u-lom-b '-01-00' et-el b 'ayoneetaj ..

and INC-3A-stab-PAS-IIS-PL with-pas bayonet
And they were stabbed with bayonets
i laj=kin-sii-b '(-ij) aj- Wit'-oo '-ej. ...

and all=die-cAus-PAS(-3SG.B) MASC-PN-PL-TOP
and all of the bandits were killed.' (txt2.136-40)
(4) ka' tal-ij-ej .. tich-al u-b'ak-el u-kostiiyaj ..

when come-3SG.B-TOP stick. out-PART 3A-bone-POS 3A-rib
'when he came, his rib bone was sticking out,
tu'ux man=tZ'on-b'-ij xan men aj-Wit'-oo'-ej. ..

where mis=shoot-PAS-3SG.B also by MASC-PN-PL-TOP
where he, too, was wounded by the bandits.' (txt2.143-45)
Often in passives, the demotion of agent is complete and no mention of the agent is made
at all (5)-(8). Nevertheless, an agent, usually human, is implicit in canonical passives. Omission of
an agent typically reflects its lack of relevance or saliency. In these passive constructions, the
agent is often an unnamed higher authority.
(5) Ka' t-u-k'a't-aj-ej .. ka' muk-b'-uk ket et-el uy-iitan . ...

then cOM-3A-ask-CTS-TOP SUB bury-PAS-DIS together with-pas 3A-wife
'Then he asked to be buried together with his wife.'
Miich-b'-ij-ej .. ka' ok-sii-b'-ij xan ..

take-PAS-3SG.B-TOP then enter-CAUS-PAS-3sG.B also
'He was taken, then he was also put
ich a' muknal tu'ux .. b'in-ij uy-iitan-ej. ...

in DET tomb where go-3SG.B 3A-wife-TOP
in the tomb where his wife went.' (91.17.34-39)
(6) ka' t-u-tlika'-t-aj-oo' tulakal ... t-u-'emb'ajaadaj-il 'alemaanya ...

then cOM-3A-send-TRN-CTS-PL all to-3A-embassy-pos PN
'then they sent it all to the German embassy,
388 IlZAJ MAYA TEXTS
t-u-kaj-il Gwatemaalaj . ... Te'-lo' ... miiyaj tiika'-b'-ij wal t-u-tat

in-3A-town-pos PN LOC-DIST maybe send-PAS-3SG.B perhaps to-3A-father
in Guatemala City. From there, perhaps it was sent to his father' (txt1.186-90)
(7) pero ma' uy-ojel-oo' xok.

but NEG 3A-know-PL read
'but they didn't know how to read.'
Mentiikej ma' b'i-sli-b'-oo' ti kwartel .. waye' p'at-oo'-ej. ..

therefore NEG go-CAUS-PAS-PL to fort here rernain-PL-TOP
'Therefore they weren't taken to the fort, they stayed here.'
I man-sli-b'-ij u-tak'in-oo' ti'ij u-patal u-kux-tal-oo' 'aasta ka' kim-oo'. ...

and pass-cAuS-PAS-3sG.B 3A-money-PL SUB 3A-able 3A-live-IIS-PL until SUB die-PL
'Their money was brought to them so they could live until they died.' (txt2.160-65)
(8) Tan-u-Iok a' 'aseetej ka' ta-sli-b'(-ij) ix-ch'up-ej ..

DUR-3A-boil DEToil then come-cAus-PAS(-3sG.B) FEM-woman-TOP
'The oil was boiling, then the woman was brought
ka'jup-b'-ij ich-il. ...

then insert-PAs-3sG.B in-pos
and she was put inside.' (91.17.238-40)
Verbs of speech are frequently passives, but with topical indirect objects rather than
direct objects (9)-(10) (cf. 23.2.3). In procedural discourse, such as descriptions of customary
practices, it is common for generic agents to be deleted (11)-(12) (cf. 25.5.3).
There is also a specifically passive participial form with -b'i! (13)-(14) (cf. 6.3.2, 23.2.1.1).
(9) Uchij ... k'och-ij u-Iaak' .. aj-nojoch=winik .. aj-meyaj xan ... tu'umb'en aj-meyaj. ...
long.ago arrive-3SG.B 3A-other MASC-big=rnan MAsc-work also new MAsC-work
'A while ago, another man came, a worker too, a new worker.
Aal-b'-ij ti'ij-ej .. ke ka' u-jok'-esja' ...

say-PAs-3SG.B 3IOPR-TOP SUB SUB 3A-Ieave-CAUS/DTS water
He was told to take out water,' (txt1.81-85)
(10) Pero in-ten-ej k-uy-aal-b '-iii ten-ej

but EMP-lSG.IPR-TOP INc-3A-say-PAs-IIS ISG.IOPR-TOP
'But as for me, I am told that the dead,
ke a' kim-en-oo'-ej ... ma' nich'-a'an u-koj-oo'. ..

SUB DET die-NOM-PL-TOP NEG bare-PART 3A-tooth-PL
don't have their teeth bared.' (91.14.93-96)
(11) Iij .. k-u-tZ'a-b'-1i1 tz'eek 'asuukar ich-il ...

and INC-3A-put-PAS-IIS little sugar in-pos
'And a little sugar is put in,
i k-u-tZ'a-b'-li1 u-b'iik'-e(l) k'ek'en ... i a'-lo' u-meyaj ix-ch'up . ...

and INC-3A-give-PAs-IIS 3A-meat-pos pig and DET-DIST 3A-work FEM-woman
and pork is put in, and that is women's work.' (91.20.86-89)
(12) tumen a' k'in-oo'-ej ... ma' ki' ti'i} u-ch'o.k-b'-o.l che' ..
because DET day-PL-TOP NEG good for 3A-cut-PAS-IIS wood
'because the days are not good for wood to be cut
t-u-ch'o.k-b'-o.l xa'an .. t-u-ch 'o.k-b'-o.l ak' ... ti'i} pak'...

for-3A-cut-PAS-IIS thatch for-3A-cut-PAS-IIS vine for plant
for thatch to be cut, for vines to be cut, for planting.' (91.21.15-19)
(13) Ii a' 'ayim-ej ... kin-so.-b'-i} ... tz'on-b'il. ...

and DET crocodile-TOP die-CAUS-PAS-3SG.B shoot-PART2
'And the crocodile was killed, shot.
Yax-i/-e .. lom-b'il ... i ma' kim-i}. ...

first-POS-TOP pierce-PART2 and NEG die-3SG.B
First it was harpooned and it didn't die.' (txt1.198-202)
(14) k-u-tz'ik u-k'aan-i/ ... toj kiix-b'il ...

INC-3A-PUtJITS 3A-cord-POs well tie-PART2
'one puts on the cords (of the bags for gathering chickle), well tied,
i b'om-b'il ma'io et-el u-miismo .. uy-itz a' che'-ej

and paint-PART2 well with-pos 3A-same 3A-resin DET tree-TOP
and well painted with the same resin of the tree' (91.22.105-7)
16.3.2. Mediopassive (Middle)

Many root transitive verbs have a mediopassive (middle) voice form in which the subject
referent undergoes a change or experiences a state (1)-(8). In these constructions there is generally
no expressed or implicit agent. In these respects and formally, mediopassive forms are like root-
intransitive forms (cf. 3.2.2.2, 3.3.1.1.2.1; Hofling 1997:12-13). While no human agent is
implied, causative factors may be indicated obliquely, as in (1).
(1) A '-k'a' kap-i ti wach '-0.1 a' che '-00'

DET-when begin-3sG.B SUB loosen-lIS DET-wood-PL
'When the logs began to come apart
et-el u-'al-i/ a' tzimin b'i tunich k-u-b'i-s-ik-oo'-ej ...

with-pos 3A-heavy-pos DET horse of stone INC-3A-go-CAUS-ITS-PL-TOP
with the weight of the horse of stone they were carrying,' (92.3 .114-15)
(2) Ix-k'ok'ochje'-Io' k-u-kap-iil ti polok-tal .. ti polok-tal ..

FEM-ear OST-DIST INC-3A-begin-lls SUB fat-INCH SUB fat-INCH
'The baby ears begin to fatten, to fatten,
'aasta u-tu'l-ul tulakal u-koj et-el .. ixi'im.

untiI3A-fill-IIS a1l3A-tooth with-pos com
until all of the grains fill with com.' (91.20.74-77)
(3) K-u-b'on-ik-oo' yaab' .. jab'on ... ich a' moold'ej-ej yok' ma' u-tak'-o.l ...
INC-3A-paint-ITS-PL much soap in DET mold-TOP SUB NEG 3A-stick-IIS
'They smear a lot of soap in the mold so it (chicle) doesn't stick,' (91.22.310-12)
(4) A '-ka' wak'-ij in-tz'on-ej ..

DET-when explode-3sG.B lSG.A-gun-ToP
'When my gun fired,
390 ITZAJ MA YA TEXTS
chen t-inw-il-aj .. tu'ux lik'-ij u-siit' ...

only-coM-lsG.A-see-cTs where rise-3SG.B 3A-jump
I just saw where it (a deer) jumped up' (91.2.19-21)
(5) Ka't-u-tz'iip(-aj) u-b'aat t-a' che'-ej. ... Ka'jek'(-ij) a' che'-ej

then cOM-3A-plant(-CTS) 3A-ax in-DET WOOd-TOP then open(-3SG.B) DET wood-TOP
'Then he planted the ax in the log. Then the log opened' (91.12.86-87)
(6) Ka'jotz'(-ij) a' ch'eej-ej .. ka' ti nat'(-ij) u-k'ab' a' b'alum-ej. ...
then loosen(-3SG.B) DET wedge-ToP SUB COM pinch(-3SG.B) 3A-paw DET jaguar-ToP
'Then the wedge came out and the jaguar's paws were pinched.' (91.12.101-2)
(7) I a' winik-e' ka' .. tzay-i t-u-pach ..

and DET man-TOP then follow-3SG.B at-3A-back
'And the man then followed behind it' (91.16.100-1)
(8) I a'-ka' k'a'l-lik-ej in-ten-ej k-im-b'e/ ti tal pach-il-ej ..

and DET-when stick-DIS-TOP EMP-IsG.lPR-TOP INC-ISG.A-go SUB come back-pas-TOP
'And when he is stuck, I am going to come behind him,' (91.14.47-48)
16.3.3. Agentless Passive and Celeritive Intransitive

Agentless passives and celeritive intransitives are similar morphologically and both are
patient-oriented semantically (Hofting 1994).
16.3.3.1. Agentless (Impersonal) Passive

Agentless passives may be derived from any transitive stem and are used when the agent
is indefInite, unknown, or otherwise irrelevant, and it is not usually mentioned at all (I )_(6). 1 They
are marked by a detransitivizing -aj suffix followed by the agentless passive marker -p and status
markers (cf. 3.3.1.2.1, 3.3.3.4.3). The agentless passive form, chikpaJal (lit., 'it is seen') is
commonly used to mean 'appear' (2)-(3). Like canonical passive constructions (cf. 16.3.1),
agentless passives appear in procedural discourse (3)-(6) (cf. 25.5.3). Agentless passive
participial forms are possible, but rare (7).
(I) K-in-biij-ik a' ch'eej-ej k-u-je'-p-aJ-al a' che'-ej ..

INC-1SG.A-insert-ITS DET wedge-ToP INC-3A-open-PAs2-DTR-IIS DET wood-TOP
'When I insert the wedge and the log opens,
k-a-jek'-ik in-tech . ...

INC-2A-split-ITS EMP-2SG.lPR
you split it open.' (91.12.92-94).
(2) Ya chen u-ya 'ax-il u-nok' a' winik-ej ..

already only 3A-green-pos 3A-shirt DET man-TOP
'Then only the green of the shirt of the man
k-u-chik-p-aJ-al y-ok' a' ja '-ej. ...

INC-3A-See-PAS-DTR-IIS 3A-over DETwater-TOP
appeared (was seen) over the water.' (92.2.52-53)
1 Mention of an oblique agent is accepted inconsistently in elicitation. I have no

discourse examples of such constructions.
(3) A' tu'ux k-u-chik-p-aJ-a1 a' lu'um ma'lo'-ej ...

DET where INC-3A-See-PAs2-DTR-IIS DET land good-TOP
'Where the good land appears (is found),
k-u-p'is-ik mak ... b'oon .. mansaanaj ... u-k'a't-ij mak u-bet-ej. ...
INC-3A-measure-ITS person how.many manzana 3A-want-TS person 3A-make-DTs
one measures how many manzanas (a land measure) a person wants to make.' (91.20.25-
28).
(4) Pwes u-meyaj-il a' kol-ej ... k-u-chu'um-p-aJ-al ... t-u-mes-i(l) d'isiyeemb'rej. ...
well 3A-work-pos DET milpa-TOP INC-3A-begin-PAs2-DTR-IIS in-3A-month-pos PN
'Well, the work of the milpa is begun in the month of December.' (91.20.12-14)
(5) I k-u-jo'm-ol u-laj=pul-p-aJ-al tulakal a' che'-ej ...

and INc-3A-end-IIS 3A-all=fell-PAS2-DTR-IIS all DETwood-TOP
'And all of the trees are fmished being felled,
ya k-u-p'iit-ik mak .. ka' tikin-ak. ...

already INC-3A-Ieave-ITS person SUB dry-DIS
then one leaves it to dry.' (91.20.38-40)
(6) 'Aastaj u-chuk-p-aJ-al a' d'iiyes .. wa kiinsej

untiI3A-reach-PAs2-DTR-IIS DET ten or fifteen
'(Not) until the ten or fifteen
wa b'eeynte kintal u-kontraatoj a' chikleeroj-ej .. 'entoonses ya patal uy-em-el. ...

or twenty quintal3A-contract DET chiclero-ToP then already ABIL 3A-descend-IIS
or twenty quintals (hundredweights) of the contract of the chiclero are reached, can he
then come down.' (91.22.347-50)
(7) A'ja'-ej litz-p-aj-a'an.

DETwater-TOP fish-PAS2-DTR-PART
'The lake has been fished.'
16.3.3.2. Celeritive Intransitives

Celeritive intransitives are used to indicate sudden or unexpected actions or changes of
state (1)-(8). They are generally derived from root transitive sterns and are marked by a
detransitivizing -aj suffix followed by the celeritive marker -k' and status markers (cf. 3.3.1.2.2;
Hofling 1994, 1997:14). The subject of the verb undergoes the referenced action and no specific
outside agency need be implied, as with mediopassives (cf. 16.3.2). The semantics of these verbs
generally involve natural causes rather than human agency, and such causal factors may be
mentioned obliquely, as in (1), (3), (6), and (7) (cf. 13.2.7).
(1) I a' che'-ej ... /i'-litz'-kij .. tumen ch'ul. ...

and DET tree-TOP REDUP-slip-ADJ because wet
'And the tree was slippery because it was wet.
Pitz'-k'-aj-ij uy-ok a' winik-ej .. ka' lub'-ij fija'. ...

Slip-CELER-DTR-3SG.B 3A-foot DET man-TOP then fall-3SG.B in water
The man's foot slipped, then he fell in the water.' (txt1.97-101)
(2) Tan-u-jut-k'-aI-al u-piik'-il a' naj-ej.

DUR-3A-collapse-cELER-DTR-IIS 3A-wall-Pos DET house-TOP
'The wall of the house is collapsing.'
(3) A' che'-ej et-el u-'al-il uy-ich-ej tan-u-loch-k'-aJ-al.

DET tree-TOP with-pos 3A-heavy-ABsT 3A-fruit-TOP DUR-3A-twist-CELER-DTR-IIS
'The tree, with the weight of its fruit, is twisting.'
(4) A' mo 'ok-ej tan-u-wach '-k '-aJ-al.

DET knot-TOP DUR-3A-Ioosen-CELER-DTR-IIS
'The knot is coming undone.'
(5) A' wakax-ej tan-u-tz'op-k'-aJ-al ich a' luk'-ej.

DET COW-TOP DUR-3A-sink-CELER-DTR-IIS in DET mud-TOP
'The cow is sinking into the mud.'
(6) A' k'ek'en-ej u-ka'aj ti wak'-k'-aJ-al u-niik' et-el u-polok-il.

DETpig-TOP 3A-go SUB explode-cELER-DTR-IIS 3A-belly with-pos 3A-fat-ABST
'The pig's belly is going to explode from its fatness.'
(7) In-'okom-ej laj=jek'-k'-aj-ij

ISG.A-house.post-TOP all=split-cELER-DTR-3sG.B
'My house post totally split
men (Iet-el ly-o'l-al) a' k'in-ej.

by (/with-pos /3A-over-pos) DET sun-TOP
from (withlbecause of) the sun.'
(8) Jan-k'-aj-ij u-chuy-al in-koton.

tear-CELER-DTR-3SG.B 3A-sew-NOM ISG.A-shirt
'The stitching of my shirt ripped open.'
Celeritive verbs with human subjects often indicate unexpected events. Celeritive forms
of the verb sut, 'return', for example, indicate unexpectedness or lack of planning on the part of
human subjects (9). Unexpectedness is also indicated in (10), where the human subject is a
semantic patient and an inanimate cause is mentioned obliquely. In (II) the celeritive form
wiilk'aJal, 'fall headfIrst', signals that the action is unexpected and expresses a specialized
celeritive meaning, contrasting with the root meaning of W.4L, 'spread'. Participial forms with
-a'an may also be formed from intransitive celeritive stems (12)-(13) (cf. 6.3.1.2.3).
(9) T-u-laj=p'iit-aj-oo' b'a-la' t-u-ka'=sut-k'-aJ-al-oo'

cOM-3A-all=leave-cTs-PL TEMP-PROX cOM-3A-REPET=return-CELER-DTR-IIS-PL
'They left everything, now they are (unexpectedly) returning again
ti kiij-tal-i'ij.
SUB live-POSIT-LOC
to live there.' (91.24.437-38)
(10) A'winik-ej ok-ij ich a' ch'e'em-ej.

DET man-TOP enter-3SG.B in DET cave-TOP
'The man entered into the cave.'
A'-ka' t-uy-il-aj-ej .. tan-u-pech'-k'-aJ-al et a' lu'um-ej.

DET-when cOM-3A-see-CTS-TOP DUR-3A-smash-CELER-DTR-IIS with DET earth-TOP
'When he saw it (before he could do anything), he was being flattened with earth.'
(11) Luk'-en te'-loj. .. Patal a-wiil-k'-aJ-al t-u-chi' a' witz-ej.

leave-IMPIS LOC-DIST ABIL 2A-tip-CELER-DTR-IIS at-3A-edge DET hill-TOP
'Leave there! You could fall headfrrst over the edge of the hill.'
(12) Wach'-k'-aj-a'an a' Izimin-ej ka' sas-aj-ij.

100sen-cELER-DTR-PART DET horse-TOP when light-CIS-3sG.B
'The horse was already loose when it got light.'
(13) A' kostal-ej ma' ki' lumen p'a'-k'-aj-a'an u-chi'.

DET sack-TOP NEG good because split-CELER-DTR-PART 3A-mouth
'The sack is no good because its mouth is split open.'
Celeritive stems may also be transitivized with the causative suffIx -EsA', and such
transitive sterns also have participial forms (14)-( 17). There appears to be a tendency to use these
verbs when the causative factor (and grammatical subject) is a natural force.
(14) Tan-u-wiil-k'-es-ik u-b'aj.

DUR-3A-turn-CELER-CAUS-ITS 3A-REFL
'He is flipping himself in the air.'
(15) A' ik'-ej tan-u-jom-k'-es-ik u-jo'ol a' naj-ej.

DET wind-ToP DUR-3A-perforate-cELER-CAUS-ITS 3A-roof DET house-TOP
'The wind is caving in the roof of the house.'
(16) A' che'-ej t-u-jiit-k'-es-aj in-koton.

DET tree-TOP cOM-3A-tear-CAUS-CTS ISG.A-shirt
'The tree tore my shirt.'
(17) A' che'-ej chin-k'-es-iij-a'an et'-el a' ik'-ej.

DET tree-TOP bend.over-CELER-CAUS-DTR-PART with-pas DET wind-ToP
'The tree is bent over from the wind.'
16.3.4. Antipassive
Antipassives are intransitive verb forms in which the agent is highlighted and the patient
is backgrounded. The backgrounding of the patient can be partial, as in object-incorporated forms,
or complete, as in plain antipassives. They may be used to indicate habitual actions on the part of
the agent when no particular patient is intended. A perfect meaning is sometimes present with
plain completive antipassives and is always indicated by completive participial antipassive forms
(cf. 6.3.1.2.6, 15.3.2). Both plain and noun-incorporating antipassives are marked by the
antipassive marker -n except in the incompletive status (cf. 3.3.1.1.2.2, 3.5.1.1). Agentive
nouns may also be derived from antipassive verbs (cf. 4.2.1.2).
16.3.4.1. Plain Antipassive

Antipassive verb forms are intransitive and only have person marking for their subjects,
semantic agents. Objects are unspecified and are not referenced by person marking on the verb or
by nominals. An antipassive voice value is basic for active verbs derived from the special class of
active verbal nouns, and for affective verbs (cf. 3.3, 4.1.2.2), otherwise it is derived from
transitive sterns. The suffIx -n appears on antipassive forms preceding status markers in all
statuses except the incompletive. Examples (1)-(3) show the active verb meyaj, 'work', in various
statuses. Most verbs borrowed from Spanish, such as seguir, 'follow', are also categorized as
active verbs in Itzaj (4). Examples of affective verbs appear in (5)-(6), and an example of an -EsA'
causative appears in (7).
394 IlZAJ MAYA TEXTS
(1) Yan /ca'=p'e mes wa 'ox=p'e mes tan-u-meyaj.

'It was about two or three months he was working.' (txt1.90-91)
(2) I meyaj-n-aj-een 'ox=p'e k'in . ..

and work-AP-CIS-lSG.B three=INAM day
'And I worked three days.' (91.10.120)
(3) T-inw-a'l-aj ttij .. /ca' meyaj-n-ak ka'=p'e k'in ..

cOM-lsG.A-say-cTs 3IOPR SUB work-AP-DIS twO=INAM day
'ltold him to work two days' (91.8.12-13)
(4) Ya ma' segiir-n-aj-ij in-meyaj .. 'aastaj t-u-laak' u-k'in-il-ej ..

already NEG continue-AP-CIS-3SG.B ISG.A-work until on-3A-other 3A-day-pos-TOP
'Then my work didn't continue until the next day' (91.10: 117-18)
(5) Juy-b'aj-n-aj-ij a' b'ej-ej.

watery-AFv-AP-CIS-3sG.B DET road-TOP
'The road got muddy.'
(6) In-k'a't-ij /ca' kil-b'aj-n-ak a' lu'um-ej.

ISG.A-want-TS SUB shake-AFv-AP-DIS DET land-TOP
'I hope that the earth shakes.'
(7) U-k'a't-ij ka' kin-s-aj-n-ak-en.

3A-want-Ts SUB die-CAUS-DTR-AP-DIS-lSG.B
'He wants me to kill.'
As indicated by examples (8)-(14), antipassives typically have topical semantic agents as

subjects and no patients are mentioned. A perfect meaning may be present in completive
antipassives as in (10), (13), and is generally indicated in participial antipassive forms with -a'an
(14) (cf. 6.3.1.2.6, 15.3.2, 16.3.4.5).
(8) A '-/ca' t-inw-il-aj ke ma'an mix=maak-ej

DET-when COM-lSG.A-see-CTS SUB NEG/EXIST NEG=person-TOP
'When I saw that there wasn't anyone,
/ca' ... xi'ma(l)-n-aj-een tuka'ye'. ...

then walk-AP-CIS-lSG.B again
then I walked again.' (91.2.55-57)
(9) Chen a'-/ca' t-inw-u'y-aj-ej .. xi'il=ke'el-n-aj-een . ...

only DET-when COM-lSG.A-hear-CTs-TOP shiver=cold-AP-CIS-lSG.B
'Dn1y when I heard it, I shivered.' (91.2.63-64)
(10) tumen ten-ej ya sut-n-aj-een b'a'alche'-il. ..

because ISG.lPR-TOP already tum-AP-CIS-lSG.B animal-ABST
'because I have already turned into an animal.' (91.13.122)
(11) a' keej-ej ... /ca' siit'-n-aj-ij-ej /ca'jok'-ij ti alka'. ...

DET deer-TOP thenjump-AP-CIS-3SG.B-TOP then leave-3SG.B SUB run
'the deer, then it jumped and left running.' (91.16.97-99)
(12) I ka' ka'=sut-n-aj-oo' t-uy-otoch-oo' .. peero jak'-a'an uy-ool-oo'. ...

and when REPET=return-AP-CIS-PL to-3A-home-PL but frighten-PART 3A-self-PL
'And then they returned to their houses, but they were afraid.' (92.3.151-52)
(13) B'o'ol-n-aj-een.
pay-AP-CIS-1SG.B
'I have paid.'
(14) In-ten-ej b'o'ol-n-aj-a'an-en tijum=p'e kof

EMP-1SG.IPR-TOP pay-AP-cIS-PART-1SG.B on one=INAM milpa
'I have been a paymaster at a milpa
tu'ux yan yaab' aj-meyaj-oo'.

where EXIST many MASC-work-PL.
where there are many workers.'
16.3.4.2. Object Incorporation

Object-incorporated verbs mark activities in which the category of object is indicated but
no specific or identifiable object is intended (1)-(5). Habitual activities are often indicated by
object-incorporated forms. The object noun is attached to the verb stem before the antipassive
suffix -n, except in the incompletive status, where the object noun is verb-final and no -n suffix
occurs. The object noun is not modified by numerals or the determiner, nor can it be pluralized.
(1) In-k'a't-ij ka' b'et=naj-n-ak.

ISG.A-hope-TS SUB make=house-AP-DIS
'I hope that he house-builds.'
(2) B'o 'ol=meyaj-n-aj-een

pay=work-AP-CIS-l SG.B
'I paid for work.'
(3) B'uj=si'-n-aj-ij in-suku'un.

split=firewood-AP-CIS-3SG.B 1SG.A-older. brother
'My older brother split firewood.'
(4) Ii mixjun=tuuf mejen paal k-u-men=b'uuyaj ..

and NEG one=ANIM small child INc-3A-make=noise
'And not one child makes noise' (91.23.362)
(5) tan-u-piik'-ik b'u'uf. ...

DUR-3A-plant-ITs beans
'he was planting beans.'
Tan-u-piik'=b'u'ul-oo' ka' t-u-cha'an-t-aj ok-ij a' tzimin-ej'.

DUR-3A-plant=bean-PL when cOM-3A-see-TRN-CTS enter-3SG.B DET horse-TOP
'They were bean-planting when he saw that the horse entered.' (91.24.280-83)
The noun classifiers aj- and ix- are optional for nouns that take them (6)-(7) (cf. 4.1.2,
9.3). There is inconsistency on the acceptability of incorporated objects that are modified by
396 InA} MAYA TEXTS
adjectives (8)_(9).2
(6) Tan-in-kiin-iin=(ix-)kax.
DUR-l sG.A-watch-NoM=(FEM-)chicken
'I am chicken watching.'
(7) Kiin-iin=(ix-)kax-n-aj-een.
watch-NOM=(FEM-)chicken-AP-CIS-lsG.B
'I was chicken watching.'
(8) ? Tan-in-kiin-iin=(ix-)siik=kax.
DUR-l SG.A-guard-NoM=(FEM-)white=chicken
'I am watching white chickens.'
(9) ?Kiin-iin=(ix-)siik=kax-n-aj-een.
guard-NOM=(FEM-)white=chicken-AP-CIS-l SG.B
'I was watching white chickens.'
A number of noun-incorporated forms have been lexicalized with special meanings (10)-
(12). Locative and instrumental nouns also may be incorporated (12)-{l4), but this is much less
common than patient noun incorporation (Moll-Collopy 1996b; cf. 3.5.1.1.3).
(10) Tan-in-ch 'in=ch 'in=t'an.

DUR-lSG.A-throw=throw=word
'I am slandering, insulting.' (lit., 'throwing offensive words')
(11) Mus='i(i)k'-n-aj-ij.
flap-AP-CIS-3sG.B
'Slbe is gasping.'
(12) K-u-b'el mak ti tz'on ich k'aax .. k(a') a' keej-oo'-ej tan-uy-alkii'=pach-oo'. ...
INC-3A-go person SUB shoot in forest when DET deer-PL-TOP DUR-3A-run=back-pL
'One goes to shoot in the forest when the deer are in rut.' (91.21.85-86)
(13) Tan-u-jay=k'in.
DUR-3A-spread=sun
'Slbe is sunning (them).'
(14) Tan-u-chaach=k'ii'.
DUR-3A-sift=hand
'Slbe is grabbing (with herlbis hand).

The habitual meaning often present in antipassives motivates the derivation of agentive
nouns referring to participants in habitual activities (l)-(5) (cf. 4.2.1.2. 9.3.3.2).
2 The inconsistency in judgements of the acceptability of adjectives as modifiers on

incorporated nouns may be related to the fact that many compound nouns have adjectives as their
first root, since compound nouns may also be incorporated (cf. Moll-Collopy 1996b).
Incorporated objects with modifying adjectives are often judged ungrammatical in elicitation, and
I have no textual examples.
(1) Kon ke tech aj-tZ'on-ech-ej ..

with that 2SG.IPR MASC-shoot-2SG.B-TOP
'Since you are the hunter,
in-tech a' winik-ech k-a-senkech=lz'on-ik a' im-b'a'alche'-oo'-ej. ...

EMP-2SG.IPR DET man-2SG.B INC-2A-much=shoot-ITS DET 1SG.A-animal-PL-TOP
you are the man that so often shoots my animals.' (91.15.97-99)
(2) A' kweentoj-ej u-k'ab'a' ... Aj-k'an 'Ayim ... Aj-jan-ii(l)=mak . ...
DET story-TOP 3A-name MAsc-yellow crocodile MASc-eat-NoM=person
'The story is called, "The Yellow Crocodile, the Man-eater.'" (txt1.S-II)
(3) I k'och-oo' aj-kiin-an-oo' yan u-Iz'on-oo '-ej ...

and arrive-PL MAsc-guard-NOM-PL EXIST 3A-gun-PL-TOP
'And the guards arrived that have guns,' (txt1.65-66)
(4) yan b'in aj-waay ich-i/-oo' ...

EXIST REPORT MASC-enchant in-POS-PL
'they say there was a shaman among them
i aj-waay je'-Ioj ... I-u-b'et-aj ... tz'ak wal Ii a' b'a'alche'-ej

and MASC-enchant OST-DIST cOM-3A-rnake-CTS spell perhaps on DET animal-TOP
and that shaman made a spell, perhaps, on the animal' (92.3.77-S0)
(5) te' k-u-b'el-oo' tulakal aj-'ok-ol-oo'-i'ij-ej ...

LOC INC-3A-go-PL all MASc-steal-NoM-PL-LOC-TOP
'all of the thieves go there' (txt2.40)
16.3.4.4. Retransitivization
Just as transitive verbs may be derived from active verbs (cf. 3.3.3.2), they also may be
derived from object-incorporating verbs (1)-(4) (cf. 3.5.1.2). Retransitivization is a productive
process, but a number of these forms have been lexicalized with specialized meanings.
(1) ka' kap-een in-tich'=k'ak'-t-ej tulakal u-baak'

then begin-lsG.B ISG.A-pass=frre-TRN-DTS a1l3A-perimeter
'then I began to illuminate all its perimeter
a' tu'ux k-in-b'e/ t-im-man-ej. ...

DETwhere INC-lSG.A-go DUR-lsG.A-pass-ToP
where I was walking' (91.2.14-15)
(2) ka' t-u-pak'=tuu '-t-aj uy-ich Aj-T'u 'ul-ej

then cOM-3A-plant=gob-TRN-CTS 3A-eye MAsc-rabbit-ToP
'then he spat in the eyes of Mr. Rabbit' (91.14.115)
(3) k-u-jay=k 'in-t-ik-oo'. ...

INC-3A-spread=sun-TRN-ITS-PL
'they spread them out in the sun.' (91.23.101)
(4) Komo .. t-in-mo'nok=jil=pach-t-aj tulakal u-jaal a' b'ej-ej. ..

as cOM-I sG.A-little=thread=back-TRN-CTS all 3A-edge DET road-ToP
'As I fenced it a little, all to the edge of the road.' (91.24.32S)
16.3.4.5. Antipassive Participles

Affective verbs have a specialized (often reduplicated) participle with -nak. which
probably contains the antipassive -n suffix (1)-(2) (6.3.4). Other antipassives form participles
with -a'an that have a perfect meaning (3)-(4) (cf. 6.3.1.2.6, 16.3.4.6). Passive participles with -
h'il may be formed from transitive object-incorporated stems, as in (5) (cf. 16.3.1).
(1) Laj=wach'-ij a' sum-ej tumen a' tzimin-ej laj 'ooraj b'a'-b'aak'-nak.
all=twist-3SG.B DET rope-TOP because DET horse-TOP all hour REDUP-circle-PART4
'The rope is all twisted because the horse is circling at all hours.'
(2) B'o-b'oj-nak u-jum aj-joh'on che'-ej.

REDUP-knock-PART4 3A-sound MASC-hollow tree-TOP
'The sound of the hollow tree is drumming.'
(3) Juch'-n-aj-a'an-en.
grind-AP-CIS-PART1-lsG.B
'I have been a (com) grinder.'
(4) B'o'ol=meyaj-n-aj-a'an-en.
pay=work-AP-CIS-PART1-lsG.B
'I have been a paymaster.'
(5) jil=che'-b'il u-jaal-ej

thread=wood-PART2 3A-perimeter-TOP
'the perirniter is fenced' (1991.24.339)
16.3.4.6. Antipassive and Perfect

Antipassives often have a perfect aspectual sense, especially in completive status forms
with the participial suffix -a'an (cf. 6.3.1.2.6, 15.3.2, 16.3.4.5). Sometimes antipassive
marking occurs in addition to the perfective marking -m(-aj) associated with transitive stems,
resulting in perfect intransitive and participial forms (1)-(6). Intransitive and participial forms with
-maj are uncommon and are often judged to be ambiguous or of questionable grarnmaticality in
elicitation. In (la) a regular antipassive participle is given with -n-aj-a'an. In (lb), where the
perfect marking appears without the antipassive, the voice of the participle is ambiguous.
Examples (2)-(4) show intransitives that have both the perfect -m and the antipassive -n markers. 3
Participles with both -m(-)aj and -n-aj markers may be ambiguous (5), unless an incorporated
object is present (6). The ambiguity is likely the result of the functions of the participle -a'an to
indicate passive voice on transitive stems but perfect aspect on intransitive stems (cf. 6.3).
(la) B'o'ol-n-aj-a'an-en.
pay-AP-cIS-PART1-1SG.B
'I have been a paymaster.'
(lb) B'o'ol-m-aj-a'an-en.
pay-PERF-DTR?-PARTl-lsG.B
'I have been payed' or 'I have been a paymaster.'
3 The fact that an -aj suffix follows -m in both the completive (2b), (4b), and dependent
statuses (3b), suggests that it represents the detransitive -aj or that it is not a separate suffix (i.e.,
the perfect suffix is -maj) and is not the CIS marker -aj, which occurs after the antipassive in
completive intransitive forms (cf. 6.3.1.2.6, 15.3.2).
16. VERBAL MORPHOSYNTAX 11: TRANSITIVITY AND VOICE 399
(2a) Jan-a!-n-aj-een.
eat-NoM-AP-CIS-I SG.B
'I have eaten.'
(2b) ??Jan-m-aj-n-aj-een.
eat-PERF-DTR?-AP-CIS-IsG.B
??'I have eaten.'
(3a) Ma'jan-n-ak-en.
NEG eat-AP-DIS-I SG.B
'I haven't eaten.'
(3b) Ma 'jan-m-aj-n-ak-en.
NEG eat-PERF-DTR?-AP-DIS-lsG.B
'I haven't eaten.'
(4a) Jan-a!=b'iik'-n-aj-een.
eat-NOM=meat-AP-CIS-I SG.B
'I have eaten meat.'
(4b) Jan-m-aj=b'iik'-n-aj-een.
eat-PERF-DTR?=meat-AP-CIS-I SG.B
'I have eaten meat.'
(5) ??Jan-m-aj-n-aj-a 'an-en.

eat-PERF-DTR?-AP-CIS-PARTI-I SG.B
??'I have eaten.' or 'I have been eaten.'
(6a) Jan-a!=b 'iik'-n-aj-a 'an-en.

eat-NOM=meat-AP-CIS-PARTI-ISG.B
'I have been a meat eater.'
(6b) Jan-m-aj=b 'iik'-n-aj-a 'an-en.

eat-PERF-DTR?=meat-AP-CIS-PART 1-1 SG.B
'I have been a meat eater.'
16.4. Topicality and Clause Linkage

One of the functions of voice changes is to facilitate topic maintenance across clauses.
With appropriate voice marking, topical referents may be indicated simply by subject person
markers on the verb regardless of the topic's semantic role. In (1), for example, the topical NP,
Cortes, is the subject of a series of intransitive verbs in the passive, mediopassive, and antipassive
voices. In (2), voice changes allow the introduction of a series of topical NPs that become verbal
subjects. The passive in (3) similarly allows the introduction and maintenance of a topical subject.
As discussed previously (cf. 11.2, 16.2), new topics typically are introduced as intransitive
subjects or transitive direct objects, while established topics typically appear as subjects (transitive
or intransitive). Voice alternations may also be used to heighten dramatic tension, as in (4) where
the hearer must anticipate the subject of the passive verb (cf. 23.2.2, chapter 25). In the following
examples, noun subjects and their person markers are underlined.
(1) I aj-Kortes-ej komo .. miiyaj miich-b'-!i ..

and MASC-PN-TOP as perhaps grab-PAS-3sG.B
'And Cortes, as perhaps he was captured,
b'in-iipreesoj-il b'in wa kim-ii ..

gO-3SG.B prisoner-pos REPORT or die-3SG.B
he was a prisoner, they say, or he died
i ya mix b'i=k'in sut-n-aj-ii

and already NEG INTER=day return-AP-CIS-3SG.B
and he never returned' (92.3.153-56).
(2) I k'och-oo' a;-kiin-an-oo' yan J!-tz'on-oo'-ej ...

and arrive-PL MAsc-guard-NoM-PL EXIST 3A-gun-PL-TOP
'And the guards arrived that have guns,
t-!.-wak'-s-(aj-!l!l!.) .. J!-tz'on-oo'-ej ..
cOM-3A-explode-CAUS(-CTS-PL} 3A- gun-PL-TOP
then they discharged their arms
yok' !.-jak'-iilJl-ool a' 'ayim-ej. ...

SUB 3A-frighten-IIS 3A-spirit DET crocodile-TOP
in order to frighten the crocodile.
A' tu'ux; t-!'y-ub'-aj [u-wak'-iil a' tz'on-ej] ..

DET where cOM-3A-hear-CTS 3A-explode-Ils DET gun-TOP
Where (the crocodile) heard the guns flre,
b 'aay-lo' pat-aj-ij !.-jalk'ii-t-ik a' winik-ej. ...

thus-DIST ABIL-CIS-3SG.B 3A-free-TRN-ITS DET-man-TOP
thus they were able to free the man.
fa a' winik-ej kim-en ich !.-jok'-s-iib'-iil. ...

already DETman-TOP die-NOM in 3A-Ieave-CAuS-PAS-IIS
The man was already dead when they pulled him out.' (txt1.65-71)
(3) Tuulakal .. k-!.-joch-b'-ol u-niil-il .. i k-!.-lik'-s-iib'-iil .. men u-yum-il.

all INC-3A-harvest-PAS-IIS 3A-ear-POS and INC-3A-rise-CAUS-PAS-IIS by 3A-owner-POS
'All of the ears are harvested, and are guarded by the owners.' (txt19.59-60)
(4) Chen a'-ka' !'y-b'-ij .. men uy-et='aj-meyaj-il-oo'-ej. ...

only DET-when hear-PAS-3sG.B by 3A-with=MASC-work-POS-PL-TOP
'Only then he was heard by his co-workers.
Kap-i ti awat . ...

begin-3sG.B SUB shout
He began to shout.' (txt1.35-37)
17. STATlVES AND EQUATIONAL CONSTRUCTIONS 401
17. Statives and Equational Constructions
17.0. Contents
17.1. Statives
17.2. Stative + Nominal
17.3. Nominal + Stative
17.4. Comparative Constructions
17.4.1. b'aay(lo1 ... -e', 'like (that)'
17.4.2.jeb'ix ... -e', 'just as'
17.4.3. mas (ke), 'more (than)'
17.5. Contrastive-focus Constructions
17.6. Existentialyaan
17.6.1. Locative Existential
17.6.1.1. Existential Presentative
17.6.1.2. With Defmite NPs
17.6.1.2.1. In Relative Clauses
17.6.1.2.2. With Locatives
17.6.1.3. Adverbial-focus Constructions
17.6.1.4. Negative Existential
17.6.2. General Existentialyaan vs. Non-present ke'en
17.6.3. Possession withyaan
17.6.3.1. yaan + Possessed Noun
17.6.3.2.yaan + 10 (+ NP)
17.6.3.3. Possession with Quantifiers
17.1. Statives
Statives are non-verbal predications based on nominal or adjectival sterns (1)-(7). They
are inflected with Set B person marking suffixes (-0 for the third-person), but are not marked for
tense-aspect-mood. Statives are a formally simple, but common, category in both main clauses
(1)-(5) and subordinate clauses (6)-(7). Examples (1)-(7) contain stative adjectives. Participles
also often function as stative predicates, as in (8)-(14). Examples of nouns as stative predicates are
shown in (15)-(17).
(1) Jachpoch-en.
very gluttonous-1SG.B
'I am very gluttonous.'
(2) ya natZ'-ech ..
already close-2sG.B
'you are already close' (92.2.81)
(3) ya kim-en-'
already die-ADJ-3SG.B
'he was already dead' (txt1.78)
(4) Te' yan-ech.

LOC EXIST-2sG.B
'There you are.'
(5) In-ten-ej si k-inw-u'y-ik ke .. k'iis yaj-' ...

EMP-1SG.lPR-TOP yes INC-1SG.A-feel-ITS SUB rather painful-3sG.B
'Me, I do feel that it is somewhat painful,
tumen ma' suk-en ti'Y . ...

because NEG accustomed-ISG.B 3IOPR
because I am not used to it.' (92.2.126-27)
(6) B'el in-ka'a in-tzikb'al-t-ej ... jum=p'e mo'nok kweentoj ... ka'ax koom-IJ ...
go ISG.A-go ISG.A-tell-TRN-DTS one=INAM small story although short-3sG.B
'I am going to tell a little story, although it is short,' (txt1.1-3)
(7) In-ten-ej ... mix t-in-'ok-s-aj t-inw-ool-i'y wajaj-IJ . ...

EMP-ISG.IPR-TOP NEG COM-ISG.A-enter-CAUS-CTS in-ISG.A-mind-FOC COND true-3SG.B
'Me, I never put it in my mind if it was true.' (I never counted on it) (92.2.167-69)
(8) ka' tal-y .. ich a' pokche' Iu'ux kiij-a'an-IJ-ej . ...

then come-3SG.B in DET vegetation where live-PART-3sG.B-TOP
'then he came inside the vegetation where he lives.' (txtl.l04-6)
(9) Chik-a'an-IJ b'ay yeeb' ... tak ti lu'um ..

see-PART-3SG.Blike fog until to earth
'It looked like fog down to earth' (92.2.93-94)
(10) Laj k'iij-a'an-IJ ten tak b'a-laj.

all remember-PART-3sG.B ISG.IOPR until TEMP-PROX
'I remember it all until now.' (lit., 'it is all remembered to me') (91.23.321)
(11) te' kiij-a'an-oo'-i'Y. ...

LOC live-PART-PL-LOC
'there they were living.' (txt2.97)
(12) lumen laj kiil-a'an-oo'. ...

because all drunk-PART-PL
'because they were all drunk.' (txt2 .116)
(13) Yax-il-e .. lom-b'il-IJ ...

frrst-pos-TOP pierce-PART2-3sG.B
'First, it was harpooned,' (txt1.201)
(14) laj b'aak'-a'an laj wej-al-oo' .. tak t-u-chi' a' riiyoj-ej

all surround-PART all scatter-PART3-PL until to-3A-edge DET river-TOP
'they were surrounded, they were scattered all along the shore of the river,' (txt2.133-34)
(15) Ma'lo' nok'-IJ Ii'y we.x.

good cloth-3SG.B for pants
'It's good cloth for pants.'
(16) In-ten-ej t-inw-a'l-aj .. chen tzikb'al-il-IJ . ...

EMP-ISG.IPR-TOP COM-IsG.A-say-cTs only talk-ABST-3sG.B
'Me, I said, it's only talk.' (92.2.170-71)
(17) Aj-b'en-s-iij=tzimin-en.
MAsc-go-CAuS-DTR=horse-1 SG.B
'I am a horse leader, taker.'
17.2. Stative + Nominal

Like intransitive verbs, stative predicates may be followed by a nominal constituent, as in
17. STATIVES AND EQUATIONAL CONSTRUCTIONS 403
(1)-(S) (cf. S.1.1). Constructions in which the ostensive demonstrative precedes a noun might
also be considered as this type (9) (cf. S.2.4, 11.5.1). Some of these paratactic equational
constructions have become idiomatic, as in (l)-(2). This construction type reflects the unmarked
predicate + NP order. NPs may be fronted to reflect discourse highlighting (cf. S.1.2, 17.3). In
the following examples, the stative are in boldface, followed by their nominal subjects.
(1) ma'jach ki' inw-ool ..

NEG very good ISG.A-spirit
'I wasn't feeling very well', (92.2.24)
(2) yajak'-a'an uy-ool-oo'

already frighten-PART 3A-spirit-PL
'they were already frightened' (92.3.54)
(3) Ma' pat-aj-ij inw-il-ikjach tlit a' muyal-ej. ...

NEG ABIL-CIS-3SG.B ISG.A-see-ITS very thick DET cloud-TOP
'I couldn't see it, the cloud was very thick.' (92.2.103-4)
(4) Waye't-u-jaj-iljach 'al a' ke'el-ej . ...

here in-3A-true-POS very heavy DET cold-TOP
'Here, truly, the cold is very heavy (overwhelming).' (92.2.120)
(5) t-a' kaj-oo/ .. San Josej .. i San 'Andres ... t-a' lu'um-oo'je'-la' ..
in-DET town-PL PN and PN in-DET land-pL OST-PROX
'to the towns of San Jose and San Andres, in these lands,
klij-a'an .. nukuch winik-oo'jach uchij ..

live-PART great man-PL very long.ago
there lived great men long ago' (92.3.13-15)
(6) la'ayti'-oo'-ej ma' t-u-k'a'ol-t-aj-oo' b'a'ax tzimin . ...

3 IPR-PL-TOP NEG cOM-3A-know-TRN-CTS-PL what horse
'they didn't know what a horse was.' (92.3.34)
(7) i k'a'am u-kukul-i/ a'ja'-ej ...

and strong 3A-wave-POS DET water-TOP
'and strong were the waves of the lake,' (92.3.10S)
(S) T-u-fronteeraj-il Meejiko i Gwatemaalaj ... te' klij-a'an yaab' aj-wach-oo'. ...
on-3A-border-POS PN and PN LOC live-PART many MASC-Mexican-PL
'On the border of Mexico and Guatemala there lived many Mexicans.' (txt2.9-10)
(9) Je'-Ia'in-tzimin.
OST-PROX ISG.A-horse.
'This is my horse.' or 'Here is my horse.'
17.3. Nominal + Stative

Nominals may also precede stative predicates in paratactic equational constructions (1)-
(17). In these constructions, the nominal is a topic or a contrastively focused NP (cf. S.1.2, 9.9,
9 .11). Both nouns and independent pronouns frequently enter into equational constructions.
Examples with independent pronouns are given in (1 )-( 6), where the pronoun is followed by a
stative predicate in boldface (cf. 11.2.1). Nouns appear as the fIrst element in paratactic
equational constructions in (7)-(17), where the noun or noun phrase is again followed by a stative
predicate in boldface.
(1) Kon ke tech aj-tz'on-ech-ej ..

with that 2SG.JPR MASC-shoot-2SG.B-TOP
in-tech a' winik-ech k-a-senkech=tz'on-ik a' im-b'a'alche'-oo'-ej. ...

EMP-2SG.JPR DET man-2SG.B INC-2A-much=shoot-ITS DET 1SG.A-animal-PL-TOP
you are the man that so often shoots the animals of mine.' (91.15.97-99)
(2) A '-ka' k'och-een t-a' 'ariyopweertoj-ej .. ten-ej .. k'iis saak-en ...

DET-when arrive-IsG.B to-DET airport-ToP ISG.lPR-TOP rather afraid-IsG.B
'When I arrived at the airport, I felt a little afraid,' (txt1.9-IO)
(3) in-ten-ej u-meyaj-il-en ... Paarke Nasiyonal Tik'al ..

EMP-ISG.lPR-TOP 3A-work-POS-lsG.B PN
'me, I am a worker of the national park of Tikal,' (92.2.186-87)
(4) La'ayti' u-mo'nok .. kweentoj-il .. a' b'a'ax uch-ij Tikal-ej. ...

3IPR 3A-small story-pos DET what happen-3sG.B PN-TOP
'That is the small story of what happened at Tikal.' (txt1.196-97)
(5) la 'ayti-oo' u-nukuch-il-oo' a' sold'aad'oj-oo' b 'in-oo '-ej. ...

3IPR-PL 3A-big-poS-PL DET soldier-PL gO-PL-TOP
'they were the leaders of the soldiers that went.' (txt2.92)
(6) La'ayti' b'ay la'ayti' u-yum-il a' meyaj-ej. ..

3IPR like 3IPR 3A-owner-pos DET work-TOP
'He, it's like he is the boss of the work.' (91.22.324)
(7) A' kweentoj-ej u-k'ab'a' ... 'ayim .. aj-k'iin 'ayim ...

DET story-TOP 3A-name crocodile MAsc-yellow crocodile
'The story is called "Crocodile," "The Yellow Crocodile" '(txt1.8-1O)
(8) I a' che'-ej ... li'-litz '-kij .. tumen ch 'ul. '"

and DET tree-TOP REDUP-slippery-ADJ because wet
'And the tree it was slippery because it was wet.' (92. 1.97-99)
(9) ya a' nojoch winik-ej ya kim-en . ...

already DET great man-TOP already die-ADJ
'already the gentleman, he was already dead.' (txtl.lI4-I5)
(10) Chen u-nok' ... u-tak'in ... u-'anti'oojos ... u-kaamara tu'ux k-u-jok'-s-ik .. retraatoj .,.
only 3A-clothing 3A-money 3A-glasses 3A-camera where INC-3A-Ieave-cAUS-ITS photo
'Only his clothes, his money, his glasses, his camera where he takes photos,
te'laj tz'iip-a'an y-alam u-k'aan-i'ij .,

LOC all heap-PART 3A-below 3A-hammock-LOC
there everything is heaped below his hammock,' (txt1.l65-70)
( 11 ) Tumen .. Tikal .. pwes .. paarkej ...

because PN well park
'Because Tikal, well, is a park,' (txtl.207)
(12) A ' muyal-oo '-e jach tlilit .. b 'ay yeeb '-ej. ...
DET cloud-PL-TOP very thick like fog-TOP
'The clouds were very thick, like fog.' (92.2.91-92)
(13) B'a-la' u-k'ab'a' San Migeel .. a' uch-ij-ej .. Tayasal ..

TEMP-PROX 3A-name PN DET happen-3SG.B-TOP PN
'Now its name is San Miguel, before it was Tayasal,' (92.3.88-89)
(14) i u-k'ab'a'-oo'-ej aj-Wit'-oo'. ...

and 3A-name-PL-TOP MASC-PN-PL
'and their name was the Wit's.' (txt2.41)
(15) k-u-miich-ik-oo' .. ix-ch'up-oo' .. tulakal ix-ch'up=paal-oo' ki' t-uy-ich-oo'-ej ..

INC-3A-grab-ITs-PL FEM-woman-PL all FEM-woman=child-PL good to-3A-eye-PL-TOP
'they grab the women, all of the women that they liked' (lit., 'are pleasing to their eyes')
(txt2.45-46)
(16) i b'aay-loj ya a' otzil mak-oo' .. kiij-a'an-oo' wa'ye'-ej ya saak-oo'. ...

and thus-DIST already DET poor person-PL live-PART-PL here-TOP already afraid-PL
'And thus, then the poor people living here were afraid.' (txt2.56-57)
(17) U-noj maskab'-ej .. jay .. jay ... b'ay u-yej xileetej ...
3A-big machete-TOP sharp sharp like 3A-edge razor
'His great machete is sharp, sharp, like the edge of a razor' (91.22.122-25)
17.4. Comparative Constructions

Comparative constructions are often parts of equational constructions (cf. 24.2).
17.4.1. b'aay(lo') ... (-e~, 'like (that)'

Stative and equational constructions can be formed with b'a(a)y ... -e', 'like' (1)-(3) (cf.
14.3.1). b'a(a)y(lo~ may link a topicalized nominal with another nominal (1), or appear in
reduced constructions without the fIrst nominal (2) or the second nominal (3). The comparative
b'aaylo' ... (-e~, 'in that way', may also function alone as a stative (4)-(5), or in equational
constructions (6)-(9) (cf. 14.3.2, 24.2.1). Ordinarily the nominal element follows the stative
predicate b'aaylo' (6)-(8), but it may precede, as in (9).
(1) A' tzimin-ej ma' b'ay a' wakax-ej.

DET horse-TOP NEG like DET COW-TOP
(2) ya ma'an mix=b'a'al ya b'ay chen ik'-ej. ...

already NEG/EXIST NEG=thing already like just air-TOP
'then there wasn't anything, it was already like, just air.' (91.3.52-53)
(3) U-laak' yan mas .. ka 'nal-ej bay xan . ..

3A-other EXIST more high-TOP like also
'The other (fIeld) that is higher is like it too.' (91.24.213-14)
(4) B'aay-lo' t-a' Nweeb'aj-ej. ..

like-DIST in-DET PN-TOP
'Thus it is in La Nueva.' (91.24.479)
(5) Pwes b'aay-lo' tak b'a-la'

welllike-DIST until TEMP-PROX
'Well it's that way until now' (91.24.399)
(6) B 'aay-lo' u-meyaj-il a' chiiklej-ej. ...

thus-DIST 3A-work-POs DET chicle-TOP
'Thus is the work of chicle.' (91.22.357)
(7) Ma'lo' .. t-u-jaj-il ... b'aay-lo' in-ten-ej

good in-3A-true-ABST like-DIsT EMP-ISG.IPR-TOP
'Good, it's true, I am the same way,' (91.24.5-6)
(8) Pwes b'aay-lo' in-tia'al-ej

welllike-DIsT ISG.A-own-TOP
'Well, mine is that way (too),' (91.24.50)
(9) A'-lo' tulakal'aanyoj b'aay-lo'.

DET-DIST all year like-DIST
'That is that way every year.' (91.24.36)
17.4.2.jeb'ix ... -e', 'like', 'just as'

The comparativejeb'ix, 'like', ~ust as', may occur in equational constructions composed
of two nominals linked by jeb'ix (1 )-(3). These constructions typically consist of a topicalized
noun followed by the comparative predicate framed by jeb'ix ... -e' (cf. 9.7.3.3, 14.3.3, 24.2.2).
(I) Ya .. uy-ich mak-ej ma' je-b 'ix a' uch-ij-ej. ...

already 3A-eye person-TOP NEG OST-how DET happen-3sG.B-TOP
'Now, the views of people aren't like those before.' (91.23.219-20)
(2) A' tzimin-ej ma' je-b'ix a' wakax-ej.

DET horse-TOP NEG OST-how DET COW-TOP
(3) A-nok'-ej je-b'ix in-ti'a'al-ej.

2A-clothing-TOP oST-how ISG.A-own-TOP
'Your clothes are like mine.'
17.4.3. mas (ke), 'more (than)'

Comparative adjectives with mas (ke), 'more (than)', also enter into stative (1)-(2) and
equational constructions (3)-(5) (cf. 9.7.3.1). Equational constructions are of the form: NPI +
mas + ADJ + kej + NP2
(I) tulakal a' k'aax tu'ux mas sup'-ej .. te' k-u-kiix-t-ik-i'ij

all DET forest where more overgrown-TOP LOC INC-3A-Seek-TRN-ITS-LOC
'all around the forest where its more overgrown, there he seeks it' (91.2.34-35)
(2) Waye' mas ma'lo'

here more good
'Here it is better' (91.24.463)
(3) In-wotan mas ix-nuk ke in-kik.

ISG.A-wife more FEM-old.female than ISG.A-older.sister
'My wife is older than my older sister.'
(4) A' tzimin t-u-miin-aj aj-Tomas-ej .. mas k 'as ke a' t-in-miin-aj-ej.

DEThorse COM-3A-buy-cTs MASC-PN-TOPmore bad than DETCOM-lsG.A-buy-CTS-TOP
'The mule that Thomas bought is worse than the one I bought.'
(5) A' b'aatje'-Ia' mas ma'lo' ke u-Iaak'-ej.

DET ax OST-PROXmore good than 3A-other-ToP
'This ax is better than the other one.'

Contrastive focus is frequently marked in equational constructions of the form: NP[+
FOCUS) + (NP) [relative clause] (1)-(4) (cf. 8.1.2.2, 9.l1, 11.5.2, 22.4). The ftrst NP is
frequently a pronoun, as in (2)-(4).
(1) A' pek'je'-Io' [a' in-k'a't-ij-ej].

DET dog OST-DIST [DET ISG.A-want-Ts-TOP]
'That dog is the one I want.'
(2) in-tech [a' winik-ech k-a-senkech=tz'on-ik a' im-b'a'alche'-oo'-ej] . ...

EMP-2SG.IPR [DET man-2SG.B INc-2A-much=shoot-ITS DET ISG.A-animal-PL-TOP]
'you are the man that so often shoots the animals of mine.' (91.15.98-99)
(3) la'ayti' [a' ki' t-inw-ich-ej]

3IPR [DET good to-1SG.A-eye-TOP]
'it is the one I like,' (91.1 0.31)
(4) Tulakal a' nukuch niil tulis-ej .. la'ayti' [a'-lo' k-u-b'el u-yej-t-ej mak-ej]
all DET big com. ear whole-TOp 3IPR [DET-DIST INC-3A-go 3A-pick-TRN-DTS person-ToP]
'All of the big ears that are whole, it's those that one is going to pick out' (91.20.131-32)
17.6. Existential yaan 1
17.6.1. Locative Existential

The locative existentialyaan (usually shortened to yan) is used to indicate locations. It
also functions as an existential presentative introducing new information into discourse (cf. 9.5,
17.6.1.1), in which cases the locative sense may be bleached and yaan simply indicates
existence. yaan may appear as an adjective in stative or equational constructions or inflected as an
inchoative verb in the completive and dependent statuses.
17.6.1.1. Existential Presentative

Existential presentitives function to introduce new information into discourse.
Unmodifted nouns referring to new information appear with yaan in equational constructions in
(1)-(7) (cf. 9.2). Nouns in these constructions may be pluralized (6)-(7), and locations are often
further specifted by additional locatives or prepositional phrases. The information indicated by
unmodifted nominals is new, but not necessarily topical, and often functions to provide
supplementary background information. An inflected inchoative verb form of yaan in the
completive status is shown in (8).
1 In addition to the existential functions described in this section, yaan may function as a
modal TAM marker indicating obligation (cf. 15.2.6.3) and as the root of the inchoative verb
meaning 'to be born' or 'to come into existence' (Hofling 1997).
(1) Ka' kap-een ti xi'mal .. tulakal .. t-u-b'aak' a' kol-ej ..

then begin-1SG.B SUB walk all on-3A-perimeter DET milpa-ToP
'Then I began to walk all around the milpa
inw-il-a' wa yan .. keej ich a' kol-ej. ...

ISG.A-see-DTs COND EXIST deer in DET milpa-TOP
to see if there were deer in the milpa.' (91.2.9-11)
(2) tumen yaj ... yan mak tal-ij taan-il to 'on . ....
because already EXIST person come-3SG.B front-pos IPL.IOPR
'because there are already people that came in front of us.' (91.11.25-26)
(3) a' nukuch muyal-ej yan sak-i'ij yan k'an-i'ij yan b'ox-i'ij. ...
DET big cloud-TOP EXIST white-LOC EXIST amarillo-Loc EXIST black-LOC
'the big clouds, there are white ones, there are yellow ones, there are black ones.'
(92.2.95-98)
(4) Ijachyan ke'el. ...

and much EXIST cold
'And it was very cold' (92.2.112).
(5) yan b'in aj-waay ich-i/-oo' ...

EXIST REPORT MAsc-shaman in-POS-PL
'there was a shaman among them,' (92.3.77)
(6) a' uch-ij-ej .. Tayasal .. tu'ux yan .. ruuwinaj-oo' tu'ux yan . kaj-tal-il-tak ..
DET happen-3sG.B-TOP PN where EXIST ruin-PL where EXIST live-INCH-POS-PL
'long ago it was Tayasal, where there are ruins, where there were houses,' (92.3.89-91)
(7) Ii ... yan nukuch winik-oo' aj-w'aye'-il-oo'-ej ...

and EXIST big man-PL MAsC-here-POs-PL-TOP
'And there were some gentlemen, natives of here,' (txt2.86)
(8) yan-aj-ij pax ...

EXIST-CIS-3SG.B music
'there was music' (91.9.35)
Quantifiers such as yaab', 'many', may occur in addition to yaan (9)-(10), or appear
alone with a similar function to yaan (9)-(12) (cf. 9.6.1, 17.6.3.3). Tz'eek, 'few', may also appear
alone or in conjunction withyaan (13)-(14).
(9) (Yan) yaab' b'a'alche' ich k'aax.

(EXIST) many animal in forest.
'There are many animals in the forest.'
(10) rna' patal u-wen-el mak ma'lo' tumen (yaan)jach yaab' k'oxol. ...
NEG ABIL 3A-sleep-IIS person well because (EXIST) very much mosquito
'a person can't sleep well in the forest because there are so many mosquitos.' (91.5.2-3)
(11) je-tu'ux-ak ka' xi'ik-oo'-ej jach yaab' mak.

OST-where-IRREAL SUB go/DiS-PL-TOP very many person
(12) Yaab'wal su'uk-i'ij? ..

much maybe grass-Lac
'Is there a lot of grass there?' (91.24.207)
(13) (Yaan) tz'eek wal su'uk-i'ij.

(EXIST) little maybe grass-LOC
'There's a little grass there perhaps.'
(14) (Yaan) tz'eek winik(-oo~ t-a' meyaj-ej.

(EXIST) few man( -PL) in-DET work-TOP
'There are few men at the job.'
Existential presentatives are often used to introduce potentially topical NPs into
discourse. New, potentially topical NPs are generally enumerated in the construction: yaan +
Numeral & NCL + NP (15)-(19), (21) (cf. 9.5.1). Subsequent mentions are also indicated by
boldface in (18)-(19). The indefmite marker ulaak', 'another', may appear instead of the modifying
numeral with a similar function (20), and an example with the locative te'lo', 'there', is given in
(21) (cf. 17.6.1.2.2).
(15) i t-u-chun a' witz-ej .. yanjun=p'eel noj 'aktun ..

and at-3A-base DET hill-TOP EXIST one=INAM big cave
'and at the base of the hill was a big cave,' (91.15.55-56)
(16) I yan jum=p'e noj kol.. chum uk a' b 'ej-ej. ...

and EXIST one=INAM big milpa mid DET road-TOP
'And there is a big milpa along the road.' (91.2.5-6)
(17) ka' k'och-een tu'uxyanjun=p'e noj che' .. lub'-al-ej ..

then arrive-lsG.B where EXIST one=INAM big tree fall-PART3-TOP
'and I arrived where there is a big fallen tree' (91.10.80-81)
(18) ich a' 'ab'iyoon-ej ... yanjun=tuul ix-ch'up=paal .. k-u-meyaj .. ich 'ab'iyon-ej ...
inside DET plane-ToP EXIST one=ANIM FEM-woman=child INC-3A-work in-plane-TOP
'because inside the plane there was a woman that works inside the plane,
ka' t-in-t'lin-aj-B .. ka' t-inw-a'al-aj ti'ij ...

then COM-lsG.A-call-CTS-3SG.B when cOM-lsG.A-say-cTs 3IOPR
and I called her, and I said to her' (92.2.30-34)
(19) tulakal u-b'aak' a'ja'-ej .. yanjum=p'e noj b'ej. ...

all 3A-circumference DET lake-TOP EXIST one=INAM big way
'all around the lake there was a trail.'
A' b'ejje'-Io' k-u-bel tak ... tak ti B'eenkej .. Kaayoj ...

DET way OST-DIST INC-3A-go until to PN PN
'That road goes to Benque, to Cayo,' (txt2.35-38)
(20) It-a' .. b'ej-ej .. yan u-Iaak' kol in-k'a'ool. ...

and on-DET way-TOP EXIST 3A-other milpa ISG.A-know
'And on the road there is another milpa I know.' (91.11.29-31)
(21) Te'-lo yaan jum=p'e kol.

LOC-DIST EXIST one=INAM milpa
'There is a milpa.'
410 InA} MA YA GRAMMAR
Existential presentatives are used to introduce important characters or circumstances and

often appear with this function at the beginnings of stories or episodes of stories. In these
constructions, yaan is often inflected as an inchoative verb in the completive aspect (22)-(25).
Such constructions are parts offormulaic openings in folktales (Hofling 1991; cf. 25.5.2.2). As
shown in (25), the indefinite ulaak', 'another', may also appear instead of the numeral in these
constructions.
(22) Yan-aj-ijjum=p'e k'in ... ke ... kal-een . ...

EXIST-CIS-3SG.B one=INAM day SUB intoxicate-lsG.B
'There was a day that I got drunk.' (92.3.1-2)
(23) Uch-ij ... yan-aj-ij b'in ka'=tu(ulj winik ...

happen-3sG.B EXIST-CIS-3SG.B REPORT twO=ANIM man
'Long ago, there were two men' (91.13.1-2)
(24) Yan-aj-ijjun=tuul u-nojoch-il .. ich-i/-oo' ...

EXIST-CIS-3SG.B one=ANIM 3A-big-pos in-poS-PL
'There was a boss among them' (92.2.14)
(25) Ii .. yan-aj-ij u-laak' kim-en .. jun=tuul .. 'aleman .. turiista . ...

and EXIST-CIS-3sG.B 3A-other die-ADJ one=ANIM German tourist
'And there was another death, a German tourist.' (txtl.123-24)
17.6.1.2. With Definite NPs
17.6.1.2.1. In Relative Clauses

The existential yaan also occurs as part of a relative clause modifying a defmite noun in
the structure: NP[+definitel [EXIST + PP] (cf. 22.2.2). In these constructions the existential may
agree with the head NP, and the relative clause provides additional, usually loeational, information
about the head NP (1)-(5).
(I) Ii .. y-alam a' che'-oo' .. piik'-aal-oo' [yan .. waye' t-u-chi' a' b'ej-ej] ...
and 3A-below DET tree-PL plant-NoM-PL [EXIST here at-3A-edge DET road-TOP]
'And below the planted trees that are here along the edge of the road
ek'=joch'-e'en .. te'... jaw-ij-i'ij

black=serape-ADJ LOC disappear-3sG.B-LOC
it was dark, there she disappeared,' (91.3 .48-50)
(2) Ka' nak'-o'on ... t-a' yax kol-oo' ... [yan .. t-u-chi' a' noj b'ej-ej] . ...
then climb-1pL.B to-DET first milpa-PL [EXIST on-3A-edge DET big way-ToP]
'Then we climbed to the first milpas that are on the edge of the road.' (91.11.5-6)
(3) b'ix ki-kiij-tal tulakal aj-meyaj-o'on .. [yan-o'on ... t-a' paarkej Tikal-ej]. ...
how INC/lpL.A-live-posIT all MAsc-work-lpL.B [EXIST-lpL.B in-DET park PN-TOP]
'how we live, all of us workers that are in the park of Tikal.' (txt 1. 6-7)
(4) b'in-i ti litz ... t-u-chi' a' jar [yan ... t-a' paarkej-ej]. ...
go-3SG.B SUB fish in-3A-edge DET water [EXIST in-DET park-TOP]
'went to fish at the edge of the lake of the park.' (92.2.15-17)
(5) ka' u-ch'ul-u' tulakal a' piik'-aal-oo' [yan ... t-u-tzeeljun=kul noj naj]
SUB 3A-wet-DTS all DET plant-NoM-PL [EXIST at-3A-side one=round big house]
'to soak all of the plants that are at the side of the building' (txt1.86-87)
The existential may also agree with a following defmite NP in locative relative clauses
with tu'ux, 'where', in the structure: NP [(a~ tu'ux EXIST NP[+definitej] (6)-(9) (cf. 22.2.2.2.3). In
these constructions, the head noun refers to the location of the definite NP in the relative clause.
(6) /ca' nak'-iik-en t-a' noj naj .. [tu'ux yan a' nojoch=winik] ...
SUB climb-DIS-ISG.B to-DET big house [where EXIST DET great=man]
'for me to climb to the town hall where the gentleman (mayor) is,' (91.9.2-3)
(7) Tumen u-kuuch [a' tu'uxyan a'ja'-ej] .. jach tz'op-ot ...

because 3A-place [DET where EXIST DET water-TOP] very swampy-ADJ
'Because their place where the water is, is very swampy,' (91.10.7-9)
(8) /ca' .. ti wa'-l-aj-een ma'lo' ..

then COM stand-POSIT-CIS-ISG.B well
'and I stood well
t-u-chun [tu'uxyan u-telchaak-il a' che'-ej] . ..

on-3A-trunk [where EXIST 3A-buttress-POs DET tree-TOP]
on the trunk where the tree has its big buttresses.' (91.10.81-82)
(9) tak t-u-'ariyopweerto [tu'uxyan u-'ab'iyon-il D'eeltaj]. ...

til to-3A-airport [where EXIST 3A-plane-pos PN]
'to the airport where Delta's plane is.' (92.2.74-75)
17.6.1.2.2. With Locatives

Existentials may also occur with defmite NPs in locative-focus constructions of the form:
LOCIPP + EXIST (1)-(6) (cf. 12.1.1). The existential may agree with a following noun (1)-(3),
or the noun may be fronted (4)-(6). Focused locative existential constructions may also occur with
deictic or anaphoric reference alone in the structure: LOCIPP + EXIST-B.PR (7)-(10).
(I) Pach naj yan a' baat-ej.

behind house EXIST DET ax-TOP
'The ax is behind the house.'
(2) ke rna' u-b'el ... tumen te' .. natz' .. yan a' .. 'ayim ... ke patal u-jan-t-ik. ...
SUB NEG 3A-go because LOC close EXIST DET crocodile SUB ABIL 3A-eat-TRN-ITS
'that he shouldn't go because there, close, is the crocodile, that it could eat him.' (txt1.20-
22)
(3) tak b'a-je'-la'-ej .. te' yan a' noj witz .. Job'on Pich-ej ..
until TEMP-OST-PROX-TOP LOC EXIST DET big hill PN-TOP
'until now there is that big hill, Jobon Pich,' (91.13.167-69)
(4) A' baat-ej pach naj yan.

DET aX-TOP behind house EXIST
'The ax is behind the house.'
(5) I a' winik-ej .. te' yan ich a' muknal ket et uy-iitan-ej. ...
and DET man-TOP LOC EXIST inside DET tomb together with 3A-wife-TOP
'And the man, there he is inside the tomb together with his wife.' (91.17.44-45)
(6) u-k'aan te' yan ... y-alam a' naj-ej. ...

3A-hammock LOC EXIST 3A-below DET house-ToP
'his hammock was there below the house.'
412 I'IZAJ MAYA GRAMMAR
(7) laj wej-al-oo' .. tak t-u-chi' a' riiyoj-ej te' yan-oo'-i'ij. ..

all scatter-PART-PL til-3A-edge DET river-TOP LOC EXIST-PL-FOC
'they were scattered all along the shore of the river, there they were.' (txt2.134-35)
(8) A' tiyeempo ka' te' yan-e'ex-i'ij ka' t-u-sut(-aj) u-b'aj

DET time when LOC EXIST-2PL.B-FOC then cOM-3A-turn(-CTS) 3A-REFL
'At the time, when you all were there, then it turned around,' (91.24.297-98)
(9) mentiik-ej wa ye yan-en .. t-aw-iiknal

therefore-ToP here EXIST-ISG.B to-2A-with
'therefore I am here with you' (91.17.104)
(10) I la'ayti'-oo' ma' patal u-b'et-ik-oo' .. mix=b'a'al porke chumukja' yan-oo'. ...
and 3IPR-PL NEG ABIL 3A-do-ITS-PL NEG=thing because mid lake EXIST-PL
'And they couldn't do anything because they were in the middle of the lake.' (92.3.112-
13)
17.6.1.3. Adverbial-focus Constructions

Adverbial-focus constructions also occur with the existantialyaan in the form: ADV +
yaan-il(I)-(4) (cf. 14.5, 18.4.2).
(1) B'a-Ia b'elin-ka'a ti tz'iib' ti'ij .. yok' uy-ojel-t-ik b'ix yan-il.

TEMP-PROX go ISG.A-go SUB write 3IOPR SUB 3A-know-TRN-ITS how EXIST-FOC
'Now I am going to write him so that he knows how it is.' (91.8.33-34)
(2) I koomo y-alamyan-ej .. pech'-a'anyan-il .. ma' chik-a'an . ...

and as 3A-below EXIST-TOP crush-PART EXIST-FOC NEG see-PART
'And as it's underneath, it's crushed, it isn't visible.' (91.10.65-66)
(3) Men ka'nalyan-il-oo'-ej ma' t-u-chuk-aj-oo'. ..

because high EXIST-FOC-PL-TOP NEG cOM-3A-reach-CTS-PL
'Because they were high up it didn't reach them.' (91.13.81-82)
(4) ka' t-uy-il-aj b'ixyan-il a' .. plantel-oo' tu'ux kiij-a'an-oo'-ej. ..

then cOM-3A-see-CTS how EXIST-FOC DET camp-PL where live-PART-PL-TOP
'then they saw how the camps were, where they were living.' (txt2.99-100)
17.6.1.4. Negative Existential

The negative form of the existential, ma' yaan, typically contracts to ma'an (1)-(6) (cf.
19.1.2). Like other negative forms, ma'an may appear with negative pronouns (2)-(3) (cf.
19.2.1). In the completive and dependent statuses, an inflected inchoative verb form must be
used (7)-(8).
(1) a' b'a'alche'-ej .. ma'an t-u-kuuch-il . ...

DET animal-ToP NEG/EXIST in-3A-place-pos
'the animal wasn't in its place.' (91.2.25-26)
(2) Ma'an mix=maak . ...

NEG/EXIST NEG=person
'There wasn't anyone.' (91.2.54)
(3) I ma'an mix=b'a'al. ...

and NEG/EXIST NEG=thing
'And there wasn't anything.' (91.2.62)
(4) lUmen .. ma'an yaab' k'in ... palal u-siit-ik. ...

because NEG/EXIST many day ABIL 3A-Iose-ITS
'because there weren't more days that he could lose.' (92.2.183-84)
(5) Ma 'an a' tzimin-ej jo 'm(-i) u-kim-il. ...

NEG/EXIST DET horse-TOP TERM(-3SG.B) 3A-die-lls
'There wasn't a horse, it had already died.' (92.3.58-59)
(6) Kil u-man .. u-I'an-il ke yaj .. ma 'an-oo '-ej

when 3A-pass 3A-word-POS that already NEG/EXIST-PL-TOP
'When the word passed that they weren't there anymore,
k-u-kap-iil-oo' tijok'-ol t-u-kaYe'. ...

INC-3A-began-IIS-PL SUB leave-lIS in-3A-again
they began to come out again.' (txt2.64-65)
(7) I a' winik-ej ma' yan-aj-ij u-t'an ..

and DET man-TOP NEG EXIST-CIS-3SG.B 3A-speech
And the man, he didn't have words, (91.15.111-12)
(8) A-k'a't-ij ka' ma' yan-ak u-t'an.

2A-want-TS SUB NEG EXIST-DIS 3A-speech.
'You hope he doesn't have words.'
17.6.2. General Existentialyaan vs. Non-present ke'en

In addition to the general existentialyaan, the more specialized form ke'en often
indicates existence away from the speaker or the deictic locus of the discourse, and it has a sense
of motion (1)-(7). It is only used as a plain stative and is not inflected for status.
(1) k-u-k'ub'-ik a' ayik'al t-uy-iitan a' winik ke'en ich k'aax-ej ..
INC-3A-deliver-ITS DET rich.man to-3A-wife DET man be in forest-TOP
'that the rich man delivers to the wife of the man who is (away) in the forest,' (91.22.214-
15)
(2a) Aj-Jwan-ej ke'en ich k'aax xan.

MASC-PN-TOP be in forest also
'Juan is out in the forest too.'
(2b) Aj-Jwan-ej ich k'aaxyan xan.

MASC-PN-TOP be in forest also
'Juan is in the forest too.'
(3a) Waye' yan-ech.

here EXIST-2sG.B
'Here you are.'
(3b) Waye' ke'en-ech t-inw-aknal.

here be-2sG.B to-lSG.A-with
'Your place is here with me.' (i.e., you should not go anywhere else)
(4a) Q: Tu'ux ke'en-ech?

where be-2sG.B
'Where are you?' (cannot see subject) or 'Where were you?'
A: Ten-ej ke'en-en t-in-meyaj.

lS0.IPR-TOP be-ISO.B in-1S0.A-work
'I was at work.'
(4b) Tu'uxyan-ech?
where EXIST-2S0.B
'Where are you?'
(5) A: Tu'ux ke'en-ech ke rna' inw-il-a'-ech?

where EXIST-2so.B SUB NEO lso.A-see-DTs-2so.B
'Where did you go, have you been, that I haven't seen you?'
B: Ke'en-en ich k'aax tan-in-kol.

be-1so.B in forest DUR-1so.A-milpa
'I have been in the forest making milpa.'
(6) A: In-ten-ej tal-een in-kiix-t-eO)-ech

EMP-1S0.IPR-TOP come-1S0.B lS0.A-seek-TRN-DTS-2so.B
'I came to look for you
i ma'an-ech t-aw-otoch.
and NEO/EXIST-2so.B in-2A-home
and you weren't at home.'
B: Aaj .. ke'en-en ich kol.

EXCL be-lso.B in forest
'Ah, I was in the milpa.'
(7) B'u k-inw-a'l-ej tech si tech-ej ke'en-ech ich k'aax.

how go-lso.A-say-DTs 2S0.IOPR if 2S0.IPR-TOP be-2s0.B in forest.
'How was I going to tell you if you were in the forest.'
17.6.3. Possession withyaan

Yaan is also the predicate of possession (cf. 1O.3; Hofling 1990). It most commonly
occurs with possessed nouns but may also occur with indirect-object pronouns referencing the
possessor.
17.6.3.1. Yaan + Possessed Noun

Overt predicates of possession typically occur with possessed nouns and function to
introduce accessible infonnation into discourse (1)-(12). Possessed items commonly include
property, body parts, and kin (cf. 10.1). Indirect-object pronouns are not ordinarily present in
these constructions.
(1) T-in-miin-t-aj in-tz'on tijun=tu winik. ...

cOM-1so.A-lend-TRN-cTS lso.A-gun to one=ANIM man
'I lent my gun to a man.'
Yan u-kol waye' pach kaj-ej. ...

'He has his milpa here behind town.' (91.4.1-2)
17. STA TIVES AND EQUATIONAL CONSTRUCTIONS 415
(2) Ii .. lea' t-uy-a'al-aj ten-ej ke ... wa ma'an u-b'a'al in-tZ'on-ej

and thencoM-3A-say-cTs ISG.IOPR-TOP SUB COND NEG/EXIST 3A-hullet ISG.A-gun-TOP
'And then he told me that, he asked me if there aren't (in don't have) any bullets for my
gun' (91.4.6-8)
(3) Ii b'aay-loj .. b'a-laj ya mas yan in-na'at. ...

and like-DIST TEMP-PROX already more EXIST ISG.A-thought
'And thus, now I already have more thoughts.' (91.10.126-27)
(4) In-ten-ej yan in-b'en-il .. in-jeb'-m-aj ..

EMP-ISG.IPR-TOP EXIST ISG.A-path-pos ISG.A-clear-PERF-CTS
'Me, I have my path that I have cleared' (91.11.3 7-38)
(5) Ma'an ki-si'. ...

NEG/EXIST IpL.A-frrewood
'We don't have frrewood.' (91.12.10)
(6) Ten-eO) yan in-wakax ... natz'jaal leaj . ..

ISG.IPR-TOP EXIST ISG.A-cattle near edge town
'Me, I have cattle, near the edge of town.' (91.12.76-77)
(7) I k'och-oo' aj-kiin-an-oo'yan u-tZ'on-oo'-ej ...

'And the guards that have guns arrived,' (txt1.65-66)
(8) Tak ix-ch 'up-oo' yan uy-icham-oo' ... k-u-miich-ik-oo'

even FEM-woman-PL EXIST 3A-husband-pL INC-3A-grab-ITs-PL
'Even the women with husbands, they grabbed them,' (txt2.49-50)
(9) I jach yaab' ix-ch 'up .. yan-aj-ij u-paal-oo' .. wa 'ye'-ej ..

and very many FEM-woman EXIST-CIS-3SG.B 3A-child-PL here-TOP
'And many women had their children here,' (txt2.53-54)
(10) tan-uy-ok'ot-oo' .. yan u-pax-oo'. ...

DUR-3A-dance-PL EXIST 3A-marimba-PL
'they were dancing, they had a marimba.' (txt2.106-7)
(II) yan b'injum=p'e noj che'. A' che'je'-lo'-ej yan u-jol .. job'on . ...
EXIST REPORT one=INAM big tree DET tree OST-DIST-TOP EXIST 3A-hole hollow
'there was, they say, a big tree. That tree has a hole, hollow.' (91.13.12-13)
(12) ke ... a' b'a'alche'-oo'-eyan u-yum-il. ...

SUB DET animal-PL-TOP EXIST 3A-owner-POS
'that the animals have their owner (lord).' (91.16.73)
As described in 17.6.1.1, new information that is likely to become a topic is often

enumerated. Such NPs occur with possessive predicates in the structure: EXIST + NUM & NCL +
A.PR-N (13)-(15).
(13) tumenyanjun=tuul im-paal k'oj-a'an ...

because EXIST one=ANIM ISG.A-child sick=PART
'because I have a sick child' (91.1.15)
(14) ke a' che'-ej .. yanjum=p'eel u-motT. ..

SUB DET tree-TOP EXIST one=INAM 3A-root
'that the tree, it has a root' (91.10.61-62)
(15) Yan-aj-ij b'in .. jun=tuul nojoch ko'lel. ...

EXIST-CIS-3SG.B REPORT one=ANIM great woman
'There was, they say a great lady.
I yan-aj-ij ka '=tuul u-paal. ...

and EXIST-CIS-3SG.B twO=ANIM 3A-child
And she had two children.' (91.14.1-3)
17.6.3.2. Yaan + 10 (+ NP)

Less commonly, possessive predications are formed with indirect-object nouns or
pronouns and absolute (unpossessed) nouns (1)-(6). This construction suggests a less direct or less
inherent possessive relationship. It is generally used to express ages and is also used with
indefmite possessions. The indirect object usually occurs immediately after yaan, as in (la), but
may move after the stative subject, as in (lb), or the stative subject may be fronted, as in (lc) (cf.
11.3).
(Ia) Yan ten d'Uyesjaab'.

EXIST ISG.IOPR ten year
'I am ten years old.' (lit., 'I have ten years')
(Ia) Yan d'Uyesjaab' ten.

EXIST ten year 1SG.IOPR
(lc) D'iiyesjaab'yan ten.

ten year EXIST ISG.IOPR
(2) i yan-aj-ij to'on ta'k'in ti('ij) ki-Iaj=b'o'-t-ik-al a' pax.

and EXIST-CIS-3SG.B-lpL.IOPR money SUB IPL.A-all=pay-TRN-ITS- SUB DET music
'and we had money to completely pay for the music,' (91.9.37-38)
(3) Tak b'a-je'-la ma' kiw-ojel

until TEMP-OST-PROX NEG IPL.A-know
'Until now we don't know
b'a'axfin-i(l) yan-aj-ij . t-a' winik-ej. ...

what end-Pos EXIST-CIS-3SG.B to-DET man-TOP
what end the man had.' (txtl.193-94)
(4) k-uy-ok-l-ik-oo'tzimin .. aj-kax .. tulakal a' ba'ax k-uy-il-ik-oo' ...

INC-3A-steal-NOM-ITS-PL horse MASC-chicken all DET thing INC-3A-See-ITS-PL
'they steal horses, chickens, all of the things they see
ke yan t-a' mak-oo' kiij-a'an-oo' wa'ye'-ej ..

that belong to the people living here,' (txt2.21-23)
17. STA TIVES AND EQUATIONAL CONSTRUCTIONS 417
(5) La'ayti' a'-lo' yan ti'ij.

3IPR DET-DIST EXIST 3IOPR
'It has that (problem).' (91.24.350)
(6) Yan ten a' tak'in in-p'lix-m-aj tech-ej.

EXIST ISG.IOPR DET money ISG.A-owe-PERF-CTS 2SG.IOPR-TOP
'I have the money that lowe you.'
17.6.3.3. Possession with Quantifiers

Quantifiers may also appear in addition to, or instead of, the existential yaan in
possessive predicates with possessed nouns (1)-(2) and constructions with unpossessed nouns and
indirect objects (3)-(4). When the existential is deleted, the indirect-object pronoun may precede
or follow the semantically possessed noun if first- or second-person (5). Third-person indirect-
object pronouns should follow the noun (6) (cf. 11.3).
(1) La'ayti'-oo'-ejjachyaab' u-na'at-oo' ...

3IPR-PL-TOP very much 3A-idea-PL
'They have a lot of ideas (wisdom)' (91.19.7)
(2) 'Ayik'al. ... Yaab' u-tzimin . ...

rich many 3A-mule
'He's rich. He has a lot of mules.' (91.22.25-26).
(3) Yanyaab' b'a'ax-tak ti'ij.

EXIST many thing-PL 3IOPR
'He has many things.'
(4) Aj-Jwanyan ti'ijyaab'tzimin.

MASC-PN EXIST 3IOPR many horse
'Juan has many horses.'
(5a) Yaab'tech b'a'ax-tak.

many 2SG.IOPR thing-PL
'You have many things.'
(5b) Yaab' b'a'ax-tak tech.

many thing-PL 2SG.IOPR
(6a) ??Yaab' ti'ij b'a'ax-tak.

many 3SG.IOPR thing-PL
??'He has many things.'
(6b) Yaab' b'a'ax-tak ti'ij.

many thing-PL 3SG.IOPR
18. Interrogation
18.0. Contents
18.1. Intonation
18.2. Yes-No Questions
18.2.1. Interrogative Particle waj
18.2.2. Tag Questions
18.2.2.1. Tag Questions withjaj waj ma', 'yes or no?'
18.2.2.2. Tag Questions with maxa', 'right?'
18.3. Interrogative-Word Questions
18.3.1. maax, 'who'
18.3.2. b'a'ax, 'what'
18.3.3. tu'ux, 'where'
18.3.4. b'ix, 'how'
18.3.5. b'oon, 'how much', 'how many'
18.3.6. b'ik'in and b'a'ax 'ooraj, 'when'
18.3.7. Interrogative + tun, 'then'
18.4. Interrogative Focus and Scope
18.4.1. Focus with -i'ij
18.4.2. Adverbial Focus with -ik-il- -ik --il
18.1. Intonation
Questions may be marked by a rising intonational contour at the end of a phrase (1 )-(3).
The inclusion of a negative marker suggests the expectation of a negative response (4)-(7), but not
as strongly as in tag questions (cf. 18.2.2).
(1) A: In-tech nojoch=winik?

EMP-2SG.lPR big=man
'You are a gentleman?'
B: In-ten ...
EMP-1 SG .IPR
'I am.' (91.12.58-59)
(2) A: Jach sup . ...

very overgrown
'It (my milpa) is very overgrown.'
B: Pero ma'lo'? ...

but good
'But good?'
A: Yutzil in-kol-ej yutzil. ..

pretty lSG.A-milpa-ToP pretty
'My milpa is pretty, pretty.' (91.24.10-12)
(3) A: Tan-ta-s-ikjan-al?
DuRl2A-come-CAUS-ITS EAT-NOM
'Are you carrying food?'
B: T-in-ta-s-ik.
DUR-1 SG.A-come-CAUS-ITS
'I'm carrying some.'
18. INTERROGATION 419
(4) A: Ma'tan-ta-s-ikjan-al?
NEG DuR/2A-come-CAUS-ITS eat-NoM
'You aren't carrying food?'
B: Ma'....
NEG
'No.' (91.12.70-51)
(5) A: Ma'wach'-iik? ...

NEG tassle-DIS
'It hasn't tassled?'
B: Mm .. ma'pwesyajach (mum) ..
EXCL NEG well already very (tender)
'Hmm, no well it's still very (tender),' (91.24.26)
(6) A: Ma' tan-u-sap'-iil ti yax=k'in? ..

NEG DUR-3A-dry-IIS in first=sun
'It's not drying up in the summer?'
B: Ma'tan ...
NEGDUR
'It isn't.' (91.24.188-89).
(7) A: Ma' ka'=ok-ok tzimin ich a-kol-ej? ...

NEG REPET=enter-DIS horse in 2A-milpa-ToP
'Horses haven't entered your milpa again?'
B: Pwes .. b'in-eenjo'lej-ij ma' ok-ok. ...

well go-ISG.B yesterday-3SG.B NEG enter-DIS
'Well, I went yesterday, they hadn't entered.' (91.24.239-41)
(8) A: I ma' t-u-jan-t-aj a-kol? ..

and NEG cOM-3A-eat-TRN-CTS 2A-milpa
'And it didn't eat your milpa?'
B: Pwes chen t-u-ju-jum=p'eel i man-ij

well only to-3A-REDUP-one=INAM and pasS-3SG.B
'Well, only some and it passed' (91.24.304-06)
Epistemic adverbials expressing uncertainty such as wal, 'maybe', also often appear in
intonationally marked questions (9)-(10), as do the affIrmative adverbialsjaj ke and tujaji/ ke, 'is it
true that' (11 )-(12) (cf. 14.4).
(9) Yaab' wal su'uk-i'ij? ..

much maybe grass-Loc
'Is there, perhaps, a lot of grass there?' (91.24.207)
(10) A: Tu!wala'u-ja'tu'uxyan-oo'? ..
full maybe DET 3A-water where EXIST-PL
'Is their water(hole) full, perhaps, where they are?'
B: Ya tan-u-tul-ul. ..
already DUR-3A-fill-IIS
'It's already filling.' (91.24.184-85)
(11) Yun Josej .. jaj ke nik-ij a' witz-ej?

HON PN true SUB fall-3sG.B DET hill-top
'Don Jose, is it true that the hill collapsed?'
(12) Yun Josej .. t-u-jaj-il ke nik-ij a' witz-ej?

HON PN to-3A-true-POs SUB fall-3SG.B DET hill-top
'Don Jose, is it true that the hill collapsed?'
18.2. Yes-No Questions
18.2.1. Interrogative Particle waj

The interrogative particle waj (often shortening to wa) may function to mark simple yes-
no questions (1)-(6).1 It follows the element that is the focus of the interrogation and receives
stress. It may appear after incompletive TAM markers (1), after the negative marker (2)-(3), after
focused nominals (4), after the verb (5), or phrase-finally (6).
(1) Taan waj a-jan-t-ik b'u'ul?

DUR INTER 2A-eat-TRN-ITS bean
'Are you perhaps eating beans?'
(2) Ma' waj b'in-eech?

NEG INTER go-2SG.B
'Didn't you go?' (affIrmative expectation)
(3) A: In-ka'aj tijan-al.

ISG.A-go SUB eat-NoM
'I'm going to eat.'
B: In-ten xan.
EMP-l SG .IPR also
'Me too.'
A: Ma'wajjan-ak-ech?
NEG INTER eat-DIs-2SG.B
'Haven't you already eaten?'
(4) In-tech waj tan-a-jan-t-ik b'u'ul?

EMP-2SG.IPR INTER DUR-2A-eat-TRN-ITS bean
'Are YQ!! perhaps eating beans?'
(5) Tan-a-jan-t-ik waj b'u'ul?

DUR-2A-eat-TRN-ITS INTER bean
'Are you eating perhaps beans?'
(6) Tan-a-jan-t-ik b'u'ul waj?

DUR-2A-eat-TRN-lTS bean INTER
'Are you eating beans perhaps?'
1 WaO) also marks indefinite pronouns (cf. 2.2.6.2) and conditionals (see chapter 21).
18.2.2. Tag Questions
18.2.2.1. Tag Questions withjaj waj ma', 'yes or no?'

The tag,jaj waj ma', 'yes or no', may be added to the end ofa clause after a pause to form
a question (1). The fmal intonation contour is falling. An interrogative marker afterjaj is also
acceptable (2).
(1) T-a-tiika '-t-aj a' winik u-jan-t-ej b'u 'ul .. jaj wa ma'?
cOM-2A-send-TRN-CTS DET man 3A-eat-TRN-DTS bean true or not
'You sent the man to eat beans, yes or no?'
(2) T-a-tiika'-I-aj a' winik u-jan-I-ej b'u'ul .. jaj waj .. (wa maV
cOM-2A-send-TRN-CTS DET man 3A-eat-TRN-DTS bean true INTER (or not)
'You sent the man to eat beans, is it true perhaps (or not?)'
18.2.2.2. Tag questions with maxa', 'right?'

The particle maxa,2 may appear clause-fmally to mark the speaker's expectation that a
proposition is true. The same tag appears whether the proposition is affirmative (1 )-(2) or negative
(3)-(4).
(1) A: Ma'lo'maxa?
good right
'Good, right?'
B: Ma'lo' yutzil k-inw-i/-ik.

good pretty INC-1SG.A-see-ITs
'Good, they look pretty to me.' (91.24.409-10)
(2) A-ka'aj Ii paarkej .. maxa'?

2A-go to park right
'You're going to the park, right?
(3) Ma' tan-b'el Ii paarkej .. maxa'?

NEG DuRl2A-go to park right
'You're not going to the park, right?
(4) Ma' t-u-jan-t-aj b'u'ul .. maxa?

NEG cOM-3A-eat-TRN-cTS bean right
'S/he didn't eat beans, right?'
18.3. Interrogative-Word Questions

Interrogative-word questions have the form: INTER + YP, with the interrogative
appearing in a focus position (cf. 14.2.3). Interrogative words also function as relative pronouns
(cf. 2.2.6, 7.8, 22.2.2.2). The interrogatives maax, 'who', and b'a'ax, 'what', occur preverbally
like focused NPs, and the same ambiguities of word order noted for focused NPs are also present
with question words (cf. 8.1). Topicalized nouns may appear in front of the interrogative word,
in the SOY - OSY pattern noted in 8.1.2.3.
18.3.1. maax, 'who'

maax, 'who', typically occurs in preverbal focus position and refers to human arguments
in subject or object case roles (1)-(3). maax, 'who', may be pluralized by the regular plural marker
2 maxa'may include the negative morpheme ma'historically.

-00' or by the distributive plural-tak and -00', but not by the distributive marker alone (4)-(5) (cf.
9.6).
(1) Maox a' winik tal-ij-ej?

who DETman come-3SG.B-TOP
'Who is the man who came?'
(2) Maox tan-u-k'ay b'aay-loj?

who DUR-3A-sing like-DIsT
'Who is singing like that?'
(3) Maox t-uy-il-aj?

who cOM-3A-see-cTs
'Who saw him?' or 'Who did he see?'
(4a) Maox-oo'?
WhO-PL
'Who are they?'
(4b) Maox-tak-oo'?
WhO-PL-PL
'Who are they all?'
(4c) *Maox-tak?
whO-PL
In order to ask which person of a group, the construction: maax + (A.PR- )N-il, 'who of
the group is X', is used (5)-(11) (cf. 10.2.3.5). In the third-person, a plural-marking suffix is
optional (5)-(8). The relational noun iehil, 'among', may also be added (8), or appear in the
construction: maax + N iehil-B.PR (9) (cf. 9.4.1.2, 10.2.3.5).
(5) Maox winik-il a' man-ij-ej?

who man-POS DETpaSs-3sG.B-TOP
'Who of the men (which man) is it that passed?'
(6) Maox t-a-t'an u-tat-il

who in-2A-thought 3A-father-Pos
'Who do you think is the father (of the group)?'
(7) Maax u-nol-il-oo'?

who 3A-grandfather-pos-PL
'Who among them is the grandfather?'
(8) Maax u-nojoch-il ieh-il(-oo~?

who 3A-big-pos in-POS(-PL)
'Who is the chief among them?'
(9) Maox not ich-il-e'ex?

who grandfather in-Pos-2pL.B
'Who is the grandfather among you?'
(10) Maox a-nol-il-e'ex?

who 2A-grandfather-poS-2pL.B
'Who is your (plural) grandfather?'
(II) Maax ki-nol-il(-e'ex)?

who IpL.A-grandfather-pos(-2pL.B)
'Who is our grandfather?' or 'Who is the grandfather of all of us?'
Questions about possessors may be formed in simple equational constructions with

possessed NPs (12)-(13) (see chapter 17). Questions about indirect objects may be asked with the
form maax ti'ij, 'to whom' (14). Questions about both indirect objects and possessors also may be
asked using equational constructions with maax ti'ij, 'to whom', 'of whom', or 'whose' (15a), (16a),
17a), (ISa) (cf. 22.2.2.1). Maax ti'ij a' may contract to ma(a)x ta' (15b), (16b), (17b), (ISb).
Focused forms of these questions have the structure: Maax tal N-POS-i'ij as in (15c), (16c), (17c),
(ISc) (cf. IS.4). In these focus constructions, the possessive suffix is -e/ for inherently possessed
body parts (17c) but -i/ elsewhere (15c), (16c), (ISc) (cf. IO.2.2, IO.2.3).
(12) Maax uy-icham? 'Who is her husband?'

who 3A-husband
(13) Maax u-yum-il a' tz'on-ej? 'Who is the owner of the gun?'
who 3A-owner-POs DET gun-TOP
(14) Maax li'ij tan-a-tz'iib'? 'To whom are you writing?'

who 3IOPR DUR-2A-write
(15a) Maax li'ij a' tZ'on-ej? 'Whose is the gun?' or 'For whom is the gun?'
who 3IOPRDET gun-TOP
(15b) Maax I-a' tZ'on-e)? 'Whose is the gun?' or 'For whom is the gun?'
who 3IOPR-DET gun-TOP
(15c) Maax laj tz'on-il-i'ij? 'Whose is the gun?' or 'For whom is the gun?'
who 3IopR/MAse? gun-pos-Foe
(16a) Maax li'ij a' tzimin-ej? 'Whose is the horse?' or 'For whom is the horse?'
who 3IOPR DET horse-TOP
(16b) Maax I-a' tzimin-ej? 'Whose is the horse?' or 'For whom is the horse?'
who 3IOPR-DET horse-ToP
(16c) Maax laj tzimin-il-i'ij? 'Whose is the horse?' or 'For whom is the horse?'
who 3IopR/MAse? horse-pos-Foe
(17a) Maax Ii'ij a' tzo'otz-ej? 'Whose is the hair?'

who 3IOPR DET hair-TOP
(17b) Maax I-a' tzo 'otz-ej? 'Whose is the hair?'

who 3IOPR-DET hair-pos
(17c) Maax laj tzo'otz-el-i'ij? 'Whose is the hair?'

who 3ropR/MAse? hair-pos-Foe
(ISa) Maax li'ij a' iitan-ej? 'Whose wife is she?' or 'To/for whom is she the
who 3rOPR DET wife-TOP wife?'
424 I'lZAJ MAYA GRAMMAR
(ISb) Maax t-a' atan-ej? 'Whose wife is she?' or 'For whom is she the wife?'
who 3IOPR-DET wife-TOP
(1Sc) Maax taj atan-il-i'ij? 'Whose wife is she?' or 'For whom is she the wife?'
who 3IOPR/MASC? wife-poS-FOC
18.3.2. b'a'ax, 'what'

b'a'ax, 'what', occurs in preverbal focus position, usually with reference to direct objects
(1)-(4). The regular plural of ba'ax is the distributive plural, ba'axtak, as in (5). An additional
plural marker -00' may appear with given or accessible information (6) (cf. 9.6).
(I) Q: B'a'ax k-a-men-t-ik?

what INC-3A-do-TRN-ITS
'What are you doing?'
A: Tan-in-si' . ...
DUR-IsG.A-cut.frrewood
'I am making frrewood.' (91.12.60-61)
(2) In-tech-ej b'a'ax k-a-kiix-t-ik wa'yej? ...

EMP-2SG.IPR-TOP what INC-2A-seek-TRN-ITS here
'You, what are you seeking here?' (91.16.115-16)
(3) B'a'ax ki-b'el ki-tzikb'al-t-ik ti'i} kompaad're?

what IpL.A-go IpL.A-tell-TRN-ITS 3IOPR compadre
'What are we going to say to him, compadre?' (91.24.1)
(4) B'a'ax ki-b'el ki-k'ub'-u' I-a' winik ka' tak-ej? ...

what IpL.A-go IpL.A-entrust-DTS to-DET man when come/DIS-TOP
'What are we going to entrust to the man when he comes?' (92.3.124)
(5) B'a'ax-tak t-u-ta-s-aj?

what-PL cOM-3A-come-cAus-CTS
'What things did slbe bring?'
(6) B'a'ax-tak-oo' a' t-u-ta-s-aj-ej?

what-PL-PL DET cOM-3A-come-CAUS-CTS-TOP
'What are the things that slbe brought?'
'What-kind-of' or 'which of' questions may be formed with ba'ax', 'what', and the
relevant noun with a possessive suffix, and, optionally, a plural suffix (ba'ax N-POS[-PL]) (7)-(S).
Alternatively, the construction: b'a'ax klaasej-POS N(-PL), 'what kind(s) ofN(s)', may be used
(9).
(7) B'a'ax che'-il(-oo? yan wa'ye'?

what tree-pose -PL) EXIST here
'What kind of tree is here?' or 'What kinds of trees are here?'
(8) Ba'ax b'iik'-il t-a-jan-t-aj?

what meat-Pos cOM-2A-eat-TRN-CTS
'What kind of meat did you eat?'
(9) B'a'ax klaasej-il che'(-oo? yan waye'?

what kind-pos tree( -PL) EXIST here
'What kind of tree is here?' or 'What kinds of trees are here?'
'Why' questions of causality are indicated by b'a'ax u-ka'aj, 'why' (lit., 'what goes'), (10)-
(12). Questions of purpose can be asked with ba 'ax=ti'a 'ai, or b'a'ax=yo'lal, both meaning 'what
for' (13)-(15).
(10) B'a'ax u-ka'aj tanw-ok'-ol-e'ex? ...

what 3A-go DuR/2A-cry-IIs-2pL.B
'Why are you all crying?' (91.15.184)
(11) B'a'ax u-ka'aj ma' tan-b'e(l) ti kiw-et-el? ...

what 3A-go NEG DuR/2A-go to IPL.A-with-pos
(12) B'a'ax u-ka'aj tun ma' a-miin-ii'

what 3A-go then NEG 2A-buy-DTS
'Why haven't you bought it then?'
(13) Ba'ax=ti'-a'al tech a'ju'um-ej?

what=for-NOM 2SG.lPR DET paper-TOP
'Why do you want the paper?' (lit., 'what is the paper for to you?')
(14) B'a'ax=y-o'l-al t-a-tiika'-t-aj t'iim-b 'ii-en ?

what=3A-for-NoM cOM-2A-order-TRN-CTS call-PART2-1 SG.B
'What did you order me to be called for?'
(15) A' tzimin k-a-b'i-s-ik-ej ya b'el u-ka'aj ti kim-il.

DET horse INC-2A-go-CAUS-ITS-TOP already go 3A-go SUB die-lIS
'The horse you are taking is already going to die.'
B'a'ax=ti'-a'a'l a-miin-ik?
what=for-NOM 2A-buy-ITS
'What are you buying it for?'
18.3.3. tu 'ux, 'where'

tu'ux, 'where', is used for questions oflocation (1)-(6), including point of origin (2), (4),
and goal (2)-(3), which are inferred from verbal deixis and context. tu'ux questions with the
existentialyaan may be marked for focus, as in (6) (cf. 14.5, 18.4.2).
(1) tu'ux yan-en wa yej? ..

where EXIST-ISG.B here
'where am I here?' (91.17.91)
(2) Tu'ux tal-eech?

where come-2SG.B
'Where did you come from?' or 'Where did you come to?'
(3) Tu'ux k-a-b'el?

where INC-2A-go
'Where are you going?'
(4) A' mo'nok b'a'alche'je'-Ia'-ej .. lu'ux t-u-ta-s-aj

DET small animal OST-PROX-TOP where cOM-3A-come-CAUS-CTS
'This little animal, from where does it bring
a' top'je'-Ia' k-u-ta-s-ik t-u-chi'-ej? ...

DET flower OST-PROX INC-3A-come-CAUS-ITS in-3A-mouth-TOP
this flower that it brings in its mouth?' (91.17.62-64)
(5) I tu'ux mas ma'lo'?

and where more good
'And where is it better?' (91.24.456)
(6) Tu'ux yan-il-ech t-a' kaj je'-Iaj?

where EXIST-FOC-2SG.B in-DET town OST-PROX
'Where are you in this town?'
18.3.4. b'ix, 'how'

b'ix, 'how', marks questions of manner. B'ix may function as an incompletive TAM
marker (1)-(2), or in addition to an incompletive TAM marker (3) (cf. 15.2). Past time may be
signaled by completive verb forms, as in (4)-(5), or by constructions with the preposition ich(il}
and verbs in the incompletive status (6)-(9) (cf. 24.1.4). The -i/ focus suffIx does not attach to
intransitive verbs following ich, as shown in (6)-(7), but may attach to transitives (8)-(9) (cf.
14.5, 18.4.2).
(1) Q: I b'ix u-b'el aw-alak'-oo'? ..

and how 3A-go 2A-animal-PL
'And how are your animals?'
A: Ma'lo'-oo' .. ma'lo'-(o)o yutzil-oo'. ..

good-PL good-PL pretty-PL
'They're good, good, pretty.' (91.24.168-69)
(2) B'ix u-jan-t-ik?

how 3A-eat-ITS
'How does he at it?'
(3) B'b; tan-u-wen-el?

how DUR-3A-sleep-lls
'How is he sleeping?'
(4) B'ix men-b'-i)?

how dO-PAs-3sG.B
'How was it done?'
(5) B'ix t-u-jan-t-aj?

how cOM-3A-eat-TRN-CTS
'How did he eat it.'
(6) B'ix ich(-il) u-Iub'-ul?

how in(-pos) 3A-fall-lls
'How did he fall?' or 'How was it that he fell?'
(7) *B'b; ich u-Iub'-ul-il?

how in 3A-fall-IIS-FOC
(8) B'ix ich(-il) u-kin-s-ik?

how in(-pos) 3A-die-CAus-ITS
'How did he kill it?' or 'How was it that he killed it?'
(9) B'ix ich u-kin-s-ik-il?

how in 3A-die-CAUS-ITS-FOC
'How did he kill it?' or 'How was it that he killed it?'
Examples with perfect verbs are given in (10)-(13). Intransitive verbs may be marked as
perfect either with dependent status marking (10)-(11) (cf. 15.4.2.5) or with the perfect participle
-a'an (12) (cf. 15.3.2). With transitive verbs, only forms with -m are used (13)-(14).
(10) B'ix wen-ek-ech?

how sleep-DIS-2sG.B
'How have you slept?'
(11) B'ix chil-ak-ech?

how-lie-POSIT-DIs-2SG.B
'How did you lie down?'
(12) B'ix wen-a'an-ech?

how sleep-PART-2sG.B
'How have you slept?'
(13) B'ix a-jan-m-aj?

how 2A-eat-PERF-CTS
'How have you eaten it?'
(14) *B'ix a-jan-t-ej?

how-2A-eat-TRN-DTS
18.3.S. b'oon, 'how much', 'how many'

b'oon, 'how much' or 'how many', marks questions of quantity (1)-(3).
(1) B'oon t-a-b'o'-t-aj y-ok' a' tzimin-ej?

how.much cOM-2A-pay-TRN-CTS 3A-for DET horse-TOP
'How much did you pay for the horse?'
(2) B'oon-e'ex?
how.many-2pL.B
'How many are you?'
(3) B'oon u-tool a' naj-ej?

how.much 3A-price DEThouse-TOP
'How much is the price of the house?'
18.3.6. b'ik'in and b'a'ax 'ooraj, 'when'

b'ik'in, 'when' or 'what day', and ba'ax 'ooraj, 'what time of day', are used to ask temporal
questions (1)-(4). Both temporal interrogatives may function as TAM markers indicating future
time (1), (3) (cf. 15.2.4). Past time is indicated by completive marking on the verb (2), (4). b'ik'in
is also inflected with the third-person completive suffix -ij to indicate past time (2).
(1) B'i=k'in in-tz'ik u-k'ab'a'-t-ej?

INTER=day ISG.A-give/ITs 3A-name-TRN-DTS
'When (what day) am I going to name it?'
(2) B'i=k'in-ij tal-eech?

INTER=day-3sG.B come-2SG.B
'When (what day) did you come?'
(3) B'a'ax 'ooraj(-il) a-tal?

what time(-pos) 2A-come
'What time are you coming?'
(4) B'a'ax 'ooraj(-il) tal-eech?

what time(-pos) come-2SG.B
'What time did you come?'
18.3.7. Interrogative + tun, 'then'

The discourse marker tun, 'then', may follow an interrogative word to express a speaker's
dissatisfaction or lack of agreement with a previous answer or proposition (1)-(4) (cf. 19.1.7).
(1) B'ix tun a-tz'iib'-t-ik?

how then 2A-write-TRN-ITS
'How do you write it then?'
(2) B'ix tun meyaj-n-aj-eech wa ma' t-u-b'o'-t-aj tech?

how then work-AP-CIS-2SG.B COND NEG cOM-3A-pay-TRN-cTS 2SG.IOPR
'How did you work if he didn't pay you?'
(3) B'a'ax u-ka'aj tun b'in-eech?

what 3A-go then go-2SG.B
'Why did you go then?'
(4) Q: B'in-eech t-a-meyaj?

go-2SG.B to-2A-work
'Did you go to your work?'
A: B'in-een.
go-ISG.B
'I went.'
Q: B'a'ax tun t-a-b'et-aj?

what then cOM-2A-do-cTs
'Well, what did you do then?'
18.4. Interrogative Focus and Scope
18.4.1. Focus with -i'ij

The suffix -i'ij may be suffixed to interrogative words, or in the case of tu 'ux, where',
suffixed to the existential, yaan, to mark focus in a cleft construction (1)-(5) (cf. I9.3). The
possessive suffix -ii, described in 18.3, may combine with -i'ij in interrogative-focus
constructions with b'a'ax or maax in the structure: Interrogative N-il-i'ij (6)-(9) (cf. IO.2.3.5).
(1) Ba'ax-;'ij i maax-;'ij?

what-FoC and whO-FOC
'What is it and who is it?'
(2a) Tu'ux yan-;'ij?

where EXIST-FOC
'Where is it?'
(2b) *Tu'ux-i'ij
where-FOC
(3) B'oon-;'ij?
how.much-FoC
'How much is it?'
(4) Ma' aw-ojel b'oon-i'ij.

NEG 2A-know how.much-FOC
'You don't know how much it is.'
(5) B'ix-i'ij?
how-FOC
'How is it?'
(6) Ba'a'x che'-il-i'ij?

what tree-POS-FOC
'What (kind of) tree is it?' or 'Which of the trees is it?'
(7) Ba'a'x che'-il-oo'-i'ij?

what tree-POS-PL-FOC
'What (kinds of) trees are they?' or 'Which of the trees are they?'
(8) Maax winik-il-i'ij a' man-ij-ej.

who man-POS-FOC DETpaSs-3sG.B-TOP
'Who is the man that passed?' or 'Which of the men is it that passed?'
(9) B'a'ax keej-il-i'ij .. mo'nok wa nojoch.

what deer-POS-FOC small or big
'Which of the deer (is it?), small or big?'
18.4.2. Adverbial Focus with -ik-il- -ik --il

Interrogatives may also be marked for adverbial focus with -ik-i/ - -ik -
-il (cf.14.5). These are not common constructions and there is some uncertainty about their range
of use and acceptability. Adverbial focus marking is most prominent with questions of manner.
Focused transitive verbs take the -il suffIx on the perfect form (1 a) or the incompletive status form
(lb)-(2) (cf. 14.5.1). Focused intransitive verbs take the suffIxes -ik(-il) (or -Vk[-il]), as in (3)-
(7). Intransitive verbs may also occur in the completive status form with -ik (8)-(9) (cf. 14.5.2).
A contrast is possible for the existential yaan between simple focus, with -ii, and perfect focus,
with -ik-il, as shown in (10)-(11).
(la) B'ix a-b'et-m-aj-il?

how 2A-do-PERF-CTS-FOC
'How is it that you have done it?'
(lb) B'ix a-b'et-ik-il?

how 2A-do-ITS-FOC
'How is it that you have done it?' or 'How do you do it?'
(2) Q: I b'ix aw-il-ik-il .. je'-u-sas-tal kux-a'an-ej?

and how 2A-see-ITS-FOC oST-3A-light-INCH live-PART-TOP
'And how have you seen him, will he be alive at dawn?'
A: In-ten-ej inw-a'l-ik ke u-ka'aj ti kim-i/o

EMP-lSG.IPR-TOP lSG.A-say-ITs SUB 3A-go SUB die-IIS
'I say he is going to die.
Jach k'oj-a'an b'aay-lo' inw-il-ik-il.

very sick-PART like-DIST lSG.A-see-ITS-FOC
Very sick, thus I have seen him.'
(3a) B'ixjok'-ik(-il)-ech?
how leaVe-PERF(-FOC)-2sG.B
'How have you come out?' or 'How did you come out?'
(3b) B'ixjok'-ok(-il)-ech?
how leave-DIs(-FOC)-2sG.B
'How have you come out?'
(4a) B'ix lub'-ik(-il)-ech?

how fall-PERF(-FOC)-2sG.B
'How have you fallen?' or 'How was it that you fell?'
(4b) B'ix lub'-uk(-il)-ech?

how fall-DIs(-FOC)-2sG.B
'How have you fallen?'
(5a) Bix tal-ik(-il)-ech?

how cOme-PERF(-FOC)-2sG.B
'How have you come?' or 'How was it you came?'
(5b) Bix tak(-il)-ech?

how come/DIs(-FOC)-2sG.B
'How have you come?'
(6) B'ixjan-ik(-il)-ech? Jach ma'lo' a-jan-al?

how eat-PERF(-FOC)-2sG.B very good 2A-food
'How did you eat? Was your food very good?'
(7) B'ix chi-l-ak(-il) a' winik-ej?

how lie-posIT-DIS(-FOC) DET man-TOP
'How has the man lied down?' (e.g., in what position? well or poorly?)
(8) B'ix wen-ik-eech?

how sleep-PERF-2SG.B
'How did you sleep?'
(9) B'ix lub'-ik-eech?

how fall-PERF-2SG.B
'How did you fall?' or 'How was it that you fell?'
(10) B'ix yan-il-ech?

how EXIST-FOC-2SG.B
'How are you?'
( 11 ) B'ix yan-ik-il-ech?
'How have you been?'
Focus marking is less common with other interrogatives but can occur with temporal
interrogative questions (12) and locative questions withyaan (13)-(14), where a contrast between
simple focus and perfect focus is again possible.
(12) Q: B'a'ax k'in-il k'och-ok-il-ech .. ka' uch-ij a' kin-s-aj-ej?

what day-pos arrive-DIS-FOC-2sG.B when happen-3sG.B DET die-CAuS-DTR-TOP
'What day (of the week) had you arrived when the killing happened?'
A: In-ten k'och-een b'iyeernes ..

EMP-lsG.IPRarrive-lsG.B Friday
'I arrived Friday
i saab'ad'o uch-ij a' kin-s-aj-ej.

and Saturday happen-3sG.B DET die-cAUS-DTR-TOP
and the killing happened on Saturday.'
(13) Tu'uxyan-il-ech?
where EXIST-FOC-2sG.B
'Where were you?'
(14) Tu 'ux yan-ik-il-ech?

where EXIST-PERF-FOC-2SG.B
'Where have you been?'
19. Negation
19.0 Contents
19.1. General Negative ma'
19.1.1. Sentential Position and Scope
19.1.2. Negative Existential
19.1.3. Negative Imperatives
19.1.4. ma' and ma'ta'ax, 'never', as TAM Markers
19.1.5. Negative Incompletive and Durative Aspects
19.1.6. Negative (Unrealized) Perfect
19.1.7. ma'ak (tun), 'how not!'
19.2. (mix) ... mix, '(neither) ... nor'
19.2.1. Negative Pro-forms
19.3. Negative Focus and Scope
19.1. General Negative ma'
19.1.1. Sentential Position and Scope

The negative marker ma' precedes the part of the sentence that falls within the scope of
the negation. It often appears in sentence-initial position (or after a conjunction), negating the
proposition contained in the following clause (1)-(6). Occasionally, the completive allomorph ti'
occurs with negative intransitive verbs, as in (6) (cf. 3.1.2, 20.2.2.1). Negative conditional
clauses appear in (7)-(8), where the negative marker follows the conditional marker waj, with
scope over a full conditional clause ending with the topic marker (7) or a reduced form of it (8)
(cf. 21.2).
(1) I ma' pat-aj-i} in-miich-ik. ...

and NEG ABIL-CIS-3SG.B ISG.A-grab-ITs
'And I couldn't grab it.' (91.2.38)
(2) Ma' tan-ki-b'el kiw-il-a' mix b'a'al-i'i} ..

NEG DUR-lpL.A-go IpL.A-see-DTS NEG thing-LOC
'We aren't going to see anything there' (91.11.24)
(3) Ma' t-inw-il-ik ma'lo' ..

NEG DUR-1SG.A-see-ITS well
'I wasn't seeing it well' (91.11.50)
(4) I ma' tun-tub'-s-ik-oo' ...

and NEG DuRl3A-forget-cAUS-ITS-PL
'And they don't forget,' (91.23.207)
(5) A' nukuch niil jach ma '10' ... ii ma 'an u-jol-xux-il .. ma' jat-al
DET big ear very good and NEG/EXIST 3A-hole-wasp-pos NEG break-PART
'The big ears are very good, they don't have insect holes, they're not broken' (91.20.127-
29)
(6) Ma' Ii sap'-i}. ..

NEG COM dry-3SG.B
'It didn't dry up.' (91.24.195)
(7) Wa ma' tan-u-mas=k'oj-a'an-tal-gi ...

COND NEG DUR-3A-more=sick-PART-INCH-TOP ...
19. NEGATION 433
b'el in-ka'a in-kiixan-t-ej u-laak' inw-et'ok ..

go ISG.A-go ISG.A-seek-TRN-DTS 3A-other ISG.A-companion
I'm going to look for another companion' (91.1.18-19)
(8) Wa ma' pwes kuch-b'il ..

CONDNEG well load-PART
'If not, then loaded (on a person's back),
~ ma'an tzimin-gi kuch-b'il . ...

COND NEG/EXIST mule-TOP load-PART
if there aren't mules, (he must be carried) loaded (on a person's back).' (91.20.146-47)
Topicalized constituents often appear in front of the negative (9)-(16). All types of
constituents may be topicalized, ranging from NPs (9)-(11), to adverbials (12)-(14), to clauses
with predicates (15)-(16). The negative scope may apply to reduced relative constituents, as in
(17) (cf. 22.3).
(9) a' 'aleman-ej ma' chik-p-aj-ij .. mix b';=k';n chik-p-aj-ij. ...

DET German-TOP NEG appear-PAs2-DTR-3SG.B NEG INTER=day appear-PAs2-DTR-3SG.B
'the German didn't appear, he never appeared.' (txt1.138-40)
(10) A' tzimin-ej ma'je-b'ix a' wakax-ej. ..

DET horse-TOP NEG OST-like DET COW-TOP
(11) tumen u-ni' a' che'-ej .. ma' tak'-al tak ti lu'um . ...
because 3A-tip DET tree-TOP NEG stick-PART down til to earth
'because the top of the tree isn't stuck to earth.' (91.10.55-56)
(12) Samal-ej ma' tan-ki-b'el ti meyaj...

tomorrow-TOP NEG DUR-lpL.A-go SUB work
'Tomorrow we aren't going to work' (91.6.1)
(13) Pero b'a-je'-la'-ej ma' ..

but TEMP-OST-PROX-TOP NEG
'But now, no,' (1.23.225)
(14) B'ayoriita .. ich k'aax-ej .. ma' patal u-wen-el mak ma '10 ,

now in forest-ToP NEG ABIL 3A-sleep-IIS person well
'Now, in the forest, a person can't sleep well' (91.5.1-2)
(15) Men ka'nal yan-il-oo'-ej ma' t-u-chuk-aj-oo'. ..

because high EXIST-FOC-PL-TOP NEG cOM-3A-reach-CTS-PL
'Because they were high up it didn't reach them.' (91.13.82-82)
(16) T-a' 'aanyo man-ij-ej

in-DET year pasS-3SG.B-TOP
'In the year that passed
ma' t-u-b'et-aj .. ja'jach k'a'amje-b'ix b'a-la'-ej. ..

NEG cOM-3A-make-CTs water very strong OST-how TEMP-PROX-TOP
it didn't make very strong rain like now.' (91.24.103-5)
(17) a' k'in ke D'iyos k-u-tz'ik ten a' b'a'alche' t-in-b'en-il-e} ..

DET day SUB God INc-3A-give/ITS ISG.lOPR DET animal in-ISG.A-path-pos-TOP
'the day that God gives me the animal on my path
k-in-tz'on-ik ...
INC-ISG.A-shoot-ITS
I shoot it,
i a' k'in ma'-e} pwes ..

and DET day NEG-TOP well
and the day that he doesn't, well,
ma' t-in-tz'on-ik mix=b'a'al. ...

NEG INC-ISG.A-shoot-ITS NEG=thing
I don't shoot anything.' (91.16.13-17)
Focused constituents may also be fronted, appearing before negative clauses, as in (18),
where the focused NP is underlined. Often restricted negative scope is indicated by fronting
consituents after the negative marker (19)-(22), where the item under negative scope is again
underlined (cf. 19.2, 19.3).
(18) A' b'a'alche'-e} ... tulakal uy-ich .. ma' chik-a'an et-el u-tzo'otz-el. ...
DET animal-TOP a113A-face NEG see-PART with-pos 3A-hair-pos
'The animal, all of its face was not visible with its fur.' (91.13.65-67)
(19) ya ma' siik .. ya b'ox u-wa}-il. ...

already NEG white already black 3A-tortilla-POS
'then it's not white, then the tortilla (of that com) is black.' (91.20.110-11)
(20) A: Pero ma' witz tu'ux yan a-kol? ...

but NEG hill where EXIST 2A-milpa
'But it isn't hilly where you have your milpa?'
B: Ma' jach ka'nal ..

NEG very high
'It's not very high,' (91.24.47-48)
(21) Tumen ma' je'-tu'ux-ak patal u-piik'-ik mak a' ixi'im-e} ..

because NEG OST-where-IRREAL ABIL-3A-plant-ITs person DET com-TOP
'Because it's not just any place can one plant maize,' (91.20.22)
(22) B'ix ma' kiw-ok'-ol si tech-e} .. sat-al-ech. ...

how NEG IpL.A-cry-NOM if2SG.lPR-TOP lose-PART-2SG.B
'How aren't we crying if you, you are lost.' (91.15.186-88)
19.1.2. Negative Existential

The negative existential, ma' yan, typically contracts to ma'an when it functions as a
stative adjective indicating location or possession (I )-(7) (cf. 17.6.1.4). The negative existential
often combines with negative pro-forms involving mix (6)-(7) (cf. 19.2). The negative
contraction may also function as the negative obligative aspect marker (8), but there is no
contraction for completive or dependent status verb forms (9)-(10) (cf. 15.2.6.3).
19. NEGATION 435
(1) a' b'a'alche'-ej .. ma'an t-u-kuuch-il. ...

DET animal-TOP NEG/EXIST in-3A-place-pos
'the animal wasn't in its place.' (91.2.25-26)
(2) wa ma'an u-b'a'al in-tz'on-ej

COND NEG/EXIST 3A-bullet lSG.A-gun-TOP
'if there aren't any bullets for my gun' (91.4.8)
(3) Ma'an ki-si'. ...

NEG/EXIST 1PL.A-firewood
'We don't have firewood.' (91.12.10)
(4) ya ma'an 'aktun . ...

already NEG/EXIST cave
'already there was no cave.' (91.15.157)
(5) Si ma'an tu'ux u-jan-al mentiik-ej k-u-jalk'ii'-t-ik.

COND NEG/EXIST where 3A-eat-NOM therefore-TOP INC-3A-free-TRN-ITS
'Because there wasn't anywhere for it to eat, he frees it.' (91.24.273-74)
(6) Chen u-tus i ma'an mix u-sum-il ..

only 3A-lie and NEG/EXIST NEG 3A-rope-pos
'It was only his lie and it didn't even have its rope,' (91.24.271)
(7) i a'-ka' t-uy-il-aj-oo'-ej .. ya ma'an mix=b'a'al

and DET-when cOM-3A-see-CTS-PL-TOP already NEG/ EXIST NEG=thing
'and when they looked, there wasn't anything,' (91.3.51-52)
(8) tumen .. ya ma'an in-miin-ik. ..

because already NEG/OBLIG lSG.A-buy-ITS
'because now I don't have to buy them.' (91.4.18)
(9) ma' yan-aj-ij u-t'an ..

NEG EXIST-CIS-3SG.B 3A-speech
'he didn't have words,' (91.15.112)
(10) ma'yan-ak u-t'an ..

NEG EXIST-DIS 3A-speech
'he hasn't had words (spoken),'
19.1.3. Negative Imperatives

Negative imperatives are formed with ma' and the incompletive status form of the verb
(1)-(7) (cf. 3.1.1, 15.4.1). Intransitive imperative forms are more common than transitive forms
in discourse (1)-(4). An example of a negative transitive form is shown in (5); however, rather
than use a negative transitive imperative, a construction with an intransitive auxiliary is commonly
used (6) (cf. 15.4.2.8.2, 24.3). A specialized negative imperative form derived from the
adjective saak, 'afraid', is shown in (7).
(1) k-inw-a'al-ik tech .. b'a-je'-la'-ej .. ke samal-ej .. ma' a-tal ..

INC-1SG.A-say-ITs 2SG.IOPR TEMP-OST-PROX-TOP SUB tomorrOW-TOP NEG 2A-come
'I tell you now that tomorrow don't come' (91.6.19-20)
(2) Ma' a-b'el ti t'an .. a'-laj keej. ...

NEG 2A-go SUB speak DET-PROX deer
'Don't go speaking, this is a deer.' (91.11.57-58)
(3) Ma' a-wa'-tal! ..

NEG 2A-stand-POSIT
'Don't stand!' (91.13.124)
(4) Ma' a-b'el! ..

NEG 2A-go
'Don't go!' (91.13.155)
(5) tz'on-o' ma'lo' ... rna' a-maan=tZ'on-t-ik! . ...

shoot-IMPTS well NEG 2A-badly=shoot-TRN-ITS
'shoot it well, don't shoot it badly!' (91.15.123-24)
(6) rna' a-b'el a-jan-t-ej uy-ok! ...

NEG 2A-go 2A-eat-TRN-DTS 3A-foot
'don't go eating the feet!' (91.16.24)
(7) Ma' a-saak-il! ...

NEG 2A-fear-POS
'Don't be afraid!' (92.2.54)
19.1.4. rna' and ma'ta'ax, 'never', as TAM Markers

The negative marker rna' may function as a TAM marker with incompletive status verbs
to indicate negation of possible future states or events (1)-(3) (cf. 15.2). The negative ma'ta'ax,
'never', may also function as an aspectual marker with incompletive status verbs (4)-(5).
(1) Ya ka'ax rna' u-k'och-ol chum uk u-mees-i/ a'feb'reeroj-ej

already although NEG 3A-arrive-IIS middle 3A-month-POS DET February-ToP
'Even if he doesn't arrive until the middle of the month of February,' (91.22.351-52)
(2) chak rna' u-b'et-ik noj ik' .. kwaand'o tan-u-wach'-iil .. uch-ak rna'. ...
perhaps NEG 3A-do-ITS big wind when DUR-3A-tassel-IIS happen-DIs NEG
'perhaps there won't be a big wind when it's tasseling, perhaps it won't.
Uch-ak rna' u-ka'=k'a'am-tal.

happen-DIS NEG 3A-REPET=strong-INcH
Perhaps it won't get violent again.' (91.24.75-78)
(3) Wa rna' u-b'et-;kja' t-a' 'agoosto rna' tun-yan-tal .. niil-ej. ...

COND NEG 3A-make-ITS water in-DET August NEG INC/3A-EXIST-INCH ear-TOP
'If it doesn't make rain in August there aren't ears of com.' (91.24.111-12)
(4) Ma'=ta'ax u-jan-aljatz'ka'.

NEG=ever 3A-eat-NoM early
'S/he never eats early.'
(5) Ma'=ta'ax ;nw-;I-;k a' k'ek'en-ej.

NEG=ever ISG.A-see-ITS DETpig-TOP
'I never see the pig.'
19. NEGATION 437
19.1.5. Negative Incompletive and Durative Aspects

The durative and incompletive aspects merge under negation, and both are marked by the
durative aspectual markers (cf. 15.2.1, 15.2.2). For example, (la) may have either a negative
incompletive or negative durative interpretation. For Fernando Tesucun, (lb) is not accepted, but
other speakers do accept such forms as negative incompletive forms (lb)-(3) (cf. Durbin and
Ojeda [1978b] on negation inYukateko). In general, negative forms of either the incompletive or
durative aspect are marked by the durative aspect, as in the discourse examples (4)-( 12). It does
not appear to affect the interpretation whether or not the durative marker contracts with the Set A
person markers (cf. 3 .1.1.1 ).
(la) Ma'tun-jan-al.
NEG DuRl3A-eat-NoM
'S/he isn't eating.' or 'S/he doesn't eat.'
(lb) ?Ma't-u-jan-al.
NEG INC-3A-eat-NOM
?'S/he doesn't eat.'
(2) Ma' t-u-tz'ik u-jan-al u-k'ek'en . ...

NEG INC-3A-give/ITS 3A-eat-NoM 3A-pig
'He doesn't give his pigs their food.' (91.24.401)
(3) peero ma' t-u-kun-tal ten .. u-'apeyiid'o . ..

but NEG INC-3A-remain-posIT ISG.lOPR 3A-Iast.name
'but his last name doesn't stay with me.' (91.23.14)
(4) ma' tun-k'a'ool-t-ik mak .. wa yan u-motz .. kux-a'an tak'-al y-alam ..

NEG DuRl3A-know-TRN-ITS person COND EXIST 3A-root live-PART stick-PART 3A-below
'one doesn't know if it has its live root stuck below.' (91.10.133-35)
(5) Ma' tan-ki-b'el kiw-il-a' mix=b'a'al-i'ij .. tumen yaj ... yan mak
NEG DUR-lpL.A-go IpL.A-See-DTS NEG=thing-LOC because already EXIST person
'We aren't going to see anything there because there are already people' (91.11.24-25)
(6) yajach wi'ij-en ya ma' t-in-muk'=yaj-t-ik in-niik' ..

already very hunger-lSG.B already NEG DUR-lSG.A-control=pain-TRN-ITS ISG.A-stomach
'I already am very hungry, already I can't control my stomach' (91.13.127-28)
(7) I a' ka'=tuu! winik-oo'je'-la'-ej .. ma' tun-b'i-s-ik u-b'aj-oo'. ...

and DET two=ANIM man-PL OST-PROX-TOP NEG DuRl3A-go-CAUS-ITS 3A-REFL-PL
'And these two men didn't get along with each other.' (91.14.10-11)
(8) Tumen a' kol ma' tan-u-wiitz'-b'-iil-ej ..

because DET milpa NEG DUR-3A-double-PAS-IIS-TOP
'Because the milpa that isn't doubled,
k-u-p'at-iiljach k'as u-'ixi'im-il ..

INC-3A-remain-ns very ugly 3A-corn-pos
its com is left very ugly,' (91.20.105-6)
(9) tulakal ma' ki' u-ch'iik-b'-iil .. tumen ma' tan-u-xan-tal. ...

all NEG good 3A-cut-PAS-IIS because NEG DUR-3A-remain-INCH
'all are not good to be cut, because they don't last.' (91.21.59-60)
(10) B'Un a' nukuch ko'lel-oo' uch-ij-ej ...

REPORT DET big woman-PL happen-3SG.B-TOP
'They say that the great women in the past
ma' tan-u-miin-ik-oo' ... u-nu'uk-ul ... u-traastoj-oo' .. t-u-kosiina . ...

NEG DUR-3A-buy-ITS-PL 3A-kitchenware-pos 3A-dish-PL of-3A-kitchen
didn't buy their kitchenware, their dishes of the kitchen.' (91.23.84-87)
(11) A: ma'tun-jach=pul-ik...
NEG DuRl3A-much=throw-ITS
'it (the wind) is not knocking it down much.'
B: Ma'tan ...
NEG DUR
'It isn't.' (91.24.68-69)
(12) A: Aaayama'tun-tz'ikmix=b'a'al...
EXCL already NEG DuRl3A-give/1TS NEG=thing
'Ah, then it doesn't give (produce) anything.'
B: Ma'tun-tz'ik mix=b'a'al .. pwes.

NEG DuRl3A-give/1TS NEG=thing well
'It doesn't give anything then.'
19.1.6. Negative (Unrealized) Perfect

As described in 15.4.2.5.1, negative or unrealized perfect verbs appear in the dependent
status (1 )-( 11) (cf. 24.1.5). Like most dependent-status forms, negative perfects refer to irrealis
states or events (Hofling 1998). The adverb toj, 'yet', may also appear in negative perfects (II).
There is also a specialized negative form, ma' samik, 'a little while ago', that appears to be related
to these negative perfect constructions (12).

and DET day-osT-D1ST-TOP until TEMP-OST-PROX-TOP
ma' ka'=xik-en t-u-ka'ye' t-a' kolje'-Io'-ej

NEG REPET-go/DlS-lSG.B to-3A-again to-DET milpa OST-D1ST-TOP
(2) t-u-ox=p'e k'in ma'jan-ak. ...

on-3A-three=INAM day NEG eat-DIs
'it was into the third day that it hadn't eaten.' (91.12.40)
(3) Ma'jan-ak-en . ...

NEG eat-D1S-1SG.B
'I haven't eaten.' (91.12.66)
(4) Ma' yaab' u-xi'ma-t-oo' ..

NEG much 3A-walk-TRN-PL
'They didn't walk much
ka' t-uy-ub'-aj-oo' u-jum u-lik'-il a' k'limb'lil-ej . ...

when cOM-3A-hear-CTS-PL 3A-sound 3A-rise-ns DET great.curassow-TOP
when they heard the sound of the great curassow taking flight.' (91.13.37-38)
19. NEGATION 439
(5) fa yan .. ox=p'e mes .. xik-ech .. ti tz'on i ma' tak-ech.

already EXIST three=INAM month go/DIS-2SG.B SUB shoot and NEG come/DIS-2sG.8
'It's already three months since you went to shoot and you haven't come (back).'
(91.15.189-91)
(6) Tak b'a-je'-Ia'-ej ma' tub'-uk ten . ..

until TEMP-OST-PROX-TOP NEG forget-DIs ISG.lOPR
'Until now it hasn't been forgotten by me.' (91.15.223-24)
(7) Ma' wach'-iik? ...

NEG tassle-DIS
'It hasn't tassled?' (91.24.26)
(8) Ma' ka'='ok-ok tzimin ich a-kol-ej? ...

NEG REPET=enter-DiS horse in 2A-rnilpa-ToP
'Horses haven't entered your rnilpa again?' (91.24.239)
(9) tumen a'-Io' ma' ti-kiw-il-a' ... chen ki-tuk-I-ik ...

because DET-DIST NEG COM-lpL.A-See-DTS only INc/lpL.A-think-NOM-ITS
'because we didn't see it (that), we only think it,' (txt1.134-35)
(10) tumen ... mixjum=pak ... naach-ak-en .. t-inw-otoch ...

because NEG one=time far-DIS-lsG.8 from-1SG.A-home
'because not even once have I been far from my home,' (92.2.11-12)
(11) Ma' toj jan-ak - Mix toj jan-ak.

NEG yet eat-DIS NEG yet eat-DIs
'S/he hasn't eaten yet.'
(12) Ma'sam-ik u-b'el .. t-u-chi' a'ja'-ej ...

NEG while-IRREAIlPERF INC-3A-go to-3A-edge DET water-TOP
'It wasn't long after he went to the edge of the laguna,' (txt1.29-30)
19.1.7. ma'ak (tun), 'how not!'

The specialized form ma'ak (tun), 'how not!', appears to incorporate irrealis marking
associated with the dependent status (cf. 15.4.2.5, 19.1.6). It occurs in contexts where the
speaker is displeased with an interlocutor's previous remark, much like Interrogative + tun
expressions (cf. 18.3.7).
(1) Q: Je'-a-b'el t-inw-et-el-ej?

ASSUR-2A-go to-l SG.A-with-pos-TOP
'Are you going with me?'
A: Ma'-ak (tun)! .. je'-im-b'el-ej!

NEG-IRREAL (then) ASSUR-1SG.A-go-TOP
'Why wouldn't I! I'm going!'
(2) A: Ma' a-b'el a-b'et-ej!

NEG 2A-go 2A-make-OTS
'Don't go making it!'
B: Ma'-ak tun! Je'-im-b'et-ik-ej!

NEG-IRREAL then ASSUR-lSG.A-make-ITS-TOP
'Why not, then! Yes, I will make it!'
19.2. (mix) .. mix, '(neither) ... nor'

The negative marker mix restricts its scope to the immediately following constituent and
is generally contrastive. It often appears as the second part of a negative construction, with ma'
(1)-(5) or ma'an (6)-(7) as the ftrst member (cf. 19.1.2). mix often negates nominals (1)-(7).
When the nominal is enumerated, it has the sense of 'not even' (5). mix also negates constituents
such as adverbials (8)-(9) and verb phrases (10)-(11) (cf. 20.2.4.2). mix may also occupy both
parts ofa two-part contrastive construction with the sense of 'neither ... nor', as in (12).
Constituents negated with mix may also be fronted in focus constructions (13)-(18) (cf. 19.1.1,
19.3)
(1) ma' t-inw-il-aj mix=b'a'al. ...

NEG COM-1 SG.A-see-CTS NEG=thing
'I didn't see anything.' (91.2.43)
(2) ma' t-in-tzikb'al-t-aj mix=b'a'al t-inw-iitan ..

NEG COM-1 SG.A-say-TRN-CTS NEG=thing to-1 SG.A-wife
'I didn't say anything to my wife,' (91.2.93)
(3) I ma'jok'-ij ki-p'iix-ik mix=b'a'al. ...

and NEG leave-3SG.B 1pL.A-OWe-ITS NEG=thing
'And we didn't come out owing anything.' (91.9.40)
(4) Wa ma'.. ma' tan-ki-b'el ki-mol-o' mix=b'a'al

COND NEG NEG DUR-1pL.A-go 1PL.A-harvest-DTS NEG=thing
'If not, we're not going to harvest anything.' (91.24.79)
(5) pero ma' patal u-kin-sii-b'-iil mixjun=tul b'a'alche'. ...

but NEG ABIL 3A-die-CAUS-PAS-IIS NEG one=ANIM animal
'but one cannot kill even one animal.' (txt1.207)
(6) Ma'an mix=maak. ...

NEG/EXIST NEG=person
'There wasn't anyone.' (91.2.54)
(7) ma'an posiiyo mix b'aaso . ...

NEG/EXIST cup NEG glass
'there weren't cups or glasses.' (91.23.103)
(8) Ma' in-k'a't-ij mixje-b'ix-ak-ej!

NEG lSG.A-want-TS NEG OST-how-IRREAL-TOP
'I don't want it in any way!'
(9) Ma' t-inw-ojel-t-aj mix b'ix ich in-Iub'-ul ... lele'kal . ...
NEG COM-1SG.A-know-TRN-CTS NEG how in lSG.A-fall-IIS headftrst
'I didn't know even how I fell, headftrst.' (91.10.91-92)
(10) Ya ma' pat-aj-ij mix inw-ok-ol t-inw-otoch ..

already NEG ABIL-CIS-3SG.B NEG lSG.A-enter-IIS in-1SG.A-home
'Already I couldn't even get in my house,' (91.3.11)
(11) Ma' a-jan-t-ik mix aw-uk'-ik.

NEG 2A-eat-TRN-ITS NEG 2A-drink-ITS
'Don't eat it or drink it.'
19. NEGATION 441
(12) Ma' tan-in-jan-t-ik mixja'as mix 'oop.

NEG DUR-lSG.A-eat-TRN-ITS NEG plantain NEG anona
'I'm not eating either plantains or anona.'
(13) In-ten-ej mix tZ'eek kun-aj-een in-tuk-l-ej .. ke a' che'-ej ..

EMP-lSG.IPR-TOP NEG bit remain-cIS-lsG.B ISG.A-think-NOM-DTS SUB DET tree-TOP
'Me, not a bit did I dream to think that the tree,
yanjum=p'eel u-motz ..
EXIST one=INAM 3A-root
it had a root' (91.10.60-62)
(14) Mix tZ'eek t-in-tuk-l-aj ..

NEG bit COM-lsG.A-think-NOM-CTS
'I didn't think a bit
ke u-chun a' che'-ej patal u-wa'-tal t-u-ka'ye'. ...

SUB 3A-trunk DET tree-TOP ABIL 3A-stand-POSIT to-3A-again
that the trunk of the tree could stand up again.' (91.10.70-71)
(15) Ii mixjun=tuul mejen paal k-u-men=b'uuya ..

and NEG one=ANIM small child INC-3A-make=noise
'And not even one child makes noise,' (91.23.362)
(16) Mix jun=tu ch 'iich' t-u-ta-s-aj-oo'. ..

NEG one=ANIM bird cOM-3A-come-CAUS-CTS-PL
'He didn't carry even one bird.' (91.13.136)
(17) Ya mix .. b'i=k'in ka'='il-b'-ij t-u-ka'ye'.

already NEG INTER=day REPET=see-PAS-3SG.B to-3A-again
'Then they were never seen again.' (91.18.87)
(18) Mix in-ten patai im-b'et-ik.

NEG EMP-lSG.IPRABIL ISG.A-do-ITS
'Not even I can do it.'
19.2.1. Negative Pro-forms

A number of negative constructions with mix have been, or are in the process of
becoming, grammaticalized as pro-forms, including mix=b'a'al, 'anything', 'nothing', mix=maak,
'anybody', 'nobody' and mix=tu'ux, 'anywhere', 'nowhere' (1)-(6). The corresponding temporal
forms, mix b'ik'in, 'never', and mixjum=pak, 'not once', appear less lexicalized, but ma'=ta'ax,
'never' is a temporal pro-form compound (cf. 19.1.4, 19.2, 19.3).
(1) I ma'an mix=b'a'al. ...

and NEG/EXIST NEG=thing
'And there wasn't anything.' (91.2.62)
(2) Po-potz'-ki' .. ma'an mix=tu'ux u-wa' tal ma'lo'

REDUP-slippery-ADJ NEG/EXIST NEG=where 3A-stand-POSIT well
'It's slippery, there isn't anywhere to stand well' (91.5.17-18)
(3) Mix=maak . mix=maak uy-ojel. ..

NEG=person NEG=person 3A-know
'No one, no one knows.
Mix=maak t-uy-il-aj u-ch'iik-b'-ii/ a' che'-ej . ...

NEG=person cOM-3A-see-CTs 3A-cut-PAS-IIS DET WOOd-TOP
No one saw the wood being cut.' (91.8.29-31)
(4) ke ma' u-saak-tal mix=maak ..

SUB NEG 3A-fear-INCH NEG=person
'that no one should be afraid,' (91.18.34)
(5) Ma'an mix=b'a'al ma'lo'. ...

NEG/EXIST NEG=thing good
'There wasn't anything good.' (91.23.43)
(6) Ma'an mix k'aak' .. ti kaayej. ...

NEG/EXIST NEG fIre in street
'There weren't any lights in the street.
Ma'an mix=tu'ux k-u-tz'iik-b'-iil k'oj-a'an . ...

NEG/EXIST NEG=where INC-3A-cure-PAS-IIS sick-PART
There wasn't anywhere the sick are cured (a clinic).' (91.23.44-45)
19.3. Negative Focus and Scope

Negative focus is marked by fronting, usually to pre-predicate position (cf. 8.1.2.2,
8.5, 18.4, 19.1.1, 19.2). The contrast between unmarked and focused positions may be seen
by comparing examples (1) and (2). In (1), the negative pronominal direct object appears after the
verb, while in (2) it appears in front of the verb. Additional examples of preverbal focused
negatives appear in (3)-(4).
(1) rna' t-inw-il-aj mix=b'a'al. ...

NEG COM-l SG.A-see-CTS NEG=thing
'I didn't see anything.' (91.2.43)
(2) Mix=b'a'al ti-kiw-il-aj. ...

NEG=thing COM-lpL.A-See-CTs
'Nothing did we see.' (91.11.36)
(3) mixjun=teek k-u-b'el ti lu'um-i'(ij).

NEG one=plant INC-3A-go to earth-LaC
'not even one stalk goes to earth there.' (91.19.58)
(4) Ma' ki' k-uy-ub'-ik-oo'. ...

NEG good INC-3A-feel-ITs-PL
'It doesn't feel good.' (91.23.78)
The terminal suffIx -i'ij may mark negative or interrogative focus in a cleft construction
(5)-(14) (cf. 18.4.1). In these constructions, the focused constituent is usually nominal but can be
adjectival, adverbial, or verbal.
(5) te' ... k-u-kin-s-ik-oo' aj-kax ..

LOC INC-3A-die-CAUS-ITS-PL MASc-chicken
'there they killed a chicken,
wa rna' .. wa ma' aj-kax-i'ij-ej kutz. ...

COND NEG COND NEG MASC-chicken-FOC-TOP turkey
ifnot, if it isn't a chicken, a turkey.' (91.19.20-21)
19. NEGATION 443
(6) I ma'ja'-i'ij chen u-jum . ...

and NEG water-FOC only 3A-sound
'And it's not rain, just its sound.' (91.21.119-20)
(7) mixjum=pak t-in-tuk-I-aj .. mix t-in-naay-t-aj-i'ij .. ,

NEG one=tirne COM-1 SG.A-think-NOM-CTS NEG COM-1SG.A-dream-TRN-CTS-FOC
'not even once did I think, nor did I dream,
wa b'el in-ka'a ti' .. k'och-ol t-a' lu'um-oo'je'-la'-ej. ...

COND go lSG.A-go SUB arrive-lIs to-DET land-PL OST-PROX-TOP
that I was going to arrive at these lands.' (92.2. 139-41}
(8) "Aaj ma' in-ti'a 'al-i'ij" ki ten.

EXCL NEG lSG.A-own-FOC QUOT lSG.lOPR.
, "Oh, it isn't mine," he said to me.' (91.24.264)
(9) A: Ma' aw-ok-I-ik inw-ixi'im!

NEG 2A-steal-NOM-ITS lSG.A-com
'Don't steal my com!'
B: Ma'in-ten-i'ij!
NEG EMP-1 SG.lPR-FOC
'It's not me!'
(10) Ma' waj-i'ij a' k-in-k'at-ik-ej.

NEG tortilla-FOC DET INC-l SG.A-ask-ITS-TOP
'It isn't tortillas that I am asking for.'
(II) Mix tzimin mix pek'-i'ij (aJ k-inw-il-ik waYe.

NEG horse NEG dog-FOC (DET) INC-1SG.A-see-ITS here
'It's not horse or dog (that) I see here.'
(12) Ma' u-k'ik'-el mak-i'ij .. u-k'ik'-el aj-kax.

NEG 3A-blood-pos person-FOC 3A-blood-pos MASC-chicken
'It's not the blood of a man, it's the blood of a chicken.'
(13) Ma' nojoch-i'ijjach mo'nok.

NEG big-FOC very small.
'It's not big, it's very little.'
(14) Ma' seeb'-i'ij .. chamb'el u-tal.

NEG fast-FOC slow 3A-come
'It's not fast, he's coming slowly.'
There is also a specialized form of the third-person independent pronoun that optionally
appears in negative-focus constructions (15}-(18) (cf. 22.4). In these constructions, the third-
person independent pronoun, la'ayti', may shorten to la' (17}-(18).
(15) Ma' [a'ayti a'winik t-inw-il-aj-ej.

NEG 3IPR DETman cOM-1sG.A-see-CTs-TOP
'He isn't the man I saw.'
(16) Ma' la'ayt;-;'ij a' k-a-kiix-t-ik-ej.

NEG 3IPR-FOC DET INC-2A-seek-TRN-ITS-TOP
'It isn't himlher that you are seeking.'
(17) Ma' la' a' winik t-in-wil-aj-ej.

NEG 3IPR DETman cOM-1SG.A-see-CTS-TOP
'He isn't the man I saw.'
(18) Ma' la'-;'ij a' k-a-kiix-t-ik-ej.

NEG 3IPR-FOC DET INc-2A-seek-TRN-ITS-TOP
'It isn't himlher that you are seeking.'
20. COORDINATION 445
20. Coordination
20.0. Contents
20.1. Parataxis
20.2. Morphosyntactically Marked Coordination
20.2.1. General Coordination with ij, 'and'
20.2.2. Temporal Coordination
20.2.2.1. ka', 'then'
20.2.2.2. 'aastaj (ka~, 'until'
20.2.2.3.yaj, '(and) already'
20.2.3. Causal Coordination
20.2.3.1. (tu)men, 'because'
20.2.3.2. mentiikej, 'therefore'
20.2.3.3. koomoj, kon kej, 'as', 'since'
20.2.4. Contrastive Coordination
20.2.4.1. waj, 'either', 'or'
20.2.4.2. mix, 'neither', 'nor'
20.2.4.3. peeroj, 'but'
20.2.4.4. ka'ax, 'although'
Coordination refers to a syntactic structure in which two or more main clauses or parts of
them are linked, in contrast to subordination, where one or more clauses is subordinate to a main
clause (see chapters 21-24).
20.1. Parataxis
It is common for sentences and constituents of sentences to be placed together without
overt markers of coordination in paratactic constructions (1 )-(9). No particular kind of semantic or
syntactic relation is overtly signalled between constituents in these constructions. In (1), two
intransitive sentences appear together, referring to a simultaneous event and state. In (2), transitive
sentences appear together in chronological sequence. In (3), prepositional phrases are linked,
while in (4) a list of nouns appears, without any conjunction. The result of parataxis may be
aesthetically valued parallelisms that are a marked trait of Mayan style (5)-(9) (see chapter 25).
(1) It-a' b'ej-ej ... in-ten-ej tan-in-tal ... ma'jach ki' inw-ool ..
and on-DET road-TOP EMP-1SG.IPR-TOP DUR-1SG.A-come NEG very good ISG.A-spirit
'And on the road, I was coming, I wasn't feeling very well,' (92.2.22-24)
(2) T-u-ch'iik-aj-oo' che' ... kap(-ij) u-k'iix-ii'-oo'. ...

COM-3A-cut-CTS-PL wood begin(-3sG.B) 3A-cut-DTS-PL
'They cut wood, they began to tie it.
T-u-k'iix-aj-oo' ma'lo'. ...

cOM-3A-tie-CTS-PL well
They tied it well.' (92.3.95-97)
(3) I to'on-ej jok'-o'on ki-kiix-iin-t-ej tulakal tu'ux

and IPL.lPR-TOP leave-lpL.B IpL.A-Seek-NoM-TRN-DTS all where
'And we went out to look for him all over
ich k'aax .. t-a' b'ej-oo'-ej. ...

in forest in-DET road-PL-TOP
in the forest and on the roads.' (txt1.142-44)
(4) Chen u-nok' ... u-tak'in ... u-'anti'oojos ...

only 3A-clothes 3A-money 3A-glasses
'Only his clothes, his money, his glasses,
u-kaamara tu'ux k-u-jok'-s-ik .. retraato ...

3A-camera where INC-3A-Ieave-cAuS-ITS picture
his camera where he takes photos,
te'laj tz'lip-a'an y-alam u-k'aan-i'i ..

there everything is heaped below his hammock,
u-k'aan te' yan ... y-alam a' naj-ej. ...

his hammock was there below the house.' (txtl.164-70)

NEG=person cOM-3A-see-cTs
'No one saw him,
mix=maak uy-ojel ... tu'ux b'in-i} a' winik-e. ...

NEG=person 3A-know where go-3SG.B DET man-TOP
no one knows where the man went.' (txt1.150-52)

EMP-1SG.IPR INC-1SG.A-go lSG.A-go-CAUS-2sG.B
in-ten k-im-b'el inw-a'l-eO) tech .. b'ix k-a-b'el a-b'et-ej . ...

EMP-1SG.IPR INC-1SG.A-go lSG.A-say-DTs 2SG.IOPR how INC-2A-go 2A-do-DTS
I am going to tell you how you are going to do it.' (92.2.56-58)
(7) a' nukuch muyal-ej yan slik-i'i} yan k'lin-i'i} yan b'ox-i'i}. ...
DET big cloud-TOP EXIST white-LOC EXIST yellow-LOC EXIST black-LOC
'the big clouds, there are white ones, there are yellow ones, there are black ones.'
(92.2.95-98).
(8) k-uy-ok-l-ik-oo' wakax ..

INC-3A-steal-NoM-ITS-PL cattle
'they steal cattle,
k-uy-ok-l-ik-oo'tzimin .. aj-kax .. tulakal a' ba'ax k-uy-il-ik-oo' ...

INC-3A-steal-NOM-ITS-PL horse MASC-chicken all DET thing INC-3A-see-ITs-PL
they steal horses, chickens, all of the things they see' (txt2.20-22)
(9) K'in k-u-man .. k'in k-u-tal. .. K'in k-u-man .. k'in k-u-tal. ..

day INC-3A-pass day INC-3A-Come day INc-3A-pass day INC-3A-Come
'Days pass, days come. Days pass, days come.' (91.17.39-43)
In paratactic constructions, a clause with a verb in the durative aspect may refer to an
activity or state that is simultaneous to another activity or state. It may be linked to a punctual
verb in completive aspect, as in (10)-(11). The punctual verb is highlighted within the context of
the ongoing state or action indicated by the durative verb. This kind of relationship between
clauses may also be overtly signalled by subordinate adverbial constructions (see chapter 24).
When a durative verb is linked to an incompletive verb, the durative verb provides context but the
highlighting of the incompletive verb is less pronounced (12)-(13). As examples (14)-(18) show,
durative verbs may enter into this kind of paratactic relationship with both transitive and
intransitive verbs, and may refer to past, ongoing, or future events.
(10) Lub'-i tenjum=p'el aj-chaak-i(l)=ja' ..

fall-3SG.B ISG.lOPR one=INAM MAsc-thunder-pos=water
'A thunderstorm fell on me
tan-in-tal chumuk t-a' noj ja '-e

DUR-lSG.A-come middle of-DET big water-TOP
while I was coming in the middle of the big lake.'
(11) Ka' k'och-een .. ya tan-uy-ok-ol k'in. ...

then arrive-lSG.B already DUR-3A-enter-IIS sun
'Then I arrived, the sun was already setting.' (91.2.7-8)
(12) Uchij tan-in-ch'iJ-il ki-tz'ik ki-b'aj ..

long.ago DUR-lsG.A-grow-IIS INc/lpL.A-give/ITs IPL.A-REFL
'Before, when I was growing up, we gave ourselves
Ii tzikb'al et-el im-b'al-oo'. ...

SUB talk with-pos ISG.A-brother.in.law-PL
to talk with my brothers-in-law.' (91.18.1-3)
(l3) chak ma' u-b'et-ik noj ik' .. (kwaand'o) tan-u-wach'-lil ..

perhaps NEG 3A-do-ITS big wind (when) DUR-3A-tassel-lls
'perhaps there won't be a big wind, when it's tasseling,' (91.24.75-76)
(14) K'och-een tan-inw-alka'.

arrive-lSG.B DUR-lsG.A-run
'I arrived running.'
(15) T-in-jan-t-aj tan-inw-alka'.

cOM-lsG.A-eat-TRN-cTS DUR-lSG.A-run
'I ate it running.'
(16) Tan-in-k'och-ol tan-inw-alka '.

DUR-lSG-arrive-lIs DUR-lSG.A-run
'I am arriving running.'
(17) Tan-in-jan-t-ik tan-inw-alka '.

DUR-lsG-eat-TRN-ITS DUR-lsG.A-run
'I am eating it running.'
(18) In-ka'aj ti k'och-ol tan-inw-alka'.

ISG.A-go SUB arrive-liS DUR-lsG.A-run
'I am going to arrive running.'
20.2. Morphosyntactically Marked Coordination

Coordinators or conjunctions typically mark a semantico-syntactic linkage between two
or more clauses and appear clause-initially.
448 l1ZAJMAYA GRAMMAR
20.2.1. General Coordination with ij, 'and'

/j, 'and', is a general, all-purpose conjunction, and it may appear with other markers of
coordination. It is often used for topic-shift constructions. This conjunction is neutral with regard
to temporal sequence and is often used alone to shift characters within a scene in narrative
discourse or to mark scene changes (1)-(7) (Hofling 1987; cf. 25.4). It may also mark emphatic
repetition (8) or conjoin nominals (9)-( 11). I
(1) Tan-uy-ok-ol k'in ... i to'on-e ti-kiw-a'al-aj ti'ij ..

DUR-3A-enter-IIS sun and IPL.IPR-TOP cOM-lpL.A-say-cTs 3IOPR
'Night was entering, and we told him' (txt1.18-19)
(2) A' .. 'ayim-ej .. ma' t-u-jalk'ii'-t-aj. ...

DET crocodile-ToP NEG cOM-3A-release-TRN-CTS
'The crocodile didn't tum him loose.
I a' winik-oo' k'och-oo' et a' mo'nok chem-ej .. t-u-miich-aj-oo' a' winik

and DET man-PL arrive-PL with DET small canoe-TOP cOM-3A-grab-cTS-PL DET man
And the men that arrived with the little canoe grabbed the man' (txtl.58-60)
(3) a' 'ayim-ej u-miich-m-a ma'lo' .. t-uy-ok a' winik-ej. ...

DET crocodile-TOP 3A-grab-PERF-CTS well by-3A-foot DET man-TOP
'the crocodile had seized him well by the man's foot.
I k'och-oo' aj-kiin-an-oo' yan u-tz'on-oo'-ej ...

And the guards arrived that have guns,' (txtl. 63-66)
(4) ya kim-en i ma' pat-aj-ij .. u-sut .. t-uy-ool. ...

already die-NOM and NEG ABIL-CIS-3SG.B 3A-retum to-3A-self
'he was already dead and he couldn't recover.' (92.2.78-79)
(5) Yan ... ka'=p'e mes ... wa ox=p'e mes tan-u-meyaj ...
EXIST two=INAM month or three=INAM month DUR-3A-work
'It was about two or three months he was working
iij ... a' 'ayim .. t-u-kin-s-aj aj-yax winik-ej ..

and DET crocodile cOM-3A-die-CAuS-CTS MAsc-frrst man-TOP
and the crocodile that killed the first man,
la'ayti' t-u-kin-s-aj a' nojoch=winik xanje'-loj. ...

3IPR cOM-3A-die-CAUS-CTS DET big=man also OST-D1ST
it killed this gentleman too.
I nak'-ij a' nojoch=winik-ej u-tul-u' u-kum ... y-ok'jum=p'e che'. ...

and rise-3SG.B DET big=man-TOP 3A-fill-DTS 3A-pot 3A-on one=INAM log
And the gentleman went up to fill his pot on top of a tree trunk.
I a' che'-ej ... li'-litz'-kij ..

and DET tree-TOP REDUP-slippery-ADJ
And the tree was slippery' (txtI.91-98)
I The cornitative relational nounyetel, 'with', may also serve a coordinating function for
nominals (cf. 13.2.10).
(6) A' nojoch=winik-ejje'-la' u-k'ab'a' uch-ij-ej .. aj-Gawd'eensiyo . ...

DET great=man-TOP OST-PROX 3A-name happen-3sG.B-TOP MASC-PN
'That gentleman, was named don Gaudencio.
I a' yax winik ... kim-ij-ej .. u-k'ab'a'-ej aj-Salb'ad'or Gariid'o . ...

and DET fIrst man die-3SG.B-TOP 3A-name-TOP MASC-PN PN
And the fIrst man that died, his name was Salvador Garrido.' (txt 1.1 16-21)
(7) In-ten k-im-b'el in-jok'-es-eech tak t-u-jol a' naj-ej ...

EMP-1SG.IPRINC-lsG.A-go ISG.A-Ieave-CAUS-2SG.B til to-3A-door DET house-TOP
'I am going to take you out to the door of the building,
i wa'ye' k-u-b'el ti tal ... jum=p'eej ... 'awtob'us ...

and here INC-3A-go SUB come one=INAM bus
and a bus is going to come here' (92.2.70-72)
(8) Ka' kap-ij ti b'ak-tal .. i b'ak-tal .. i b'ak-tal ...

when begin-3sG.B SUB thin-INCH and thin-INCH and thin-INCH
'When it began to get thin, and get thin, and get thin
'aasta ka' kim-ij. ...

until it died.' (92.3.43-46)
(9) Ten-e chen .. .inw-ojel t'an ich maayaj ... iij .. 'espanyol. ...
ISG.IPR-TOP only ISG.A-know speak in Maya and Spanish
'I only know how to speak Maya and Spanish.' (92.2.19-21)
(10) San B'enito k-u-b'et-ik ke'el

PN INC-3A-make-ITS cold
'in San Benito it's cold
chen t-u-mes-il d'isiyeemb're .. nob'iyeemb're ... i 'eneeroj. ...

only in-3A-month-pos December November and January
only in the months of December, November, and January.' (92.2.115-17)
(11) T-u-fronteeraj-il Meejiko i Gwatemaala ... te' kiij-a'an yaab' aj-wach-oo'. ...
on-3A-border-POS Mexico and Guatemala LOC live-PART many MASC-Mexican-PL
'On the border of Mexico and Guatemala there lived many Mexicans.' (txt2.9-1O)
20.2.2. Temporal Coordination

There are several coordinators that indicate temporal relations between clauses (cf.
24.1).
20.2.2.1. ka', 'then'

ka', 'then', often marks clauses in event sequences (1)-(4). In the constructions under
consideration, sequence is all that is indicated and neither clause is subordinate to the other, unlike
cases of temporal adverbial subordination described in 24 .1.
(1) t-u-kiix-tin-t-aj u-xot'-ol che' ..

cOM-3A-seek-NOM-TRN-CTS 3A-piece-NoM wood
'he looked for a section of a log,
ka' niik-l-aj-ij ..
then sit-POSIT-CIS-3SG.B
then he sat down,
ka' kap-ij ti litz. ...

then he began to fish.' (txt 1.3 1-33)
(2) A' 'ayim-ej .. tal-ij ... y-alam a' .. ja'-ej ..

DET crocodile-TOP come-3SG.B 3A-be1ow DET water-TOP
ka' t-u-mach-aj. ...

then cOM-3A-grab-cTS
T-u-miich-aj u-k'ab' a' winik-ej ..

cOM-3A-grab-cTS 3A-hand DET man-TOP
ka' t-u-pul-aj tija'. ...

then it threw him into the water.
A'-ka'lub'-ij a'winik tija'-ej ...

DET-when fall-3SG.B DET man in water-TOP
ka' t-u-mach-aj t-u-ju' ...

then cOM-3A-grab-cTs at-3A-waist
ka' t-u-tz'am-aj y-alam a'ja'-ej ...

then it pulled him under the water,
i ka' kap-i u-sut-u'. ..

and then begin-3sG.B 3A-turn-DTS
and then it began to spin him.' (txt1.43-51)
(3) Pitz'-k'-aj-ij uy-ok a' winik-ej ..

Slip-CELER-CIS-3sG.B 3A-foot DET man-TOP
'The man's foot slipped,
ka'lub'-ij tija'. ...

then fall-3sG.B in water.
then he fell in the water.' (txtl.1 00-0 1)
(4) Ka'jo'm(-i) u-k'ax-ik-oo' a' b'aalsaj-ej ..

when TERM(-3sG.B) 3A-tie-ITS-PL DET raft-TOP
'When they fmished tying the raft,
ka' t-u-nak'-s-aj-oo' a' tzimin y-ok'-ol a' b 'aalsaj-ej ..

then cOM-3A-raise-CAUS-CTS-PL DET horse 3A-over-pos DET raft-ToP
then they lifted the horse onto the raft,
ka' kap-oo' ti b'a'te' ..

then begin-PL SUB paddle
then they began to paddle,' (92.3.98-100)
ka'may combine with the completive marker ti'before clauses with intransitive verbs in
the completive aspect (5)-(8). The preposition ti' also marks certain intransitive subordinate
clauses (cf. 23.2.1.1, 24.1.1.3.1, 24.3.1).2
(5) Ka'ii .. niik-l-aj-ij u-cha'an-t-ej. ...

then COM sit-POSIT-CIS-3SG.B 3A-watch-TRN-DTS
'Then it sat to watch him.' (91.12.48).
(6) Ka'jotz'-ij a' ch'eej-ej ..

then leave-3SG.B DET wedge-ToP
'Then the wedge came out,
ka' ti nat'(-ij) u-k'ab' a' b'alum-ej. ...

then COM pinch(-3SG.B) 3A-hand DET jaguar-TOP
and the jaguar's paws were pinched.' (91.12.101-2)
(7) Ka' Ii xiik-l-aj-ij a' itz'in-tzil-ej ..

then COM crouch-POSIT-CIS-3SG.B DET younger.brother-HoN-TOP
'Then the younger brother crouched
ka' t-u-wiil-aj a' k'ewel t-u-pach-ej . ..

then cOM-3A-stretch-CTS DET hide on-3A-back-TOP
and he stretched the hide on his back.' (91.13.103-4)
(8) Chumukja' k-u-b'el-oo' b'in ...

mid water INC-3A-go-PL REPORT
'Mid lake they were going, they say,
ka'ii wak'-ijjum=p'eel aj-k'a'am ik'

when COM blow-3SG.B one=INAM MAsc-strong wind
when a strong wind blew,' (92.3.104-5)
20.2.2.2. 'aastaj (ka', 'until'

'aastaj, 'until', may function as a temporal coordinator (1)-(4), or a subordinator (cf.
24.1.1.2). 'aastaj appears alone with verbs in the incompletive status (1), and with ka' with verbs
in the completive and dependent statuses (2)-(4) (cf. 24.1.1, 24.1.2).
(1) Yan u-mukyaj-t-ik u-b'aj ich k'aax ..

OBUG 3A-sustain-TRN-ITS 3A-REFL in forest
'He has to sustain himself in the forest
2 Occasionally, ti also precedes negative completive intransitives (cf. 19.1.1).

/aasta u-k'och-ol treeyntay-'uuno .. d'e maarso . ..

til 3A-arrive-IIS thirty-one of March
until the thirty-fIrst of March arrives.' (91.22.201-2)
(2) /ca' niik-l-aj-een .. im-pak'-t-ej

then sit-POSIT-CIS-lsG.B ISG.A-wait-TRN-DTS
'and I sat down to wait
/aasta ka' man-ij u-k'as-i/ inw-ool ..

until when pasS-3SG.B 3A-bad-pos ISG.A-spirit
until my weakness passed,' (91.10.82-84)
(3) Ka' /cap-een ti xi'mal .. i xi'mal ..

then begin-lsG.B SUB walk and walk
'Then I began to walk and walk
/aasta ka' k'och-een way t-inw-otoch-ej. ...

until when arrive-1SG.B here in-ISG.A-home-TOP
until I arrived here in my house.' (91.2.86-88)
(4) 'Asta ka' t-uy-il-aj-oo' ke ya kim-en a' b'a'alche'

until when cOM-3A-see-cTs-PL SUB already die-NOM DET animal
'Only when they saw that the animal was already dead,
/ca' lik'-oo' ..
then get.up-PL
then they got up' (91.13.89-91)
20.2.2.3. yaj, 'already'

yaj, 'already', typically indicates the prior completion of an expected event or the prior
existence of a state in relation to the discourse present (1 )-( 5). It may indicate that a given state
obtains in the discourse present in contrast to a previous time, or that it is about to occur. yaj may
also combine with b'aje'la', 'now' (4), or the conjunction ij, 'and' (5).
(1) /ca't-u-jok'-s-aj-oo' ..
then cOM-3A-Ieave-CAUS-CTS-PL
'when they took him out,
ya a' nojoch=winik-ej ya kim-en . ...

already DET great=man-TOP already die-NOM
already, the gentleman, he was already dead' (txtl.113-15)
(2) Chan=b'el pero .. tan-a-b'el .. ya natz'-ech ..

slow=go but DUR-2A-go already close-2SG.B
, "Slowly, but you are going, you are already close,
ya b'el a-ka'a ti k'och-ol .. ki ten ...

already go 2A-go SUB arrive-lIs QUOT ISG.lOPR
already you are going to arrive," she told me,' (92.2.79-82)
(3) Yaa .. tan-u-man ... jum=p'e semaana ...

already DUR-3A-pass one=INAM week
'Already a week is passing
ya tak-en ...
already come/DIs-Iso.B
since I came'
(4) ya b'a-je'-laj .. ma' t-in-jach='u'y-ik wajach yaj a' ke'el-ej

already TEMP-OST-PROX NEG DUR-I SG.A-much=feel-ITS COND very painful DET cold-TOP
'already now, I am not feeling so much that the cold is very bad,
ya b'ay tan-u-suk-tal inw-u'y-ik-ej. ...

already like DUR-3A-accustom-INcH ISG.A-feel-ITS-TOP
now it seems that I am becoming used to feeling it.' (92.2.131-36)
(5) ka' b'in-oo' tulakal t-u-kaj-il Meejikoj te' laj=sat-oo'-i'ij. ...

then gO-PL all to-3A-town-pos Mexico LOC all=lose-PL-LOC
'then they all went to towns in Mexico, there they were all lost.'
I ya ma' sut-n-aj-ij ti ka'=tal-oo' t-u-ka'yej. ...

and already NEG return-AP-CIS-3so.B SUB REPET=come-PL to-3A-again
'And then they didn't return to come here again.' (txt2.171-74)
20.2.3. Causal Coordination

Several coordinators may indicate causal connections between clauses.
20.2.3.1. (tu)men, 'because'

tumen, 'because', which may be abbreviated to men, typically occurs between a result
clause and its causal clause in the construction: Result + tumen + Cause (1 )-(7).
(1) i to'on-e ti-kiw-a'l-aj ti'ij .. ke ma' u-b'el ...

and IpL.IPR-TOP COM-IpL.A-say-cTs 3IOPR SUB NEO 3A-go
'and we told him that he shouldn't go
tumen te' .. natz' .. yan a' .. 'ayim ...

because LOC close EXIST DET crocodile
because there, close, is the crocodile,' (txt1.19-2I)

NEG ABIL-CIS-3SG.B 3A-Ieave-cAUS-ITS-PL
tumen a' 'ayim-ej u-miich-m-a ma'lo' .. t-uy-ok a' winik-ej. ...

because DET crocodile-TOP 3A-grab-PERF-cTS well by-3A-foot DET man-TOP
because the crocodile had seized the man's foot well.' (txt1.62-64)
(3) I a' che'-ej ... li'-litz'-kij .. tumen ch'ul. ...

and DET tree-TOP REDUP-slippery-ADJ because wet
'And the tree was slippery because it was wet.' (txtl.97 -99)
(4) I .. to'on-ej ki-tuk-l-ik ... tum en a'-Io' ma' ti-kiw-il-a' ...

and IpL.IPR-TOP INC!1PL.A-think-NOM-ITS because DET-DIST NEG COM-IPL.A-see-DTS
'And we think it, because we didn't see it,
chen ki-tuk-l-ik ... ke miiya a' noj 'ayimje'-loj ..

only INC/lpL.A-think-NOM-ITS SUB maybe DET big crocodile OST-DIST
we only think it, that perhaps that big crocodile,
la'ayti' xan t-u-jan-t-aj ..

3IPR also cOM-3A-eat-TRN-CTS
it also ate him
lumen a' .. 'aleman-ej .. ma' chik-p-aj-i} ..

because DET German-ToP NEG appear-PAs2-CIS-3SG.B
because the German didn't appear,' (txt1.133-39)
(5) jok'-i ich a'ja'-ej .. i .. miich-b'-i wal men a' 'ayim-ej ...
leave-3sG.B in DET water-TOP and grab-PAS-3sG.B maybe by DET crocodile-TOP
'he went out in the water and maybe he was grabbed by the crocodile
tumen ma' chik-p-aj-i} ..

because NEG appear-PAs2-CIS-3SG.B
because he didn't appear,' (txt1.l57-59)
(6) Jach yaab' ma(a)k t'an-aj-i} k'as .. lumen .. kin-sii-b'-i} a' 'ayim-ej. ...
very many person speak-cIs-3sG.B bad because die-CAUS-PAS-3sG.B DET crocodile-TOP
'Many people spoke ill because the crocodile was killed.' (txt1.204-5)
(7) ten-ej .. k'iis=saak-en ... tumen ... mixjum=pak ... naach-ak-en .. t-inw-otoch ...
lSG.IPR-TOP little=fear-ISG.B because NEG one=time far-OIS-ISG.B from-lsG.A-home
'I felt a little afraid, because not eyen once have I been far from my home,' (92.2.11-12)
20.2.3.2. mentiikej, 'therefore'

mentiik-ej, 'therefore' (with the topic marker), typically occurs between a causal or
explanatory clause and its result clause in the construction: Cause + mentiikej + Result (1)-(5).
(I) la'ayti' t-u-k'at-aj ten ka'=p'e mes .. permiisoj ...

3IPRCOM-3A-ask-CTS ISG.lOPR two=INAM month permit
'he asked two months release for me
ti'a'(al) ka' pat-ak in-tal-el wa'yej. ...

SUB SUB ABIL-OIS lSG.A-come-IIS here
so that I could come here.'
Menliik-e wa'ye' yan-en-ej ... ijach ki'mak inw-ool. ...

therefore-TOP here EXIST-ISG.B-TOP and very happy ISG.A-spirit
'Therefore I am here, and I am very happy.' (92.2.190-93)
(2) pero a' ik' t-u-pul-aj-oo' ti'ij-ej

but DET wind cOM-3A-throw-CTS-PL 3IOPR-TOP
'but it was the wind that tipped it over from them,
i mentiik-ej b'in-oo' ti'i} tfja'. ...

and therefore-TOP gO-PL 3IOPR to water
and it was for that reason that it went from them into the water.' (92.3.138-39)
(3) b'a-laj ya mas yan in-na'at. ...

TEMP-PROX already more EXIST lSG.A-thought
'now I already have more thoughts.'
I mentiik-ej .. k-in-k'ub'en-t-ik ti tulakal inw-et'ok-oo'

and therefore-TOP INC-1SG.A-recommend-TRN-ITS to alllsG.A-companion-PL
'And therefore, I recommend to all of my companions
k-u-meyaj-t-ik-oo' a' meyaj je'-loj ..

INC-3A-work-TRN-ITS-PL DET work OST -DIST
that do that work' (91.10.12730)
(4) Pero komo tech kim-eech taan-il-ej ..

but as 2SG.JPR die-2SG.B. front-POs-TOP
'But as you died fIrst,
mentiik-ej wa ye yan-en .. t-aw-iik-nal tan-in-kiin-iin-t-ik-ech . ...

therefore-TOP here EXIST-lSG.B To-2A-face-NOM DUR-lsG.A-guard-NoM-TRN-ITS-2sG.B
therefore I am here with you guarding you.' (91.17.103-4)
(5) patal uy-ok-ol-b'-ol. ...

ABIL 3A-rob-NOM-PAS-IIS
'it could be stolen.
I mentiik-ej yan u-kiin-iin-t-ik mak ..

and therefore-TOP OBUG 3A-guard-NOM-TRN-ITS person
And therefore, one must guard it,' (91.20.153-54)
20.2.3.3. koomoj, kon kej, 'as', 'since'

koomoj and kon kej, 'since', appear before a causal clause. The result clause usually
follows, in the construction: koomojlkon kej + Cause + Result (1)-(2), but may precede in the
construction: Result + koomoj + Cause (3). koomoj is more common than kon kej in the textual
database.
(1) Kon ke tech aj-tz'on-ech-ej ..

with that 2SG.JPR MASC-shoot-2SG.B-TOP
in-tech a' .. winik-ech k-a-senkech=tz'on-ik a' im-b'a'alche'-oo'-ej. ...

EMP-2sG.JPR DET man-2SG.B INC-2A-much=shoot-ITS DET ISG.A-animal-PL-TOP
you are the man that so often shoots these animals of mine.' (91.15.97-99)
(2) I a'ja'-ej .. komo te' k-u-ch'i'-ik a' .. mak-oo' uy-uk'(-u'}-oo'-ej ...

and DET water-TOP as LOC INc-3A-get-ITS DET person-PL 3A-drink(-DTS)-PL-TOP
'And the water, since it's there that the people get it to drink it,
k-u-kiin-iin-t-ik-oo' ma' u-k'a't-oo' ka' /uk'-ak. ...

INC-3A-guard-NOM-TRN-ITS-PL NEG 3A-want-PL SUB mud-DIS
they guard it, they don't want it to get muddy.' (91.1 0.13-17)
(3) Ma' t-inw-i/-ik ma'/o' .. komo chen uy-ich a' .. k-in-tich'k'ak'-f-ik-ej. ...
NEG DUR-1SG.A-see-ITS well since only 3A-eye DET INC-1SG.A-illuminate-TRN-ITS-TOP
'I'm not seeing it well since it's only its eyes that I am lighting.' (91.11.50-52)
20.2.4. Contrastive Coordination

Contrasting alternatives may also be linked in coordinate structures.
20.2.4.1. waj, 'either', 'or'

waj, 'either', 'or', may be used to link a series of possible alternative clauses (1)_(3).3 waj
also functions to conjoin smaller constituents (3)-(8).
(1) I aj-Kortes-ej Ieomo .. miiya mach-b'-i .. b'in-ij preesoj-il b'in

and MASC-PN-TOP as maybe capture-PAs-3sG.B go-3SG.B prisoner-POS REPORT
'And Cortes, as perhaps he was captured, he went as a prisoner, they say,
wa kim-ij ..
or die-3SG.B
or he died,' (92.3.153-54)
(2) Aj-Kortes-ej .. b'in-i wa tal-ij t-u-toj-il Gwatemaala . ...

MASC-PN-TOP go-3SG.B or come-3SG.B in-3A-direction-Pos Guatemala
'Cortes, he went or came in the direction of Guatemala City.' (92.3.47-49)
(3) Miiya u-yum-il k'aax .. wa u-yum-il witz. ...

maybe 3A-Iord-POS forest or 3A-Iord-POS hill
'Maybe it's the Lord of the Forest, or the Lord of the Hills.
Wa miiya la'ayti' a' keej t-inw-il-aj

or maybe 3SG.lPR DET deer COM-l SG.A-see-CTS
Or maybe it's the deer that I saw' (91.2.71-74)
(4) fan ... ka'=p'e mes ... wa ox=p'e mes tan-u-meyaj ...
'It was about two or three months he was working' (txt1.90-91)
(5) yan u-jok'-sa-b'-iil tak t-uy-otoch yok' uy-il-ik

OBLIG 3A-Ieave-CAUS-PAS-IIS until to-3A-home SUB 3A-see-ITS
'he has to be brought out to his home so that
u-na' wa uy-iitan wa u-paal-oo' .. ke ya kim-ij u-tat-oo '-ej ..

3A-mother or 3A-wife or 3A-child-PL SUB already die-3SG.B 3A-father-PL-TOP
his mother or his wife or his children can see that their father already died' (91.22.268-
70)
(6) Ak'ii'='u-sas-tal .. wa et-e(l) 'ak'a' .. jok'-i ich a'ja'-ej ..

night=3A-light-INCH or with-pos night leave-3SG.B in DET water-TOP
'At dawn, or at night, he went out in the water' (txt1.157)
(7) patal u-tz'on-ik mak ka'=tuul wa ox=tuul ..

ABIL 3A-shoot-ITS person two=ANIM or three=ANIM
'a person can shoot two or three' (91.21.98)
(8) a'treeynta wa a' kwareenta winik-oo' .. k-u-b'el u-meyaj-t-oo' a' chiiklej-ej ..

DET thirty or DET forty man-PL INC-3A-go 3A-work-TRN-PL DET chicle-TOP
'the thirty or forty men who go to work the chicle,' (91.22.142-43)
3 waj also functions as an interrogative marker (cf. 18.2.1) and as a conditional marker
(see chapter 21).
20.2.4.2 mix, 'neither', 'nor'

mix, 'neither', 'nor', links negative alternative clauses or constituents (1)-(2) (cf. 19.2).
(I) ma'an posiiyo mix b'aaso . ...

NEG/EXIST cup NEG glass
'there weren't cups or glasses.' (91.23.103)
(2) in-ten-e} ... mix}um=pak t-in-tuk-!-aj ..

EMP-ISG.IPR-TOP NEG one=time COM-l SG.A-think-NOM-CTS
'me, not once did I think,
mix t-in-naay-t-aj-i'ij ...

NEG COM-I SG.A-dream-TRN-CTS-FOC
nor did I dream,
wa b'e! in-ka'a ti' k'och-ol t-a' !u'um-oo'je'-!a'-ej. ...

COND go ISG.A-go SUB arrive-IJS to-DET land-pL OST-PROX-TOP
that I was going to arrive to these lands.' (92.2.138-41)
20.2.4.3. peeroj, 'but'

peeroj, 'but', indicates that the subsequent clause contrasts with expectations implicit in
prior clause(s) (1)-(7).
(I) Tumen .. Tika! .. pwes .. paarkej ...

'Because Tikal, well, is a park,
pero rna' patal u-kin-sii-b'-ii! mixjun=tu! b'a'a!che'. ...

but NEG ABIL 3A-die-CAUS-PAS-IJS NEG one=ANIM animal
but one cannot kill even one animal.' (92.2.206-7)
(2) San B'enito k-u-b'et-ik ke'el chen t-u-mes-il d'isiyeemb're .. nob'iyemb're ... i 'eneeroj. ...
PN INC-3A-make-ITS cold only in-3A-month-POS December November and January
'in San Benito it's cold only in the months of December, November, and January.
Pero ma' tun-ket-ik a' ke'el-oo' k-u-b'et-ik wa'ye'-ej. {chuckling} ...

but NEG DURl3A-equal-ITS DET cold-PL INC-3A-rnake-ITS here-TOP
But it doesn't equal the colds that are here.' (92.2.115-19)
(3) B'in-o'on kuchij et-e sweerte

go-IPL.B before with-pos luck
'We were going with luck
pero ma' ti-kiw-oo(J)-t-a} ki-ta-s-ik ..

but NEG COM-IpL.A-know-TRN-CTS IpL.A-come-CAUS-ITS
but we didn't know how to bring it in,' (91.11.82-84)
(4) Tech-e} chen tan-a-paj-t-ik a-kim-en-il ..

2SG.IPR-TOP only DUR-2A-pretend-TRN-ITS 2A-die-NoM-POS
'You, you are only playing dead,
pero in-ten-e(j) rna' tan-miich-ik-en . ...

but EMP-ISG.IPR-TOP NEG DuRl2A-grab-ITs-ISG.B
but me, you are not grabbing me.' (91.14.107-8)
(5) Wa tech k-a-kim-il taan-il-ej ... in-ten k-im-b'el .. ti muk-b'-ul

COND 2SGJPR INC-2A-die-IIS front-POS-TOP EMP-ISG.IPR INC-ISG.A-go SUB bury-PAS-IIS
'If you die fIrst, I am going to be buried
ket t-aw-et-el. ...

together to-2A-with-pos
together with you.
Pero wa ten k-in-kim-il taan-il-ej .. in-tech yan a-muk-b'-ul

but COND ISGJPR INC-ISG.A-die-ns front-POS-TOP EMP-2SG.IPR OBUG 2A-bury-PAS-IIS
But if! die fIrst, you have to be buried
t-inw-et-el. ...
to-ISG.A-with-pos
with me.' (91.17.15-19)
(6) Mas b'in k-u-xan-tal .. pero jach ko'oj b'a-je'-la . ...

more REPORT INC-3A-Iast-INCH but very expensive TEMP-OST-PROX
'They say that it lasts longer, but it's very expensive now.' (91.23.82-83)
(7) 'Aalgo t-im-b'et-aj-i'ij pero ma' .. t-u-tz'aj mix=b'a'al. ...

something COM-ISG.A-do-CTS-LOC but NEG cOM-3A-give/CTS NEG=thing
'I did something (work) there but it didn't give anything.' (91.24.161-62)
20.2.4.4. ka'ax, 'although'

The adverbial ka'ax, 'although', which appears clause-initially, may also function as a
coordinator linking a qualifying, contrastive clause to a prior clause containing a principal
assertion (1)-(2). The qualifying clause may be fronted (3)-(4). ka'ax may also enter into
conditional constructions (5) (cf. 21.4)
(I) B'el in-ka'a in-tzikb'al-t-ej ... jum=p'e mo'nok kweentoj ... ka'ax koom ...
go ISG.A-go ISG.A-tell-TRN-DTS one=INAM short story although short
'I am going to tell a little story, although it's short,' (txt1.1-3)
(2) T-inw-a'al-aj ti'ij .. ka' meyaj-n-ak ka'=p'e k'in ..

cOM-1sG.A-say-cTs 3IOPR SUB work-AP-DIS twO=INAM day
'I told him to work two days
k(a'}-u-paak-t-ej ka'ax chen u-b'aak' a' naj-ej. ...

that-3A-clear-TRN-DTS although only 3A-perimeter DET house-TOP
that he clearit, even if only the perimeter of the house.' (91.8.12-14)
(3) Ka'ax t-u-miin-aj b'iik' .. ma' t-u-jan-t-aj.

although cOM-3A-buY-CTS meat NEG cOM-3A-eat-TRN-CTS
'Although he bought meat, he didn't eat it.'
(4) Ka'ax ma'an in-tak'in .. b'el in-ka'aj.

although NEG/EXIST lSG.A-money go lSG.A-go
'Although I don't have money, I'm going to go.'
(5) a' wakax-ej ka'ax a-pul-u' che' ti'ij-ej ..

DET cow-TOP although 2A-throw-DTS log 3IOPR-TOP
'the cow, even if you throw down logs for it,
u-chok'-o' u-jo'ol-ej b'in-ij.

3A-insert-DTS 3A-head-TOP go-3SG.B
it puts its head in, it went.' (91.24.347-48)
21. Conditional Clauses
21.0. Contents
21.1.Affmnative Conditional
21.1.1. Conditional Complements: V waj .. .
21.1.2. Fronted Conditional Clauses: waj ... -e'
21.2. Negative Conditional: waj rna' ( ... -e~
21.3. Counterfactual Conditional: waj V kuchij ( ... -e~
21.4. Conditional with ka'ax ( ... -e~, 'even if'
21.1. Affirmative Conditional
21.1.1. Conditional Complements: V waj ..

The conditional marker waj, 'if', (which usually shortens to wa) may appear at the
beginning ofa conditional clause, often after sensory or cognitive verbs (1)-(9) (cf. 23.2.2). waj
may function as a TAM marker with verbs in the incompletive status to indicate simple
conditionals (1), or it may appear with other TAM markers or statives, as in the other examples
(cf. 15.2). waj may also function as a coordinator meaning 'or', as in its second occurrence in (9)
(cf. 20.2.4.1).
(1) Ko 'ox kik-il-a' wa u-ch 'iJ-il-oo'. ...

HORT IPL.A-see-DTS COND 3A-grow-IIS-PL
'Let's see if they grow.' (91.7.21-22)
(2) Ka' b 'in-oo' uy-il-a '-00' wa patal u-jok'-s-ik-oo'. ...

then gO-PL 3A-see-DTs-PL COND ABIL 3A-Ieave-CAUS-ITS-PL
'Then they went to see if they could take him out.' (txt1.56-57)
(3) la'ayti'-oo'-ej rna' tuny-ub'-ik-oo' waj .. yaj. ...

3IPR-PL-TOP NEG DuRl3A-feel-ITS-PL cONDpainful
'they don't feel if it's painful.' (92.2.124-25)
(4) Ka' kap-een ti xi'mal .. tulakal .. t-u-b'aak' a' kol-ej ..

then begin-lsG.B SUB walk all on-3A-perimeter DET milpa-ToP
'Then I began to walk all around the milpa
inw-il-a' wa yan .. keej ich a' kol-ej. ...

ISG.A-see-DTS COND EXIST deer in DET milpa-TOP
to see if there were deer in the milpa.' (91.2.9-11)
(5) i b'el in-ka'a inw-i/-a' .. wa patal in-litz-ik. ...

and go ISG.A-go ISG.A-see-DTS COND ABIL ISG.A-hook-ITS
'and I am going to see if! can hook it.' (txt1.26-27)
(6) rna' tun-k'a'ol-t-ik mak .. wa yan u-motz kux-a'an .. tak'-al y-alam ..

NEG DuRl3A-know-TRN-ITS person COND EXIST 3A-root alive-PART stick-PART 3A-below
'one doesn't know if it has its live root attached underneath' (91.10.133-35)
(7) Ko'ox kiw-il-a' wa chuk-a'an t-inw-ok'-ol. ..

HORT IpL.A-See-DTS COND fit-PART to-1SG.A-over-POS
'Let's see if it fits over me.' (91.13.101-2)
21. CONDITIONAL CLAUSES 461
(8) b' el in-ka'a inw-il-a' wa patal in-jok'-s-ik ...

go ISG.A-go ISG.A-see-DTS COND ABIL ISG.A-Ieave-CAuS-ITS
'I am going to see ifI can take it out' (91.1.13-14)
(9) I a'-la'-e} .. ma' inw-o}el wa kim-en wa tan-u-che'e} . ..

and DET-PROX-TOP NEG ISG.A-know COND die-ADJ or DUR-3A-smile
'And this, I don't know if it's dead or if he's smiling.' (91.14.97-100)
Conditional clauses also often appear after verbs of speech (10)-(12). Conditional clauses
after a'lik, 'say', may indicate quoted questions, i.e., 'say if' '" 'ask' (11)-(12). Conditional clauses
may also follow intransitive verbs (13)-(14).
(10) Ii t-uy-a'al-a} ten-e}

and cOM-3A-say-CTs ISG.IOPR-TOP
'And he told me
ke wa patal in-jok'-s-ik tulakal a' che'-e}

SUB COND ABIL IsG.A-Ieave-CAUS-ITS all DET wood-TOP
that if I can take out all of the wood,
ka' in-jok'-es !i'i} ...

SUB ISG.A-Ieave-cAUs/DTS 3IOPR
that I take it out for him' (91.1.7-9)
(11) ka' t-inw-a'l-a} ti'i} ... wa patal uy-an-t-ik-en. ...

when cOM-lsG.A-say-cTs 3IOPR COND ABIL 3A-help-TRN-ITS-lsG.B
'and I asked her if she could help me.' (92.2.34-35)
(12) Ii ... k-uy-a'al-ik ten-e} ... ke wa ma' inw-o}el

and INC-3A-say-ITs ISG.IOPR-TOP SUB COND NEG ISG.A-know
'And he asks me ifI don't know
b'ix u-men-b'-el u-sektreeto}-il ...

how 3A-make-PAs-IIS 3A-secret-pos
how their charm is made' (91.16.4-6)
(13) In-ka'a} ti}an-al wa yan b'ak'.

ISG.A-go SUB eat-NOM COND EXIST meat
'I'm going to eat if there's meat.'
(14) In-ka'a} ti Peten wa k-in-t'am-b'-al.

ISG.A-go to PN COND INC-lSG.A-call-PAS-IIS
'I'm going to Flores if I am called.'
21.1.2. Fronted Conditional Clauses: waj -e'

Like many other constituents, conditional clauses may be fronted and marked with the
topic marker in the structure: wa} + Conditional Clause-e' + Result Clause (1)-(3) (cf. 8.1.2.1,
chapters 23 and 24). In these constructions the information in the conditional clause is given,
contextual information for the new information provided in the result clause.
(I) Wa k-aw-an-t-ik-en im-pa'-a' in-si'-ej .. ki-seeb'=b'el. ...

COND INC-2A-help-TRN-ITS-lSG.B ISG.A-split-DTS ISG.A-frrewood-TOP IPL.A-quick=go
'If you help me split my frrewood, we'll go soon.' (91.12.79-80)
(2) Wa tech k-a-kim-il taan-il-ej ...

COND 2SG.lPR INC-2A-die-IIS front-POS-TOP
'If you die fIrst,
in-ten k-im-b'el .. ti muk-b'-ul ket t-aw-et-el. ...

EMP-1SG.lPR INC-1SG.A-go SUB bury-PAs-IIS together to-2A-with-pos
I am going to be buried together with you.
Pero wa ten k-in-kim-il taan-il-ej ..

but COND ISG.lPR INC-1SG.A-die-IIS front-pos-TOP
But if! die fIrst,
in-tech yan a-muk-b'-ul t-inw-et-el. ...

EMP-2sG.lPR OBUG 2A-bury-PAS-IIS to-1SG.A-with-pos
you have to be buried with me.' (91.17.15-19)
(3) Wa a-k'a't-ij-ej k-in-ta-s-ik techjun=kuul tunich ..

COND 2A-want-TS-TOP INC-1SG.A-come-cAus-ITS 2SG.lOPR one=round stone
'If you want, I'll bring you a stone,' (91.17.153-54)
21.2. Negative Conditional waj ma' (oo. -e')

Negative conditionals are composed of the conditional marker waj and the negative
marker ma' (cf. 19.1). Like affIrmative conditionals, they may appear after sensory and cognitive
verbs (1)-(2). Negative conditionals may also be fronted, but because of the contrastive nature of
negatives, they are somewhat less likely to be marked with the clause-fmal topic marker (cf.
8.1.2, 21.1.2). The full negative conditional structure: waj + ma' + Conditional Clause-e' +
Result Clause, appears in (3)-(8).
(1) Ii tan-ki-k'at=peksil-t-ik .. wa ma' il-b'-ij .. men wa=max . ...

and DUR-IPL.A-ask=news-TRN-ITS COND NEG see-PAs-3SG.B by INTER=who
'And we are asking for news, ifhe wasn't seen by anyone.' (txt 1. 145-47)
(2) I kap-een in-k'a't-ej .. wa ma' uy-ojel-oo'. ..

and begin-lsG.B ISG.A-ask-DTs COND NEG 3A-know-PL
'And I began to ask if they didn't know (who did it).' (91.8.27-28)
(3) Wa ma' tan-u-mas=k'oj-a'an-tal-ej ...

COND NEG DUR-3A-more=sick=PART-INCH-TOP ...
b'el in-ka'a in-kax-an-t-ej u-laak' inw-et'ok ..

go ISG.A-go ISG.A-seek-NoM-TRN-DTS 3A-other ISG.A-companion
I'm going to look for another companion' (91.1.18-19)
(4) Ii .. ka' t-uy-a'al-aj ten-ej ... wa ma'an u-b'a'al in-tz'on-ej

and thencoM-3A-say-cTs ISG.lOPR-TOP COND NEG/EXIST 3A-bullet ISG.A-gun-TOP
'And then he told me if there weren't any bullets for my gun
la'aytj' .. patal u-p'iit-ik ten-i'ij. ...

3IPRABIL 3A-Ieave-ITS lSG.IOPR-PARTIT
he could leave me some of them.' (91.16.6-9)
(5) A' k'in-ej ya tan-u-b'el ...

DET sun-TOP already DUR-3A-go
'The sun is already going
i wa ma' tan-ki-'aseb'il-kun-t-ik ki-b'aj-ej ..

and COND NEG DUR-lpL.A-hurry-CAUS-TRN-ITS IPL.A-REFL-TOP
and if we don't hurry ourselves,
je'-uy-ok-ol to'on k'in ti b'ej-ej. ...

ASSUR-3A-enter-IIS IPL.IOPR sun on road-TOP
it will get dark on us on the road.' (91.13.50-52)
(6) Wa ma' tan-a-b'el-ej ... In-ten-ej jach wi'ij-en . ..

CONDNEG DUR-2A-go-TOP EMP-lsG.lPR-TOP very hungry-lsG.B
'If you don't go, I am very hungry.' (91.13.114-15)
(7) Ii ... wa ma'an ix-ch'up .. k-u-b'et-ik a'jan-al-ej

and COND NEG/EXIST FEM-woman INC-3A-make-JTS DET eat-NOM-TOP
'And if there isn't a woman that makes the food,
pwes .. la'ayti'-oo' yan u-chiik-ik-oo' u-b'u'ul ..

well 3IPR-PL OBLIG 3A-cook-ITS-PL 3A-bean
well, they have to cook their own beans' (91.22.177-79)
(8) I wa ma' tun-ch'an-iil-ej .. yan u-ta-sii-b'-iil y-ok' tzimin.

and COND NEG DuRl3A-heal-IIS-TOP OBLIG 3A-come-CAUS-PAS-IIS 3A-on mule
'And if he isn't healing, he has to be brought on a mule.' (91.22.241-42)
In examples (9)-(10), a reduced, contrastive conditional form of the fronted negative

conditional, waj ma', 'if not', precedes an expanded form that provides supplementary clarifying
information marked with a terminal-e'. In (11)-(13), the abbreviated fronted conditional appears
alone without the topic marker and is contrastive. Example (11) contains both a post-verbal
conditional complement and a fronted conditional.
(9) te' ... k-u-kin-s-ik-oo' aj-kax ..

LOC INC-3A-die-CAUS-JTS-PL MASC-chicken
'there they killed a chicken;
wa ma' .. wa ma' aj-kax-i'ij-ej kutz. ...

COND NEG COND NEG MASC-chicken-FOC-TOP turkey
ifnot, if it's not a chicken, a turkey.' (91.19.20-21)
(10) Wa ma' pwes kuch-b'il ..

COND NEG well load-PART
'If not, then loaded (on a person's back),
wa ma'an tzimin-ej kuch-b'il. ...

COND NEG/EXIST mule-TOP load-PART
if there aren't mules, then loaded (on a person's back).' (91.20-146-47)
(11) I la'ayti' t-uy-a'al-aj ten-ej kee ... wa patal in-jok'-s-ik ..

and 3IPRCOM-3A-say-cTs ISG.lOPR-TOP SUB COND ABIL lSG.A-Ieave-CAUS-JTS
'And he asked me if I can take it out
ich a' k'in-oo'je'-la' ..

within DET daY-PL OST-PROX
within the next few days,
wa ma' k-in-pak'-t-ej u-laak' a' semaanaj-ej ... k-uy-ok-ol-ej. ...

COND NEG INC-lSG.A-wait-TRN-DTS 3A-other DET week-TOP INC-3A-enter-US-TOP
if not, that I wait until the next week that's coming.' (91.1.23-27)
(12) Ma' a-wa'-tal! .. Wa ma' .. tak in-tech k-im-b'el in-jan-t-eech

NEG 2A-stand-POSIT COND NEG even EMP-2SG.IPR INC-lSG.A-go ISG.A-eat-TRN-2SG.B
'Don't stay! Ifnot, even YQ!,!, I am going to eat you' (91.13.124-25)
(13) ma' a-maan=tz'on-t-ik. ...

NEG 2A-badly=shoot-TRN-ITS
'don't wound it.
Wa maj .. waye' k-in-b'e/ in-pak'-t-eech t-u-kaye'-ej ..

COND NEG here INC-lSG.A-go ISG.A-await-TRN-2SG.B to-3A-again-ToP
Ifnot, it's here I'm going to await you again,' (91.15.124-25)
21.3. Counterfactual Conditional: waj V kuchij ( -e')

Counterfactual conditionals may be overtly marked by kuchij (1)-(5) (cf. 14.4.7).
Counterfactual conditional clauses may be affIrmative (1)-(3) or negative (6)-(7). With affIrmative
conditionals, either the conditional clause, or the result clause, or both, may be marked by kuchij,
as indicated in (1)-(3). The verb in the conditional clause may be marked in the completive aspect
and status (1)-(2), or in the dependent status for unrealized perfects (3) (cf. 15.4.2.5). The verb in
the main clause is marked in the completive in both cases. Counterfactual semantics may be
implicit from the context and are not necessarily marked by kuchij, as in (4)-(5). kuchij is not used
with reference to erroneous thoughts (5).
(la) Wa bin-een kuchij-ejjan-een-i'ij.

COND go-ISG.B formerly-ToP eat-lSG.B-LOC
'If! had gone, I would have eaten there.'
(lb) Wa bin-een-ejjan-een kuchij-i'ij.

COND go-ISG.B-TOP eat-lSG.B formerly-LOCo
(lc) Wa bin-een kuchij-ejjan-een kuchij-i'ij.

COND go-ISG.B formerlY-ToP eat-lSG.B formerly-Loc
(2a) Wa t-inw-il-aj kuchij-ej .. t-in-jan-t-aj-ej.

COND COM-lsG.A-see-CTS formerly-ToP NEG COM-lSG.A-eat-TRN-CTS-TOP
'If I had seen it, I would have eaten it.'
Komo ma' t-inw-il-aj ... ma' t-in-jan-t-aj.

as NEG COM-ISG.A-see-CTS NEG cOM-lsG.A-eat-TRN-CTS
'As I didn't see it, I didn't eat it.'
(2b) Wa t-inw-il-aj-ej .. t-in-jan-t-aj kuchij-ej.

COND COM-lSG.A-see-CTS-TOP COM-lSG.A-eat-TRN-CTS formerly-ToP
'If! had seen it, I would have eaten it.'
Komo rna' t-inw-il-aj ... ma't-in-jan-t-aj.

as NEO cOM-Iso.A-see-CTs NEO cOM-Iso.A-eat-TRN-CTS
(2c) Wa t-inw-il-aj kuchij-ej .. t-in-jan-t-aj kuchij-ej.

COND COM-I SO.A-see-CTS formerly-ToP COM-I SO.A-eat-TRN-CTS formerlY-ToP
'If I had seen it, I would have eaten it.'
Komo rna' t-inw-il-aj ... rna' t-in-jan-t-aj.

as NEO cOM-ISO.A-see-CTS NEO cOM-Iso.A-eat-TRN-CTS
(3a) Wa ka' xi'ik-en kuchij-ejjan-een-i'ij.

COND SUB go/DIS-Iso.B formerly-TOP eat-lsO.B-LOC
(3b) Wa ka' xi'ik-en-ejjan-een kuchij-i'ij.

COND SUB go/DIS-lso.B-TOP eat-ISO.B formerly-LOc
(3c) Wa ka' xi'ik-en kuchij-ejjan-een kuchij-i'ij.

COND SUB go/DIS-Iso.B formerly-ToP eat-lS0.B formerly-LOc
(4) Wa (kuchi.J) tal-eech t-a-jun-al-ej ..

COND (formerly) come-2S0.B to-2A-one-NOM-TOP
'If you had come alone,
ya rna' tan-ka'=sut t-aw-otoch-ej ..

already NEO DUR-REPET=retum to-2A-home-ToP
you wouldn't be returning to your home again' (91.16.130-31)
(5) In-to 'on-ej ti ki-t'an-ej wa yaj jo 'm-ij a-kim-il. ...

EMP-IPL.IPR-TOP in IPL.A-talk-TOP COND already TERM-3so.B 2A-die-IIS
'Us, we were wondering if you had already fmished dying (but now know that you are
alive).' (91.15.194-95)
With negative counterfactual conditionals, either clause may be marked with kuchij, but
not both, as shown in (6). With negative counterfactual conditionals, aspectual differences are
neutralized and verbs may be marked for the completive aspect and status (6), or the incompletive
status, with or without the durative aspect marker (7), with no apparent difference in meaning (cf.
19.1.4, 19.1.5).
(6a) Wa ma' t-inw-il-aj kuchij-ej .. rna' t-in-jan-t-aj-ej.

CONDNEO cOM-lS0.A-see-CTS formerly-ToP NEO cOM-lso.A-eat-TRN-CTS-TOP
'If I hadn't seen it, I wouldn't have eaten it.'
Komo t-inw-il-aj ... t-in-jan-t-aj.

as cOM-ls0.A-see-cTs cOM-ls0.A-eat-TRN-cTS
'As I saw it, I ate it.'
(6b) Wa ma' t-inw-il-aj-ej .. rna' t-in-jan-t-aj kuchij-ej.

COND NEO cOM-lS0.A-see-CTS-TOP NEO cOM-lS0.A-eat-TRN-CTS formerly-ToP
'If! hadn't seen it, I wouldn't have eaten it.'

as COM-ISG.A-see-CTS COM-ISG.A-eat-TRN-CTS
(6c) Wa ma' t-inw-il-aj kuchij-ej .. rna' t-in-jan-t-aj kuchij-ej.

COND NEG COM-ISG.A-see-CTS formerly-ToP NEG COM-ISG.A-eat-TRN-CTS formerlY-ToP
(7) Wa ma' (t-)inw-il-ik kuchij-ej rna' (t-)in-jan-t-ik-ej.

COND NEG (DUR-)lsG.A-see-ITS formerly-TOP NEG (DUR-)1 SG.A-eat-TRN-ITS-TOP
'If! hadn't seen it, I wouldn't have eaten it.'

as cOM-ISG.A-see-CTs COM-ISG.A-eat-TRN-CTS
21.4. Conditional with ka'ax ( -e~, 'even if'

In addition to its function as a coordinator meaning 'although' (cf. 20.2.4.4), ka'ax may
function as a conditional with the meaning 'even if' (1)-(8). With its conditional function, it
appears with verbs in the dependent status, preceding result clauses with verbs in the incompletive
status. Irrealis perfect conditionals are additionally marked with kuchij and a clause-fmal topic
marker -e' (1)-(2) (cf. I5.4.2.5.I). Conditional statives are not marked with kuchij but optionally
have the topic marker (3)-(4). For future or hypothetical conditionals, inflected verbs appear in the
dependent status, but without kuchij and usually without the topic marker (5)-(8).
(1) Ka'ax tak-ech kuchij-ej .. rna' tan-aw-il-ik.

although come/mS-2SG.B formerly-TOP NEG DUR-2A-see-ITS
'Even if you had come, you wouldn't have seen it.'
(2) Ka'ax u-miin-ii' bak' kuchij-ej rna' tun-jan-t-ik.

although 3A-buy-DTS meat formerlY-ToP NEG DuRl3A-eat-TRN-ITS
'Even if he had bought meat, he wouldn't have eaten it.'
(3) ka'ax kim-en(-ej) yan u-jok'-sa-b'-iil tak t-uy-otoch

although die-NoM( -TOP) OBLIG 3A-leave-cAus-PAS-IIS til to-3A-home
'even if he's a corpse, he has to be brought out to his home' (91.22.267-68)
(4) Ka'ax k'oja'an-en(-ej) yan im-b'el ti meyaj.

although sick-IsG.B(-TOP) OBLIG ISG.A-go SUB work
'Even if I'm sick, I have to go to work.'
(5) Ka'ax u-miin-Il' bilk' .. ma'tun-jan-t-ik.

although 3A-buy-DTs meat NEG DuRl3A-eat-TRN-ITS
'Even if he buys meat, he isn't eating it.'
(6) Ka'ax xik-en et-e 'ak'ii' .. yan in-jo'om-s-ik a' meyajje'-l~'.

although gO/Dls-ISG.B with-pos night OBLIG ISG.A-fmish-CAUS-ITS DET work OST-PROX
'Even if! have to go at night, I have to fmish this work.'
(7) Ka'ax tak-ech rna' tan-b'el a-jan-t-ej.

although come/mS-2SG.B NEG DuRl2A-go 2A-eat-TRN-DTS
'Even if you come, you are not going to eat it.'
(8) a' wakax-ej ka'ax a-pul-u' che' ti'i}(-ej/ ..

DET COW-TOP although 2A-throw-DTS log 3IOPR(-TOP)
'the COW, even if you throw down logs for it,
k-u-jup-ik u-pol-ej k-u-b'el.

INC-3A-insert-ITS 3A-head-TOP INC-3A-go
it puts its head in, it goes.' (91.24.347-48)
1 It appears that the topic marker marks the topical indirect object and is not part of the
ka'ax construction in (8).
22. Relative Clauses
22.0. Contents
22.1. Nonrestrictive Relative Clauses
22.2. Restrictive Relative Clauses
22.2.1. Generic-Nonreferential and Indefmite
22.2.1.1. Generic-Nonreferential
22.2.1.2. Indefmite Reference
22.2.2. Defmite Head Noun
22.2.2.1. Plain Defmite Reference
22.2.2.1.1. Subject
22.2.2.1.2. Direct Object
22.2.2.1.3. Indirect Object
22.2.2.1.4. Possessor
22.2.2.1.5. Oblique
22.2.2.2. With Relative Pronouns
22.2.2.2.1. maax, 'who'
22.2.2.2.2. b'a'ax, 'what'
22.2.2.2.3. tu'ux, 'where'
22.2.2.2.4. ka', kil, 'when'
22.3. Reduced Relative Clauses
Relative-clause formation is a pervasive grammatical structure that cross-cuts

conditionals, subordinate adverbial clauses, and topicalized NPs, as well as more prototypical
relative constructions where a nominal head is modified. In all of these constructions, the topic
marker appears as a terminal marker. A brief pause frequently follows the relative clause but is
not required.
22.1. Nonrestrictive Relative Clauses

Nonrestrictive relative clauses are not common in discourse and are not a clearly defined
construction type. In elicited examples corresponding to nonrestrictive relative clauses, a variety
of construction types are used, including clauses that follow the head noun after men, 'as',
'because', and have a clause-fmal topic marker (1)-(3), paratactic constructions (4), and plain
relatives (5)-(7). Generic (nonreferential) NPs may be unmodified (1)-(2) or modified by the
determiner (3), (5) (cf. 15.4.2.6, chapter 9). Defmite NPs may also head nonrestrictive relative
clauses (6)-(7). In the examples, head nouns (or equivalents) and relative morphology are in
boldface, and relative clauses are in brackets.
(1) Mak men yan u-chi'-ej patal u-jan-al.

person as EXIST 3A-mouth-TOP ABIL 3A-eat-NOM
'A person, as s/he has a mouth, can eat.'
(2) Mak-oo' men yan u-chi'(-oo~-ej .. patal u-jan-al(-oo~.

person-PL as EXIST 3A-mouth(-PL)-TOP ABIL 3A-eat-NOM-PL
'People, as they have mouths, can eat.'
(3) A' k'aak' men chokoj-ej k'ab'eet.

DET fire as hot-TOP necessary
'Fire, as it's hot, is useful.'
(4) Aj-Wit'-oo' kiij-a'an-oo' Meejikoj .. la'ayti'-oo' a' tal-oo' wa'ye'.

MASC-PN-PL live-PART-PL PN 3IPR-PL DET come-PL here
'The Wit's, who lived in Mexico, it was them who came here.'
22. RELATIVE CLAUSES 469
(5) A' 'ariyeeroj [k-u-meyaj-t-ik-oo' tzimin-ej]

DET-muleteer [INC-3A-Work-TRN-ITS-PL mule-TOP]
'The muleteers, who work with mules,
la'ayti'-oo' k-u-jok'-s-ik-oo' a' cha' ti' k'aax-ej.

3IPR-PL INC-3A-leave-CAUS-ITS-PL DET chicle from forest-TOP
they bring the chicle out of the forest.'
(6) Aj-Juan [k'och-ij 'ak'ii'-ej] bin-ij b'a-la'jatz'ka'.

MASC-PN [arrive-3SG.B night-TOP] go-3SG.B TEMP-PROX early
'Juan, who came last night, left early this morning.'
(7) In-kik [t-inw-il-aj 'a'kii'-ejljach ma'lo' ti'ij chak-al.

ISG.A-older.sister [coM-lsG.A-see-CTS night-TOP] very good for cook-NOM
'My older sister (my only sister), who I saw last night, is very good at cooking.'
22.2. Restrictive Relative Clauses

Full restrictive relative clauses have the structure: (Modifier-I+) Noun + [relative-TOP].
The modifier may be a quantifier such as a numeral with a numeral classifier, a noun classifier (aj-
or ix'-), the determiner a', a possessive pronoun, or the ostensive demonstrativeje'{laj orje'{loj
(cf. chapter 9, 11.5.1).
22.2.1. Generic-Nonreferential and Indefinite
22.2.1.1. Generic-Nonreferential
Examples of relative clauses indicating generic-nonreferential categories are given in (1)-
(5). The head noun may be unmodified (1) (cf. 9.2) or modified by a numeral (2) (cf. 9.5.1).
Nonreferential meaning may also occur with relativized nouns modified by the determiner (3)-(5).
Maak, 'person', (often shortening to mak) may be the head noun in generic expressions with
human referents (4)-(5) but is more common without the determiner when used with a generic
sense (cf. 9.2, 22.1). In the examples in this and following sections, head nouns and relative
morphology are in boldface and relative clauses are in brackets.
(1) X'in [k-u-lub'-ulja'-ejl k-u-b'et-ik ke'el.

day [INC-3A-fall-IIS water-TOP] INC-3A-make-ITS cold
'Days that rain falls it gets cold.'
(2) Jun=p'e k'in [k-u-lub'-ulja'-ejl k-u-b'et-ik ke'el.

ONE=INAM day [INc-3A-fall-IIs water-TOP] INC-3A-make-ITS cold
'A day that rain falls it gets cold.'
(3) A' k'in [k-u-lub'-ulja'-ejl k-u-b'el-ik ke'el.

DET day [INC-3A-fall-ns water-TOP] INC-3A-make-ITS cold
'The day(s) that rain falls it's cold.'
(4) yok' u-p'al-iil .. u-k'ab'a' tulakal a' .. mak-oo' [k-u-b'el-oo' Ii meyaj-ell ...
SUB 3A-remain-lls 3A-name all DET person-PL [INC-3A-go-PL SUB work-TOP]
'so the names remain of all of the people that are going to work.' (91.9.48-49)
(5) I la'ayt(ij a' k'in-oo'je'-la' .. jach ma'lo' ..

and 3IPR DET daY-PL OST-PROX very good
'And these are the days that are very good
li'(iJ) a' mak-oo' [k-u-jok'-ol-oo' Ii kiixiin=lz'on ich k'aax-eT ...

for DET person-PL [INc-3A-Ieave-IIS-PL SUB seek=shoot in forest-ToP]
for the people that go out to look for something to shoot in the forest.' (1.22.106-9)
22.2.1.2. Indefinite Reference

Relative clauses headed by nouns modified by quantifiers frequently refer to new
indefmite information (1)-(6). Information is provided in the relative clauses to help the hearer
identify new referents being introduced into the discourse. As in examples (4)-(6), the
supplementary information may be reduced so that it is not a full clause (cf. 9.9, 22.3).
Indefmite relative constructions may also be formed in the structure: OST-Relative Pronoun-
IRREAL ... -e' (7)-(8) (cf. 2.2.6.2, 15.4.2.6, 22.2.2.2.3).
(I) I te' t-uy-il-aj yaab' keej .. [k-u-man u-b'aak'-t-oo' a' winik-ej1 ..

and LaC cOM-3A-see-CTS much deer [INc-3A-pass 3A-surround-TRN-PL DET man-ToP]
'And there he saw a lot of deer that pass surrounding the man' (91.15.86-87)
(2) T-in-miiiin-I-aj in-tz'on ti'i} jun=tu winik ...

COM-1SG.A-Iend-TRN-CTS ISG.A-gun to one=ANIM man
'I lent my gun to a man
[yan u-kol waye' pach kaj-ell ...

[EXIST 3A-milpa here behind town-TOP]
that has his milpa here behind town.' (91.4.1-2)
(3) i I-u-chun a' witz-ej ..

and at-3A-base DET hill-TOP
'and at the base of the hill
yanjun=p'eel noj 'aktun .. [b'ay u-joljun=kuul naj-ell ...

EXIST one=INAM big cave [like 3A-entrance one=round house-ToP]
was a big cave, like the door of a big house.' (91.15.55-57)
(4) I yan jum=p'e noj ko/" [chum uk a' b 'ej-ell ...

and EXIST one=INAM big milpa [mid DET road-TOP]
'And there is a big milpa along the road.' (91.2.5-6)
(5) yan-aj-i} b'in ka'=tu(ul) winik ... [waye' I-a' kaj-ejl ...
EXIST-CIS-3SG.B REPORT twO=ANIM man [here in-DET town-TOP]
'there were two men here in the town.' (91.13.2-3)
(6) Iyanjun=p'e noj riiyoj .. [natz'l-a'plantel-ej1 ..

and EXIST one=INAM big river [close to-DET camp-TOP]
'And there was a big river near the camp,' (txt2.129-30)
(7) [Je'-tu'ux-ak-ej1 k-uy-ok-ol.

[OST-where-IRREAL-TOP] INC-3A-enter-IIS
'Wheresoever it enters.' (91.24.248)
(8) In-ka'aj in-miin-ii' Ue'-b'a'ax-ak u-tool-el}

ISG.A-go ISG.A-buy-DTS [osT-what-IRREAL 3A-price-TOP]
'I am going to buy it whatever the price.'
22.2.2. Definite Head Noun
22.2.2.1. Plain Definite Reference

Most relative clauses modify defmite head nouns in the structure: Modifier + N +
[relative -TOP]. Virtually any case role is accessible to relative-clause formation (cf. Keenan and
Comrie 1977).1 However, the less accessible case roles are more likely, or required, to have
relative pronouns. Plain relative clauses (without relative pronouns) will be described first.
Relative pronoun constructions are described in 22.2.2.2. In the examples given in the following
examples, head NPs and relative morphology are in boldface, and relative clauses are enclosed in
brackets.
22.2.2.2.1. Subject
Most commonly, head NPs occupy the subject role in relation to a verb or stative in the
relative clause (1)-(15). The determiner is the most common preceding modifier (1)-(13).
Semantic objects of comparison may be relativized indirectly as stative subjects (10). maak,
'person', is often the head noun of relative clauses without a relative pronoun (11)-(13) (cf.
22.2.2.2.1). In (14)-(15), a noun classifier precedes the head noun (cf. 4.1.2.3, 4.2.1, 9.3.2.2,
9.3.3).
(I) ke ix-ch'up-ej b'in-ij tulakal .. t-a' b'ej .. [k-u-b'el ich kaj-ej). ...
SUB FEM-woman-TOP go-3SG.B all on-DET road [INC-3A-go into town-TOP]
'that the woman went all along the road that goes into town.' (91.3.35-36)
(2) t(i'ij}-u-pak'-t-ik-al-oo' a' pixan-oo'

sUB-3A-await-TRN-ITS-SUB-PL DET spirit-PL
'to await the spirits
[k-u-b'el-oo'ti tal t-a' k'inje'-lo'-ej] . ...

[INC-3A-go-PL SUB come on-DET day OST-DIST-TOP]
that are going to come on that day.' (91.6.14-15)
(3) T-u-chi' a' nojja' Ue'-lo' yan-ell ... te' patal a-chi-tal-i'ij ..
at-3A-edge DET big water [OST-DIST EXIST-TOP] LOC ABIL 2A-lie-POSIT-LOC
'At the edge of that big lake that is there, there you can lie down' (91.14.67-68)
(4) kif u-tal a' winik .. [tun-man u-kiixiin-t-ej et u-tz'on-ej] . ...

when 3A-come DET man [DuRl3A-pass 3A-seek-TRN-DTS with 3A-gun-TOP]
'when the man comes that walks seeking it with his gun.' (91.16.54-55)
(5) I yo'lal a' paalje'-lo' .. [k-u-man t-aw-et-el-ell ..

and SUB DET child OST-DIST [INc-3A-pass to-2A-with-POS-TOP]
'And for that child that walks with you,
mentiik-ej ma' t-im-b'i-s-ik-ech. ..

therefore-TOP NEG DUR-ISG.A-go-CAUS-ITS-2SG.B.
for that I am not carrying you off.' (91.16.127-29)
(6) K-u-tak'-iil et-el a' .. k'uch [tz'aj-a'an men a' chiimach-ell ..

INC-3A-stick-IIS with-pos DET thread [put-PART by DET old.man-ToP]
'It sticks with (is stuck by) the thread placed by the old man,
I Keenan and Comrie's (1977) NP accession hierarchy is as follows: Subject> Direct

Object> Non-direct Object> Possessor.
i a' k'uchje'-lo' .. k-u-sut ... 'alaamb'rej-il et u-k'i'ix-el. ...

and DET thread OST-DIST INC-3A-change wire-ABsT with 3A-barb-pos
and that thread, it changes into wire with barbs.' (91.18.73-76)
(7) i tulakal a' kol-oo' [yan natz' .. t-u-b'aj-il-oo'-ell .. k-u-laj=b'el-oo' ti lu'um ..

and all DET milpa-PL [EXIST close to-3A-REFL-POS-PL-TOP] INC-3A-all=go-PL to earth
'and all of the milpas that are close to one another, they all went to earth,' (91.19.54-55)
(8) A' kol ... [naach ti kaj-ell .. yan u-b'et-ik mak u-naj-il. ...
DET milpa [far from town-ToP] OBLIG 3A-make-ITs person 3A-house-POs
'The milpa that is far from town, one has to make its house.' (91.20.138-40)
(9) la'ayti-oo' u-nukuch-il-oo' a' sold'aad'oj-oo' [b'in-oo'-ej]. ...

3IPR-PL 3A-big-poS-PL DET soldier-PL [go-PL-TOP]
'they were the leaders of the soldiers that went.' (91.4.91)
(10) A' paal [ma' jach polok je-b 'ix-en-ej] .. jok'-ij.

DET child [NEG very fat oST-like-IsG.B-TOP] leave-3SG.B
'The boy that isn't as fat as me left.'
(11) a' mak-oo' [kiij-a'an-oo' natz'-i'ij-ej] ..

DET person-PL [live-PART-PL close-LOC-TOP]
'the people that live close to there,
te' k-u-ch 'i'-ik-oo' wal u-che'-il

LOC INC-3A-take-ITS-PL maybe 3A-wood-pos
they took the (house's) wood there, perhaps,' (91.8.22-23)
(12) I ka' t-u-tutz'-aj-oo'jum=p'e mo'nok chem ...

and then cOM-3A-push-CTS-PL one=INAM small canoe
'And then they launched a canoe,
a' mak-oo' [k'och-oo' uy-il-a'-oo'-ej]. ...

DET person-PL [arrive-PL 3A-see-DTS-PL-TOP]
the people that arrived to see him.' (txt1.54-55)
(13) I ka' al-b'-oo' ti'ij men u-nojoch-il a' mak-oo' [kiij-a'an-oo' Tayasal-ej] ..
and when say-PAS-PL 3IOPR by 3A-big-pos DET person-PL [live-PART-PL PN-TOP]
'And they were told by the head man of the people living in Tayasal,' (92.3.133-34)
(14) t-uy-il-aj aj-noj b'a'alche' .. [wa'an chum uk kol-ell.

cOM-3A-see-CTS MASC-big animal [stand/PART mid milpa-ToP]
'he saw the big animal standing in the middle of the milpa' (91.15.19-20)
(15) b'ix ki-kiij-tal tulakal aj-meyaj-o'on .. [yan-o'on ... t-a' paarkej Tikal-ej]. ...
how INC/lpL.A-live-posIT all MASC-work-IPL.B [EXIST-lpL.B in-DET park PN-TOP]
'how we live, all of us workers that are in the park of Tikal.' (txt1.6-7)
22.2.2.1.2. Direct Object

Head nouns also often take the direct object role in a relative clause (1 )-( 6). In addition to
determiners (1)-(5), ostensive demonstratives may also modify relativized nouns (6) (cf. 11.5.1).
(1) Ii .. komo jach yaab' ... a'ja' [t-inw-uk'-aj-ej] ...

and as very much DET water [coM-lsG.A-drink-CTS-TOP]
'And, as it was a lot of (fire )water that I drank,
t-u-kal-t-es-aj-een . ...
cOM-3A-drunk-TRN-CAUS-CTS-l SG.B
it made me drunk.' (91.3.7-8)
(2) te' wa'an a' noj keej ... [t-u-tz'on-aj xan-ej] . ..

LOC stand/PART DET big deer [cOM-3A-shoot-CTS also-ToP]
'there is standing the big deer that he shot too.' (91.15.91-92)
(3) ka' kap-oo' ti ok'-ol .. et-el u-ki'-il uy-ool [k-uy-ub'-ik-oo'-ej]. ...

then begin-PL SUB cry-NOM with-pos 3A-good-ABST 3A-spirit [INc-3A-feel-ITs-PL-TOP]
'then they began to cry with the happiness they felt.' (91.15.173-74)
(4) Pero aj-tz'on-ej ... ich u-sat-al-il uy-ool

but MASC-shoot-TOP in 3A-Iose-PART-ABST 3A-mind
'But the hunter, in his loss of sense
et a' chokwil .. [k-u-tz'ik ti'ij-ej] ...

with DET fever [INC-3A-give/JTs 3IOPR-TOP]
with the fever that he gave him,
ka' kap(-ij) u-tzikb'a(l)-t-ej t-uy-iitan ..

then begin(-3sG.B) 3A-tell-TRN-DTS to-3A-wife
then he began to tell it to his wife,' (91.16.151-54)
(5) Te'-lo' yan a' winik [k-in-kiix-t-ik-ej]

LOC-DIST EXIST DET man [INC-1SG.A-seek-TRN-JTS-TOP]
'There is the man that I am seeking.'
(6) Je'-Ia' winik [k-in-kiix-t-ik-ej].

OST-PROX man [INC-lsG.A-seek-TRN-JTS-TOP]
'Here is the man I seek.'
22.2.2.1.3. Indirect Object

Relativized nouns may also be in indirect-object role marked by the indirect-object
pronoun at the end of the relative clause in the structure: NP + [relative + IOPR-TOP] (1 )-(2) (cf.
2.2.2, 11.3).
(1) A' winik [t-in-tz'aj tak'in ti'ij-ej] .. b'in-ij.

DET man [cOM-1SG.A-give/cTs money 3IOPR-TOP] go-3SG.B
'The man that I gave money to left.'
(2) A' winik [t-in-siy-lij a' pek' ti'ij-ej] .. kim-ij.

DET man [coM-1SG.A-give-cTs DET dog 3IOPR-TOP] die-3SG.B
'The man that I gave the dog to died.'
22.2.2.1.4. Possessor
Head nouns that have the possessor case role may also be relativized (1 )-(2).
(1) ke a' winik Uach .. yaj u-k'oj-a 'an-ii-ell .. yan u-kuch-b '-ul ..
SUB DET man [very bad 3A-sick-PART-ABST-TOP] OBLIG 3A-1oad-PAS-IIS
'that the man, whose sickness is very bad, he has to be loaded,' (91.22.244-45)
(2) A' winik [t-in-miin-aj u-k'ek'en-ell .. b'in-ij.

DETman [coM-1SG.A-buy-CTS 3A-pig-TOP] go-3SG.B
The man whose pig I bought went.'
22.2.2.1.5. Oblique
Like the indirect object case role (cf. 22.2.2.1.4), other oblique case roles may be
indicated by a relational noun or preposition ocurring at the end of the relative clause but before
the topic marker in the structure: NP + [relative PREP-TOP] (1)-(2) (cf. 4.2.6, 4.6.1, 13.2,
22.2.2.2.3). A comitative role is indicated in (1) by (y)etel, 'with', and an indirect causal
relationship is indicated in (2) by yo 'lal. Oblique agents are generally marked by men (cf.
16.3.1), but this marker is not used to indicate case roles of head nouns within relative clauses.
(1) A' winik [tal-ij in-kik (y- )et-el-ell .. bin-ij.

DET man [come-3SG.B 1SG.A-older.sister (3A-)with-POS-TOP] go-3SG.B
'The man my older sister came with went.'
(2) A' winik [kin-sii-b '-ij in-k'ek'en y-o'l-al-ell .. b'in-ij

DET man [die-cAus-PAS-3sG.B 1SG.A-pig 3A-over-pos-TOP] go-3SG.B
'The man my pig was killed because of went.'
22.2.2.2. With Relative Pronouns

A relative pronoun may appear at the beginning of the relative clause in the structure:
Modifier + N [(+ DET) + REL.PR relative-TOP]. The relative pronoun is optionally preceded by
the determiner when it refers to a specific referent identified in discourse or otherwise accessible.
Relative pronoun constructions may be used for nouns in any case role but are more likely when
there is potential difficulty in decoding case relations, especially for case roles lower in the NP
accession hierarchy, such as locative, temporal, and other oblique case relations (Keenan and
Comrie 1977).
22.2.2.2.1. maax, 'who'

The relative pronoun maax, 'who' (which often shortens to max), may follow the head
noun or the determiner for human referents (1)-(19). The head noun may be in any primary case
role and the relative pronoun and/or the determiner are not required (cf. 22.2.2.1). Subject role
(1)-(4) and direct object role (5)-(6) often appear without a relative pronoun. As shown in (4),
determiner-relative pronoun relative clauses also occur in constructions without a head noun (cf.
22.3).
Subject
(1) T-inw-il-aj a' winik [(maax) t-u-kin-s-aj a' b'alum-oo'-ej].

COM-1SG.A-see-CTS DET man [(who) cOM-3A-die-cAus-CTS DET jaguar-PL-TOP]
'I saw the man who killed the jaguars.'
(2) K-u-jok'-ol yum-il ... [(maax) t-u-k'at-aj-ej] . ...

INC-3A-Ieave-lls 3A1owner-POS [(who) cOM-3A-ask-CTS-TOP]
'The owner who asked for it comes out.' (91.23.178-79)
(3) A' winik [a' (maax) tal-ij et-el uy-iitan-e] .. bin-ij.

DET man [DET (who) come-3SG.B with-pos 3A-wife-TOP] go-3SG.B
'The man, the one who came with his wife, died.'
(4) k-u-ch'iik-ik mak che' .. k-u-ch'iik-ik mak xa'an ...

INC-3A-cut-ITS person wood INC-3A-cut-ITS person thatch
'one cuts logs, one cuts thatch,
[a' max ma' uy-ojel ke ma' ki'-ell ... k-u-b'et-ik. ...

[DET who NEG-3A-know SUB NEG good-TOP] INC-3A-do-ITS
he who doesn't know that it isn't good, he does it.' (91.21.40-44)
Direct Object
(5) A ' winik [(a ~ maax t-aw-il-aj-ell b'in-ij.

DET man [(DET) who cOM-2SG.A-see-CTs-TOP] go-3SG.B
'The man, (the one) who you saw, went.'
(6) Ix-ch'up [(a~ max t-inw-u'y-aj-ell tan-u-b'el t-uy-otoch.

FEM-woman [(DET) who COM-lsG.A-hear-CTs-TOP] DUR-3A-go to-3A-home.
'The woman who I heard was going to her house.'
With indirect object role, the indirect object pronoun ti'i) may (or must) also appear
immediately after maax (8), (10), or at the end of the relative clause (9), (11). When the relative
pronoun is absent, ti'i} only occurs at the end of the relative clause (cf. 22.2.2.1.3). ti'i} is
required when case relations would be unclear without it, such as with the single-argument
subordinate predicates in (10)-(11). ti'i} may indicate both recipient and source, which may give
rise to ambiguity (12).
Indirect Objects
(7) A' winik [(a~ max t-in-siy-aj im-pek'-ell .. kim-i).

DET man [(DET) who COM-lSG.A-give-cTS ISG.A-dog-TOP] die-3SG.B
'The man (the one) whom I gave the dog died.'
(8) A' winik [(a~ max (ti'il) t-in-tiika'-t-aj jU'um-ej] .. kim-i).

DET man [(DET) who (3IOPR) COM-lSG.A-send-TRN-CTS paper-TOP] die-3sG.B
'The man (the one) (to) whom I sent a letter died.'
(9) A' winik [(a~ max t-in-tz'aj a' ixi'im (t;';j)-ell .. ma' t-u-k'iim-aj.
DET man [(DET) who COM-lSG.A-give/cTS DET corn (3IOPR)-TOP] NEG cOM-3A-want-CTS
'The man (the one) I gave corn (to) didn't want it.'
(10) A' winik [(a~ max ti'ij meyaj-n-aj-een-ell kim-i).

DET man [(DET) who 3IOPR work-AP-CIS-lsG.B-TOP] die-3sG.B
'The man (the one) for whom I worked died.'
(11) A' winik [(a~ max meyaj-n-aj-een ti'ij-ell kim-i).

DET man [(DET) who work-AP-CIS-ISG.B 3IOPR-TOP] go-3SG.B
'The man (the one) for whom I worked died.'
(12) A' winik [(a~ max (ti'i.J) t-in-miin-aj a' k'ek'en-ell tal-i).
DET man [(DET) who (3IOPR) COM-lsG.A-buy-CTS DET pig-TOP] go-3SG.B
'The man (the one) whom I bought the pig for (or from) came.'
Relativization of possessor is indicated by the possessive Set A pronoun on a possessed

noun (13)-(14) (cf. 22.2.2.1.4). A comitative relationship may be indicated with the relational
noun etel (15)-(16). etel may appear after maax (15) or at the end of the relative clause (16). If the
relative pronoun is deleted, (y)etel must occur clause-fmally (cf. 22.2.2.1.5). Objects of
comparison can also be relativized (17). The determiner is preferred and the relative pronoun is
required in this construction. Oblique agents are not directly relativized but can be indirectly
relativized withyo'lal (18)-(19) (cf. 22.2.2.1.5). As with other obliques, the case marker,yo'lal,
may occur after the relative pronoun or clause-fmally, but it must appear clause-fmally if the
relative pronoun is deleted.
Possessor
(13) A' winik [(a') max yan ten u-tz'on-ell tal-ij.

OETman [(OET) who EXIST ISG.IOPR3A-gun-TOP] come-3SG.B
'The man (the one) whose gun I have came.'
(14) A' winik [(a') max t-inw-il-aj u-pek'-ej] tal-ij.

OET man [(OET) who COM-lSG-see-CTS 3A-dog-TOP] come-3SG.B
'The man (the one) whose dog I saw came.'
Comitative
(15) A' winik [(a') max (y-)et-el tal-i) in-kik-ej] .. bin-i).

OET man [(OET) who (3A-)with-pos come-3SG.B ISG.A-older.sister-TOP] go-3SG.B
'The man with whom my older sister came went.'
(16) A' winik [(a') max tal-i) in-kik (y- )et-el-ell .. bin-i).
DET man [(DET) who come-3SG.B ISG.A-older.sister (3A-)with-POS-TOP] go-3SG.B
'The man whom my older sister came with went.'
Object of Comparison
(17) A' winik [(a') ma(a)x mas uchb'en-en-ej] .. b'in-i).

OET man [OET who more old-lsG.B-TOP] go-3SG.B
'The man than whom I am older went.'
Indirect Cause
(18) A' winik [(a') max y-o 'I-al kin-sii-b'-i) in-k'ek'en-ell .. b'in-i)
DET man [(OET) who 3A-over-POS die-cAus-PAS-3sG.B ISG.A-pig-TOP] go-3SG.B
'The man because of whom my pig was killed went.'
(19) A' winik [(a') max kin-sii-b'-i) in-k'ek'en y-o 'I-ai-ell .. b'in-i)
OET man [(OET) who die-cAus-PAS-3sG.B ISG.A-pig 3A-over-POS-TOP] go-3SG.B
'The man because of whom my pig was killed went.'
22.2.2.2.2. b'a'ax, 'what'

B'a'ax, 'what', 'thing', is a common relative pronoun for inanirnates in subject roles (1)-(5)
and direct object roles (6)-(12). Unlike maax, 'who', which generally follows a head noun (cf.
22.2.2.2.l), b'a'ax usually appears without a separate nominal and is preceded by the determiner,
as in (1)-(12). B'a'ax may appear without the preceding determiner when it is followed by a
reduced relative clause (13) (cf. 22.3).
(1) Ii [a' b'a'ax uch-i) to'on-ej] ..

and [OET thing happen-3sG.B IPL.lOPR-TOP]
'And the thing that happened to us
kee u-b'a'al in-tz'on-ej ma' wak'-ij. ...

SUB 3A-bullet ISG.A-gun-ToP NEG explode-3SG.B
is that the cartridge of my gun didn't explode.' (91.11.62-64)
(2) Chen in-tech aw-ojel [a' b'a'axje'-la' uch-iOJ tech-ej] . ..

only EMP-2SG.IPR 2A-know [DET thing OST-PROX happen-3sG.B 2SG.IOPR-TOP]
'Only you know this thing that happened to you.' (91.16.145-46)
(3) tulakal [a' b'a'ax k-u-jan-b'-iil-ej] ... patal u-piik'-ik mak ..

all [DET thing INC-3A-eat-PAS-IIS-TOP] ABIL 3A-plant-ITS person
'all the things that are eaten, one can plant' (91.20.58-59)
(4) u-yum-il tulakal [a' b'a'ax-oo'-tak .. p'at-iOJ y-alam a' naj-ej] ..

3A-owner-pos all [DET thing-PL-PL remain-3SG.B 3A-below DET cabana-ToP]
'the owner of all the things that remained below the cabana,' (txt 1.182-83)
(5) I b'ay-lo' p'at-ij ... u-kweentoj-il [a' b 'a'ax uch-ij ti'ij-e,1 ..

and like-DIST remain-3SG.B 3A-story-POS [DET what happen-3SG.B 3IOPR-TOP]
'And thus ended the story of what happened to him,' (92.3.157-58)
(6) chen ten inw-ojel [a' b'a'ax t-inw-il-aj ich k'aax-ej]. ...
only ISG.IPR ISG.A-know [DET what COM-lSG.A-see-CTS in forest-ToP]
'only I know what I saw in the forest,' (91.2.94-95)
(7) ka' kap-een in-tzikb'al-t-ej ti'ij ...

when begin-ISG.B ISG.A-tell-TRN-DTS 3IOPR
'when I began to tell it to them,
[a' b'a'ax .. t-inw-u'y-aj ich k'aax-ej]. ...

[DET thing COM-lSG.A-hear-cTS in forest-ToP]
what I heard inside the forest.' (91.2.99-100)
(8) i yan-aj-ij to'on ta'k'in ti('ij) ki-laj=b'o'-t-ik-al a' pax ..

and EXIST -CIS-3SG.B IPL.IOPR money SUB 1pL.A-all=pay-TRN-ITS-SUB DET music
'and we had money to completely pay for the music,
tulakal [a' b'a'ax ti-ki-miin-aj-ej]. ...

all [DET thing COM-lpL.A-buy-CTS-TOP]
everything that we bought.' (91.9.37-39)
(9) ki-b'el ti xi'mal .. kik-il-a' [a' b'a'ax kiw-i/-ik ... ich a' k'aax-ej]. ...
IPL.A-go SUB walk IpL.A-See-DTS [DET what INc/lpL.A-See-ITS in DET forest-ToP]
'we're going to walk to see what we can see in the forest.' (91.13.29-32)
(10) Ja'/i b'ay-lo' patal u-b'o'-t-ik tech [a' b'a'ax t-u-b'et-aj tech-ej]. ...
only thus-DIST ABIL 3A-pay-TRN-ITS 2SG.IOPR [DET what COM-3A-do-CTS 2SG.IOPR-TOP]
'Only in that way can he pay you for what he did to you.' (91.14.83-84)
(11) [A' b 'a'ax t-u-b'et-aj a' keej-ej] ka' tal-ij .. tun-siit' ...
[DET whatCOM-3A-do-CTS DET deer-TOP] then come-3SG.B DuRl3A-jump
What the deer did was then it came jumping (91.15.26-28)
(12) ka' kap(-ij) u-tzikb'a(l)-t-ej t-uy-iitan .. [a' b'a'ax t-uy-il-aj-ell ...

then begin(-3S0.B) 3A-tell-TRN-DTS to-3A-wife [DET thing cOM-3A-see-CTS-TOP]
'then he began to tell to his wife the thing that he saw,' (91.16.154-55)
(13) ka' t-uy-a'l-aj-oo' ti'ij b'a'ax [a' uch-ij ti'ij-oo'-ej] ...

when cOM-3A-say-cTs-PL 3IOPR what [DET happen-3sG.8 3IOPR-PL-TOP]
'when they told him what it was that happened to them,' (92.3.130-31)
22.2.2.2.3. tu'ux, 'where'

Locative and related case relations may be indicated with relative clauses marked by
tu'ux, 'where'. Most commonly, tu'ux follows a defmite NP, and the relative clause contains
locational information to help identify it in the structure: NP[+definitej + [tu'ux + relative-TOP] (1)-
(9) (Hofling 1982: 1OOff.). In addition to clearly locative relative clauses, oblique relations
including the instrumental may be indicated by information in relative clauses with tu'ux (10)-
(II). When the relative clause refers to given, definite, locational information, the determiner may
appear with tu'ux in the structure: NP[+definitej + [DET + tu'ux + relative-TOP] (12)-(13).
(1) A' kaj [tu'uxjok'-een-eJljach nojoch.

DET town [where leave-I SG.8-TOP] very big
'The town where I came from is very big.'
(2) tumen a' naj [tu'ux .. kiij-a'an-il-elljach chokoj .

. because DET house [where live-PART-FOC-TOP] very hot
'because the house where he lives is very hot.' (91.1.36)
(3) B'in-een tulakal t-a' noj b'ej [tu'ux k-in-meyaj-ej]. ...

go-ISG.8 all on DET big road [where INC-ISG.A-work-TOP]
(4) 'aasta ka' man-ij u-k'as-il inw-ool .. [tu'ux 'al-aj-iO) im-pol-ell ...
until when pasS-3SG.8 3A-bad-pos ISG.A-self [where heavy-cIS-3sG.8 ISG.A-head-TOP]
'until my weakness passed, where my head hurt.' (91.2.84-85)
(5) A' b'ej .. [tu'ux k-im-b'el ti meyaj-ej] ... tz'o-tz'op-ki et-elluk'. ...
DET road [where INC-lsG.A-go SUB work-ToP] REDUP-mushy-ADJ with-pos mud
'The road where I go to work is mushy with mud.' (91.5.4-6)
(6) ka' .. ti wa'-l-aj-een ma'lo' ..

then COM stand-POSIT-cIs-I SG.8 well
'and I stood well
t-u-chun [tu'ux yan u-telchaak-i/ a' che '-ell ..

on-3A-trunk [where EXIST 3A-buttress-pos DET tree-TOP]
on the trunk where the tree has its buttresses.' (91.10.81-82)
(7) porke lub'-een lele'kal ... ich-il tulakal u-se'es

because fall-lsG.8 headfirst in-POS all3A-chips
'because I fell headfirst among all the chips
a' che' [tu'uxjo'm-ij in-xot'-ik-ell ..

DET branch [where fmish-3SG.8 ISG.A-cut-ITS-TOP]
of the tree where I finished cutting it,' (91.10.95-97)
(8) I a'-ka' ti p'ik-ij u-chun a' che' [tu'ux t-in-yul-aj-ell ...

and DET-when COM snap-3SG.B 3A-trunk DET tree [where cOM-1 SG.A-trim-CTS-TOP]
'And when the trunk of the tree snapped where I trimmed it,
i ten-ej wa'an-en t-u-chun [tu'ux .. yan a' ..

and lSG.IPR-TOP standiPART-1SG.B at-3A-trunk [where EXIST DET
and I am standing on the trunk where there are the
nukuch u-telchaak-il u-chun a' che'-ell ...

big 3A-buttress-POS 3A-trunk DET tree-TOP]
big buttresses of the trunk of the tree.'
(9) tulakal in-niik' ij in-tzem-ej .. tun-chul-b'aj u-k'ik'-el ..

all1SG.A-stomach and lSG.A-chest-TOP DuRl3A-drip-AFv 3A-blood-pos
'all of my stomach and my chest were dripping blood
[tu'ux t-u-xot'-aj-en tak u-tzeel a' che' .. [tu'ux lub'-een-elll ...

[where COM-3A-cut-CTS-1SG.B up.to 3A-splinters DET tree [where fall-1SG.B-TOP]]
where it cut me on the splinters of the tree where I fell.' (91.10.104-7)
(10) A' b'aat [tu'ux t-in-ch'iik-aj a' che'-ell .. kach-i ten.

DET ax [where COM-1sG.A-cut-CTS DET tree-TOP] break-3SG.B lSG.IOPR
'The ax with which I cut the tree broke on me.'
(11) tulakal u-kolojche'-il .. [tu'ux .. kot-a'an a' naj-ell ... laj okol-a'an . ...
aIl3A-house.posts-pos [where enclose-PART DET house-TOP] all steal-PART
'all the house posts where (with which) the house is walled in, are all stolen.' (91.8.17-19)
(12) ka' kap-een in-tichk'ak'-t-ej tulakal u-b'aak'

then begin-1sG.B lSG.A-illuminate-TRN-DTS a1l3A-perimeter
'then I began to illuminate all its perimeter
[a' tu'ux k-in-b'el t-im-man-ell ...

[DET where INC-1sG.A-go DUR-1SG.A-pass-TOP]
where I was walking.' (91.2.14-15)
(13) Tumen u-kuuch [a' tu'ux yan a' ja '-ell .. jach tz'op-ot ...
because 3A-place [DET where EXIST DET water-TOP] very swampy-ADJ
'Because their place where the water is, is very swampy' (91.10.7-9)
Headless locative clauses with tu'ux are also common (14)-(22). These include examples
without the determiner, where the relative clause indicates new or supplementary locational
information (14)-(16) (cf. 22.3). Headless relatives referring to definite information with the a'
tu'ux ... -e' frame also occur (17)-(20). Headless indefmite relatives withjetu'uxak ... -e',
'wheresoever', are shown in (21)-(22) (cf. 22.2.1.2). tu'ux clauses may also function as objects
without the fmal topic-framing particle (23) (cf. 23.2.2).
(14) ka' t-u-ch'a'-aj .. a' b'ejje'-la' k-u-nak'-iil .. [tu'ux .. k-u-b'el tak ..

then cOM-3A-take-cTs DET road OST-PROX INc-3A-rise-IIs [where INC-3A-go til
'then she took this road (in front of house) that rises where it goes up to
[tu'ux k-u-muk-b'-ul a' kimen-oo'-ej]]. ...

[where INC-3A-bury-PAS-IIS DET dead-PL-TOP]]
where the dead are buried (the cemetery).' (91.3.43-46)
(15) ka' k'och-een [tu'uxyanjum=p'e noj che' .. lub'-al-ej] ..

then arrive-lsG.s [where EXIST one=INAM big tree fall-PART-TOP]
'and I arrived where there is a big fallen tree' (91.2.80-81)
(16) In-ten-ej yan in-b'en-il .. in-jeb'-m-aj ..

EMP-lSG.IPR-TOP EXIST ISG.A-path-pos ISG.A-clear-PERF-CTS
'Me, I have my path that I have cleared
[tu'ux k-in-jok'-ol ... [tu'ux yan a' .. muknal a' .. kimen-oo' 'uchb'en-oo' ..
[where INC-lSG.A-leave-IIS [where EXIST DET grave DET dead-PL old-PL
where I go out where there are the graves of the ancient dead
[tu'ux k-in-kiimin-t-ik-ell]]. ...

[where INC-lSG.A-guard-TRN-ITS-TOP]]]
where I guard it.' (91.11.37-41)
(17) I [a' tu'ux xu'l-ij u-telchaak-il-ell te' t-in-yul-aj-i'ij. ...

and [DET where end-3sG.s 3A-buttress-pos-TOP] LOC COM-lSG.A-triro-CTS-LOC
'And (the place) where the buttresses ended, there I trimmed it.' (91.10.73-79)
(18) T-inw-il-aj [a' tu'ux b'in-eech-ell

cOM-lsG.A-see-cTs [DETwhere go-2SG.S-TOP]
'I saw the (place) where you went.'
(19) A '-ka' k'och-een .. [a' tu'ux t-inw-il-aj u-lub '-ul-ell ...

DET-when arrive-lSG.s [DET where COM-lSG.A-see-CTS 3A-fall-Ils-TOP]
'When I arrived where I saw it fall,
a' b'a'alche'-ej .. ma'an t-u-kuuch-il. ...

the animal wasn't in its place.' (91.2.23-26)
(20) Lub'-een [a' tu'ux lub'-een-ell te' p'at-een t-in-wen-el-i'ij. ...

fall-lSG.s [DET where fall-lsG.B-TOP] LOC remain-lSG.B DUR-lsG.A-sleep-IIs-LOC
'I fell where I fell, there I stayed sleeping.' (91.3.14-16)
(21) Ue-tu'ux-ak ka' xi'ik-oo'-elljach yaab' mak.

[osT-where-IRREAL SUB gO/DiS-PL-TOP] very many person
(22) Tumen ma' Ue'-tu'ux-ak patal u-piik'-ik mak a' ixi'im-ell ..

because NEG [OST-where-IRREAL ABIL 3A-plant-ITs person DET com-ToP]
'Because not just any place can one plant maize,
yan u-k'a'ool-t-ik mak .. a'lu'um [tu'ux patal u-piik'-ik mak-ell ...

OBLIG 3A-know-TRN-ITS person DET land [where ABIL 3A-plant-lTs person-TOP]
one must know the land where one can plant it.' (91.20.22-24)
(23) T-inw-il-aj tu'ux b'in-eech.

COM-lsG.A-see-CTS where go-2SG.B
'I saw where you went.'
22.2.2.2.4 ka', kil, 'when'

Temporal relative clauses are typically framed by an initial temporal adverb, often ka', or
22. RELA TIVE CLA USES 481
kil, 'when', and the terminal topic marker -e' (1)-(8). Temporal relative clauses may follow a head
noun in the structure: DET + N + [ka'/kil + relative-TOP] (1)-(4). Ka' is used in the completive
and dependent statuses, as in (1)-(2), while kil is used with verbs in the incompletive status, as in
(3) (cf. 24.1). With the future auxiliary, (b'e/) uka'aj (cf. 15.4.2.1), the relative pronoun is
absent or the general relative marker kej, 'that', appears, as in (4). ka' and kil may appear without
the determiner or head noun when providing information about a new or indefmite time (5)-(6) or
with the determiner alone, when describing a definite or previously mentioned time (7)-(8).
Temporal relative clauses usually are headless and function adverbially, as described in 24.1.
(I) a' k'in [ka' kim-ik-en-ejl ... b'el in-ka'a ti muk-b'-ul ket t-aw-et-el ...
DET day [when die-DIS-1sG.B-TOP] go lSG.A-go SUB bury-PAS-IIS together to-2A-with-pos
'the day that I die, I am going to be buried together with you' (91.17.11-12)
(2) A' k'in [ka'jok'-een ... t-u-noj kaj-i) Gwatemaalaj-ejl ... ka' tal-een ...
DET day [when arrive-1SG.B to-3A-big town-POS PN-TOP] then come-1SG.B
'The day that I left to Guatemala City, then I came,' (92.2.2-4)
(3) A' k'in [k(il}-u-chun-ik u-meyaj-ej] ... u-ka'aj u-jan-t-ej b'iik'.

DET day [when-3A-begin-ITs 3A-work-TOP] 3A-go 3A-eat-TRN-DTS meat
'The day he begins his work, he is going to eat meat.'
(4) I ki-mol-ik ki-b'aj a' k'in .. [(kej) b'el ki-ka'a

and IpL.A-collect-ITs 1PL.A-REFL DET day [(SUB) go 1PL.A-go
'And we meet the day that we are going
ki-chun-u' ki-meyaj-ell
IPL.A begin-DTs 1pL.A-Work-ToP]
to begin our work.' (91.9.52-53)
(5) [Kil u-miich-ik mak a' b'ej-ej] .. puuro chen luk' .. luk'. ..
[when 3A-take-ITs person DET road-TOP] pure only mud mud
'When one takes the road, it's only mud! mud!' (91.5.20-21)
(6) I ma' sam-ij k-u-b'el-ej .. [ka' t-uy-il-aj-oo' b'in-ejl ..

and NEG while-3sG.B INC-3A-go-TOP [when cOM-3A-see-CTS-PL REPORT-TOP]
'And a little while after she went, then they saw it, they say,' (91.3.38-39)
(7) I aj-Wit'-oo'-ej ... [a' kil u-putz'-ul-oo'-ejl ...

and MASC-PN-PL-TOP [DET-when 3A-flee-lls-PL-TOP]
'And the Wit's, when they flee,
[a' kil u-k'och-ol-oo' t-a' lu'um-oo' waYe'-ejl .. k-u-miich-ik-oo' .. ix-ch'up-oo' ..

[DET-when 3A-arrive-lls-PL in-DET 1and-PL here-TOP] INc-3A-grab-ITs-PL FEM-woman-PL
when they arrive here, they grab the women,' (txt2.42-45)
(8) Ka't-in-tz'on-aj. ... [A '-ka' wak'-i) in-tz'on-ejl ..

then COM-1SG.A-shoot-CTS [DET-when explode-3sG.B lSG.A-gun-ToP]
'Then I shot it. When my gun fired,
chen t-inw-il-aj .. tu'ux lik'-i) u-siit' ... i lub'-i) . ...

just COM-1SG.A-see-CTS where rise-3SG.B 3A-jump and fall-3sG.B
I just saw where it jumped up and it fell.' (91.2.18-22)
22.3. Reduced Relative Clauses

Head nouns may be deleted from relative clauses beginning with the determiner (1)-(5)
(cf. 22.2.2.2). The relative pronoun may be present, as in (1)-(2), or deleted as well, as in (3)-(6).
The relative pronoun may also be deleted when the head noun is present (7). Other parts of the
relative clause that are understood from context may also be deleted, as in (8)-(9), where verbs are
absent.
(1) Ice u-paal a' rey kim-en ..

that 3A-child OET king die-ADJ
'that the child of the king was dead,
i [a' max k(a'}-u-kux-kin-t-ej-ell ... k-u-tz'a-b'-iil uy-iitan-t-ej. ..

and [OET who SUB 3A-live-cAus-TRN-OTS-TOP] INC-3A-give-PAs-IIS 3A-wife-TRN-oTS
and whoever revives her, she is given to be his wife.' (91.17.193-95)
(2) A' .. prosesiyoon-e' k-u-b'el t-uy-otoch [a' max u-k'a't-ij-eJ1. ...

OET procession-ToP INC-3A-go to-3A-home [OET who 3A-want-Ts-TOP]
'The procession goes to the houses of those who want it.'
(3) ke la'ayti' u-si'p-iI t-u-jaj-iI [a' tuny-aal-b'-ii(l) ti'ij-eJ1. ...

SUB 3IPR 3A-crime-pos to-3A-true-ABST [OET ouRl3A-say-PAs-IIS 3IOPR-TOP]
'that it is his crime truly, what was being said to him.' (91.15.115-16)
(4) [a' tan-u-wach '-iii-ell ya ma' tan-u-tz'ik mix=b'a 'al.

[OET oUR-3A-tassel-IIS-TOP] then NEG oUR-3A-give/ITS NEG=thing
'that which is tasseling isn't giving anything then.' (91.24.88-89)
(5) Tulakal [a' k-u-laj=men-t-ik-oo' uy-otoch-ell ..

all [OET INC-3A-all=make-TRN-ITS-PL 3A-home-TOP]
'All of them that are completely making their homes
tu'umb'en naO) k-u-ka'=men-t-ik-oo'. ..

new house INC-3A-REPET=make-TRN-ITS-PL
are making new houses again.' (91.24.432-33)
(6) I aj-Wit'-oo'-ej ... b'in-oo' ... [a' ma' kim-oo'-ell .. putz'-oo'. ..

and MASC-PN-PL-TOP gO-PL [OET NEG die-PL-TOP] flee-PL
'And the Wit's, they went, those that didn't die, fled.' (txt2.166-69)
(7) A' w;n;k [a' tal-ij in-kik et-el-ell .. bin-ij.

OET man [OET come-3SG.B 1SG.A-older.sister with-pos-TOP] go-3SG.B
'The man, the one my older sister came with, went.'
(8) a' k';n ... [ke D'iyos k-u-tz'ik ten a' b'a'alche' t-in b'en-il-ell ..
DET day [SUB God INC-3A-give/ITs ISG.IOPR DET animal in-1SG.A-path-pos-TOP]
'on the day that God gives me the animal on my path
k-in-tz'on-ik ... i a' k';n [ma'-ell pwes .. ma' t-in-tz'on-ik mix=b'a'al. ...
INC-1SG.A-shoot-ITS and OET day [NEG-TOP] well NEG INC-1SG.A-shoot-ITS NEG=thing
I shoot it, and the day that he doesn't, well, I don't shoot anything.' (91.16.13-17)
(9) A' winik-ej k-u-b 'et-ik [a' b'a'ax patal-ej]

OET man-TOP INC-3A-do-ITS [OET thing ABIL-TOP]
'The man does what he can.'
22.4. Constrastive-focus Constructions

Nominals in any major case role may be fronted and followed by a relative clause to
mark contrastive focus in equational constructions, usually without relative pronouns (1)-(18) (cf.
8.1.2.2, 9.11, 17.5). Frequently an independent pronoun and/or demonstrative pronoun is
fronted (cf. 11.2.1.2, 11.5). Examples in subject case role appear in (1)-(3). Examples with
contrastively focused nominals in direct object case role are shown in (4)-(12). In (12), the
focused pronoun is in direct object case role preceding a reduced relative clause where the verb
has been deleted. Focused pronouns may also appear in indirect object and oblique roles (13)-
(15).
(I) Kon ke tech aj-tz'on-ech-ej ..

with that 2SG.IPR MASC-shoot-2sG.B-TOP
in-tech a' winik-ech [k-a-senkech-tz'on-ik a' im-b'a'alche'-oo'-ell ...

EMP-2SG.lPR DET man-2SG.B [INC-2A-much-shoot-ITS DET ISG.A-anirnal-PL-ToP]
you are the man that so often shoots the animals.' (91.15.97-99)
(2) I la'ayt(i~ a'-lo' [k'iij-a'an ten-ej] . ..

and 3IPR DET-DIST [remember-PART ISG.IOPR-TOP]
'And it is that, that I remember.' (91.15.221-22)
(3) A' muchiilaj-oo' je'-lo '-ej la 'ayti' [k-u-b 'el ti k'ab 'eet-tal t-a' chikleeroj-ell ...
DET bag-PL OST-DIST-TOP 3IPR [INC-3A-go SUB need-INCH to-DET chiclero-TOP]
'Those bags, it's them that are going to be needed by the chiclero.' (91.22.110-11)
(4) I la'ayt(i~ a'-lo' [(a' ba'a'x) k-in-tzikb'al-t-ik tech-ell ...

and 3IPR DET-DIST [(DET what) INC-lsG.A-say-TRN-ITS 2SG.lOPR-TOP]
'And it is that, that I say to you' (91.15.225-26)
(5) La'ayt(i~ a'-lo' [u-k'a't-ij a' mak-oo'-ej] ..

3IPR DET-DIST [3A-want-Ts DET person-PL-TOP]
'It is that, that the people want,' (91.9.41)
(6) Ja'l(i? a' meyajje'-lo' [t-im-b'et-aj-ej] ka' tal-een t-inw-otoch . ...

onlYDET work OST-DIST [coM-lsG.A-do-CTS-TOP] then come-1SG.B to-1SG.A-home
'It's only that work that I did, then I went to my home.' (91.10.124-25)
(7) Ma' t-inw-il-ik ma'lo' .. komo chen uy-ich [a' .. k-in-tich'k'ak'-t-ik-ell ...
NEG DUR-1SG.A-see-ITS well since only 3A-eye [DET INC-1SG.A-illuminate-TRN-ITS-TOP]
'I'm not seeing it well since it's only its eyes that I am lighting.' (91.11.50-52)
(8) Tulakal a' nukuch niil tulis-ej .. la'ayti' a'-lo' [k-u-b'el u-yej-t-ej mak-ej]
all DET big ear whole-TOP 3IPR DET-DIST [INC-3A-go 3A-pick-TRN-DTS person-TOP]
'All of the big ears that are whole, it's those that one is going to pick out' (91.20.131-32)
(10) Chen a'-lo' [tak inw-a'l-ik-ell ...

only DET-DIST [DES-IsG.A-say-ITS-TOP]
'Only that I want to say,' (92.2.137)
(11) Pwes .. la'ayti' [a' k-inw-a'l-ik-ell uch-ak ma' .. u-b'et-ik k'in.

we1l3IPR [DET INC-ISG.A-say-ITs-TOP] happen-DIS NEG 3A-make-ITS sun
'Well, that is what I am saying, perhaps it won't make summer.' (91.24.139-40)
(12) yan u-kax-t-ik tu'ux u-jan-a/. ... La'ayti a '-10' [yan-ej] . ..

OBLIG 3A-seek-TRN-ITS where 3A-eat-NOM 3IPR DET-D1ST [OBLIG-TOP]
'it has to look for a place to eat. It is that that it must do.' (91.24.396-98)
(13) La'ayti' a '-10 , [a' t-in-tz'aj in-tz'on ti'ij-ell

3IPR DET-D1ST [DET cOM-IsG.A-give/cTs ISG.A-gun 3IOPR-TOP]
'It is that one that I gave my gun to.'
(14) La'ayti' [a' tal-een y-et-el-ell

3IPR [DETcome-lsG.B 3A-with-POS-TOP]
'He is the one I came with.'
(15) porke chen a'-lo' [u-meyaj-ell

because only DET-D1ST [3A-work-ToP]
'because only that is his work,
chen a'-lo' [tu'ux k-u-kux-tal-ell ...

only DET-D1ST [where INC-3A-live-POSIT-TOP]
only that was where he makes a living.' (91.15.15-16)
Temporal nouns may also be contrastively focused (16)-(18). In these constructions, the
nominal is present, unlike many temporal relative clauses (cf. 24.1, 22.2.2.2.4). Locatives may
also enter into contrastive-focus constructions, either with the proximal deictic waye' (19)-(20) or
the distal deictic te' (21)-(23) (cf. 12.1, 12.2).
(16) La'ayti'-ej .. t-u-t'an-ej

3IPR-TOP in-3A-thought-TOP
'As for him, he was thinking
wa la'ayt(i1 a' k'inje'-lo' .. [t-u-tz'on-aj a' keej-ell

COND 3IPR DET day OST-D1ST [coM-3A-shoot-CTS DET deer-TOP]
it was that day that he shot the deer,
la'ayt(i1 a' miismo k'in je'-lo , [sut-k'-aj-ij-ej]. ..

3IPR DET same day OST-D1ST [return-cELER-CIS-3sG.B-TOP]
it was that same day he returned.' (91.15.200-5)
(17) pero ... chen a' k'in ... [(key D'ios k-u-tz'ik ten a' b'a'alche'
but only DET day [(SUB) God INC-3A-give/lTs ISG.IOPR DET animal
'but only on the day that God gives me the animal
t-in b'en-il-ell .. k-in-tz'on-ik ...

in-l SG .A-path-pos-TOP] INC-l SG.A-shoot-ITS
on my path do I shoot it.' (91.16.13-15)
(18) Ka' la'ayti' a'-je'-lo' a' k'in [ka' t-in-jok'-s-aj-ej] ...

when 3IPR DET-OST-D1ST DET day [when cOM-lsG.A-leave-cAus-CTS-TOP]
'That was the day when I took it out,' (91.24.259)
(19) Waye' ch'ij-een way [yan-aj-een-ell waye' ... [ch'ij-een-ell ...

here grow-lSG.B here [EXIST-CIS-lSG.B-TOP] here [grow-lSG.B-TOP]
'Here I grew up, it's here I was born, here that I grew up,
waYe' .. yan-en tak b'a-je-la'. ...

here EXIST-lSG.B til TEMP-OST-PROX
here 1 am until now.' (91.23.16-19).
(20) Wa maj .. waye' [k-in-b'el in-pak'-t-eech t-u-kaye'-ej] ..

CONDNEG here [INC-ISG.A-go ISG.A-await-TRN-2SG.B to-3A-again-ToP]
'Ifnot, it's here I'm going to await you again,' (91.15.125-26)
(21) I te' [k-u-tal a' k'oj-a'an-i'ij-eJl ...

and LOC [INC-3A-come DET sick-PART-LOC-TOP]
'And it's there that the sick one comes.' (91.22.249)
(22) te' [k-u-b'el-oo' tulakal aj-'ok-ol-oo'-i'ij-ej] ...

LOC [INC-3A-go-PL all MAsc-steal-NoM-PL-LOC-TOP]
'it's there all of the thieves go' (txt2.40)
(23) Jyanjun=p'e noj riiyoj .. natz' t-a'plantel-ej ..

and EXIST one=INAM big river close to-DET camp-Top
'And there was a big river near the camp,
te' [t-u-pul-aj u-b'aj-oo' tija'-ell ...

LOC [cOM-3A-throW-CTS 3A-REFL-PL in water-ToP]
it's there they (Wit's) threw themselves into the water.' (txt2.129-31)
23. Complements
23.0. Contents
23.1. Subject Complements
23.1.1. Inflected Incompletive-status Forms
23.1.2. Other Subject Complements
23.2. Object Complements
23.2.1. Modal-controlling Verbs
23.2.1.1 Cross-Reference
23.2.1.1.1. Afftrmative Intransitive
23.2.1.1.2. Afftrmative Transitive
23.2.1.1.3. Negative
23.2.1.2. Switch Reference
23.2.1.2.1. Afftrmative
23.2.2. Cognitive, Sensory, and other Verbs
23.2.2.1. Aspect-marked Subordinate Verb
23.2.2.2. Aspectless Subordinate Verb
23.2.3. Quoted Speech
23.2.3.1. Direct Quotation
23.2.3.1.1. With Verb of Speech
23.2.3.1.2. With Quotative
23.2.3.2. Indirect Quotation
23.2.4. Summary of Object Complement Types
In complement constructions there are various degrees of linkage between main and
subordinate clauses, reflecting degrees of semantic integration ranging from tightly bound
constructions representing a single event to clauses that clearly indicate separate events (Givon
1990; Durbin, Rofling and Ojeda 1990; Rofling and Ojeda 1994). Verbal semantics of modality
and cross-reference versus switch-reference of arguments between clauses are also reflected in
morphosyntactic marking (Rofling 1984a).
23.1. Subject Complements
23.1.1. Inflected Incompletive-status Forms

Incompletive-status forms are subject complements in origin (Bricker 1981 b). At present
they reflect gramaticalization to varying degrees, ranging from the least grammaticalized forms
with fully inflected auxiliaries (1 )-(3), to adverbial aspect markers that are inflected in statuses
other than the incompletive (4)-(6), to fully grammaticalized forms with uninflected aspect
markers (7)-(8) (cf. 3.1.1, 15.2). In the following examples the subject complements are in
boldface.
(I) K-u-jo'm-ol ki-b'et-ik kiw-uk'-ul-ej ..

INC-3A-end-us IpL.A-make-ITS IpL.A-drink-NoM-TOP
'After we make our drink,' (or 'our making our drink being completed') (91.13.28)
(2) jO'm-ij u-jan-al-oo'. ...

TERM-3SG.B 3A-eat-NoM-PL
'they fmished eating.' (or 'their eating ended') (91.12.15)
(3) wa ka'=p'e mes ... jo'm-ok u-b'et-ik mak uy-otoch-ej ...

or twO=INAM month TERM-DIS 3A-make-ITs one 3A-house-TOP
'or two months since one has fmished making his house,' (lit., 'since the making of one's
house has ended') (91.21.49-50)
23. COMPLEMENTS 487
(4) Ii tak u-k'och-ol ..

and DES 3A-arrive-IIS
'And it wants to arrive,' (91.18.71)

'And then I didn't want to work more,' (or 'my working more wasn't desired') (91.10.108)
(6) ka' tak-ak u-wen-el

when DES-DIS 3A-sleep-IIS
'when slbe wants to sleep' (or 'when herlbis sleeping is desired')
(7) Tan-u-pa'-ik u-si'-ej ...

DUR-3A-split-ITS 3A-firewood-TOP
'Slbe was splitting wood,' (91.12.35)
(8) La'ayti' k-uy-em-el-oo' ...

3lPR lNC-3A-descend-iis-PL
'They descend' (91.13.54)
23.1.2. Other Subject Complements

Other subject complements are not common constructions. As described in 4.2.2 and
4.2.7, verbal nouns, which are formally identical to incompletive-status forms, may be derived
from all verb classes, and these derived verbal nouns may function as subjects of verbs. Derived
verbal nouns may appear in possessed + possessor constructions with the semantic actor/patient as
the possessor NP marked by a Set A person marker. Intransitive verbal nouns are shown in (1)-
(5); transitive derived verbal nouns appear in (6)-(7) (cf. 10. 1.3). Subject complement
constructions are also possible with incompletive-status intransitive forms without person-marker
prefixes (8)-(11), but not with transitive forms (12).
(1) U-tal-el a' winik-ej .. k-u-k'as-kun-t-ik inw-ool.

3A-come-IIS/NOM DET man-TOP INC-3A-bad-CAUS-TRN-lTS ISG.A-spirit
'The arrival of the man put me in a bad humor.'
(2) U-jok'-ol ix-ch'up-ej t-u-jak'-s-aj inw-ool.

3A-Ieave-iislNoM FEM-woman-TOP cOM-3A-surprise-CAUS-CTS ISG.A-spirit
'The woman's departure surprised me.'
(3) U-kin-sii-p-aJ-al a' wakax-ejjach yaab' u-meyaj-il.

3A-die-cAus-PAS2-DTR-iisINOM DET COW-TOP very much 3A-work-pos
'The butchering of the cow is a lot of work. '
(4) U-jan-b'-iil b'iik'jach ma'lo'.

3A-eat-PAs-iiS meat very good
'The eating of meat is very good.'
(5) U-kin-s-iij=wakax a' winik-ej ma' ki' t-inw-ich.

3A-die-CAUS-DTR=COW DET man-TOP NEG good to-lSG.A-eye
'I don't like the man's cattle-butchering.'
(6) U-kin-s-ik a' wakax (a' winik)-ej ma' ki' t-inw-ich.

3A-die-CAUS-lTS/NOM DETcow (DETman)-TOP NEG good to-1SG.A-eye
'I don't like the (man's) killing of the cattle.'
(7) U-chuj-ik inw-oloch a' winik-ej t-u-piit-aj-en o'tzil.

3A-burn-ITS ISG.A-home DETman-TOP cOM-3A-Ieave-CTS-1SG.B poor
'The man's burning my home left me poor.'
(8) Tal-el Ii Pelen-ejjach seeb'.

come-NOM to Flores-TOP very rapid
'To come from Flores is very quick.'
(9) K'och-oljach ko'o}.

arrive-NOM very expensive
'To arrive is expensive.'
(10) Kin-s-iij=wakax ma' ki' t-inw-ich.

die-CAUS-DTR=COw NEG good to-1SG.A-eye
'To butcher cattle is not pleasing to me.'
(11) Jan-iJ(l)=b'lik'jach ma'/o'.

eat-NOM=meat very good
'To eat meat is very good.'
(12) *Jan-t-ik b'iik'jach ma'/o'.

eat-TRN-ITS meat very good
23.2. Object Complements
23.2.1. Modal-eontrolling Verbs

A variety of modal-controlling verbs take object complements. The morphological
marking of subordination varies according to whether arguments of both verbs are coreferential,
and, if so, which arguments are coreferential; according to the transitivity of the subordinate verb;
and according to whether the subordinate clause is affIrmative or negative (Hofling 1984a). A
number of these verbs may also appear in cognitive verb constructions (cf. 23.2.2)
23.2.1.1. Cross-Reference
23.2.1.1.1. Affirmative Intransitive

Complex sentences with modal-controlling verbs such as k'a't(iJ), 'want', tz'ib'oltik,
'desire', k'iimik, 'want', 'accept', and pak'tik, 'hope', do not have subordinators when the agent
argument of the matrix clause is coreferential to the subordinate intransitive subject (1)-(7) (cf.
23.2.1.2.1). Intransitive complements appear as incompletive status stems in the structure: V +
V-lIS (1}-(2) (cf. 3.1.1). Passive participles with -b'il often appear in this construction after
k'a't(iJ), 'want' (3}-(4) (cf. 6.3.2). Chunik, 'begin', also enters into this construction (8) (cf.
23.2.2.2). The object complement clauses are in boldface in the following examples.
Agent = Subject
(1) Ii .. u-k'a't-ij jok'-ol I-a' 'aktun-ej. ...

and 3A-want-TS leave-lIS from-DET cave-TOP
'And it wants to leave the cave.' (91.18.64)
(2) In-k'a't-ij k'ay.

ISG.A-want-TS sing
'I want to sing.'
23. COMPLEMENTS 489
(3) U-k'a't-ij ka'an-sli-b'il.

3A-want-Ts learn-cAus-PART2
'S/he needs to be taught.'
(4) A' 'ixi'im-ej u-k'a't-ij kon-b'il.

DET com-TOP 3A-want-TS sell-PART2
'The com needs to be sold.'
(5) T-a-tz'ib'ol-t-aj jan-al.

cOM-2A-desire-TRN-CTS eat-NoM
'You desired to eat.'
(6) Tan-u-k'iim-ik-oo'ok-ol.
DUR-3A-want-ITS-PL enter-lIS
'They want to enter.'
(7) K-im-pak'-t-ik b 'el.

INC-IS0.A-hope-TRN-ITS go
'I hope to go.'
(8) Tan-u-chun-ik-oo' ok-ol.

DUR-3A-begin-ITS-PL enter-lIS
'They are beginning to enter.'
Transitive matrix verbs also enter into constructions where the matrix direct object is
coreferential with the subordinate subject (9)-(16). In these constructions, the subordinator ti' may
appear with the subordinate verb as a bare intransitive status form in the structure: V + ti + V-lIS
(9)-(12) (cf. 24.3). Complement clauses with ti may be fronted (13). A construction with the
subordinator ka', 'that', with the subordinate verb as an inflected dependent-status form, is also
possible (14)-(17), where ka/reflects the semantics of purpose (cf. 23.2.1.1.2, 24.4). Fronted
complements with kat are considered odd (17).
Direct Object = Subject
(9) T-in-tiika'-t-aj a/ winik-ej ti si'.

cOM-lS0.A-order-TRN-CTS DET man-TOP SUB make.fIrewood
'I ordered the man to make fIrewood.'
(10) T-u-tiik'a'-t-aj-en ti nak'-iil t-a' che'-ej.

cOM-3A-order-TRN-cTS-lso.B SUB ascend-lIS to-DET tree-TOP
'He ordered me to climb the tree.'
( 11) K-in-t'iin-ik-ech ti juch '= 'ixi 'im.

INC-IS0.A-call-ITS-2so.B SUB grind=com
'I call you to com-grind.'
(12) Tan-a-tab'-s-ik-en ti uk'-ul.

DUR-2A-convince-cAus-ITS-lso.B SUB drink-lIS
'He is convincing me to drink.'
(13) Tijuch'='ixi'im k-in-t'iin-ik-ech.

SUB grind=com INC-IS0.A-call-ITS-2so.B
'To com-grind I call you.'
(14) T-u-tak'a'-t-aj-en ka' nak'-iik-en t-a' che'-ej.

cOM-3A-order-TRN-CTS-lSG.B SUB ascend-DiS-lSG.B to-DET tree-TOP
'He ordered me that I climb the tree.'
(15) K-in-t'an-ik-ech ka' juch '= 'ixi'im-n-ak-ech.

INc-l SG.A-call-ITS-2SG.B SUB grind=corn-AP-DIS-2SG.B
'I call you in order to corn-grind.'
(16) K-in-waj-t-ik-ech ka' tak-ech.

INC-l SG.A-shout-TRN-ITS-2sG. B SUB come/DIS-2SG.B
'I am shouting to you for you to come.'
(17) ?Ka'tak-ech k-in-waj-t-ik-ech.

SUB come/DIs-2SG.B INC-lSG.A-shout-TRN-ITS-2SG.B
'For you to come, I am shouting to you.'
23.2.1.1.2. Affirmative Transitive

Transitive complements of modal-controlling verbs appear with person markers in the
dependent status in the structure: V + (ka' +) A.PR-V-DTS-B.PR (1)-(12) (cf. 15.4.2). When the
matrix agent is coreferential with the subordinate agent, ordinarily no subordinator appears, but
ka'is optional (11)-(12). When the matrix-clause direct object is coreferential with the subordinate
subject (agent), the subordinate verb is also in the dependent status and the subordinator ka' is
optional (13)-(16). The presence of ka'highlights purpose semantics (cf. 23.2.1.1.1, 24.4).
Agent = Agent
(1) U-k'a't-i} kuchi} u-jan-t-oo' a' ka'=tuul winik-oo'-ej. ...

3A-want-TS formerly 3A-eat-TRN-PL DET twO=ANIM man-PL-TOP
'It wanted to eat the two men. I (91.13.80)
(2) A-k'a't(-ij) a-miich-ii' a-suku'un-ej ..

2A-want(-TS) 2A-grab-DTs 2A-older.brother-TOP
'You want to catch your brother,' (91.14.65)
(3) tan-in-ka'=tzikb'a/-t-ik ti'i} a' nojoch winikje'-/a'

DUR-lSG.A-REPET=tell-TRN-ITS to DET big man OST-PROX
'I am telling it again to this gentleman
u-k'a't(-ij) uy-ojel-t-ej.
3A-want(-TS) 3A-know-TRN-DTS
that wants to know it.' (91.19.68-69)
(4) k-u-p'is-ik mak ... b'oon .. mansaana ... u-k'a't-i} mak u-b'et-ej. ...
INc-3A-measure-ITS person how.many manzana 3A-want-TS person 3A-make-DTS
'one measures how many manzanas one wants to make.' (91.20.26-28)
(5) a' k'in ka' a-k'a't-i a-b'en-es-een-ej patal im-b'el. ...

DET day when 2A-want-TS 2A-go-CAUS-lsG.B-TOP ABIL ISG.A-go
'The day that you want to bring me, I can go.' (92.2.165-66)
(6) i ix-ch'up-ul=paal-oo'-ej ... chak u-k'am-ik-oo' uy-an-t-o'on . ...

and FEM-girl=ADJ-child-PL-TOP perhaps 3A-accept-ITs-PL 3 A-help-TRN-lpL.B
'and the girls might want to help us.' (91.9.30-31)
23. COMPLEMENTS 491
(7) T-a-tz'ib'ool-t-aj aw-il-a'.

cOM-2A-desire-TRN-CTS 2A-see-DTs
'You desired to see it.'
(8) Ki-pak'-t-ik ki-jan-t-ej ix-ch 'uuk=chi'-il.

INc/lpL.A-hope-TRN-ITS IpL.A-eat-TRN-DTS FEM-sweet=mouth-pos
'We hope to eat sweets.'
(9) Tan-u-chun-ik-oo' uy-ok-I-ej.

DUR-3A-begin-ITS-PL 3A-rob-NOM-DTS
'They are beginning to rob it.'
(10) Ma' tan-u-lciix-t-ik-oo' b'a'ax u-b'et-II-oo'

NEG DUR-3A-seek-TRN-ITS-PL what 3A-do-DTS-PL
'They don't know what to do' (92.3.120)
(II) K-im-pak'-t-ik (ka~ im-man-es ma'lo' k'in.

INc/lSG.A-hope-TRN-ITS (SUB) ISG.A-pass-CAus/DTS good day
'I hope to have (that I have) a good day.'
(12) In-ka't-ij (ka~ im-man-es ma'lo' k'in.

ISG.A-want-Ts (SUB) ISG.A-pass-CAUS good day
'I want to have (that I have) a good day.'
Direct Object = Agent
(13) Aj-Juulyo t-u-taka'-t-aj a' paal-oo'-e (ka~ u-jan-t-oo' b'u'ul.

MASC-PN cOM-3A-order-TRN-CTS DET child-PL-TOP (SUB) 3A-eat-TRN-PL bean
'Julio ordered the children to eat beans.'
(14) Tan-in-t'an-ik-ech (ka~ a-juch'-u' ixi'im.

DUR-IsG.A-call-ITS-2sG.B (SUB) 2A-grind-DTS com
'I am calling you (for you) to grind com.'
(15) T-in-t'an-ik-ech (ka~ aw-il-a'.

COM-ISG.A-call-ITS-2sG.B (SUB) 2A-see-DTS
'I'm calling you (for you) to see it.'
(16) Tan-a-tab'-s-ik-en (ka~ inw-uk'-u' ix-yek=ja'.

DUR-2A-convince-CAuS-ITS-1 SG.B (SUB) I SG.A-drink-DTS FEM-strong=water
'He is convincing me to drink liquor.'
Negative complements of modal-controlling verbs occur in the structure: V + (kej +)
NEG + A.PR-V-incompletive status (1)-(3) (cf. 24.3.3, 23.2.1.2.2).
(1) T-in-taka'-t-ik-ech (ke) rna' a-b'i-s-ik.

cOM-ISG.A-order-TRN-ITS-2sG.B (SUB) NEG 2A-gO-CAUS-ITS
'I am ordering you not to carry it.'
(2) T-in-taka'-t-ik a' winik (ke) rna' u-b'i-s-ik.

cOM-IsG.A-order-TRN-ITS DET man (SUB) NEG 3A-go-CAUS-ITS
'I am ordering the man not to carry it.'
(3) K-im-pak'-t-ik (ke) ma' u-yan-tal k'oj-a'an ich im-paal-oo'.

INC-lSG.A-hope-TRN-ITS (SUB) NEG 3A-EXIST-INCH sick-PART among ISG.A-child-PL
'I hope that none of my children gets sick.'
23.2.1.2. Switch Reference
23.2.1.2.1. Affirmative
When the subject of a subordinate complement of a modal-controlling verb is not
coreferential with an argument of the main clause, the subordinate marker ka' appears and the
subordinate verb is in the dependent status with person markers in the structure: V + ka' +
(A.PR-)V-dependent status-B.PR. Intransitive examples are given in (1)-(4) and transitive
examples in (5)-(18). When a subordinate agent NP precedes the verb in the subordinate clause,
the subordinator kej, 'that', is also required in the structure: V + kej + Subject NP + ka' +
(A.PR-)V-dependent status-B.PR (15)-(18).
(1) T-inw-a'al-aj ti'ij .. ka' meyaj-n-ak ka'=p'e k';n ..

cOM-lsG.A-say-cTs 310PR SUB work-AP-D1s twO=INAM day
'I told him to work two days,
k(a?-u-paak-t-ej ka'ax chen u-b'aak' a' naj-ej. ...

that-3A-clear-TRN-DTS although only 3A-perimeter DET house-TOP
that he clear it, even if only the perimeter of the house.' (91.8.12-14)
(2) I a' winik-ej t-uy-a'al-aj ten-ej ke ka' xik-en ..

and DET man-TOP cOM-3A-say-cTs ISG.JOPR-TOP SUB SUB gO/DIs-lSG.B
'And the man told me that I should go
im-men-t-ejjum=p'e chem ti'ij. ...

ISG.A-make-TRN-DTS one=INAM canoe 310PR
to make a canoe for him.' (91.10.18-20)
(3) K-im-pak'-t-ik ka' tak-ech.

INC-lSG.A-hope-TRN-ITS SUB come/D1S-2SG.B
'I hope that you come.'
(4) K-in-tz'ib 'ol-t-ik ka' jok '-ok-ech.

INC-ISG.A-desire-TRN-ITS SUB leave-D1S-2sG.B
'I desire that you leave.'
(5) t-uy-a'al-aj ten-ej (ke) ka' im-b'et-ej .. jum=p'e mo'nok chem ..

cOM-3A-say-cTs ISG.JOPR-TOP (SUB) SUB lSG.A-make-DTS one=INAM small canoe
'(he) told me that I should make a small canoe
ti'ij u-tz'ik uy-uk'-ul tulakal u-tzimin-oo'. ...

SUB 3A-give/ITS 3A-drink-NOM all 3A-horse-PL
to give drink to all of his horses.' (91.10.4-6)
(6) "Aasta inw-a'al-ik tech (ke) k-a-jeb'-e' aw-ich-ej k-a-jeb'-ik" ..

untillsG.A-say-ITS 2SG.JOPR (SUB) sUB-2A-open-DTS 2A-eye-TOP INc-2A-open-ITS
, "(Not) until I tell you that you should open your eyes do you open them,"
ki b'in a' chiimach ti'ij-ej. ..

QUOT REPORT DET old. man 310PR-TOP
they say the old man said to him.' (91.15.139-42)
23. COMPLEMENTS 493
(7) i la'ayti' t-uy-a'l-aOJ ten ka' inw-an-t-ej ... ti meyaj ..

and 3IPRCOM-3A-say-cTs ISG.IOPR SUB lSG.A-help-TRN-DTS SUB work
'and he told me that I should help him work,' (92.2.147-49)
(8) T-in-t'iin-ik ka' aw-il-a'.

COM-ISG.A-call-ITS SUB 2A-see-DTS
'I'm calling him for you to see him.'
(9) Chenjach t-u-k'ub'en-t-aj ten ...

only much cOM-3A-recommend-TRN-CTS lSG.IOPR
'Only he strongly recommended to me
ka' in-jok'-es .. ti'ij chen ma'lo' che' ..

SUB ISG.A-Ieave-CAus/DTS 310PR only good wood
that I take out only good wood for him,' (91.1.29-30)
(10) B'a-laj .. k-in-k'ub'en-t-ik tech ... ke t-u-laak' k'in-ej ...

TEMP-PROX INC-ISG.A-recommend-TRN-ITS 2SG.IOPR SUB on-3A-other daY-TOP
'Now I recommend to you that on another day,
ka' a-tz'on-o' a' b'a'alche'-ej ... tz'on-o' ma'lo'! ...

when 2A-shoot-DTS DET animal-ToP shoot-IMPTS well
when you shoot the animal, shoot it well!' (91.15.120-23)
(II) la'ayti' in-k'a't-ij k(a'}-a-men-t-ej ten a' chem-ej. ...

31PR lSG.A-want-TS sUB-2A-make-TRN-DTS ISG.IOPR DET canoe-TOP
'it is (from) it that I want you to make me the canoe.' (91.10.32-33)
(12) In-k'a't-ij ka' uy-il-a' a' kily aj-Jwan-ej.

ISG.A-want-Ts SUB 3A-see-DTS DET fish MASC-PN-TOP
'I want Juan to see the fish.'
(13) K-in-tiika'-t-ik k(a'}-u-b'en-es-eech.

INc-I SG.A-order-TRN-ITS sUB-3A-go-CAus/DTS-2SG.B
'I order him to carry you.'
(14) T-im-b'et-aj ka' u-jan-t-ej waj.

COM-lsG.A-make-cTs SUB 3A-eat-TRN-DTS tortilla
'I made him eat tortillas.'
(IS) Aj-Josej u-k'a't-ij ka' u-jan-t-I-oo' u-waj a' paal-oo'-e.

MASC-PN 3A-want-TS SUB 3A-eat-TRN-DTS-PL 3A-tortilla DET child-PL-TOP
'Jose wants the children to eat their tortillas.'
(16) Aj-Josej u-k'a't-ij ke a' paal-oo'-e k-u-jan-t-I-oo' u-waj.

MASC-PN 3A-want-TS SUB DET child-PL-TOP SUB-3A-eat-TRN-DTS-PL 3A-tortilla
'Jose wants the children to eat their tortillas.'
(17) In-ka't-ij ke a' winik k-u-tal-es si'.

ISG.A-want-TS SUB DETman sUB-3A-come-CAUs/DTS firewood
'I want the man to bring firewood.'
(18) In-ka't-ij k-u-tal-es si' a' winik-ej.

ISG.A-want-Ts sUB-3A-come-cAus/DTS firewood DET man-TOP
'I want the man to bring firewood.'
Negative complements of modal-controlling transitive verbs have the structure: V +
(ke) +) NEG + A.PR-V-incompletive status (1)-(4). The subordinator ke), 'that', is optional, unless
a subordinate agent NP precedes the subordinate verb (1 )-(2) (cf. 23.2. 1. 1.3, 24.3.3).
(1) A)-Jose) u-k'a 't_ij ke a' paal-oo '-e ma' u-jan-t-ik-oo' a' waj-e.
MASC-PN 3A-want-TS SUB DETchild-PL-TOP NEG 3A-eat-TRN-ITS-PL DET tortilla-TOP
'Jose desires that the children don't eat the tortillas.'
(2) In-k'a't-ij (ke) ma' a-jok'-ol.

lSG.A-want-TS (SUB) NEG 2A-leave-IIS
'I desire that you do not leave.'
(3) T-inw-a'l-a) tech ma' a-miich-ikjun=tuul kiiy.

cOM-lsG.A-say-cTS 2SG.lOPR NEG 2A-get-ITS one=ANIM fish
'I told you not to catch a fish.'
(4) K-im-pak'-t-ik ma' a-kin-s-ik pek'.

INC-1SG.A-hope-TRN-ITS NEG 2A-die-CAUS-ITS dog
'I hope you don't kill dogs.'
23.2.2. Cognitive, Sensory and Other Verbs

A number of verbs, particularly cognitive and sensory verbs, do not trigger the dependent
status in object complements. Rather, the subordinate verb appears fully inflected with aspect
marking in the appropriate status, or as an aspectless incompletive status form. Several of these
verbs may also function as modal-controlling verbs (cf. 23 .2.1).
23.2.2.1. Aspect-marked Subordinate Verb

A variety of cognitive and sensory verbs enter into the structure: V (+ Subordinator)
(+ adverbial) + Aspect + Inflected Verb. tuklik, 'think', and o)el,l 'know', are cognitive verbs
whose subordinate clauses may begin with a relative pronoun (except ka I, 'when') (1 )-( 6) (cf.
2.2.6.1, 7 .8, 22.2.2.2). Subordinate verbs are fully inflected for aspect and status when they
occur with subordinators and refer to particular events. The sensory verbs ilik, 'see', and u'yik or
ub'ik, 'hear', 'sense', appear with several types of subordinate clauses, including ones with fully
inflected subordinate verbs following a relative pronoun, as in (7)-(8) (cf. 23.2.2.2).
(1) Chen in-tech aw-o)el a' b'a'axje'-Ia' uch-i(j) tech-ej. ..

only EMP-2sG.lPR 2A-know DET thing OST-PROX happen-3sG.B 2SG.lOPR-TOP
'Only you know this thing that happened to you.' (91.16.145-46)
(2) a)-Wit'-oo'-e) ma' uy-o)el-oo' b'a'ax k-u-b'el ti uch-ul-oo' ti'i). ..

MASC-PN-PL-TOP NEG 3A-knoW-PL what INC-3A-go SUB happen-IIS-PL 3IOPR
'the Wit's didn't know what was going to happen to them.' (txt2.118-19)
I O)el, 'know', is an irregular active verb that appears without aspect or transitivity
marking to indicate current states of knowledge. Transitive marking does appear when it is
marked for the completive aspect, e.g., tuyo)e/taj, 's/he knew it' (cf. 3.4).
23. COMPLEMENTS 495
(3) Ma' inw-ojel b'ix t-u-b'et-aj.

NEG ISG.A-know how cOM-3A-do-CTS
'I don't know how he did it.'
(4) Ka' t-inw-a'l-aj ti'ij-ej .. ke ten-ejjach tan-in-tuk-l-ik ...

thencoM-lsG.A-say-cTs 3IOPR-TOP SUB ISG.lPR-TOP much DUR-lSG.A-think-NOM-ITS
'And I told her that I am thinking a lot
b'ix k-im-b'el im-b'et-ej .. ka' k'och-ok-en ... I-a' 'ariyopweerloj-il Teejas-ej ..

how INC-lSG.A-go ISG.A-do-DTS when arrive-DIS-lSG.B to-DET airport-pos PN-TOP
how I am going to manage when I arrive at the Texas airport,' (92.2.141-45)
(5) Tan-in-luk-l-ik b'ix t-im-b'et-aj.

DUR-lsG.A-think-NOM-ITS how COM-lsG.A-do-CTS
'I am thinking how I did it.'
(6) yajak'-a'an uy-ool-oo' lumen ... t-u-tuk-l-aj-oo'

already frighten-PART 3A-spirit-PL because cOM-3A-think-NOM-CTS-PL
'(they) were already frightened because they thought
ke a'-ka' tak a' winik-ej b'a'ax k-u-b'el u-k'ub'-oo' ti'ij. ...

SUB DET-when come/DIS DET man-TOP what INC-3A-go 3A-entrust-PL 3IOPR
(that) when the man comes, what they are going to give him.' (92.3.54-57)
(7) ka' I-uy-il-aj b 'ix yan-il a' plantel-oo' tu'ux klij-a 'an-oo '-ej
then cOM-3A-see-cTS how EXIST-FOC DET camp-PL where live-PART-PL-TOP
'then they say how the camps were where they were living,' (txt2.99-100)
(8) Ka' tal-i uy-et'ok-oo' uy-il-a' b'a'ax k-uy-uch-ul ti'ij-ej. ...

thencoM-3sG.B 3A-companion-PL 3A-see-DTS what INC-3A-happen-lls 3IOPR-TOP
'Then his companions came to see what was happening to him.' (txt1.38-39)
Subordinate clauses of cognitive verbs may also appear with the conditional marker waj
(9)-(11), and the subordination marker kej, 'that' (12)-(16) (see chapter 21). Aspectless
incompletive status forms may also appear with the conditional (10) (cf. 23.2.2.2). tuklik, 'think',
(but not ojel, 'know') may also take an irrealis subordinate clause tnarked in the dependent status
with waj ka' (11).
(9) Ma' inw-ojel wa t-u-b'et-aj.

NEG ISG.A-know COND cOM-3A-do-CTS
'I don't know if he did it.'
(10) Tan-in-luk-l-ik wa (k-)in-jan-t-ik.

DUR-lsG.A-think-NOM-ITS COND (INC-) ISG.A-eat-TRN-ITS
'I am thinking if I'll eat it.'
(11) Tan-in-tuk-l-ik wa ka' in-jan-t-ej.

DUR-lSG.A-think-NOM-ITS COND SUB ISG.A-eat-TRN-DTS
'I am thinking if I should eat it.'
(12) lumen uy-ojel ke la'ayti' u-sipil t-u-jaj-il

because 3A-know SUB 3IPR 3A-crime to-3A-true-ABST
'because he knows that it is his crime truly,
a' tuny-aal-b'-ii(l) ti'ij-ej. ...

DET DuRl3A-say-PAs-IIS 3IOPR-TOP
what was being said to him.' (91.15.114-16)
(13) Uy-ojel ke t-u-b'et-aj .. pero tan-u-muk-ik.

3A-know SUB COM-3A-do-cTs but DUR-3A-hide-ITs
'He knows that he did it, but he is denying it.'
(14) Ma' t-inw-ojel-t-aj ke t-u-b'et-aj.

NEG ISG.A-know-TRN-CTS SUB COM-3A-do-CTS
'I didn't know that he did it.'
(15) Tan-in-tuk-l-ik ke tan-u-tal a' winik-ej.

DUR-lSG.A-think-NOM-ITS SUB DUR-3A-come DET man-TOP
'I am thinking that the man is coming.'
(16) K-in-tuk-l-ik ke tal-ij a' winik-ej

INC-lSG.A-think-NOM-ITS SUB come-3SG.B DET man-TOP
'I think the man came'
Some other cognitive verbs and b'etik, 'make', also appear with fully inflected
subordinate verbs with the optional presence of the subordinator kej, 'that' (17)-(20). kej is
required if a subject nominal precedes the subordinate verb, as in (20). pak'tik, 'hope', and b 'etik,
'make', may also function like modal-controlling verbs (cf. 23.2.1.2.1). Sensory verbs such as
ilik, 'see', and u'yik or ub'ik, 'hear', also often enter into constructions of this kind (22)-(30), and if
the subordinate subject precedes the subordinate predicate, kej is obligatory (28)-(30).
(17) K-im-pak'-t-ik (ke) t-a-jan-t-aj.

INC-lSG.A-hope-TRN-ITS (SUB) cOM-2A-eat-TRN-CTS
'I hope (that) you ate it.'
(18) K-im-pak'-t-ik (ke) tan-a-jan-t-ik.

INC-lSG.A-hope-TRN-ITS (SUB) DUR-2A-eat-TRN-ITS
'I hope (that) you are eating it.'
(19) Tan-im-paj-t-ik (ke) tan-in-jan-t-ik.

DUR-lsG.A-pretend-TRN-ITS (SUB) DUR-lsG.A-eat-TRN-ITS
'I am pretending that I am eating it.'
(20) K-im-pak'-t-ik ke la'ayti tan-u-jan-t-ik.

INC-lsG.A-hope-TRN-ITS SUB 3IPR DUR-3A-eat-TRN-ITS
'I hope that s/he is eating it.'
(21) Tan-im-b'et-ik (ke) tan-u-jan-t-ik waj.

INC-lSG.A-make-ITs (SUB) DUR-3A-eat-TRN-ITS tortilla
'I am making him eat tortillas.'
(22) K-inw-il-ik (ke) tan-a-b'el.

INC-lSG.A-see-ITS (SUB) DUR-2A-go
'I see (that) you are going.'
(23) T-inw-il-aj (ke)jan-eech.

COM-lSG.A-see-CTS (SUB) eat-2SG.B
'I saw (that) you ate.'
23. COMPLEMENTS 497
(24) T-inw-il-aj (ke) t-a-mlich-aj jun=tuul kliy.

COM-ISG.A-see-CTS (SUB) cOM-2A-get-cTs one-ANIM fish
'I saw (that) you caught a fish.'
(25) ya t-inw-uy-aj kejachyan ke'el. ...

then COM-ISG.A-feel-CTS SUB much EXIST cold
'then I felt that it was very cold.' (92.2.111)
(26) T-uy-ub'-aj (ke) tan-in-k'liy-ik.

cOM-3A-hear-CTS (SUB) DUR-lsG.A-sing-ITS
'S/he heard (that) I was singing it.'
(27) T-inw-uy-aj (ke) t-a-k'liy-aj.

COM-1SG.A-hear-CTS (SUB) COM-2A-sing-CTS
'I heard (that) you sang it.'
(28) b'el in-ka'a ti muk-b'-ul ket t-aw-et-el ...

go ISG.A-go SUB bury-PAS-IIS together to-2A-with-pos
'I am going to be buried together with you
yok' aw-il-ik ... ke ten-ej t-u-jaj-iljach in-k'a't-eech . ...

SUB 2A-see-ITS SUB ISG.lPR-TOP in-3A-true-ABST much ISG.A-love-2sG.B
so that you see that I truly love you very much.' (91.17.12-14)
(29) Aj-Jwan-ej t-uy-il-aj ke a' b'alum-ej t-u-kin-s-aj aj-Juulyoj.

MASC-PN-TOP cOM-3A-see-CTS SUB DET jaguar-ToP cOM-3A-die-CAUS-CTS MASC-PN
'Juan saw that the jaguar killed Julio.'
(30) T-inw-uy-aj .. ke la'ayti'-ej k-u-t'an .. ich 'espanyol. ...

COM-lsG.A-hear-CTS SUB 3IPR-TOP INC-3A-speak in Spanish
'I heard that she spoke Spanish.' (92.2.36-37)
Main-clause sensory verbs may also have a topic-marker suffIx, which functions as a
dramatic stylistic device drawing the listener's attention to the following sensory information (31)-
(40t The subordinator kej is never required in these constructions. The main-clause verb is often
in the incompletive status (31 )-(38) with a subordinate stative predicate (33)-(38), another stylistic
device that engages the listener with imagery of immediateness (see chapter 25). A completive
topic-marked sensory verb may also occur in conjunction with the temporal adverbial a'ka',
'when', (39)-(40) (cf. 24.1.1.3).
(31) k-inw-il-ik-ej tulakal in-nlik' ij in-tzem-ej ..

INC-lSG.A-see-ITS-TOP alllSG.A-stomach and ISG.A-chest-ToP
'I see that all of my stomach and my chest,
tun-chul-b'aj u-k'ik'-el ..
DuRl3A-drip-AFV 3A-blood-pos
are dripping blood' (91.10.103-5)
2 The topic marker also occurs at the end of main clauses in direct quotation
constructions (cf. 23.2.3.1).
(32) K-uy-il-ik-ej ... (ke) a' k'ik'-ej ok-ij ich a' 'aktun-ej. ...
INC-3A-see-ITS-TOP (SUB) DET blood-TOP enter-3SG.B in DET cave-TOP
'He sees that the blood entered inside the cave.' (91.15.58-60)
(33) I k-uy-il-ik-ej te' wa'an a' noj keej ...

and INC-3A-see-ITs-TOP LOC stand/PART DET big deer
'And he sees that there is standing the big deer' (91.15.90-91)
(34) aj-tz'on-ej .. k-uy-il-ik-ej ... t-u-chun a' witz-ej te' wa'an-i'ij ..

MASC-shoot-TOP INC-3A-see-ITS-TOP at-3A-base DET hill-TOP LOC stand/PART-LOC
'the hunter, he sees that at the base of the hill, there he is standing' (91.15.149-52)
(35) k-uy-il-ik-ej .. ya ma'an keej-(i?ij ..

INC-3A-See-ITS-TOP already NEG/EXIST deer-LOC
'he sees that then there is no deer there,' (91.16.110-11)
(36) k-uy-il-ik-ej .. t-u-jaj-il te'jaw-a'an a' kim-en-ej ..

INC-3A-see-ITS-TOP in-3A-true-ABST LOC lie-PART DET die-NOM-TOP
'he sees, it is true, there was lying the corpse' (91.17.199-200)
(37) K-uy-il-ik-ej .. ak-a'an a' nojja' ..

INC-3A-see-ITS-TOP POOl-PART DET big water
'it sees that a lake is formed' (91.18.68-69)
(38) k-uy-ub'-ik-ej ya si'ispome'en uy-ak'

INC-3A-fee1-ITs-TOP already numb 3A-tongue
'he felt his tongue was numb,' (91.16.119-20)
(39) Chen a '-ka , t-uy-il-aj-ej ... tak'-ij a' k'ewel-ej

only DET-when cOM-3A-see-cTs-TOP stick-3sG.B DET hide-TOP
'Only then he saw that the hide stuck,
ya rna' pat-aj-ij u-liik-ik. ..

already NEG ABIL-CIS-3SG.B 3A-pull.off-ITS
already he couldn't pull it off.' (91.13.105 -7)
(40) Chen a'-ka' t-inw-u'y-aj-ej .. tan-u-jum u-tal ...

only DET-when COM-1 SG.A-hear-CTS-TOP DUR-3A-sound 3A-come
'Only then I heard it, it was making noise, coming,
u-xi'mal mak t-in-pach. ...

3A-walk person at-1SG.A-back
the step ofa person behind me.' (9l.2.47-49)
Sensory verbs may also enter into raising constructions where main-clause direct objects
are coreferential with subjects of subordinate verbs with the durative aspect in the structure: V-
B.PR} (NP}) DUR-A.PR}-V-incompletive status (41)-(45). Subordinators do not regularly occur in
these constructions, but kej is optional, as in (45)
(41) T-inw-il-aj-ech tan-a-mach-ik jun=tuul kay

cOM-1SG.A-see-CTS-2sG.B DUR-2A-grab-ITs one=ANIM fish
'I saw you catching a fish.'
23. COMPLEMENTS 499
(42) In-k'a't-i kuchij inw-i/-a'-ech tan-a-kin-s-ik a' balum-ej.

ISG.A-want-Ts formerly ISG.A-see-DTS-2SG.B DUR-2A-die-CAUS-ITS DET jaguar-ToP
'I wanted to see you killing the jaguar.'
(43) Aj-Jwan-ej t-uy-il-aj-I a' b'alum-ej tun-kin-s-ik aj-Juulyoj.

MASC-PN-TOP cOM-3A-see-CTS-3sG.B DET jaguar-ToP DuR/3A-die-CAuS-ITS MASC-PN
'Juan saw the jaguar killing Julio.'
(44) Aj-Jwan t-uy-ub'-aj-I ix-Mariiyaj tun-k'ay.

MASC-PN cOM-3A-hear-CTS-3SG.B FEM-PN DuR/3A-sing
'Juan heard Maria singing.'
(45) K-inw-i/-ik-ech (ke) tan-a-b'el.

INC-ISG.A-see-ITS-2SG.B (SUB) DUR-2A-go
'I see you going.'
23.2.2.2. AspectJess Subordinate Verb

Cognitive and sensory verbs may also appear with aspectless incompletive-status
subordinate verbs in the structure: V (+ Subordinator) + A.PR-V-incompletive status (1)-(10).
Cognitive verbs may appear in the incompletive-status form to indicate general or non-specific
knowledge with b'ix (1)-(2). Aspectless incompletive-status forms may also appear with the
conditional (3) (cf. chapter 21, 23.2.2.1) and in constructions without subordinators when the
subordinate verbs refer to nonspecific future actions (4)-(8). The aspectual verb chunik, 'begin',
and the modal-controlling verb betik, 'make', which also occur with dependent-status forms (cf.
23.2.1), may appear with aspectless subordinate verbs (9)-(10).
(I) In-ten inw-ojel b'ix u-tZ'on-b'-ol keej.

EMP-ISG.IPR ISG.A-know how 3A-shoot-PAS-IIS deer.
'I know how deer are hunted.'
(2) Tan-in-tuk-l-ik b'ix im-b'et-ik.

DUR-lsG.A-think-NOM-ITS how ISG.A-do-ITS
'I am thinking how to do it.'
(3) Tan-in-tuk-l-ik wa in-jan-t-ik.

DUR-ISG.A-think-NOM-ITS COND ISG.A-eat-TRN-ITS
'I am thinking if I'll eat it.'
(4) K-in-tuk-l-ik u-tal a' winik-ej.

INC-ISG.A-think-NOM-ITS 3A-come DET man-TOP
'I'm thinking of the man's arrival.'
(5) Tan-in-tuk-l-ik im-b'el.

DUR-lSG.A-think-NOM-ITS ISG.A-go
'I'm thinking of going.'
(6) K-a-pak'-t-ik a-jan-t-ik.

INC-2A-hope-TRN-ITS 2A-eat-TRN-ITS
'You hope to eat it.'
(7) Ti-kiw-ooL-t-aj ki-ta-s-ik peero ma' pat-aj-ij.

COM-lpL.A-intend-TRN-CTS IpL.A-come-CAUS-ITS but NEG ABIL-CIS-3SG.B
'We intended to bring it but we couldn't.'
(8) fan im-paj-t-ik in-wen-el.

OBLIG lSG.A-pretend-TRN-ITS lsG.A-sleep-I1s
'I have to pretend to sleep.'
(9) Tan-u-chun-ik-oo' uy-ok-l-ik.

DUR-3A-begin-ITs-PL 3A-rob-NOM-ITS
'They are beginning to rob.'
(10) A' winik-ej t-u-b'et-aj uy-ok'-ol a' paal-ej.

DET man-TOP cOM-3A-make-CTS 3A-cry-I1S DET child-TOP
'The man made the child cry.'
Sensory verbs also may have subordinate clauses with aspectless (nominalized)
incompletive-status forms (11 )-( 16) where the subordinate verb immediately follows the main
verb. These constructions might be analyzed as possessed + possessor nominalizations (cf. 4.2. 7,
10.1.3) and do not have hypothetical or irrealis semantics.
(11) T-inw-il-aj u-jan-t-ik a' winik-ej.

COM-1sG.A-see-CTS 3A-eat-TRN-ITS DET man-TOP
'I saw the man eat it.'
(12) T-inw-il-aj a-mach-ikjun=tuul kay.

cOM-1sG.A-see-cTs 2A-get-ITs one-AN 1M fish
'I saw you catch a fish.'
(l3) Aj-Jwan-ej t-uy-il-aj u-kin-s-ik a' b'alum aj-Juulyoj.

MASC-PN-TOP cOM-3A-see-CTS 3A-die-CAUS-ITS DET jaguar MASC-PN
'Juan saw Julio killing the jaguar.'
(14) K-inw-il-ik u-lub'-ul a' winik-ej.

INC-1SG.A-see-ITS 3A-fall-us DET man-TOP
'I see the man's fall.'
(15) T-uy-ub'-aj in-k'ay-ik.

cOM-3A-hear-CTS lSG.A-sing-ITS
'S/he heard my singing it.'
(16) Chen a' k'a t-uy-ub'-aj-oo' ..

only DET-when cOM-3A-hear-CTS-PL
'Only when they heard
u-chu'um-p-aJ-al u-wak'-al u-tZ'on-oo'-ej ..

3A-begin-PAs2-DTR-IIS 3A-explode-ns 3A-gun-PL-TOP
the shots begin,' (txt2.120-21)
23.2.3. Quoted Speech
23.2.3.1. Direct Quotation

Direct quotation is a prominent feature of both conversational and narrative discourse. It
can be indicated with a transitive verb of speech such as a'Uk, 'say', with the quotation as its direct
object, or with the quotative marker kiij, or with both. The reportative particle b'in is also
commonly part of direct quotation constructions, especially in traditional narrative (cf. 14.4.9,
25.3, 25.5.2).
23. COMPLEMENTS 501
23.2.3.1.1. With Verb of Speech

Direct quotation with transitive verbs of speech, such as a'lik, 'say', is typically indicated
with a topic marker appearing at the end of the main clause in the structure: V + (REPORT +)
(Subject NP) + IO.NP-TOP + Quoted Speech (1 )-( 15). A topicalized or focused NP may precede
the speech verb, as in (1), (3), (11), and (15). The reportative b'in is optional but is often present in
a formulaic construction in traditional narrative. It usually appears after the speech verb, as in (7)-
(8), (10)-(11), but may precede it (12). The quoted material, which functions as the direct object
of the speech verb, has all of the deictic markers appropriate to direct quotation. In addition to the
speech verb preceding the quotation, the quotative marker kii} may appear as a fmal framing
element (5), (12) (cf. 23.2.3.1.2). A similar expression is used for explicit glossing oflexical
items, as in (16)-( 17), where the speech verb is passive, and the indirect object pronoun refers to
the glossed item. When an adverbial appears after the indirect object pronoun, the topic marker is
absent, as in (18)-(19).
(1) I la'ayti' k-uy-a'(a)l-ik ten-ej: "Ma'lo'." ...

and 3IPR INC-3A-say-ITs ISG.IOPR-TOP fine
'And he says to me, "Fine." , (91.11.12-13)
(2) lj k-inw-a'al-ik ti'ij-ej: ... "Ma' tan-ki-b'el kiw-il-a' mix=b'a'al-i'i} ..

and INC-1SG.A-say-ITs 3IOPR-TOP NEG DUR-lpL.A-go 1PL.A-see-DTS NEG=thing-LOC
'And I say to him, "We aren't going to see anything there," , (91.11.23-24)
(3) I la'ayt(i~ a'-lo' k-inw-a'al-ik ti'ij-ej:

and 3IPR DET-DIST INC-1SG.A-say-ITs 3IOPR-TOP
'And it is this I say to him,
"Man-es ten a' riifle k-a-man-s-ik-ej" ..

pass-CAUS/IMPTS lSG.IOPR DET rifle INC-2A-pass-CAUS-ITS-TOP
"Pass me the rifle that you are carrying,'" (91.11.67-70)
(4) ka' t-uy-a'l-aj uy-litan ti'ij-ej: "Ma'an ki-si'." ...

then cOM-3A-say-cTs 3A-wife 3IOPR-TOP NEG/EXIST IpL.A-frrewood
'and his wife said to him, "We don't have frrewood."
"Ma(?alo' ... samal im-b'el in-tal-es si'." ...

fme tomorrow ISG.A-go ISG.A-come-CAuS/DTS frrewood
"Fine, tomorrow I'm going to bring frrewood.'" (91.12.9-12)
(5) Ka' t-uy-a'l(-aj) a' winik ti'ij-ej: ... "Pak'-t-ej!" ki ...

then cOM-3A-say(-cTs) DET man 3IOPR-TOP wait-TRN-IMPTS QUOT
'Then the man told him, "Wait!" he said.' (91.12.107-8)
(6) Ka' t-uy-a'al-aj ti'ij-ej: "Jotz'(-o1 in-k'ab'." ..

ThencoM-3A-say-cTs 3IOPR-TOP take out(-IMPTS) ISG.A-hand
'Then he said to him, "Take out my hands!" , (91.12.129-31)
(7) I k-uy-a'al-ik b'in ti'ij-ej: "Ay suku'un-ej

and INC-3A-say-ITs REPORT 3IOPR-TOP EXCL older. brother-TOP
'And he says to him, "Oh, older brother,
b'a-je'-la'-ej xen." ..
TEMP-OST-PROX-TOP gO/IMPIS
now leave!'" (91.13.111-12)
(8) I k-uy-a'al-ik b'in a' 'ayin ti'ij-ej: ...

and INc-3A-say-ITs REPORT DET alligator 3IOPR-TOP
'And they say the alligator tells him,
"A -k'a 't(-ij) a-mach-a a-suku 'un-ej .. paj-t-ej a-kim-il. ...

2A-want(-Ts) 2A-grab-DTs 2A-older.brother-TOp pretend-TRN-IMPTS 2A-die-Ils
"You want to catch your brother, pretend you are dead." , (91.14.64-66)
(9) pero k-uy-a'al-ik a' 'och ti'(ij)-ej: ..

but INc-3A-say-ITs DET opossum 3IOPR-TOP
'but the opossum says to him,
"Gtzil in-suku'un-ej miiya kim-ij." ...

poor ISG.A-older.brother-TOP perhaps die-3sG.B
"My poor older brother, I think he died." , (91.14.90-92)
(10) I k-uy-a'al-ik b'in a' nojoch=winik ti'ij-ej: ...

and INC-3A-say-ITs REPORT DET great=rnan 3IOPR-TOP
'And they say the old man says to him,
"Kon ke tech aj-tz'on-ech-ej" ..

with that 2SG.lPR MASC-shoot-2sG.B-TOP
"Since you are the hunter,'" (91.15.95-97)
(11) I 'entoonses a' nojoch=winik-ej .. k-uy-a'al-ik b'in ti'ij-ej: ...

and then DET great=rnan-ToP INc-3A-saY-ITS REPORT 3IOPR-TOP
'And then the old man says to him, they say,
"B'a-laj .. k-in-k'ub'en-t-ik tech" ...

TEMP-PROX INC-l SG.A-recommend-TRN-ITS 2SG.lOPR
"Now I recommend to you'" (91.15.117-20)
(12) I ka' b'in t-uy-a'l-aj a' nojoch=winik ti'ij-ej:

'And then, they say, the old man said to him,
"B'a'-la ko'ox .. b'el in-ka'a in-jok'-es-eech ..

TEMP-PROX HORT go ISG.A-go IsG.A-Ieave-CAUS-2SG.B
"Now let's go, I'm going to take you out
ka' xik-ech t-aw-otoch. ... Peero yan a-mutz'-ik aw-ich" .. ki b'in ti'ij. ...
SUB gO/DIs-2SG.B to-2A-home but OBLIG 2A-close-ITS 2A-eye QUOT REPORT 3IOPR
for you to go to your home. But you have to close your eyes," they say he said to him.'
(91.15.130-35)
(13) Ka' t-uy-a'l-aj a' chiimach ti'ij-ej: .. "B'a-laj jeb'-e' aw-ich." ...
then cOM-3A-say-cTs DET old.man 3IOPR-TOP TEMP-PROX open-IMPTS 2A-eye
'Then the old man said to him, "Now open your eyes." , (91.15.145-46)
(14) I k-uy-a'al-ik uy-iitan ti'ij-ej: .. "B'ix ma' kiw-ok'-ol"

and INC-3A-say-ITs 3A-wife 3IOPR-TOP how NEG IpL.A-cry-I1s
'And his wife says to him, "How aren't we crying" , (91.15.185-86)
23. COMPLEMENTS 503
(15) I a' winik-ej .. t-uy-a'al-aj ti'ij(-ej) .. aj-tZ'on-ej: ..

and DET man-TOP cOM-3A-say-cTs 3IOPR(-TOP) MASC-shoot-TOP
'And the man said to him, the hunter,
"Ma' a-b'el a-Izikb'al-I-ej mix=b'a'al I-aw-iitan." ...

NEG 2A-go 2A-tell-TRN-DTS NEG=thing to-2A-wife
"Don't go telling anything to your wife.'" (91.16.141-44)
(16) A'sum .. je'-lo'-e' .. sum polok. ... K-uy-aal-b'-iil ti'ij-ej: "rop". ...
DET rope OST-DIST-TOP rope thick INC-3A-call-PAS-IIS 3IOPR-TOP rope
'That rope is thick rope. It is called, "rope.'" (91.22. 117-19)
(17) Ii k-uy-aal-b'-iilxan ti'ij .. "cha''' ..

and INc-3A-say-PAs-IIS also 3IOPR chicle
'And it is also called, "cha'" , (91.22.358-59)
(18) t-uy-a'l-aj tenjum=pak ... "U-ka'a ti k'och-ol u-k'in-il ...

cOM-3A-say-cTs ISG.IOPR one=time 3A-go SUB arrive-lIS 3A-day-pos
'he told me once, "The day is going to come,
im-b'i-s-ik-ech I-in-kaal ... ti meyaj. " ...

ISG.A-go-CAUS-ITS-2sG.B to-lSG.A-land SUB work
that I am going to take you to my homeland to work." ,
In-ten-ej t-inw-a'l-aj ti'ij-ej: .. "Ma'lo' ...

EMP-lSG.IPR-TOP COM-lsG.A-say-cTs 3IOPR-TOP fine
'Me, I told him, "Fine,
a' k'in ka' a-k'a't-i a-b'en-es-een-ej patal im-b'el. ...

DET day when 2A-want-TS 2A-go-CAUS-lsG.B-TOP ABIL ISG.A-go
the day that you want to bring me, I can go.'" (92.2.159-66)
(19) T-uy-a'l-aj tenjo'lej-ij: "Tan-in-tal t-aw-otoch."

cOM-3A-say-cTs ISG.IOPR yesterday-3sG.B DUR-lsG.A-come to-2A-home
'He told me yesterday, "1 am coming to your home.'"
23.2.3.1.2. With Quotative

Direct quotation may also be marked by the quotative particle, kiij, which may shorten to
kij or ki. The quotative appears after direct quotation, often with an indirect-object pronoun and
the topic marker in the construction: Quoted Speech + QUOT (+ REPORT) (+ Subject NP + 10-
TOP) (1)-(10). Kiij generally occurs in traditional narrative in the third-person and may be
inflected for plural (9t The quotative may also be used for explicit glossing oflexical items (10)
(cf. 23.2.3.1.1).
(1) "Ma' a-b 'el a-jan-t-een" .. ki a' winik ti'ij-ej. ...

NEG 2A-go 2A-eat-TRN-lSG.B QUOT DET man 3IOPR-TOP
"You aren't going to eat me," the man said to him.' (91.12.74-75)
3 Historically ki was an intransitive verb inflected with Set B person markers in all
persons (cf. Hanks 1990; Lucy 1993). Occasionally it still occurs with person markers other than
the third-person.
(2) "Ma'alo''' .. ki a' nojoch b'alum ti'ij-ej. ...

fine QUOT DET big jaguar 3IOPR-TOP
'''Fine,'' the great jaguar said to him.' (91.12.81-82)
(3) " 'Aasta inw-a'al-ik tech ke k-a-jeb'-e' aw-ich-ej k-a-jeb'-ik .. "

untillsG.A-say-ITs 2SG.lOPR SUB sUB-2A-open-DTS 2A-eye-ToP INC-2A-open-ITS
, "(Not) until I tell you that you should open your eyes do you open them,"

QUOT REPORT DET o1d.man 3IOPR-TOP
(4) 'ya rna' tan-b'e(l) ti sut t-aw-otoch t-u-kaye'" ..

already NEG DuR/2A-go SUB return to-2A-home to-3A-again
, "and then you aren't going to return to your home again,"
ki b'in a' winik ti'ij-ej. ...

QUOT REPORT DET man 3IOPR-TOP
they say the man said to him.' (91.16.149-50)
(5) "tu'ux yan-en wayej?" .. ki b'in uy-iitan ti'ij a' winik-ej. ...
where EXIST-1SG.B here QUOT REPORT 3A-wife to DEI man-TOP
, "where am I here?" they say the wife said to the man.' (91.17.91-92)
(6) "Yan u-tz'o 'k-ol a-b'el y-et-el" .. ki b'in a' rey ti'ij-ej. ..
OBLIG 3A-end-IIS 2A-road 3A-with-POS QUOT REPORT DET king 3IOPR-IOP
, "You have to marry her," they say the king said to him.' (91.17.214-15)
(7) "i ten k-im-b'el in-sa'al-t-e'ex" ki b'in

and ISG.IPR INC-lsG.A-go ISG.A-save-TRN-2pL.B QUOT REPORI
, "and I am going to defend you," they say
a' winik .. a' u-nojoch-il a' Tayasal ti'ij a' nojoch=winik-oo' '"
DEI man DEI 3A-big-pos DEI PN to DET great=man-PL
the man said, the head man of Tayasal, to the gentlemen' (92.3.146-49)
(8) "/ b'a-Iaj ... 'aasta ka' k'och-ij t-u-k'in ... in-k'a'ool-t-ik-ech" ..
and TEMP-PROX until when arrive-3sG.B to-3A-day ISG.A-know-IRN-ITs-2SG.B
, "And it is (only) now that the day has come I meet you,"
ki b'in a' nojoch=winik ti'ij-ej. '"

QUOT REPORT DET old=man 3IOPR-TOP
(9) "/ b'a-je'-Ia" ... kij-oo' b';n ..

and TEMP-OST-PROX QUOT-PL REPORT
, "And now," they say they said,
"b'a'ax ki-b'el ki-k'ub'-u' t-a' winik ka' tak-ej?" ..

what IpL.A-go IPL.A-entrust-DTS to-DET man when come/DIS-TOP
"what are we going to entrust to the man when he comes?" , (92.3.122-24)
23. COMPLEMENTS 505
(10) t-u-pach a' .. " 'aanimas" kii a' mak-oo' ti'ij-eO) . ...
at-3A-back DET spirits QUOT DET person-PL 3IOPR-TOP
'behind the "spirits," the people call them (the skulls). (91.23.201-2)
23.2.3.2 Indirect Quotation

Indirect quotation is also marked by verbs of speech such as a'Uk, 'say'; but the
subordinator kej, 'that', is also generally present and the topic marker is optional in the structure:
V (+ Subject NP) (+ 10[-TOP]) + kej + Indirectly Quoted Speech (1 )-( 12). Indirectly quoted
questions may be marked by the conditional waj instead of, or after, kej (13)-(14) (cf. 21.1.1).
(1) In-ten-ej t-inw-a'al-aj ti'ij .. pwes .. kee .. b'el in-ka'a inw-il-a'

EMP-lSG.IPR-TOP cOM-lsG.A-say-cTs 3IOPR well SUB go ISG.A-go ISG.A-see-DTs
'Me, I said to him, well, that I am going to see
wa patal in-jok'-s-ik ...

COND ABIL ISG.A-Ieave-cAus-ITS
if! can take it out,' (91.1.12-14)
(2) Ka' t-inw-a'al-aj ti'ij-e' ke a' che'-ej .. jach yutzil. ..

then cOM-l SG.A-say-cTs 3IOPR-TOP SUB DET tree-TOP very pretty
'Then I told him that the tree is very pretty.' (91.10.40-42)
(3) A 'al~ej ti' ki-na' ke ten-e rna' tan-im-b'el ti sut

say-IMPTS to IpL.A-mother SUB ISG.IPR-TOP NEG DUR-lSG.A-go SUB return
'Tell our mother that I am not going to return' (91.13.117-19)
(4) t-inw-a'l-aj ti'ij-ej .. ke rna' inw-ojel ...

cOM-lsG.A-say-cTs 3IOPR-TOP SUB NEG ISG.A-know
'I said to him that I don't know,
ke ten-ej .. k-in-jok'-ol ti tz'on

SUB ISG.IPR-TOP INC-lSG.A-leave-IIS SUB shoot
that I, I go out to shoot,' (91.16.9-12)
(5) I k-uy-a'al-ik a' rey-ej .. ke a' winik k(a~-u-kux-tal-kun-t-ej

and INC-3A-say-ITs DET king-ToP SUB DET man sUB-3A-live-POSIT-CAUS-TRN-DTS
'And the king says that the man that revives
u-paal-ej .. k-u-tz'ik ti'ij ka' tz'o'ok-ok u-b'el y-et-el. ...

3A-child-TOP INc-3A-give/ITs 3IOPR SUB end-DIS 3A-road 3A-with-pos
his daughter, he gives her to him for her to marry him.' (91.17.181-84)
(6) Ka' t-uy-a'al-aj a' winik-ej ke ma'lo'. ...

then cOM-3A-say-cTs DET man-TOP SUB fine
'Then the man said that was fme.' (91.17.216-17)
(7) I la'ayti'-oo'-ej k-u-tzikb'al-t-ik-oo' ten ...

and 3IPR-PL-TOP INc-3A-tell-TRN-ITS-PL ISG.IOPR
'And they were telling me
kee u-tat-oo' .. k-u-tzikb'al-t-ik ... ti'ij-oo' ...

SUB 3A-father-PL INC-3A-tell-TRN-ITS 3IOPR-PL
that their father was telling them
kee t-a' witz-oo' yan .. t-u-jaal a'ja' ...

SUB in-DET hill-PL EXIST on-3A-shore DET water
that in the hills that are on the shore of the lake,' (91.18.5-7)
(8) I la'ayti' t-u-tzikb'al-t-aj-ten-oo' ... ke ich a' ch'e'em-oo'je'-lo'-ej ...

and 3IPR cOM-3A-tell-TRN-CTS-lSG.lOPR-PL SUB inside DET cave-PL OST-DIST-TOP
'and they told me that inside of those caves
te' kiij-l-aj-ij ... nukuch b'a'alche'-oo' .. ke u-k'ab'a' aj-B'oo'. ...

LOC live-POsIT-CIS-3sG.B big animal-PL SUB 3A-name MASC-PN
there lived great animals, that they are called AjB'oo'.' (91.18.14-18)
(9) k-u-tzikb'al-t-ik-oo'-ej ke ... yan u-men-t-ik-oo' tulakal

INC-3A-say-TRN-ITS-PL-TOP SUB OBLIG 3A-do-TRN-ITS-PL all
'they said that they have to do all
a' .. b'a'ax k-u-k'ub'en-b'-el-oo' ti'ij .. men u-tat-oo' .. jach uchij. ...

DET thing INC-3A-recommend-PAS-IIS-PL 3IOPR by 3A-father-PL very long.ago
the things recommended to them by their fathers long ago.' (91.20.8-11)
(10) Ka' t-uy-a 'l-aj ten-ej ... ke je '-uy-an-t-ik-en-ej ..

then cOM-3A-say-CTS 1SG.lOPR-TOP SUB ASSUR-3A-help-TRN-ITS-lSG.B-TOP
'Then she told me that she would help me' (92.2.38-39)
(11) t-uy-a'l-aj-oo' ti'ij ke .. la'ayti'-oo' k-u-b'el u-kiiniin-t-oo' a' tzimin-ej. ...

cOM-3A-say-cTs-PL 3IOPR SUB 3IPR-PL INC-3A-go 3A-guard-TRN-PL DET horse-TOP
'they told him that they are going to guard the horse.' (92.3.26-27)
(12) ka' t-uy-a'l-aj-oo' ti'ij b'a'ax a' uch-oo' ti'ij-ej ...

when cOM-3A-say-cTs-PL 3IOPR what DET happen-PL 3IOPR-TOP
'when they told him what happened to them,
ke b'in-i a' tzimin ti'ij-oo' tija'-ej. ...

SUB go-3SG.B DET horse 3IOPR-PL to water-TOP
that the water went from them into the water.' (92.3.130-32)
(13) Ii ... k-uy-a'al-ik ten-ej ... ke wa ma' inw-ojel

and INc-3A-say-ITs ISG.lOPR-TOP SUB CONDNEG ISG.A-know
'And he asks me if I don't know
b'ix u-men-b'-el u-sektreetoj-il ...

how 3A-make-PAS-IIS 3A-charm-POS
how their charm is made' (91.16.4-6)
(14) ka' t-inw-a'al-aj ti'ij ... wa patal uy-an-t-ik-en . ...

when cOM-lsG.A-say-CTs 3IOPR COND ABIL-3A-help-TRN-ITS-lSG.B
'and I asked her if she could help me.' (92.2.34-35)
23.2.4. Summary of Object Complement Types

The major subordinate construction types described in 23.2 are summarized in the
following chart with cross-references to the relevant sections.
23. COMPLEMENTS 507
Modal-controlling Verbs
Vtrn + 0 + V-lIS (A=S) 23.2.1.1.1

Cross-Reference Vtrn + ti + V-lIS (O=S) 23.2.1.1.1
Vtrn (+ka~ + A.PR-V-DTS (AlO=A) 23.2.1.1.2
Switch Reference Vtrn +ka' + V-DEP (AlO ". AlS) 23.2.1.2.1
Negative V( + kej)+ NEG + A.PR-V-incompletive status 23.2.1.1.3,

23.2.1.2.2
Cognitive and Sensory Verbs
Specific Vtrn (+ SUB) + Inflected Verb 23.2.2.1
General Vtrn (+ SUB) + Aspectless INC Status Verb 23.2.2.2
Speech Verbs
Direct Quotation Vtrn + IO.NP-TOP + Quote ( + QUOT + IO.NP-TOP) 23.2.3.1
Indirect Quotation Vtrn (+ IO.NP-TOP) + kej + Indirect Quote 23.2.3.2

24. Adverbial Clauses
24.0. Contents
24.1. Temporal Adverbial Clauses
24.1.1. Punctual
24.1.1.1. ka' ... -e', 'when', 'then'
24.1.1.2. 'aasta' ka' ... -e', '(not) until', 'aantes ka' ... -e', 'before'
24.1.1.3. a'ka' ... -e', 'when'
24.1.1.3.1. Completive Status: a'ka'(ti~ ... -e'
24.1.1.3.2. Dependent Status
24.1.2. Present-Habitual with (a~ kil ... -e'
24.1.3. Immediate Past with kujo'mol (... -e~
24.1.4. Contemporaneous Past with ich
24.1.5. rna' toj, mix toj, 'not yet', 'before'
24.2. Manner Adverbial Clauses
24.2.1. b'aaylo' ... -e', 'thus', 'in that way'
24.2.2.jeb'ix ... -e', 'just as ( ... so)'
24.3. Subordination with Intransitive Matrix Verbs and Statives
24.3.1. Intransitive Subordinate
24.3.2. Transitive Subordinate
24.3.3. Negative Subordinate
24.3.4. Subordination with Intransitive Cognitive Matrix Verbs
24.3.5. Statives with Switch-Reference in Subordinate Clause
24.4. Purpose Clauses
24.4.1. Incompletive Status
24.4.1.1. Affirmative
24.4.1.1.1. ttij ... (-al), 'to', 'for', in order to'
24.4.1.1.2. ti'a'a'l ... (-al), 'in order to'
24.4.1.1.3. yok'(olal}, 'for'
24.4.1.2. Negative
24.4.3. Highlighting Purpose Clauses
24.1. Temporal Adverbial Clauses
24.1.1. Punctual
The coordinating function of the temporal adverb, ka', 'when', 'then', was described in
20.2.2.1. It also forms the initial element of the subordinate adverbial frame: (a')ka' ... -e'.
Adverbial clauses in this frame typically precede main clauses. They contain information that
provides context for the following main clause, which usually refers to temporally subsequent
events. It appears with verbs in the completive status referring to past actions, or with verbs in the
dependent status to refer to future (irrealis) events. This frame and others with the fmal topic
marker are related to relative clauses (see chapter 22).
24.1.1.1 ka' ... -e', 'when', 'then'

In its coordinating use, ka' appears alone and links clauses in a temporal sequence. In its
adverbial function, ka' appears with a clause-final topic marker. In this construction, the framed
adverbial clause is subordinate to the following main clause. There is often a brief pause after the
subordinate clause. The subordinate clause refers to an action or event that is temporally prior to
(or overlapping with) the main clause and provides context for it (1)-(11). (1)-(9) are examples in
the completive aspect and status. Examples (4)-(9) show the contrast between ka' functioning to
frame a subordinate adverbial clause, meaning 'when', and its coordinating function without the
topic marker, where it may be glossed as 'then' or 'and (then).' (10)-(11) are examples of
subordinate adverbial clauses in the dependent status referring to hypothetical future actions, with
24. ADVERBIAL CLAUSES 509
the verbs in the main clause in non-completive aspects.
(I) Ka' k'och-een-ej ma' t-in-tzikb'al-t-aj mix=b'a'al t-inw-iitan ..

when arrive-I SG.B-TOP NEG COM-I SG.A-say-TRN-CTS NEG=thing to-l SG.A-wife
'When I arrived I didn't say anything to my wife,' (91.2.92-93)
(2) Ka' tal-ij-ej wa'-l-aj-ij waye' uktaan t-inw-otoch-ej ...

when come-3SG.B-TOP stand-POSIT-CIS-3sG.B here front of-lsG.A-home-TOP
'When she came, she stood here in front of my home,' (91.3.41-42)
(3) U-yum-il a' meyaj-e' ka' tal-ij-e' t-u-patz'-t-aj-een . ...

3A-owner-pos DET work-TOP when come-3SG.B-TOP cOM-3A-massage-TRN-CTS-lsG.B
'The boss of the job, when he came, he massaged me.' (91.10.112-14)
(4) Ka' t-in-ch'iik-aj ka'=p'eel u-xet'-el che'-ej .. ka' t-im-piik'-aj ...

when COM-IsG.A-cut-CTS twO=INAM 3A-piece-pos wood-TOP then COM-lSG.A-plant-cTS
'When I cut two pieces of wood, then I planted them,' (91.10.51-52)
(5) Ka' koch-ij-ej .. b'ay jun='awat b'in t-a'jaal kaj-ej .. ka' ok-ij ...
when arrive-3SG.B-TOP like one=shout REPORT from-DET edge town-TOP then enter-3SG.B
'When he arrived, like at a shout's distance from the town, they say, and he entered,'
(91.12.20-22)
(6) ka' lub'(-ij) uy-oox-il-ej ka' p'at-ij siik. ...

when fall(-3sG.B) 3A-dry-POS-TOP then remain-3SG.B white
'and when the scab (dry part) fell, then it stayed white.' (91.12.137-38)
(7) Ii ka' k'och-oo'-ej ka' nak'-oo'. ...

and when arrive-PL-TOP then climb-PL
'And when they arrived, then they climbed.' (91.13.18-19)
(8) ka' t-u-ch'a'-aj-oo' u-tz'on-oo'-ej ka' b'in-oo'. ...

when cOM-3A-take-cTs-PL 3A-gun-PL-TOP then gO-PL
'when they took their guns, then they went.' (91.13.35-36)
(9) I ka' t-u-miich-aj-oo'-ej ... ka' nak'-oo'

and whencoM-3A-grab-cTs-PL-TOP then climb-PL
'And when they grabbed onto it (a tree), then they climbed' (91.13.68-69)
(10) Ka' tak-ech-ej .. k-a-jan-al.

when come/DJS-2SG.B-TOP INc-2A-eat-NOM
'When you come, you eat.'
(11) Ka' aw-il-a'-e' .. patal a-tz'on-ik.

when 2A-see-DTs-TOP ABIL 2A-shoot-lTs
'When you see it, you can shoot it.'
24.1.1.2. 'aastaj (ka~ . -e', '(not) until', 'aantes ka' . -e', 'before'
The temporal adverbial 'aasta (ka), 'until', also frames subordinate clauses with a
terminal topic marker (cf. 20.2.2.2). 'aastaj ka' appears with verbs in the completive status
referring to past time (1)-(2) and with verbs in the dependent status referring to hypothetical future
events or states (3) (cf. 15.4.2, 24.1.5). A similar, but uncommon, construction can be formed
with 'aantes ka', 'before' (4). 'aastaj may also appear alone functioning as an incompletive TAM
marker referring to future events or states (5) (cf. 15.2.4).
(1) 'Aasla ka' man-ij u-k'as-il inw-ool-ej

until when pasS-3SG.B 3A-bad-Pos ISG.A-body-TOP
'When the weakness of my body passed
ya tuny-ok-ol k'in . ..
already DuRl3A-enter-IIS sun
the sun was already setting.' (91.10.110-11)
(2) I u-suku'un-ej .. jach chich u-b'a'te'

and 3A-older.brother-TOP very hard 3A-paddle
'And the older brother paddled very hard
'aasla ka' k'och-ij wa'ye'-ej. ...

until when arrive-3SG.B here-TOP
until he arrived here.' (91.13.160-62)
(3) 'Aasla ka' inw-a'l-ej tech ke k-a-jeb'-e' aw-ich-ej k-a-jeb'-ik ..

until when ISG.A-say-DTs 2SG.IOPR SUB sUB-2A-open-DTS 2A-eye-ToP INC-2A-Open-ITS
'(Not) until I tell you that you should open your eyes do you open them,'
(4) Pwes a' nukuch=winik-oo'-ej ...

well DET great=Jnan-PL-TOP
'Well, the great men (of before),
'aanles ka' k'och-ok a' k'in-ej ...

before SUB arrive-DIS DET day-ToP
before the time (of the rite) came,
kwaand'o tun-faaltar komo ka'=p'e ox=p'e semaanaj ...

when DuRl3A-lack like twO=INAM three=INAM week
when there lacked about two or three weeks,
k-u-jok'-ol a' nukuch=winik-oo'-ej .. ich k'aax ...

INC-3A-Ieave-IIS DET great=Jnan-PL-TOP in forest
the great men go out into the forest' (91.24.229-33)
(5) 'Aasla inw-a'al-ik tech ke k-a-jeb'-e' aw-ich-ej k-a-jeb'-ik ..

untillsG.A-say-ITs 2SG.IOPR SUB sUB-2A-open-DTs 2A-eye-ToP INC-2A-open-ITs
'(Not) until I tell you that you should open your eyes do you open them,' (91.15.139-41)
24.1.1.3 a'ka' .. -e'

With the determiner a', the frame a'ka' ... -e'signals subordinate adverbial clauses that
contain given, defmite information providing a context for the following main clause (cf.
22.2.2.2.4).
24.1.1.3.1. Completive Status a'ka' (Ii? ... -e'

Subordinate adverbial clauses framed by a'ka' ... -e' often occur with verbs in the
completive aspect referring to past events or states (1)-(8). These are typical examples from
narratives where subordinate adverbial clauses with the verb in the completive aspect precede
main clauses that are also usually in the completive aspect and that refer to subsequent events. In
all of these examples, the information in the subordinate clause is given or accessible, usually
having been mentioned in immediately prior discourse.
(1) Ka't-in-tz'on-aj. ...

then COM-lsG.A-shoot-CTS
'Then I shot it.
A '-ka' wak'-ij in-tz'on-ej ..

DET-when explode-3sG.B ISG.A-gun-TOP
When my gun ftred,
chen t-inw-il-aj .. tu'ux lik'-ij u-siit' ...

just COM-1SG.A-see-cTs where rise-3SG.B 3A-jump
I just saw where it jumped up' (91.2.18-21)
(2) I ma' pat-aj-ij in-miich-ik. ...

and NEG ABIL-CIS-3SG.B ISG.A-grab-ITs
'And I couldn't grab it.
A '-ka' t-inw-il-aj ke ma' pat-aj-ij in-miich-ik-ej ..

DET-whenCOM-1SG.A-see-CTS SUB NEGABIL-CIS-3SG.B ISG.A-grab-ITs-TOP
When I saw that I couldn't grab it,
ka' b'in-een t-u-laak' kol. ...

then go-ISG.B to-3A-other milpa
then I went to the other milpa.' (91.2.38-41)
(3) Lik'-oo' uy-ok-es-een-oo' ich naj. ...

get.up-PL 3A-enter-CAUS-lsG.B-PL inside house
'They got up to bring me inside the house.
I a'-ka' t-u-jeb'-aj-oo' u-jol a' naj-ej ...

and DET-when cOM-3A-open-cTs-PL 3A-door DET house-TOP
And when they opened the door of the house,
t-uy-il-aj-oo'jun=tuul noxi' ix-ch'up ...

cOM-3A-see-CTS-PL one=ANIM big FEM-woman
they saw a big woman (Ix-Tabay), (91.3.20-23)
(4) Ka' nak'-o'on ... t-a' yax kol-oo' ... yan .. t-u-chi' a' noj b'ej-ej. ...
then climb-lPL.B to-DET ftrst milpa-PL EXIST on-3A-edge DET big way-TOP
'Then we climbed to the ftrst milpas that are on the edge of the road.
A '-ka' k'och-o'on-ej .. k-inw-a'l-ik t-inw-et'ok-ej ..

DET-when arrive-IpL.B-TOP INC-lsG.A-say-ITs to-lSG.A friend-TOP
When we arrived, I say to my friend,' (91.11.5-8)
(5) ka' b'in-ij uy-il-a'. ..

then go-3SG.B 3A-see-DTS
'then he went to see it.
A '-ka' k'och-ij-ej .. k-uy-il-ik-ej .. ya ma'an keej-(iJij ..

DET-when arrive-3sG.B-TOP INC-3A-see-ITs-TOP already NEG/EXIST deer-LOC
When he arrived, he sees that then there is no deer there,' (91.15.108-11)
(6) (,Aas)ta ka' k'och-oo' .. tijum=p'e noj kaj. ...

until when arrive-PL to one=INAM big town
'until they arrived at a city.
A'-ka' k'och-oo' tijum=p'e noj kaj-ej ..

DET-when arrive-PL to one=INAM big town-TOP
When they arrived at a city,
t-u-kiix-t-aj-oo'jun=ku(ul) mo'nok naj

cOM-3A-seek-TRN-CTS-PL one=round small house
they looked for a little house' (91.17.171-74)
(7) T-u-miich-aj u-k'ab' a' winik-ej .. ka' t-u-pul-aj tija'. ...

cOM-3A-grab-cTs 3A-hand DET man-TOP then cOM-3A-throw-CTS in water
'It grabbed the hand of the man, and it threw him into the water.
A '-ka' lub'-ij a' winik ti ja'-ej ... ka' t-u-miich-aj t-u-ju' ...
DET-when fall-3sG.B DET man in water-TOP then cOM-3A-grab-cTS at-3A-waist
When the man fell in the water, then it grabbed him at the waist,' (92.2.46-49)
(8) i a '-ka' k'och-een .. t-u-jaj-il t-u- 'ariyopweertoj-il Teejas-ej ...

and DET-when arrive-ISG.B in-3A-true-ABST at-3A-airport-pos PN-TOP
'and when I truly arrived at the Texas airport,
ka' t-uy-a'l-aj ten ..

then cOM-3A-say-cTs ISG.IOPR
then she told me,' (92.2.64-66)
The completive marker ti' optionally occurs after ka' when the completive subordinate
verb is intransitive (9)-( 10) (cf. 20.2.2.1). ti' also generally marks certain other kinds of
intransitive subordinate verbs (cf. 23.2.1.1.1, 24.3.I). When the main clause contains a stative
or a verb in the durative aspect, it indicates a contemporaneous, rather than subsequent, state or
event (10)-( 12).
(9) I a'-ka' ti' ... wak'-ij u-tz'on-ej ..

and DET-when COM explode-3sG.B 3A-gun-TOP
'And when his gun fIred,
a' b'a'alche'-ej ka'jok'-ij uy-alka'-ej

DET animal-TOP then leave-3sG.B 3A-run-TOP
the animal, then it left running' (91.15.32-34)
(10) I a'-ka' ti p'ik-ij u-chun a' che' tu'ux t-in-yul-aj-ej ...

and DET-when COM snap-3SG.B 3A-trunk DET tree where COM-ISG.A-trim-CTS-TOP
'And when the trunk of the tree snapped where I trimmed it,
i ten-ej wa 'an-en t-u-chun

and ISG.IPR-TOP stand/PART-IsG.B at-3A-trunk
and I was standing on the trunk' (91.10.73-76)
(11) A '-ka' k'och-een t-a' 'ariyopweertoj-ej .. ten-ej .. k'iis=saak-en ...

DET-when arrive-ISG.B to-DET airport-TOP ISG.IPR-TOP little=afraid-IsG.B
'When I arrived at the airport, I felt a little afraid,' (92.2.9-10)
(12) I a'-ka' tal-een-ej ... tan-in-tuk-l-ik ... tan-in-tuk-l-ik

and DET-when come-1SG.B-TOP DUR-1SG.A-think-NOM-ITS DUR-1SG.A-think-NOM-ITS
'And when I came, I was thinking, I was thinking
b'ix k-im-b'el im-b'et-ej ...

how INC-1SG.A-go lSG.A-do-DTS
how I was going to do it,' (92.2.14-17)
The general function of these adverbial clauses to mark given or accessible information
can be used for dramatic effect in narrative, as in (13), where the hearer must wait to learn what it
is that the protagonist saw (see chapter 25). It is also possible for the adverbial clause to follow the
main clause in reverse chronological order (14)-(15), where the adverbial clauses function as
elaborations or clarifications of the time referred to in the main clause.
(13) tun-t'ut'-l-ik a' tu'ux b'in(-ij) a' b'a'alche'-ej. ...

DUR/3A-follow-NOM-ITS DET where go(-3SG.B) DET animal-TOP
'he was following where the animal went.
A '-ka' t-uy-il-aj-ej ..
DET-when cOM-3A-see-cTs-TOP
When he saw it,
k'och-ij t-u-chun jun =kuul witz ...

arrive-3SG.B at-3A-base one=round hill
he arrived at the base of a hill,
i t-u-chun a' witz-ej .. yanjun=p'eel noj 'aktun ..

and at-3A-base DET hill-TOP EXIST one=INAM big cave
and at the base of the hill was a big cave,' (91.15.51-57)
(14) R'el in-ka'a in-tzikb'al-t-e u-mo'nok xet'-el .. kweentoj ...

go lsG.A-go ISG.A-tell-TRN-DTS 3A-small piece-pos story
'I am going to tell a small piece of a story
y-ok' ... b'a'ax uch-ij jach uchij ...

3A-over what happen-3sG.B very long.ago
about what happened long ago
a'-ka' tal-ij ... aj-'Ernan Kortes t-a' lu'um-oo'je'-la'-oo'-ej. ...

DET-when come-3SG.B MASC-PN PN to-DET land-pL OST-PROX-PL-TOP
when he came, Hernan Cortes, to these lands.' (92.3.1-4)
(15) I a' winik-ej .. ka' tal-ij-ej ...

and DET man-TOP then come-3SG.B-TOP
'And the man, then he came,
a'-ka' tijo'm-ij u-t'an et-el u-yum-il a' keej-ej ..

DET-whenCOM fmish-3SG.B 3A-speak with-pos 3A-owner-POs DET deer-TOP
when he fmished speaking with the owner of the deer,' (91.16.135-38)
24.1.1.3.2 Dependent Status

Subordinate adverbial clauses marked by a 'ka' ... -e' may also occur in the dependent
status referring to hypothetical future events preceding main-clause events in chronological
sequence (1)-(4) (cf. 15.4.2). In (5), the adverbial clause follows the clause that it modifies in
reverse chronological sequence (cf. 24.1.1.3.1). The main verbs in these examples are in the
incompletive status.
(1) k-u-pak'-t-ik mak .. uy-iij-tal a' niil-ej. ...

INC-3A-wait-TRN-ITS person 3A-ripe-INcH DET ear-TOP
'one awaits the ripening of the ears.
A '-ka' yiij-ak a' niil-ej .. k-u-kap-iil mak ti watz'. ...

DET-when ripe-DIS DET ear-TOP INC-3A-begin-Ils person SUB double
When the ears are ripe, one begins to double (the com over).' (91.20.95-98)
(2) A '-ka' tak-ej .. k-u-jup-ik u-pol-i'ij-ej ..

DET-when come/DIS-TOP INc-3A-insert-ITS 3A-head-LOC-TOP
'When he comes, he puts his head in there,' (91.14.44-45)
(3) A '-ka' uy-il-a'-ej .. u-ka'aj u-jan-t-ej.

DET-when 3A-see-DTS-TOP 3A-go 3A-eat-TRN-DTS
'When he sees it, he's going to eat it.'
(4) in-ten-ej b'el in-ka'a in-yeye'=lox-t-ej ..

EMP-1SG.lPR-TOP go lsG.A-go lSG.A-threaten=hit-TRN-DTS
'I am going to threaten to punch him
yok' u-tal uy-alkii'-t-een . ...

SUB 3A-come 3A-chase-TRN-1SG.B
so that he comes to chase me.
A '-ka' tak uy-alkii '-t-een-ej

DET-when come/DIS 3A-run-TRN-ISG.B-TOP
When he comes to chase me
in-ten-ej k-inw-ok-ol t-a' ch'e 'em-ej

EMP-1SG.lPR-TOP INC-1SG.A-enter-IIS in-DET cave-TOP
I enter in the cave' (91.14.37-40)
(5) tumen tan-in-tuk-l-ik .. b'ix k-im-b'el im-b'et-eOJ

because DUR-1SG.A-think-NOM-ITS how INC-1SG.A-go lSG.A-make-DTS
'because I was thinking how I was going to manage
a'-ka' k'och-ok-en ... t-u-'ariyopweertoj-i(l) Teejas-ej. ...

DET-when arrive-DIS-1SG.B at-3A-airport-pos PN-TOP
when I arrive at the airport of Texas.' (92.2.25-28)
24.1.2. Present-habitual with (a1 kil ... -e'

Subordinate temporal adverbial clauses referring to present, repeated, or habitual events
are typically marked by the frame kil ... -e' with verbs in the incompletive status (1)-( 10). The
adverb kil may shorten to k- (1)-(3). The determiner a' may also appear with kil, as in (10), where
it refers to previously mentioned events. Unlike a'ka', which is common with verbs in the
completive aspect, a' kil is rare in discourse and much less common than kil (cf. 24.1.1.2).
(1) Po-potz'-ki' .. ma'an mix=tu'ux u-wa'-tal ma'lo' tulakal t-a' b'ej-ej. ...
REDUP-watery-ADJ NEG/EXIST NEG=where 3A-stand-POSIT well all on-DET road-TOP
'It's waterlogged, there isn't anywhere to stand well all along the road.
K(il)-u-miich-ik mak a' b'ej-ej .. puuro chen luk' .. luk'. ..

when-3A-take-ITS person DET road-TOP pure only mud mud
When one takes the road, it's only mud! mud!' (91.5.17-21)
(2) tumen a' che'-ej .. ma' tun-k'a'ol-t-ik mak ..

because DET tree-TOP NEG DuRl3A-know-TRN-ITS person
'because the tree, one doesn't know
wa yan u-motz kux-a 'an tak'-al y-alam ..

COND EXIST 3A-root alive-PART stick-PART 3A-below
if it has a live root attached underneath
i k(il)-u-wa'-tal u-chun a' che'je'-lo'-ej .. patal u-kin-s-ik mak

and when-3A-stand-POSIT 3A-trunk DET tree OST-DIST-TOP ABIL 3A-die-CAUS-ITS person
and when the trunk of that tree stands up, it could kill a person' (91.10.132-37)
(3) I la'ayti'-oo'-ej .. k(il)-u-wak'-iil u-siit' a' b'a'alche'-e ..

and 3IPR-PL-TOP when 3A-explode-lls 3A-Ieap DET animal-TOP
'And them, when the animal makes its leap,
la'ayti'-oo'-ej k-u-tz'on-ik-oo' ti ik'. ...

3IPR-PL-TOP INC-3A-shoot-ITS-PL in air
they shoot in the air.
Ka' lub'(-ij) a' b'a'alche'-ej .. ya kim-en . ..

then fall(-3sG.B) DET animal-TOP already die-NOM
Then the animal fell, already dead.' (91.13.83-88)
(4) B'aay-lo' a' b'a'alche'-e' ..

like-DIST DET animal-TOP
'Thus the animal,
kil uy-ub'-ik ke wi'ij .. tak u-jan-al-ej ...

when 3A-feel-ITS SUB hungry DES 3A-eat-NoM-TOP
when it was feeling that it was hungry, it wants to eat,
k-u-kap-iil ti akan . ...

INC-3A-begin-IIS SUB roar
it begins to roar.' (91.18.59-63)
(5) Ya .. kil u-jo'om-ol u-meyaj-oo'-ej ...

already when 3A-end-IIS 3A-work-PL-TOP
'Then when their work (of clearing) ends,
k-u-k'och-ol u-k'in .. ke b'el-u-ka'aj u-took-t-oo' u-meyaj-oo'

INC-3A-arrive-lls 3A-day SUB go-3A-go 3A-burn-TRN-PL 3A-work-PL
the day arrives that they are going to bum their work' (91.19.13-14)
(6) Kil u-jok'-ol tulakal a' ixi'im-ej ... k-u-kap-iil ti ch'U-il. ...
when 3A-leave-lls all DET com-TOP INC-3A-begin-lls SUB grow-lIS
'When all of the com comes out, it begins to grow.' (91.20.61-62)
(7) Kil u-men-t-ik mak a' waj .. ti jan-b '-iil-ej .. ya ma' siik ..
when 3A-make-TRN-ITS person DET tortilla SUB eat-PAS-IIS-TOP already NEG white
'When one makes the tortilla to be eaten, then it's not white,' (91.20.108-10)
(8) Kil uy-ub'-ik-oo' .. ke u-tak aj-Wit'-oo'-ej ..

when 3A-hear-ITS-PL that 3A-come/DIs MASC-PN-PL-TOP
'When they hear that the bandits are corning
k-u-miich-ik-oo' b'ej-ej k-u-b'el-oo' u-muk-u' u-b'aj-oo' ich k'aax ...

INC-3A-grab-ITS-PL road-TOP INc-3a-go-PL 3A-hide-DTS 3A-REFL-PL in forest
they take to the trails, they go to hide in the forest,' (txt2.58-61)
(9) Kil u-man u-t'an-il ke yaj .. ma'an-oo'-ej

when 3A-pass 3A-word-pos that already NEG/EXIST-PL-TOP
'When the word passes that they aren't there anymore,
k-u-kap-iil-oo' ti jok'-ol t-u-ka Ye'. ...

INC-3A-begin-ns-PL SUB leave-IIS in-3A-again
they begin to come out again.' (txt2.64-65)
(10) I aj-Wit'-oo'-e} ... a' kil u-putz'-ul-oo'-ej ...

and MASC-PN-PL-TOP DET when 3A-flee-IIS-PL-TOP
'And the Wit's (bandits), when they were fleeing (repeatedly),
a' kil u-k'och-ol-oo' t-a' lu'um-oo' waye'-ej ..

DET when 3A-arrive-IIS-PL in-DET land-PL here-TOP
when they arrive here,
k-u-miich-ik-oo' .. ix-ch 'up-oo' ..

INC-3A-grab-ITS-PL FEM-woman-PL
they grab the women,' (txt2.42-45)
While the subordinate clause usually precedes the main clause and has a fmal topic
marker signalling given and temporally or causally prior information, as in (1)-(10), the
subordinate clause may follow the main clause in reverse chronological order (II). It
occasionally follows the main clause without the final topic-marking frame (12)-(13), where it no
longer provides prior context for the main clause and could be considered to be a coordinator
linking contemporaneous clauses (cf. 20.2.2).
(11) Ix-nok'ol}e'-loj ... la'ayti' k-uy-a'al-ik t-a' b'a'alche'-e} '"

FEM-worm OST-DIST 3IPR INc-3A-say-ITs to-DET animal-ToP
'That worm, it tells the animal
kil u-tal a' winik .. tun-man u-kiixiin-t-ej et u-tz'on-ej. ...

when 3A-come DET man DuRl3A-pass 3A-seek-TRN-DTS with 3A-gun-ToP
when the man comes that walks seeking it with his gun.' (91.16.52-55)
(12) Tuny-akan .. kil u-ka'=ok-ol b'in . ...

DuRl3A-roar when-3A-REPET=enter-IIS REPORT
'It is roaring when it again enters, they say.' (91.18.80-81)
(13) I a' nukuch=winik-oo'-ej jach ki'mak uy-ool-oo' ..

and DET great=man-PL-ToP very happy 3A-spirit-PL
'And the great men are very happy
kil uy-il-ik-oo' ke .. jach ma'lo' u-meyaj-oo' t-u-lik'-sii-m-aj-oo'. ...

when 3A-see-ITS-PL SUB very good 3A-work-PL cOM-3A-guard-cAus-PERF-CTS-PL
when they see that they have guarded (the fruit of) their work very well.' (91.19.61-64)
24.1.3. Immediate Past with kujo'mol (.. -e~

The aspectual auxiliary jo'mol, 'fmish', 'end', may function to mark temporal relations
between clauses (cf. 3.1.1.2.2, 15.2.5.2). It often appears in the frame: kujo'mol ... -e', indicating
an action that occured immediately prior to the action indicated in the following main clause. The
information in the subordinate clause is given or accessible. To refer to a present or habitual
action that is immediately prior to another action, the incompletive status form of the auxiliary,
kujo'mol, is used (1)-(11). It may also merge with the adverbial frame kil ... -e', as indicated in (4)-
(6) (cf. 24.1.2). kujo'mol may shorten to ujo'mol orjo'mol (7)-(11).
(I) K-u-jo'm-ol u-took-t-ik-oo' a' u-meyaj-oo'-ej ..

INC-3A-fmish-lls 3A-burn-TRN-ITS-PL DET 3A-work-PL-TOP
'After they burn their work
k-u-ch'i'-ik-oo' a'jan-al-ej ...

INC-3A-grab-ITs-PL DET eat-NOM-TOP
they grab the food,' (91.19.26-27)
(2) K-u-jo'm-ol u-t'an-ik-oo' t-u-k'ab'a'-ej .. k-u-tz'ik-oo' ..

INC-3A-fmish-IIS 3A-call-ITs-PL to-3A-name-TOP INC-3A-give/ITs-PL
'After calling them by their names, they give it,' (91.19.38-39)
(3) Iij .. k-u-jo'm-ol u-ch'aach'-t-ik mak a' k'aax-ej ...

and INC-3A-fmish-IIS 3A-clear-TRN-ITS person DET forest-TOP
'and when one fmishes clearing the forest brush,
k-u-kap-iil mak ti pul=che'. ...

INC-3A-begin-lls person SUB fell=tree
one begins to fell trees.' (91.20.30-31)
(4) K(il)-u-jo'm-ol uy-utz-kin-t-ik(-oo? ..

INc(/when)-3A-end-IIs 3A-good-cAus-TRN-ITS(-PL}
'When they fmish fixing
uy-otoch-oo' tu'ux k-u-b'el-oo' ti kiij-tal-ej ...

3A-home-PL where INC-3A-go-PL SUB live-POSIT-TOP
where they are going to live,
k-u-chun-ik-oo' .. u-meyaj-oo'. ...

INC-3A-begin-ITS-PL 3A-work-PL
they begin their work.' (91.22.85-87)
(5) I k(il)-u-jo'm-ol u-Iaj=pul-p-aJ-al tulakal a' che'-ej ...

and INc/when-3A-fmish-IIS 3A-all=fall-PAs2-DTR-IIS all DET tree-TOP
'And when all of the trees are fmished falling,
ya k-u-p'iit-ik mak ..
already INC-3A-Ieave-ITS person
then one leaves it' (91.20.38-39)
(6) K(il)-u-jo'm-ol u-ch'ii!=k'o' a' kol-ej ...

INC/when-3A-fmish-IIS 3A-grow=sprout DET milpa-ToP
'When the rnilpa fmishes sprouting,
k-u-wach '-al .. k-u-wach '-al u-top'. ...

INC-3A-burst.out-IIS INC-3A-burst.out-IIS 3A-flower
it bursts out, its flowers burst out.' (91.20.70-71)
(7) (K-)u-jo'm-ol ki-b'et-ik kiw-uk'-ul-ej ..

INC/when-3A-end-IIS IPL.A-make-ITS IPL.A-drink-NOM-TOP
'After we make our drink,
ki-b'el ti xi'mal .. kik-i/-a' a' b'a'ax kiw-i/-ik ...

INCllpL.A-go SUB walk IpL.A-See-DTS DET what IpL.A-See-ITS
we're going to walk to see what we can see' (91.13.28-31)
(8) Jo'm-ol a' watz'-ej k-u-p'at-ik mak .. ka'=p'e mes ..

fmish-lls DET doubling-ToP INC-3A-Ieave-ITS person twO=INAM month
'When the doubling is fmished, one leaves it two months,' (91.20.99-100)
(9) Ijo'm-ol u-meyaj-t-ik-oo' a' che'-ej ... k-uy-em-el ..

and fmish-IIS 3A-work-TRN-ITS-PL DET tree-TOP INC-3A-descend-IIS
'And when they fmish working the tree, he climbs down,' (91.22.133-34)
(10) Jo'm-ol a' paychi'-ej ... tulakal a' mak-oo' k-u-man-al-oo'-ej ...
fmish-lls DET prayer-ToP all DET person-PL INC-3A-pass-IIS-PL-TOP
'After the prayer, all of the people pass,' (91.23.190-91)
(11) Jo'm-ol uy-oom-t-es-ik-oo'-ej ... k-u-tz'ik-oo' t-u-Iak' ...

fmish-lls 3A-boil-TRN-CAUS-ITS-PL-TOP INC-3A-putiITS-PL in-3A-other
'After they boil it, they put it in another (container)' (91.23.268-69)
Examples with the completive auxiliary,jo'mij, are given in (12)-(16). The following
clause generally begins with the temporal adverb ka', 'when', 'then'. The adverbial frame a'ka' (til
... -e'may also occur in conjunction withjo'mij (14)-(16) (cf. 24.1. 1.3. 1).
(12) Iijo'm-ij u-man ix-ch'up-ej ... ka' t-u-t'an-aj-een-oo' ..

and finish-3SG.B 3A-pass FEM-woman-TOP when cOM-3A-talk-cTs-1 SG.B-PL
'and the woman fmished passing by when they talked to me,' (91.3.27-28)
(13) Ii chenjo'm-ij b'in u-tzikb'a(l)-t-ik t-uy-atan

and only fmish-3SG.B REPORT 3A-tell-TRN-ITS to-3A-wife
'And, they say, he just finished telling his wife
a' b'a'ax uch-i(j) ti'ij-ej .. ka' kim-ij. ...

DET thing happen-3SG.B 3IOPR-TOP when die-3SG.B
what happened to him, when he died.' (91.16.159)
(14) A '-ka'jo'm-ij in-tz'ik u-xo'om tak a' noj che'-ej ..

DET-when finish-3SG.B ISG.A-give/ITs 3A-pole up.to DET big tree-TOP
'When I fmished putting the poles up to the big tree,
ka' kap-een in-yul-u' t-u-chun . ...

then begin-lsG.B ISG.A-cut-DTS at-3A-trunk
then I began to cut it at the trunk.' (91.1 0.57 -59)
(15) a'-ka' jo'm-ij u-laj=jan-t-ik a' ch'iich'

DET-when finish-3SG.B 3A-all=eat-TRN-ITS DET bird
'when it finished eating all of the birds
t-u-tz'on-m-aj-oo' la'ayti'-oo'-ej .. ka' kap-ij ti siit'. ...

COM-3A-shoot-PERF-CTS-PL 3IPR-PL-TOP then begin-3SG.B SUB jump
that they, themselves, had shot, then it began to jump.' (91.13.77-79)
(16) a '-ka' ti jo 'm-ij u-t'an et-el u-yum-il a' keej-ej ..

DET-whencoM fmish-3SG.B 3A-speak with-pas 3A-owner-POS DET deer-ToP
'when he finished speaking with the owner of the deer,
ka'ti .. kap-ij ti chokwil ..

then COM begin-3sG.B SUB fever
then he began to have fevers' (91.16. 137-39)
The terminative auxiliary may also be inflected in the dependent status (jo'mok) to refer
to future events, and it, too, may appear with the adverbial frame a'ka' ... -e' (17) (cf. 24.1.1.3.2).
"Time since" expressions are also formed withjo'mok (18) (cf. 15.4.2.5.2).
(17) A '-ka' jo 'm-ok a-b'et-ik-ej k-in-jan-t-ik.

DET-when end-DIS 2A-make-ITS-TOP INC-lsG.A-eat-TRN-ITS
'When you fmish making it, I'll eat it.'
(18) K-u-man ... jum=p'e mes .. wa ka'=p'e mes ...

lNC-3A-pass one=INAM month or two=INAM month
'(When) one month or two months pass
jO'm-ok u-b'et-ik mak uy-otoch-ej ...

fmish-DIS 3A-make-ITS person 3A-home-TOP
since one has fmished making his home,
k-u-top '-01 uy-ix-nok'ol-il a' xa 'an-ej. ..

lNC-3A-bom-ns 3A-FEM-worm-POS DET thatch-TOP
the worm of the thatch is born.' (91.21.48-51)
24.1.4. Contemporaneous Past with ich ...

Contemporaneous past actions or states may be marked in subordinate or nominalized
clauses with the preposition ich and the subordinate verb in the incompletive status (1 )-( 6).1 The
main clause may have a completive verb (1)-(3), a stative (4)-(5), or a verb in the durative aspect
with a past interpretation (6). The unmarked position for the subordinate clause is after the main
clause (1)-(6), but the subordinate clause may be fronted with an ich .... -e' frame (7). ich
constructions do not occur with present or future time reference, as shown by the unacceptability
of (8)-(9). The temporal relationship between the two clauses is generally contemporaneous but
nonspecific. These constructions are similar to, but much less common than, ka', 'when',
constructions with past time reference (cf. 24.1.1.1). The preposition ich also enters into adverb
1 It is incorrectly stated in Hofling (1997) that ich only occurs with intransitive verbs in
the past. It also may occur with past transitives.
of manner constructions (cf. 14.3.2, 18.3.4, 24.2)
(1) sat-ij .. ox=p'e mes ... ich uy-ok-ol ich a' ch'e'em-ej
10se-3sG.B three=INAM month SUB 3A-enter-uS inside DET cave-TOP
'he was lost three months when he entered inside the cave,' (91.15.208-9)
(2) Ma'jan-een ich in-tal.

NEG eat-ISG.B SUB ISG.A-come
'I didn't eat on my arrival.'
(3) T-in-jan-t-aj ich inw-il-ik.

COM-ISG.A-eat-TRN-CTS SUB lSG.A-see-ITS
'I ate it when I saw it.'
(4) Jok'-a'an ich in-kin-s-ik.

leave-PART SUB lSG.A-die-CAUS-ITS
'It was out when I killed it.'
(5) fa a' winik-ej kim-en ich u-jok'-sii-b'-iil. ...

already DET man-TOP die-NOM SUB 3A-Ieave-CAUS-PAS-IIS
'The man was already dead when they pulled him out.' (txtl.7I)
(6) Tan-in-tal ich inw-il-ik.

DUR-ISG.A-come SUB ISG.A-see-ITs
'I was coming when I saw it.'
(7) Ich in-tal-ej ma'jan-een.

SUB 1SG.A-come-TOP NEG eat-ISG.B
'When I came, I ate.'
(8) *K-in-jan-t-ik ich inw-il-ik.

INC-lSG.A-eat-TRN-ITS SUB ISG.A-see-ITS
(9) *In-ka 'aj in-jan-t-ej ich in-tal.

ISG.A-go ISG.A-eat-TRN-DTS SUB ISG.A-come
24.1.5. ma' toj, mix toj, 'not yet'

It is possible to indicate a prior temporal relation with ma' toj or mix toj, 'not yet', 'before',
and a verb in the dependent status marking negative-perfect aspect (1)-(5) (cf. 15.4.2.5.1,
I9.l.6, 24.l.l.2). The subordinate adverbial clause may follow the main clause (1)-(2) or
precede it (3)-(5). This is not a common construction.
(1) Jan-een ma' toj tak-en.

eat-ISG.B NEG yet come/Dis-IsG.B
'I ate before coming.'
(2) Samal inw-uk'-ik inw-uk'-ul mix toj tak-en.

tomorrow ISG.A-drink-ITS ISG.A-drink-NOM NEG yet come/Dis-IsG.B
'Tomorrow I will drink my coffee before I come.'
(3) Ma' toj tak-en ka' jan-een.

NEG yet come/Dis-IsG.B when eat-ISG.B
'Before I came I ate.' or 'I hadn't come yet when I ate.'
(4) Mix toj tak .. b'e! in-ka'a in-jan-t-ej.

NEG yet come/DIS go ISG.A-go ISG.A-eat-TRN-DTS
'Before he comes, I'm going to eat it.'
(5) Mix toj u-jan-t-ej i t-in-jan-t-aj in-ten.

NEG yet 3A-eat-TRN-DTS and COM-ISG.A-eat-TRN-CTS EMP-ISG.IPR
'Before he could eat it, I ate it.'
24.2. Manner Adverbial Clauses

The adverbials b'aay!o' ... -e' and b'ix ... -e'may frame entire clauses (cf. 14.3). As with
other clause frames with -e', the information in these subordinate clauses is given or accessible
and provides background for the surrounding elements of the discourse. The preposition ich may
also appear in these constructions indicating past time with verbs in the incompletive status (cf.
24.1.4).
24.2.1. b'aaylo' . -e', 'thus', 'in that way'

The adverbial b'aaylo' ... -e', 'thus', 'in that way', may frame a clause in a contrastive-
focus construction in which b 'aaylo' functions as the head, followed by a relative clause with a
final topic marker (1)-(10) (cf. 14.3.2, 17.4.1, 22.4). Past time reference in the subordinate
clause may be signalled by the completive aspect (I )-( 5) or with ich and the incompletive status,
indicating contemporaneous past (6) (cf. 24.1.4). Subordinate clauses also may have verbs with
incompletive TAM marking (7)-(9) and statives (10).
(I) T-a'jaab'man-ij-ej ... b'ay-lo' [ti-ki-b'et-aj-ell

in-DET year pasS-3SG.B-TOP thus-DIST [coM-IpL.A-dO-CTS-TOP]
'In the year that passed, thus we did it
ijok'-o'onjach ma'!o'-il
and leave-lpL.B very well-POS
and we came out very well' (91.9.32-34)
(2) Ii ... b'ay-lo' [ka' .. ok-ij k'in-ell ka' wen-een . ..

and thus-DIST [when enter-3SG.B sun-TOP] then sleep-lsG.B
'And thus when the sun set, then I slept.' (91.10.115-16)
(3) A' tu'ux t-uy-ub'-aj u-wak'-iil a' tz'on-ej ..

DET where cOM-3A-hear-CTS 3A-explode-ns DET gun-TOP
'Wbere (the crocodile) heard the guns fIre,
b'aay-lo' wat-aj-ij u-jalk'ii-t-ik a' winik-ej]. ...

thus-DIST [ABIL-CIS-3SG.B 3A-loosen-TRN-ITS DET man-TOP]
thus they were able to free the man.' (92.2.69-70)
(4) "si wa'yej .. tulakal .. yan kiw-an-t-ik ki-b'aj."

yes here all OBLIG IpL.A-help-TRN-ITS IpL.A-REFL
, "yes, here, we all have to help one another."
B'ay-lo' [t-uy-a'l-aj ten-ell ...

like-DIST [coM-3A-say-cTs ISG.lOPR-TOP]
Thus she told me.' (92.2.61-62)
(5) I b'ay-lo' W'at-ij ... u-kweentoj-il a' b'a'ax uch-ij ti'ij-ell ..

and like-DIsT remain-3SG.B 3A-story-pos DET what happen-3sG.B 3IOPR-TOP
'And thus ended the story of what happened to him,' (92.3 .157-58)
(6) B'aay-lo' [ich u-jan-t-ik b'iik'-ell ka' tal-ij t-inw-otoch.

thus-DIST [SUB 3A-eat-TRN-ITS meat-ToP] when come-3SG.B to-1SG.A-home
'It was thus that he ate meat when he came to my home.'
(7) JaW b'ay-lo' [patal u-b'o'-t-ik tech a' b'a'ax t-u-b'et-aj tech-ej]. ...
only thus-DIST [ABIL-3A-pay-TRN-ITS 2SG.lOPR DET what COM-3A-do-CTS 2SG.lOPR-TOP]
'Only in that way can he pay you for what he did to you.' (91.14.83-84)
(8) T-u-mach-aj u-k'ab'-oo' ... tu'ux k-uy-a'l-ik-oo'-ej

cOM-3A-grasp-cTs 3A-hand-pL where INc-3A-say-ITs-PL-TOP
'They shook hands (sealing the deal) where they said
ke b'ay-lo' [k-u-b'el u-b'et-oo'-ej]. ...

SUB like-DIST [INC-3A-go 3A-do-PL-TOP]
that thus they are going to do it.' (91.17.23-25)
(9) B'ay-lo' [a' b'a'alche'-e' .. kil uy-ub'-ik ke wi'ij .. tak u-jan-al-ell ...
like-DIST [DET animal-TOP when-3A-feel-ITS SUB hungry DES 3A-eat-NoM-TOP]
'Thus, the animal, when it was feeling that it was hungry, it wants to eat,
k-u-kap-al ti akan. ...

INc-3A-begin-ns SUB roar
it begins to roar.' (91.18.59-63)
(10) i b'aay-loj [ya a' otzil mak-oo' .. kaj-a'an-oo' waye'-ell ya saak-oo'. ...
and thuS-DIST [already DET poor person-PL live-PART-PL here-ToP] already afraid-PL
'and thus, then, the poor people living here were afraid.' (txt2.56-57)
24.2.2.jeb'ix ... -e', 'just as (... so)'

The comparative adverbialjeb'ix ... e', 'just as', may also frame subordinate adverbial
clauses (1)-(5) (cf. 14.3.3, 17.4.2). In (1) it is repeated in a strictly parallel structure with the
meaning 'just as' ... 'so'.jeb'ix may function as a TAM marker with verbs in the incompletive
status, indicating habitual or repeated actions, as in (1)-(2); with ich and an incompletive status
verb indicating past contemporaneous events, as in (3); in addition to other aspect markers, as in
(4); or with statives, as in (5).
(1) Je-b'ix u-tz'on-ik-oo'-ej ..

oST-how 3A-shoot-ITS-PL-TOP
'Just as they shot them,
je-b'ix u-lub'-ul a' b'a'alche'-oo' .. t-u-yaam a' witz-ej. ...

oST-how 3A-fall-IIS DET animal-PL in-3A-clearing DET hill-TOP
so the animals fell in the clearing of the hill.' (91.13.43-45)
(2) La'ayti'-oo'-ej t-u-t'an-oo'-ej

3 IPR-PL-TOP in-3A-thought-PL-TOP
'They thought
ke a' b'a'alche'-ej k-u-jan-alje-b'ix ki-jan-al in-to'on-ej ...

that DET animal-TOP INC-3A-eat-NoM OST-how IPL.A-eat-NoM EMP-lpL.IPR-TOP
that the animal ate like we eat,' (92.3.35-37)
(3) k-a-kokolche-t-ikje-b'ix ich u-b'et-ik tech-ej. ..

INC-2A-trample-TRN-ITS OST-how SUB 3A-do-ITS 2SG.lOPR-TOP
'you trample him, just as he did to you.' (91.14.81-82)
(4) Je-b'ix .. t-im-b'el t-in-xi'mal-ej ...

OST-how DUR-1SG.A-go DUR-1SG.A-walk-TOP
'As I was walking,
tan-inw-u'uy-ik u-jum u-tal a' ok t-in-pach-ej . ...

DUR-1SG.A-hear-ITS 3A-sound 3A-come DET foot at-1SG.A-back-TOP
I was hearing the sound of the footsteps coming behind me.' (91.2.58-59)
(5) Ma' patal u-na't-ik mak a' mak-oo'-ej

NEG ABIL 3A-understand-ITS person DET person-PL-TOP
'One can't understand the people,
je-b'ix .. yan k-u-tal-oo'-ej yan tun-b'el-oo'-ej

OST-how EXIST INC-3A-come-PL-TOP EXIST DuRl3A-go-PL-TOP
just as there are those who come, there are those who are going,' (91.24.451-53)
24.3. Subordination with Intransitive Matrix Verbs and Statives
24.3.1. Intransitive Subordinate Clause

Verbs of motion, the intransitive inceptive verb kapiil, 'begin', and certain other
intransitive verbs and statives2 take subordinate clauses that appear as incompletive status stems
after the subordinator ti', 'to', in the structure: V[INTR/Stative + ti' + V-lIS (1)-(9) (cf. 15.2.5,
15.4.2.8.2, 23.2. 1. 1.1; Hofling 1984a). In these constructions, the subjects of the main verbs are
coreferential with the subjects of the subordinate verbs and no person marking appears on the
latter. An example of kapiil, 'begin', is given in (1), verbs of motion appear in (2)-(5), and other
intransitive matrix verbs appear in (6)-(7). Examples with statives are given in (8)-(9). A nominal
subject (underlined) may appear before the main verb, as in (3), between the main and subordinate
verb, as in (4), (6), or after the subordinate verb, as in (5). While not common, such subordinate
clauses may be fronted with the topic marker, as in (10).
(1) Ka' kap-oo' ti tz'on ...

then begin-PL SUB shoot
'Then they began to shoot,' (91.13.40)

go ISG.A-go SUB bury-PAS-IIS together to-2A-with-pos
'I am going to be buried together with you' (91.17.12)
(3) tulakal a' uy-itz a' che' je'-lo' k-u-b'el ti tal-el ... ti'ich k'aax ...
all DET 3A-resin DET tree OST-DIST INC-3A-go SUB come-lIS from in forest
'all of the resin of that tree that is going to come from inside the forest,' (91.22.282-85)
(4) i la'ayti' tu'ux k-u-b'el mak ti kux-tal. ...

and 3IPR where INC-3A-go person SUB live-POSIT
'and that is where one is going to live.' (91.20.157)
2 Passive verb forms are also included in this category, including passives of modal-
controlling verbs, e.g., kut'iinb'iil ti wenel, 'slhe is told to sleep' (cf. 23.2.1).
(5) Tal-oo' ti jan-al a' winik-oo '-ej.

come-PL SUB eat-NoM DET man-PL-TOP
'The men came to eat.'
(6) Nak-ij inw-ool ti jan-al.

bore-3SG.B 1SG.A-spirit SUB eat-NOM
'I was bored of eating.'
(7) Ka 'n-een ti jan-al.

tire-1SG.B SUB eat-NOM
'I tired of eating.'
(8) Ka'n-a'an-en ti xi'mal.

tire-PART-1sG.B SUB walk
'I am tired of walking.'
(9) Saak-en ti b'el.

afraid-1SG.B SUB go
'I am afraid to go.'
(10) Ti' ichkil-ej b'in-oo'.

SUB bathe-ToP gO-PL
'To bathe, they went.'
24.3.2. Transitive Subordinate

Transitive complements of intransitive matrix verbs or statives are inflected in the
dependent status in the structure: V[TRNJ + A.PR-V-DTS (1)-(7) (cf. 3.1.3, 15.4.2.8.2,
23 .2.1.1.2; Hofling 1984a). Subject arguments of both clauses are coreferential and no
subordinator appears. While uncommon, the subordinate clause can be fronted, as in (8).
(1) ka' kap(-ij) u-tzikb'a(l)-t-ej t-uy-iitan .. a' b'a'ax t-uy-il-aj-ej ...

then begin(-3sG.B) 3A-tell-TRN-DTS to-3A-wife DET thing cOM-3A-see-CTS-TOP
'then he began to tell his wife the thing that he saw,' (91.16.154-55)
(2) I ma' a-b'el a-man=tZ'on-t-ej keej ...

and NEG 2A-go 2A-miS=shoot-TRN-DTS deer
'And don't go wounding deer
porke waye' k-i(m-b'e)l im-pak'-t-eech-ej ..

because here lNC-1SG.A-go ISG.A-await-TRN-DTS/2SG.B-TOP
because here I am going to await you
ya ma' tan-b'e(l) ti sut t-aw-otoch t-u-ka'ye' ..

already NEG DuR/2A-go SUB return to-2A-home to-3A-again
and then you aren't going to return to your house again,' (91.16.147-49)
(3) Ka'laj=wej(-oo,) a' poolis-oo' ich a' noj kaj-ej .. u-kiixiin-t-oo' ix-ch'up ..
then all=spread(-PL) DET police-PL in DET big town-TOP 3A-seek-TRN-PL FEM-woman
'Then the police all spread out in the city to seek the woman' (91.17.229-30)
(4) Tulakal a' nukuch nal tulis-ej .. la'ayti' a'-Io' k-u-b'el u-yej-t-ej mak-ej
all DET big ear whole-TOP 3IPR DET-DIST INC-3A-go 3A-pick-TRN-DTS person-TOP
'All of the big ears that are whole, it's those that one is going to pick out' (91.20:130-31)
(5) A' tzimin-oo'-ej ... la'ayti' k-u-b'el u-kuch-u'-oo' ..

DET mule-PL-TOP 3IPR INC-3A-go 3A-haul-DTs-PL
'The mules, they are going to haul (it)' (91.22.27-28)
(6) Nak-i) inw-ool in-jan-t-ej.

bore-3SG.B ISG.A-spirit ISG.A-eat-TRN-DTS
'I was bored of eating it.'
(7) Ka 'n-een in-jan-t-ej.

tire-l SG.B 1SG.A-eat-TRN-DTS
'I tired of eating it.'
(8) In-jan-t-ej tal-een.

ISG.A-eat-TRN-DTS come-1SG.B
'To eat, I came.'
24.3.3. Negative Subordinate

Some intransitive verbs, such as passive forms of modal-controlling verbs, may also take
negative subordinate clauses, which enter into the structure: V + (kej) + NEG + A.PR-V-
incompletive status, as in (1) (cf. 23.2.1.1.3, 23.2.1.2.2).
(1) Pero la'ayti'-ej k'ub'en-b'-i) ti'i) men a' chiimach-ej ..

but 3IPR-TOP recommend-PAS-3SG.B 3IOPR by DET old. mao-TOP
'But as for him, it was recommended to him by the old mao
(ke) ma' u-b'el u-tzikb'al-t-ej mix=b'a'al. ...

(SUB) NEG 3A-go 3A-say-TRN-DTS NEG--thing
that he not go saying anything.' (91.15.165-67)
24.3.4. Subordination with Intransitive Cognitive Matrix Verbs

Some cognitive intransitive verbs or verb phrases have distinctive subordinate clause
constructions. k'aJal li'i), 'remember', and tub'ul ti'i), 'forget', enter in the construction: V + IOPR
+ kej + subordinate sentence, where the subordinate sentence is marked like a main clause (1 )-(3)
(cf. 23.2.2). nak'iil uyool, 'to be bored', may function like other intransitives, as described in
24.3.1 and 24.3.2, but it may also appear with complements in the structure: nak'iil + uyool +
A.PR-V-incompletive status (4)-(5). In these constructions, the main clause and subordinate
subjects are not coreferential. The relevant human in the main clause is an indirect object (1)-(3)
or possessor (4)-(5).
(1) i k'aj-ij ti'ij ke .. t-u-chun a' witz-ej .. t-uy-il-aj a' 'aktun-ej

and remember-3sG.B 3IOPR SUB at-3A-base DET hill-TOP cOM-3A-see-CTS DET cave-TOP
'and he remembered that at the base of the hill he saw the cave' (91.15.160-62)
(2) K-u-k'aI-a1 ten ke yan a-b'el t-aw-otoch.

INC-3A-remember-lls ISG.IOPR SUB OBLIG 2A-go to-2A-home
'I remember that you have to go home.'
(3) Tub'-ij ten ke yan a-b'el t-aw-otoch.

forget-3sG.B ISG.IOPR SUB OBLIG 2A-go to-2A-home
'I forgot that you have to go home.'
(4) Nak-ij inw-ool im-pul-ik in-jook'.

tire-3SG.B ISG.A-spirit ISG.A-throw-ITS ISG.A-fishhook
'I got tired of throwing my fishhook.'
(5) Tan-u-nak-iil inw-ool im-b'el-i'ij.

DUR-3A-tire-us ISG.A-spirit ISG.A-go-LOc
'I am bored of going there.'
24.3.4. Statives with Switch-Reference in Subordinate Clause

Statives may occur in irrealis switch-reference constructions. In these constructions
affirmative subordinate clauses are marked by the subordinator ka', 'that', with subordinate verbs
inflected in the dependent status in the structure: Stative + ka' + (A.PR-)V-dependent status (1)-
(3) (cf. 23.2.1.2). ka' often contracts with Set A person markers, as in (3). Negative subordinate
clauses are marked by (ke) ma' with the subordinate verb inflected in the incompletive status in
the structure: Stative + (kej) + NEG + A.PR-V-incompletive status (4) (cf. 24.3.3, 23.2.1.2.2).
(I) Saak-en ka' puch '-uk.

afraid-lsG.B SUB bruise-DIS
'I'm afraid it might bruise.'
(2) Ti ten-ejjach ma'Zo ka' u-b'et-ej.

to ISG.IOPR-TOP very good SUB 3A-do-DTS
'For me it's fme that he do it.'
(3) Saak-ech k(a~-inw-il-a'.

afraid-2SG.B SUB-IsG.A-see-DTS
'You are afraid I'll see it.'
(4) Saak-en (ke) ma' u-tal.

afraid-ISG.B (SUB) NEG 3A-come
'I am afraid he isn't coming.'
24.4. Purpose Clauses

It has been mentioned in passing in chapters 15 and 23 that a number of complex
constructions involving the dependent status may be used to indicate purpose. In addition, there is
a group of subordinate constructions with verbs in the incompletive status that are used to indicate
purpose. This section provides a more detailed description of both types of constructions.
24.4.1 Incompletive Status
24.4.1.1. Affirmative
The subordinators ti'ij, 'to', 'for', ti'a'al, 'in order to', andyok'(olal), 'for', often mark
subordinate purpose clauses with verbs in the incompletive status. Constructions with each
subordinator are described below.
24.4.1.1.1. ti'ij ... (-aI), 'to', 'for', 'in order to'

In addition to marking indirect object case role (cf. 13.2.4), ti'ij may enter into
prepositional phrases indicating function or purpose (1) (cf. 13 .2.5). The preposition ti'ij may
also function as a subordinator at the beginning of subordinate purpose clauses. It generally
appears with aspectless verbs in the incompletive status in the structure: Main Clause + ti'ij +
A.PR-V-incompletive status (2)-(10). ti'ij, like ti', may contract with Set A person markers, as in
(2) (cf. 1.4.7). It may appear with both intransitive verbs, such as in (2)-(4), and transitive verbs,
as in (5)-(10), whether or not arguments are coreferential in both clauses. When the subordinate
clause includes the abilitative patal, the abilitative has a third-person Set A person marker (3) (cf.
15.2.6.5, 24.4. 1. 1.3). In transitive subordinate clauses with ti'ij, transitive verbs optionally have
an additional (nominal) suffix -al after the verb stem but before Set B person markers, as in (5)-
(10).
(1) ltulakal a' ta'k'inje'-lo' b'el u-ka'a ti .. k'ab'eet-tal to'on ...

and all DET money OST-DIST go 3A-go SUB need-INCH 1PL.lOPR
'And all of that money is going to to be needed by us
ti'ij a ' ki'mak='ol-al k-u-tal .. t-u-mes-i(l) maarso . ..

SUB DET happy=spirit-NOM INC-3A-come in-3A-month-Pos March
for the fiesta that comes in the month of March.' (91.9.16-19)
(2) tumen a' k'in-oo'-ej ... ma' ki' ti'ij u-ch'iik-b'-iil che' ..
because DET day-PL-TOP NEG good SUB 3A-cut-PAS-IIS wood
'because the days are not good for wood to be cut
t-u-ch'iik-b'-iil xa'an .. t-u-ch'iik-b'-iil ak'... ti'ij pak'...

SUB-3A-cut-PAS-IIS thatch sUB-3A-cut-PAS-IIS vine SUB plant
for thatch to be cut, for vines to be cut, to plant.' (91.21.15-19)
(3) I man-sii-b'-ij u-tak'in-oo' ti'ij u-patal u-kux-tal-oo' 'aasta ka' kim-oo'. ...
and pass-CAuS-PAS-3sG.B 3A-money-PL SUB 3A-ABIL 3A-live-posIT-PL until when die-PL
'Their money was brought to them so they could live until they died.' (91.4.162-64)
(4) T'in-i' a' k'aan tulakal t-u-jaal a' naj-ej ti'ij u-xit'-b'-i/ nok'.
stretch-IMPTS DET rope all on-3A-perimeter DET house-ToP SUB 3A-hang-PAs-IIS clothes
'Stretch the line all around the house for hanging clothes.'
(5) A' k'in-oo'je'-la'-ej ... jach ma'lo' xan ti'ij u-kiixiin-t-ik-al mak .. tz'on . ...
DET day-PL OST-PROX-TOP very good also SUB 3A-seek-TRN-ITS-NOM person shoot
'These days are very good too for one to go out for hunting.' (91.21.82-84)
(6) t-uy-a'al-aj ten-ej ke ka' im-b'et-ej .. jum=p'e mo'nok chem ..

cOM-3A-say-cTs lSG.lOPR-TOP SUB SUB lSG.A-make-DTS one=INAM small canoe
'(he) told me that I should make a small canoe
ti'ij u-tz'ik(-al) uy-uk'-ul tulakal u-tzimin-oo'. ...

SUB 3a-give/ITs(-NOM) 3A-drink-NOM a1l3A-horse-PL
to give drink to all of his horses.' (91.1 0.4-6)
(7) tumen a' che'-ej .. u-k'a't-i(j) ti'ij u-men-t-ik-al .. ka'= kuru/} nukuch naj ...
CONJ DET wood-TOP 3A-want-TS SUB 3A-make-TRN-ITS-NOM two=round big house
'because the wood, he wants it to make two big houses
ti'ij u-kiij-tal et-el u-paal-oo' ...

SUB 3A-live-POSIT with-pos 3A-child-PL
for him to live with his children,' (91.1.33-35)
(8) ka' t-in-sut-oj in-k'aak'-ej .. ti'ij in-tich'k'ak'-t-ik-al ..

then cOM-l SG.A-turn.back-CTS 1SG.A-fire-TOP SUB lSG.A-illuminate-TRN-ITS-NOM
'then I turned my light back to light up
a' b'ej tu'ux .. tal-een-ej. ...

DET road where come-1SG.B-TOP
the road where I came.' (91.51-53)
(9) La' k'uchje'-lo'-ej ... ti'ij u-b'et-ik-al-oo' a' kib'-ej. ...

DET thread OST-DIST-TOP SUB 3A-make-ITs-NOM-PL DET candle-TOP
'That thread, it is for making the candles.' (91.23.281-82)
(10) ka' kap-oo' ti b'a'te' .. ti'ij u-man-s-ik-al-oo' tanxeel u-chi' a'ja' ...
when begin-PL SUB paddle SUB 3A-pass-CAUS-ITS-NOM-PL other 3A-edge DET lake
'when they began to paddle in order to take it to the other shore of the lake' (91.3.100-2)
24.4.1.1.2. ti'a'a'I .. (-aI), 'in order to'

ti'-a 'al ... (-al) functions like ti'i} in affirmative subordinate clauses with incompletive
status verbs in the structure: Main Clause + ti'a'al + A.PR-V-incompletive status (1)-(5) (cf.
24.4.1.1.1, 24.2). It freely substitutes for ti'i} in elicitation but has not been observed in natural
discourse. It occurs with both intransitives, as in (1), and transitives, as in (2)-(5), where the -al
suffix is optional on the subordinate verb.
(I) T-u-tiika '-t-aj-ech ti'-a 'al u-wen-el.

cOM-3A-send-TRN-CTS-2SG.B SUB-NOM 3A-sleep-IIS
'S/he sent you so that s/he could sleep.'
(2) T-in-ta-s-aj tech a' tz'on-ej

COM-lsG.A-come-cAus-CTS 2SG.IOPR DET gun-ToP
'I brought the gun
ti'-a'al a-tz'on-ik(-al) a' b'alum-ej.

SUB-NOM 2A-shoot-ITS(-NOM) DET jaguar-TOP
for you to shoot the jaguar.'
(3) T-a-t'iin-aj-en ti'-a'al inw-an-t-ik( -al)-ech.

cOM-2A-call-CTS-lSG.B SUB-NOM ISG.A-help-TRN-ITS( -NOM)-2SG.B
'You called me for me to help you.'
(4) T-in-miin-aj b'iik' ti'-a 'al u-jan-t-ik( -al) et-e ja'as.

COM-lsG.A-buy-CTS meat SUB-NOM 3A-eat-TRN-ITS( -NOM) with-pos plantain
'I bought meat for him to eat with plantains.'
(5) In-ten t-im-p'ut-aj ja' ti'-a'al uy-uk'-ik( -al) u-tz'ak.

EMP-ISG.lPR COM-ISG.A-leave-CTS water SUB-NOM 3A-drink-ITS( -NOM) 3A-medicine
'I left him water for him to drink his medicine.'
24.4.1.1.3. yok'olal, 'for'

yok'olal ~ yok'ol ~ yok', 'for', also marks purpose clauses with aspectless subordinate
verbs in the incompletive status in the structure: Main Clause + yok'(olal) + A.PR-V-incompletive
status (1)-(15) (cf. 13.2.11.4). The abilitative aspect patal may also have Set A person marking
in subordinate clauses (16), except in adverbial-focus constructions (13)-(14) (cf. 24.2.1).
yok'(olal) also commonly appears with negative subordinate clauses (cf. 24.4.1.2). Like the other
purpose subordinators, it may appear with both transitive and intransitive verbs, regardless of
coreference of arguments between clauses. The full form includes an -al suffix, as in (13 )-( 15),
but the -al suffix rarely appears on subordinate verbs with the subordinator yok' (cf. 24.4.I.I.I,
24.4.I.I.2).
(1) Jo'lej-i} b'in-een ti Peten .. chen yok' in-miin-ik .. jum=p'e 'uulej

yesterday-3sG.B go-ISG.B to PN only SUB ISG.A-buy-ITS one=INAM nipple
'Yesterday I went to Flores just to buy a nipple.' (91.7.8-9)
24. ADVERBIAL CLA USES 529
(2) B'a-Ia b'el in-ka'a Ii tz'iib' ti'ij .. yok' uy-ojel-t-ik b'ix yan-i/.
TEMP-PROX go ISG.A-go to write 3IOPR SUB 3A-know-TRN-ITS how EXIST-FOC
'Now I am going to write him so that he knows how it is.' (91.8.33-34)
(3) tumen b'el u-ka'a ti tz'iib'-(b~-il .. u-ju'um-il ...

because go 3A-go to write(-PAs)-IIS 3A-book-pos
'because it is going to be written (in) the official book
yok' u-p'at-iil .. u-k'ab'a' tulakal a' .. mak-oo' k-u-b'el-oo' ti meyaj-ej. ...

SUB 3A-remain-lls 3A-name all DET person-PL INC-3A-go-PL SUB work-TOP
so the names remain of all of the people that are going to work.' (91.9.47-49)
(4) ka' t-in-tz'aj y-alam .. yok' u-kuch-ik u-ni' a' che'-ej ..

thencoM-lsG.A-putiCTs 3A-below SUB 3A-carry-ITS 3A-tip DET tree-TOP
'and I put them underneath to support the top of the tree' (91.10.53-54)
(5) TZ'-aj tulakal a' b'ateriiyaj ma'lo' .. t-a-fook-ej ...

give/IMPTs all DET battery good in-2A-flashlight-TOP
'Put all the good batteries in your flashlight
yok' u-sas-i(l)-tal uy-ich a' k'aak'-ej. ...

SUB 3A-bright-POS-INCH 3A-eye DET light-TOP
so that the light's bulb is bright.' (91.11.14-15)
(6) Man-es ten a' riifle k-a-man-s-ik-ej ..

pass-cAUs/IMPTS ISG.IOPR DET rifle INC-2A-pass-CAUS-ITS-TOP
'Pass me the rifle that you are carrying
yok' inw-il-ik wa k-in-tz'on-ik. ..

SUB ISG.A-see-lTs COND INC-1SG.A-shoot-ITS
for me to see if! can shoot it.' (91.11.69-72)
(7) in-ten-ej b'el in-ka'a in-ye'ye'=lox-t-ej ..

EMP-lsG.IPR-TOP go ISG.A-go ISG.A-threaten=hit-TRN-DTS
'I am going to threaten to punch him
yok' u-tal uy-alkii'-t-een. ...

SUB 3A-come 3A-chase-TRN-lsG.o
so that he comes to chase me.' (91.14.37-38)
(8) k-in-tzikb'al-t-ik tech-ej ... yok' aw-u'y-ik-e'ex

INC-1SG.A-say-TRN-ITS 2SG.IOPR-TOP SUB 2A-hear-ITS-2pL.o
'that I say to you so that you all hear
b'ix u-tz'o'ok-ol a'winik ..

how 3A-end-IIS DET man
how the man ended' (91.15.226-28)
(9) Mentiik-ej .. yan u-wiitz'-ik mak a' kol-ej ..

therefore-TOP OOLIG 3A-double-ITS person DET milpa-TOP
'Therefore, one must double the milpa
yok' u-p 'at-iii jach yutzil u-ixi'im-il. ...

SUB 3A-remain-IIS very pretty 3A-com-pos
so that its com remains very pretty.' (91.20.112-13)

go ISG.A-go SUB bury-PAS-IIS together to-2A-with-POS
'I am going to be buried together with you
yok' aw-il-ik ... ke ten-ej t-u-jaj-iljach in-k'a't-eech. ...

SUB 2A-see-ITS SUB ISG.lPR-TOP in-3A-true-POS much ISG.A-love-2sG.B
so that you see that I truly love you very much.' (91.17.12-14)
(11) Ii} .. k-in-tzikb 'al-t-ik t-a' nojoch winik-ej

and INC-lSG.A-tell-TRN-ITS to-DET big man-TOP
'And I tell it to the gentleman
yok' uy-ojel-t-ik .. b'ix u-meyaj-b'-iil.

SUB 3A-know-TRN-ITS how 3A-work-PAS-IIS
for him to know how it is worked.' (91.20.159-61)
(12) K-u-tiik'-ik k'aak' ti'i} ... yok'-ol u-Iaj='el-el. ...

INC-3A-light-ITS fire 3IOPR SUB-POS 3A-all=bum-IIs
'He lights fire to it so that it all bums.' (91.20.48-49)
(13) b'el in-ka'a in-kiixiin-t-ej u-laak' inw-et'ok ..

go ISG.A-go ISG.A-seek-TRN-DTS 3A-other ISG.A-companion
'I'm going to look for another companion
yok'(-ol-al) b'ay-lo'-ej .. patal ki-jok'-s-ik ..

SUB-(POS-NOM) thuS-DiST-TOP ABIL IpL.A-leave-CAUS-ITS
so that in that way we can take it out' (91.1.19-21)
(14) ke yan u-laj=t'iin-ik-oo' u-yum-il-oo' a' kaj-ej ..

SUB OBUG 3A-all=call-ITS-PL 3A-owner-POS-PL DET town-TOP
'that they have to call all of the inhabitants of the town
yok'(-ol-al) b'aay-lo' .. patal kiw-il-ik .. max ich-il-o'on ... patal ki-meyaj-t-ik ...
SUB(-POS-NOM) thuS-DiST ABIL IpL.A-See-ITS who in-POS-lpL.B ABIL IpL.A-work-TRN-ITS
so that in that way we can see who among us can work' (91.9.9-12)
(15) K-a-ch 'uy-kin-t-ik yok' k'aak' .. yok'( -ol-al) u-tikin-tal. ...

INC-2A-hang-cAus-TRN-ITS over fire SUB-(POS-NOM) 3A-dry-INCH
'You hang them over the fire so that they dry.' (91.16.28-29)
(16) i yan u-meyaj-b'-iil'aasta u-jok'-ol u-tz'ok a' kintal-ej ..

and OBUG 3A-work-PAS-IIS tiI3A-leave-IIs 3A-end DET quintal-TOP
'And it has to be worked until the last of the quintals (comes out)
yok' u-pat-al uy-em-el a' winik .. t-uy-otoch-ej

SUB 3A-able-IIS 3A-descend-IIS DET man to-3A-home
for the man to be able to come down to his house,' (91.22.197-99)
24.4.1.2. Negative
Negative purpose clauses generally appear with the subordinator yok' in the construction:
Main Clause + yok' + NEG + A.PR-V-incompletive status (1)-(5). Whenyok' appears with the
incompletive-status abilitative marker patal, a Set A person marker is required, as in (5). In
elicitation, ti'a'al, 'in order to', may also appear with negative purpose clauses, as in (6)-(7).
(1) miiya .. b'el in-ka'a ti wen-el-i'i} .. yok' ma' in-tal t-u-ka'=sut. ...
maybe go lSG.A-go SUB sleep-IIS-LOC SUB NEG lSG.A-come to-3A-REPET=return
'I think maybe I'll sleep there so I don't have to come back again.' (91.5.13-14)
(2) Mentiik-ej tan-ki-tan-I-ik .. yok' ma' u-kim-il-oo'. ...

therefore-TOP DUR-1pL.A-attend-NOM-ITS SUB NEG 3A-die-IIS-PL
'Therefore we are caring for them so that they don't die.' (91.7.19-20)
(3) ke la'ayti' k-u-b'el u-k'ax-ii' .. a' b'a'alche'-oo' ich a' 'aktun-oo'-ej ..

SUB 3IPR INc-3A-go 3A-tie-DTS DET animal-PL in DET cave-PL-TOP
'that he is going to tie the animals inside the caves
yok / ma / u-jok'-ol. ...

SUB NEG 3A-Ieave-lis
so they don't come out.' (91.18.35-38)
(4) K-u-k'ub'en-t-ik-oo' t-a' ik'-ej ..

INC-3A-recommend-TRN-ITS-PL to-DET wind-TOP
'They entrust it to the wind
yok' ma' u-Iub'-ul u-niil-oo'. ...

SUB NEG 3A-fall-IIS 3A-corn.ear-PL
so that the corn ears don't fall (from the wind).' (91.19.47-48)
(5) T-in-miich-aj u-b'oteeyaj yok' ma' u-patal uy-uk'-ul.

COM-1SG.A-grab-cTS 3A-bottle SUB NEG 3A-ABIL 3A-drink-IIS
'I took his bottle so that he couldn't drink.'
(6) Tan-in-muk-ik im-b'aj ti'-a'al ma' aw-il-ik-en.

DUR-1SG.A-hide-ITS lSG.A-REFL SUB-NOM NEG 2A-see-ITS-1SG.B
'I was hiding so that you wouldn't see me.'
(7) T-in-tiika'-t-ik-ech te'-Io'-ej ti'-a'al ma' inw-il-ik-ech.

cOM-1SG.A-send-TRN-ITS-2sG.B LOC-DIST-TOP SUB-NOM NEG lSG.A-see-ITS-2SG.B
'I sent you there so that I wouldn't see you.'

As mentioned in chapter 23, object complements in the dependent status may indicate
purpose without the subordinators specifically linked to purpose clauses. It is common for purpose
constructions in which the matrix and subordinate direct objects are coreferential to appear
without subordinators (1)-(2). Both ti'i} and ti'a'al may also appear with dependent-status forms
(4)-(12). Negative forms only appear with incompletive status verbs (cf. 24.4.1.2). ti'i} may
appear alone with transitive verbs in the dependent status (4)-(5), but it only occurs with
intransitive verbs in the incompletive status, as shown by (3) (cf. 24.4.1.1.1). ti'a'al always
appears with ka' (6)-(12), and may appear with intransitive or transitive subordinate verbs. These
constructions generally involve irrealis modalities such as future possibilities, marked by the
dependent status of the abilitative marker, as in (8)-(12).
532 InA} MA YA GRAMMAR
(I) T-in-tz'aj jun =tu k'ek'en u-kim-es-oo'.

COM-ISG.A-give/cTS one=ANIM pig 3A-die-CAus/oTS-PL
'I gave them a pig to kill.'
(2) T-in-miin-aj b'iik' in-jan-t-ej.

cOM-I SG.A-buy-CTS meat I SG.A-eat-TRN-DTS
'I bought meat to eat.'
(3a) Yan u-lu'um-oo' ti'i) u-meyaj-oo'.

EXIST 3A-Iand-pL for 3A-work-PL
'They have land for them to work.'
(3b) *Yan u-lu'um-oo' ti'i) meyaj-n-ak-oo'.

EXIST 3A-Iand-pL for work-AP-DIS
(4) Aa yan u-lu 'um-oo' ti'ij u-meyaj-t-oo'.

EXCL EXIST 3A-Iand-PL SUB 3A-work-TRN-DTS/pL
'Ah, there are the fields for them to work.' (91.24.466-67)
(5) ka' t-in-sut-aj in-k'aak'-ej .. ti'ij in-tich'k'ak'-t-ej

then cOM-IsG.A-turn.back-CTS ISG.A fire-TOP SUB lSG.A-illuminate-TRN-DTS
'then I turned my light back to light up
a' b'ej tu'ux .. tal-een-ej. ...

DET road where come-ISG.B-TOP
the road where I came.' (91.2.51-53)
(6) ka' t-uy-a'l-aj ti'i) tulakal uy-et=sold'aadoj-il-oo'-ej ..

when cOM-3A-saY-CTS to all 3A-with=soldier-POS-PL-TOP
'when they told all of their fellow soldiers,
keejach ma'lo' 'ooraj ti'-a'al ka' ok-ok-oo' ..

that very good hour SUB-NOM SUB enter-DIS-PL
that it was a very good time to enter,' (txt2.112-13)
(7) Ko'ox kiw-utz-kin-t-ej ki-k'aak' .. ti'-a'al ka' ki-tich'k'ak'-t-ej

HORT IpL.A-good-cAUS-TRN-DTS IPL.A-fire SUB-NOM SUB IpL.A-illuminate-TRN-DTS
'Let's fix our light so that we can illuminate
a' kolje'-la'-ej....
DET rnilpa OST-PROX-TOP
this rnilpa.' (91.11.9-11)
(8) I ki-tz'ik .. t-u-joljum=p'eel b'oteeya .. ti'-a'al ka' pat-ak uy-uk'-ul. ...

and INC/lpL.A-give/ITS on-3A-hole one=INAM bottle SUB-NOM SUB ABIL-DIS 3A-drink-IIS
'And we put it on the mouth of a bottle so that they could drink.' (91.7.10-11)
(9) Ii ... k-uy-a'al-ik ten-ej ... ke wa ma' inw-ojel

and INC-3A-say-ITs ISG.IOPR-TOP SUB COND NEG ISG.A-know
'And he asks me if I don't know
b'u; u-men-b'-el u-sektreetoj-il ...

como 3A-rnake-PAS-IIS 3A-secret-pos
how their charm is made
24. AD VERBIAL eLA USES 533
li'-a'(al) ka' pat-ak u-tz'on-ik mak .. a' keej-oo'-ej. ...

so that one would be able to shoot the deer.' (91.16.4-7)
(10) A' meyaj-oo' ... ki-b'et-ik wa'ye'-ej ... yan ki-ldix-t-ik u-k'in-il ma'/o' ..
DET work-PL INC/lPL.A-do-ITS here-ToP OBLIO IpL.A-Seek-TRN-ITS 3A-day-pos good
'The jobs that we do here we have to seek a good day
Ii'-a'al ka' pat-ak ki-b'et-ik. ...

SUB-NOM SUB able-DIS IPL.A-do-ITS
so that we can do it.' (91.21.8-10)
(11) Iii} .. miiya ma' t-in-b 'el inw-i/-a' max y-oje/ t'an ich 'espanyol ...
and maybe NEO DUR-lso.A-go IS0.A-see-DTS who 3A-know speak in Spanish
'And I think I am not going to see anyone that knows Spanish
Ii'-al ka' pat-ak inw-ojel-t-ik .. tu'ux u-jol-tak a' naj ..

SUB-NOM SUB ABIL-DIS IS0.A-know-TRN-ITS where 3A-door-PL DET house
so that I could know which of the doors
tu'ux patal in-jok'-ol

where ABIL IS0.A-Ieave-IIS
is where I can leave' (92.2.47-51)

3IPR cOM-3A-ask-cTs 1SO.IOPR twO=INAM month permit
'he asked two months permission for me
Ii'-a'(al) ka' pat-ak in-ta/-e/ wa'yej. ...

SUB-NOM SUB ABIL-DIS IS0.A-come-IIS here
so that I could come here.' (92.2.190-91)
24.4.3. Highlighting Purpose Clauses

While the unmarked order of the subordinate purpose clause is after the main clause, it
may precede to reflect the discourse highlighting mechanisms of contrastive focus (1)-(4) and
topicalization (5).
(1) Ti'ij aw-il-ik-al-en .. yan a-tal tun-'ok-o/=k'in.

SUB 2A-see-ITS-NOM-lso.B OBLIO 2A-come DuRl3A-enter-IIs=sun
'In order to see me you must come at nightfall.'
(2) Jo'/ej-i} chen li'ij in-man-al ta/-een.

yesterday-3so.B only SUB IS0.A-buy-NOM come-lS0.B
'Yesterday, it was only in order to shop that I came.'
(3) Yok' in-Ia-s-ik im-paal .. in-ka'aj ti kaj.

SUB IS0.A-come-CAUS-ITS IS0.A-child IS0.A-go to town
'In order to bring my child, I go to town.'
(4) Ti'-a'al ka' pat-ak ki-b'et-ik ... yan ki-kiix-t-ik u-k'in-i/ ma'/o' ..
SUB-NOM SUB ABIL-DIS IPL.A-do-ITS OBLIO IpL.A-Seek-TRN-ITS 3A-day-pos good
'So that we can do it, we have to seek a good day.'
(5) Yok'(-ol-al) a-ch'an-iil-ej .. t-in-ta-s-aj-ech t-inw-otoch.

SUB(-POS-NOM) 2A-heal-IIs-TOP COM-l SG.A-come-CAuS-CTS-2sG.B to-lSG.A-home
'For you to get well, I took you to my house.'
25. STYLE AND POETICS 535
25. Style and Poetics
25.0. Contents
25.1. Sound Symbolism and Sound Play
25.2. Parallelism and Repetition
25.3. Quoted Speech and Dialogic Repetition
25.4. Discourse Unit Boundaries
25.5. Discourse Genres
25.5.1. Conversation
25.5.2. Narrative
25.5.2.1. Personal Narrative
25.5.2.2. Mythic Narrative
25.5.2.3. Historical Narrative
25.5.3. Procedural (Expository) Discourse
25.6. Cultural Schemata
Meaning in Itzaj Maya discourse is multiply determined. Elements at different levels of

linguistic structure and multiple discourse participants contribute to the construction of
meaningful speech. Sound contributes to meaning and meaning penetrates sound in a fashion that
seems to be natural and nonarbitrary.
At all levels of linguistic structure, from the phonological through the morphological,
morphosyntactic, syntactic, and higher levels of discourse, linguistic parallelism is a marked
feature of Itzaj Maya discourse. The constant repetition and aggregation of complementary
structures reinforce meanings. Speakers build on one another to construct symmetrically
structured and aesthetically pleasing discourses.
25.1. Sound Symbolism and Sound Play

A primary feature of Itzaj Mayan style is involvement with sound and other senses. As
Durbin noted for Yucatec (1969), there is a sound-symbolic component in Mayan languages
whereby phonetic and semantic features are nonarbitrarily associated. For example, glottalization
may be associated with defmite action, liveliness, and quickness (Durbin 1973:38), as suggested
by the sets in (1).
(1) Plain Glottalized

chul 'drip, run off' ch'ul 'soak'
llik 'join' I'lik 'snap'
!up 'extinguish', 'go out' lup' 'burst'
wak 'swell' wak' 'explode'
xol 'cut' xol' 'chop'
Glottalization of consonants is also relevant to root structure. Roots may be formed with
identical initial and final consonants, plain or glottalized, but generally not with one plain form,
e.g., I, and and the other glottalized, e.g., I'. This repetition of like consonants is also an example
of linguistic parallelism.
(2) Plain Glottalized

chaach 'sifting' ch'aach' 'clearing'
chich 'hard' ch'iich' 'bird'
kaak 'excavation' k'aak' 'fire'
kik 'older sister' k'ik' 'blood'
paap 'spicy hot' p'lip' 'taste'
pop 'mat' p'iip' 'shell'
lat 'father' t'ut' 'parrot
lot 'tongue-tied' t'ol' 'snail'
tziitz 'sprinkle' tz'iitz' 'refill'

tzutz 'overcast' tz'utz' 'stunted'
Affective roots, which specifically involve sensory experience, are an important root or
stem class in all Mayan languages (Kaufman 1990). In the following lists, examples are grouped
by sensory focus and more specific word "families," which suggest both semantic and phonetic
resemblences. As glow, glitter, glimmer are phonetically similar and involve semantics of "light"
in English, lem, letz', and litz' form a phonetically similar set of roots involving "light" in Itzaj (cf.
Durbin 1973; Bolinger 1965). The phenomenon of word "families" is not restricted to affective
stems, but it is especially prominent among them.
(3) Sensory Focus of Affective Verbs
Sight
chejb'aj 'bunch' tochb'aj 'chip'
chojb'aj 'hang over' top'b'aj 'shatter'
chomb'aj 'loaded with bunches' tuk'b'aj 'crack'
k'echb'aj 'bend' t'iikb'aj 'snap'

k'uyb'aj 'twist' t'ichb'aj 'come loose'
t'okb'aj 'snap'
lemb'aj 'shine'
letz'b'aj 'flash' tzelb'aj 'lean'
litz'b'aj 'shine' tzinb'aj 'bend over'
mo'mo'olb'aj 'get spotty', 'get bumpy' tze'ejb'aj 'splinter'

mu 'mu 'uchb'aj 'curl' tzilb'aj 'tear'
tzokb'aj 'snap'
muuch'b'aj 'pile'
muulb'aj 'mound' tz'a'apb'aj 'have steps'
tz'a'tz'a'akb'aj 'form steps'
och'b'aj 'flatten', 'smash'
uch'b'aj 'burst' tz'iimb'aj 'sink'
yiich'b'aj 'wrinkle' tz'iipb'aj 'sink'
pa'b'aj 'split' tz'ilb'aj 'skin'

p'a'b'aj 'open' tz'olb'aj 'peel'
p'otb'aj 'gush' ujb'aj 'crumble'

p'ujb'aj 'swarm' 'uyb'aj 'dissolve'
p'usb'aj 'bulge' wiich'b'aj 'loosen'
wiikb'aj 'swell'
siitz'b'aj 'stretch' wiik'b'aj 'burst'
tutz'b'aj 'stretch out' wiilb'aj 'flutter'
wiiyb'aj 'peel'
tep'b'aj 'burst' xet'b'aj 'break'
tupb'aj 'go out', 'extinguish' xikb'aj 'burst'
tup'b'aj 'burst'
xotb'aj 'cut'
tixb'aj 'spray' xot'b'aj 'chop'
toxb'aj 'splash'
Texture
b'iijb'aj 'harden' olb'aj 'soften'
kojb'aj 'pack' otz'b'aj 'ripen', 'soften'
jolb'aj 'get slippery' piipiitb 'aj 'get pottable (clay)'

joyb'aj 'become watery' pepe'etb'aj 'get lumpy'
juyb'aj 'become watery' pitb'aj 'get slippery'
'oyb'aj 'get watery' pitz'b'aj 'get slippery'
pootz'b'aj 'get watery'
let'b'aj 'notch' putz'b'aj 'get pointy'
leep'b'aj 'scratch' p'utb'aj 'become bumpy'
lot'b'aj 'become grooved'
sojb'aj 'dry (leaves)'
mo'okb'aj 'become knotted' sulb'aj 'become flexible' (from
mu'mu'utb'aj 'get lumpy' soaking)
General Sensory, Kinesthetic

jechb'aj 'cramp' t'a 't'ara 'atb 'aj 'stagger'
jep'b'aj 'squeeze' t'esb'aj 'inflate' (belly)
jesb'aj 'pant' t'ochb'aj 'trip'
jetb'aj 'fill with gas' t'uchb'aj 'squat'
juchb'aj 'cramp'
kikilb'aj 'tremble' tz'iilb'aj 'shiver'
lu'lut'b'aj 'tremble' tz'usb'aj 'constrict'
se'enb'aj 'cough' xi 'xi 'ilb 'aj 'feel chilled'
tichb'aj 'stiffen', 'become paralyzed' yiitz'b'aj 'squeeze'
tikb'aj 'shake' yuchb'aj 'swell'
titichb'aj 'convulse' yuulb'aj 'slip'
Sound
cheechb'aj 'make noise' p'uru'usb'aj 'snuffle'
kirich'b 'aj 'creak' te'teresk'ee'b'aj 'cock-a-doodle-doo'
kurupb'aj 'grate' totokk'ee'b'aj 'cackle'
k'eeb'b'aj 'creak' tuk'uu'b'aj 'hiccup'
k'ok'otb'aj 'brood' t'ojb'aj 'sound of chopping'
makatb'aj 'cluck' t'uju'b'aj 'cough'
Sensory imagery and repetitive sound patterns often accumulate in discourse, as in (4),
where an affective adjective is followed by a phonetically similar celeritive verb.
(4) I a' che'-ej ... li'-litz'-kij .. tumen ch 'ul. ...

and DET tree-TOP REDUP-slppery-ADJ because wet
'And the tree, it was slippery because it was wet.
Pitz'-k'-aj-ij uy-ok a' winik-ej .. ka' lub'-ij tija'. ...

slip-CELER-CIS-3SG.B 3A-foot DET man-TOP when fall-3sG.B in water
The man's foot slipped, then he fell in the water. (txt1:97-101)
Onomatopoeic forms include animals named for the sounds that they make and other
onomatopoeic nouns, several of which are reduplicated forms (5). Otherwise unusual sounds
occur in onomatopoeic words. For example, consonant clusters such as pi and sy only appear in
onomatopoeic words and the generally rare consonant Irl is prominent in them.
(5) Other Onomatopoeia
ajb'uj 'owl' ajwo' 'toad of rainy season'

ajchikirin 'cicada' ajxooch' 'screech owl'
ajjo'jo' 'tiger heron' aj'ii' 'speckled hawk'
ajkiritz' 'kinkajou' ixk'ok'ech 'guinea hen'
ajk'i/k'i/ 'kestral' ixpuruwok 'ruddy ground-dove'
ajk'ub'ul 'Montezuma oropendola' ixwirisu' 'great kiskadee'
ajtu'wi'is 'ajtu'wi'is bird' junuum 'vespid wasp'
ajwayu' 'ajwayu' (a mammal)
chinchin 'rattle' plakplakplak 'sound of splashing'

jink'i' 'whooping cough' po (o)xo (0) m 'big splash'
jak'syuum 'sneeze' mee' 'moo'
jatz'yuum 'sneeze' nene' 'baby'
jayaab' 'yawn' piyipiiyoj 'peep'
ja'ja'-che'ej 'guffaw' xiit 'hissing'
jutuut 'flute' xoob' 'whistle (call)'
k'irich 'strike (a match)' xuxuub' 'whistle (song)
Reduplication, a kind of repetition, is prominent in onomatopoeic words and affective

stems generally. It has also been noted that reduplication is indexical for intensity for many
adjectives and verbs (cf. 1.4.6). For adjectives, partial reduplication indicates moderate intensity,
while full reduplication indicates high intensity (cf. 6.1.2.1).
(6) Adjectival Reduplication
chiichiik 'reddish' chiikchiik 'very red'

ch'o 'ch 'ooch' 'rather salty' ch 'ooch 'ch 'ooch' 'very salty
jajay 'rather thin' jayjay 'very thin'
kukuy 'rather mischievous' kuykuy 'very mischievous'
Similarly, partial reduplication of verb stems indicates partial or incomplete action, and
reduplication with glottal insertion and/or complete reduplication indicates repeated action (cf.
3.3.4).
(7) Verbal Reduplication
b'ab'ax 'half play'

jii'jiitz' 'play whip'
lolom 'pretend to stab' lo'lo'om 'stab repeatedly'
sii'siitz' 'stretch somewhat' sii'sii'iitz' 'extend and retract'
p'iyo=piiyoj 'peep repeatedly'
ch 'in =ch 'in 'throw a lot'
yum=yu'um 'swing back and forth'
Sound play, including punning, affects lexical choice and is a prominent feature ofItzaj
discourse (cf. Edmonson and Bricker 1985). A given word choice affects following word choices,
creating aesthetically pleasing series of similar sounds, as in the alliterations and assonances in
(8)-(11). For example,jaal, 'shore' appears in (9) and (to), repeating a preceding low vowel, while
its synonym chi', 'edge', appears in (11), repeating a preceding high vowel.
(8) aj-k'an 'ayim ... aj-jan-a-mak. " ...

MAsc-yellow crocodile MAsc-eat-NoM-person
'the yellow crocodile, the man eater.' (txtl.l0-11)
(9) t-u-ta-s-ik t-u-laak' .. u-jaal a'ja'-ej ..

sUB-3A-come-CAUS-ITS to-3A-other 3A-shore DET water-TOP
'to bring it to the other shore of the lake,' (92.3.22)
(10) tun-tal tulakal t-u-jaalja'

DUR/3A-come all on-3A-shore water
'(it) was coming all along the shore of the lake,' (91.13.150)
(11) b'in-i ti litz ... t-u-chi'

go-3SG.B SUB fish in-3A-edge
'(he) went to fish on the shore' (txt1.15-16)
A sensory focus is also apparent in other lexical domains, such as color vocabulary (cf.
6.4.1.2), and positional stems (cf. 3.3.2.1). Such imagery marks participant involvement and is
a prominent feature of much conversational and narrative discourse (cf. Tannen 1989).
25.2. Parallelism and Repetition

Linguistic parallelism is a stylistic feature of all Itzaj discourse genres (cf. Edmonson
1982, Edmonson and Bricker 1985). One of the simplest forms of parallelism is lexical repetition,
as in (1). As noted in 20.1, repetition often signals a paratactic coordination relationship (2)-(4).
Another common pattern of parallelism is to repeat all but one element, also seen in these
examples (Norman 1980, Fought 1985, Hanks 1989).
(I) Ka' kap-ij ti b'ak-tal ..

when begin-3SG.B SUB thinlbone-INCH
'When it began to get thin,
; b'ak-tal ..
and thin-INCH
and get thin,
; b'ak-tal ...
and thin-INCH
and get thin,
'aasta ka' kim-ij. ...

until it died.' (92.3.43-46)

NEG=person cOM-3A-see-DTS
'No one saw him,
mix=maak uy-ojel ...

NEG=person 3A-know
no one knew' (txt1.150-51)
(3) t-u-tz'aj-oo'je-b'ix u-b'ak'-el a' tzimnin-ej ..

cOM-3A-give/cTS-PL OST-like 3A-flesh-POS DET horse-TOP
'they gave it (the shape) of the body of the horse,
u-ka 'nal-il ..
3a-high-ABsT
its height,
u-nojoch-il ..
3a-big-ABsT
its size (bigness)
u-chawak-il. ...
3A-Iong-ABsT
and its length.' (92.3.71-73)

EMP-1SG.lPR INC-l SG.A-go 1SG.A-go-CAUS-2sG.B
in-ten k-im-b'el inw-a'l-eOJ tech ..

EMP-1SG.lPR INC-1SG.A-go ISG.A-say-DTs 2SG.lOPR
I am going to tell you' (92.2.56-57)
The widespread appearance of morphology marking the beginnings and endings of

phrases and clauses is exploited to construct couplets or larger series of parallel structures
(Hofting 1987, 1993; Martin 1990). Some of the more common morphological framing markers
are listed in (5).
(5) Initial Markers Final Markers

a' DET -e' TOP
i} 'and' -i} 3SG.B
ka' 'when' -i'i} FOC,LOC
kil 'when' -00' PL
te'{lo ') 'there'
je'la' 'here'
b'aay 'thus'
tu'ux 'where'
maax 'who'
ma' NEG
mix NEG
waj 'if
aj- MASC
ix- FEM
chen 'only' (focus)
Numerous examples of these morphosyntactic frames have been presented in previous

chapters and may be observed in the texts in the appendix. The phrase-fmal plural marker, -00', is
shown in combination with other phrase-intitial markers in (6)-(13) (cf. 9.6.4). Locative marking
may also enter into parallelisms with the plural marker, often with dramatic effect heightening
audience involvement, as in (6)-(8) (cf. 12.1). Temporal adverbs also enter to parallelisms with
plurals, as in (9)-(10) (cf. 14.2.5, 24.1). These constructions may also be used for dramatic
effect, as with sensory verb constructions (11)-(12) (cf. 23.2.2.1).
(6) I te '-loj ... t-u-mol-aj u-baj-oo'. ...

and LOC-DIST cOM-3A-collect-cTS 3A-REFL-PL
'And they gathered there.
ran-aj-if jun=tuul u-nojoch-il .. ich-il-oo' ...

EXIST-CIS-3SG.B one=ANIM 3A-big-pos in-POS-PL
There was a boss among them
ka' tal-oo' ..
then come-PL
then they came,
t-u-tuk-l-aj-oo' ..
COM-3A-think-NOM-CTS-PL
they thought
tal .. tak t-a' lu'um-oo' .. wa'ye'-ej ...

come until to-DET land-pL here-ToP
of coming down to these lands here
ti ok-o!. ...
SUB steal-NOM
to steal.' (txt2.13-18)
(7) K-u-miich-ik-oo' ..
INc-3A-take-ITS-PL
'They take
a' noj b'ej k-u-b'el tak B'eenkej-ej

DET big way INC-3A-go til PN-TOP
the road that goes to Benque,
Ie' k-u-b'el-oo'-i'ij
LOC INc-3A-go-PL-LOC
there they go,
Ie' k-u-putz'-ul-oo'-i'ij ...

LOC INc-3A-flee-IIS-PL-LOC
there they flee,' (92.31-330-33)
(8) Aj-Wit'-oo'-ej
MASC-PN-PL-TOP
'The Wit's
/aj b'aak'-a'an
all surround-PART
were all surrounded,
/aj wej-al-oo' .. tak t-u-chi' a' riiyoj-ej

all scatter-PART-PL til to-3A-edge DET river-TOP
they were scattered all along the shore of the river,
Ie' yan-oo'-i'ij . ..
LOC EXIST-PL-LOC
there they were.' (txt2.130-33)
(9) I aj-Wit'-oo'-ej ...

and MASC-PN-PL-TOP
'And the Wit's,
a' kil u-putz'-ul-oo '-ej ...

DET when 3A-flee-IIS-PL-TOP
when they flee,
a' kil u-k'och-ol-oo' t-a' lu'um-oo' wa'ye'-ej ..

DET-when 3A-arrive-IIS-PL in-DET land-pL here-TOP
when they arrived here,
k-u-mach-ik-oo' .. ix-ch'up-oo'. ...

INC-3A-grab-ITS-PL FEM-woman-PL
they grab the women.
Tulakal ix-ch'up=paal-oo' ki' t-uy-ich-oo'-ej ..

all FEM-woman=child-PL good to-3A-eye-PL-TOP
All of the young women that they liked,
k-u-miich-ik-oo'
INC-3A-grab-ITs-PL
they grabbed them,' (txt2.40-45)
(10) Ka'tal-oo' ...

then come-PL
'Then they came,
ka' tal-oo' sold'aad'oj-oo' ...

then come-PL soldier-PL
then the soldiers came,
aj-Sakaapaj-il-oo' ..
MASC-PN-POS-PL
the Sacapanecs,
Jutiaapaj-il-oo' ...
PN-POS-PL
the ones from Jutiapa,
tulakal a' .. nukuch kaj-oo' ...

all DET big town-PL
from all of the big towns
t-u-toj-il tu'ux k-u-jok-ol a' k'in .. Gwatemaalaj-ej ..

in-3A-direction-POS where INC-3A-come.out-lls DET sun PN-TOP
in the direction where the sun rises from Guatemala (east of Guatemala),
tal-oo' wa'ye' ti Peten-ej. ..

come-PL here to Peten-TOP
they came here to Peten.' (txt2.70-76)
(11) I a'-k'a' t-uy-il-aj-oo'-ej ..

and DET-when cOM-3A-see-CTS-PL-TOP
'And when they saw
tulakal aj-Wit'-oo'-ej ..
all MASC-PN-PL-TOP
all of the Wit's
tan-u-men-t-ik-oo' ...
DUR-3A-make-TRN-ITS-PL
they were making
jach ki'mak uy-ool-oo' ..

very happy 3A-spirit-PL
themselves very happy,
tan-uy-ok'ot-oo' ..
DUR-3A-dance-PL
they were dancing,
yan u-pax-oo'. ...

EXIST 3A-marimba-PL
they had a marimba.' (txt2.100-5)
(12) Chen a'-k'a t-uy-ub'-aj-oo' ..

'Only when they heard
u-chu'um-p-aJ-al u-wak'-iil u-tz'on-oo'-ej ..

3A-begin-PAs2-DTR-IIS 3A-explode-rrs 3A-gun-PL-TOP
the shots begin,
ka'laj wej-oo'. ...

then all scatter-PL
then they all scattered.' (txt2.1 08-22)
25.3. Quoted Speech and Dialogic Repetition

Oral performance, including quoted speech, is commonly a focus of attention in Mayan
discourse. As Brody has shown in her work on Tojolab'al and other Mayan languages,
conversation or dialogue is the primary genre of verbal performance, and patterns of repetition
found in conversation have analogs in other discourse genres (Brody 1986, 1993, 1994). Martin,
working on Mocho, has stressed the importance of constructed discourse or direct quotation in
narrative genres and has noted that it functions to mark thematic peaks (1990, 1994,2000).
Often there is a significant difference in the function of conversational repetition
depending on whether it is performed by the same or different speakers (Brody 1986). When one
speaker repeats all or part of what another has said, it often functions as a backchannel device,
signalling the willingness of the repeater to allow the first speaker to continue. Standardized or
stereotypic phrases may also function as backchannels. In contrast, same-speaker repetition in
conversation typically signals the speaker's willingness to turn over the floor. The patterns of
repetition are not preestablished but are mutually negotiated, and one may have couplets, triplets,
or larger parallel patterns of "discourse cycling" (Brody 1994). One can repeat variations on a
theme an indeterminate number of times, coming back to it at different intervals in a discourse.
For example, in (1), the end of speaker D's first phrase is repeated by speaker J in a
backchannel, which is in turn repeated again by D after a stereotypic sign of agreement, mjmm,
signalling an opportunity for a turn change that Speaker J accepts. Exclamations such as mjmm
and aaj often mark the beginning of a speaker's utterance. In (2), there are also multiple
repetitions, and 1's same-speaker repetitions again function to signal an opportunity for change of
turn.
(1) D: ya .. puroja'...
then pure water
'then pure rain.'
J: Puroja'. ...
pure water
'Pure rain.'
D: Mjmm .. puroja'. ...

EXCL pure water
'Mhmm, pure rain.'
(turn change)
J: Uch-ak ma' u-wa'-tal a' yaxk'in ti u-mes-il 'agoostoj
happen-IRREAL NEG 3A-stand-POsIT DET summer in 3A-mOnth-POS August
'Perhaps the summer won't stand (stay) in the month of August.' (91.24.134-37)
(2) D: Tul wal a' u-ja' tu'ux yan-oo'? ..

full perhaps DET 3A-water where EXIST-PL
'Is their water(hole) full, perhaps, where they are?'
J: Ya tan-u-tul-ul. ..
'It's already filling.'
D: mjmm (backchannel)
EXCL
'Mhm'
J: Ya tan-u-tul-ul. ...
'It's already filling.'
(turn change)
D: Ma' tan-u-sap'-iil ti yaxk'in? ..
NEG DUR-3A-dry-IIS in summer
'It's not drying up in the summer?'
J: Ma'tan ...
NEGDUR
'It isn't.'
D: Ma'lo'. (backchannel)
good
'Good.'
J: Ma'ian . ...
NEGDUR
'It isn't.' (91.24.183-90)
(Opportunity for turn change)
Example (3), a discussion of the weather, is a highly repetitive dialogue. In this

exchange, stereotypic expressions of speaker agreement cue the change of speakers. Speaker D's
ftrst stereotypic expression, si, 'yes', reinforces the repetition of mixb'a 'aI, 'nothing', to signal an
opportunity for a change of speaker. Later, D's stereotypic remark, tujajil, 'it's true', indicates his
readiness to again cede the floor to J.
(3) D: Porke .. ma'anja'-ej ma'an ..

because NEG/EXIST water-TOP NEG/COP
'Because if there isn't water there isn't .. .'
J: Ma'an mix=b'a'a!. (backchannel)

NEG/EXIST NEG--thing
D: mix=b'a'a! ma'lo'. ...

NEG--thing good
'anything good.'
Si. {J:mm} ... (stereotypic)

yes.
'Yes.'
(turn change)
J: Jaj a' yaxk'in-ej jach yutzil
true DET summer-TOP very pretty
'True, the summer is very pretty,
pero jach otzil. ...

but very poor
but very poor.'
D: A.aa ma'an mix=b'a'al tijan-b'-iil. ..

EXCL NEG/EXIST NEG=thing to eat-PAS-IIS
'Ab, there isn't anything to be eaten.'
J: Ma'an mix=b'a'a!. .. (backchannel)

NEG/EXIST NEG=thing
D: Mjmm ... I-u-jaj-il. ... (stereotypic)

EXCL in-3A-true-POs
'Mhm, it's true.'
(turn change)
J: B'ay-lo'. ... Et-eja'-ej yan tulakal b'a'ax. ..
like-DIST with-POS water-TOP EXIST all thing
'It's like that. With water there is everything.' (91.24.412-21)
A variety of morphosyntactic devices are also available to indicate a potential end of tum
(cf. 25.2). In (4), a final locative scope marker combines with a stereotypic phrase to signal an
opportunity for a change of speaker. In (5), terminal adverbials and a looser parallel couplet serve
this function. Speaker F then begins his tum with a contrastive use of the independent pronoun.
(4) M: te' yan u-meyaj-i'ij . ...

LOC OBLIG 3A-work-LOC
'he has his work there.
Si=pwes . ... (stereotypic)

of. course
Of course.'
(tum change)
F: Iiy aaj ... !x-'Estreeyaj la'aylik tan-u-meyaj ... ti eskweela? ..
and EXCL FEM-PN still DUR-3A-work at school
'And Estrella, is she still working at school?' (93.1.79-82)
(5) M: i mentiik-ej b'aay-Ioj

and therefore-TOP thus-DIST
'and therefore it is thus
ke k-u-b'el
SUB INC-3A-go
that she goes
i k-u-tal. ...
and INC-3A-Come
and she comes.'
(tum change)
F: In-ten k-in-tuk-I-ik
EMP-lsG.IPR INc-1SG-think-NOM-ITS
'Me, I think' (93.1.119-22)
Quotation, including constructed dialogue, is also a prominent feature of ordinary

conversation, and segments of quoted speech often have formulaic initial and terminal markers
(cf. 23.2.3). In (6), the speaker indicates quotation with the verb a'lik, 'say', first preceding direct
quotation and then preceding indirect quotation, setting up parallel sequences of direct and
indirect discourse.
(6) Porke (k-u)y-a '(l)-ik-e

because (INC-)3A-saY-ITS-TOP
'Because she says,
ke: "Ma' patal in-jok'-ol."

that NEG ABIL IsG-leave-IIs
"I can't leave."
Jo'm-ij u-man u-kiix-t-e naj ..

end-3SG.B 3A-pass 3A-seek-TRN-DTS house
She just finished looking for a house,
ma'an mix=tu'ux. ...

NEG/EXIST NEG=where
there isn't any anywhere.
B'a-la b'a'ax k-uy-a'l-ik ke

TEMP-PROX what INC-3A-say-ITs SUB
Now what she says is that
b'el u-ka'aj u-men-t-ej b'in uy-otoch ..

go 3A-go 3A-make-TRN-DTS REPORT 3A-home
she's going to make, they say, her home' (93.1.173-78)
In (7), quotation is also marked by the terminal quotative marker kiij (cf. 23.2.3.1.2).
This example is complex because speaker D is quoting himself and another man (A) in a
conversation that D had after asking A to keep his animals tied up, and then D quotes himself
quoting yet another man (jun-tuul winik). As in actual conversation, exclamations such as aaj
appear utterance-initially in quoted speech. Turns in the quoted dialogue end with terminal
markers, such as the terminal focus marker inside the quotation followed by the quotative marker
kiij, and the same-speaker repetition of ati'a'al followed by the stereotypic adverbial b'aylo ke, 'it
is thus'.
Added to the possibilities of repetition between quoted speakers are repetitions between
the quoted speakers and the narrative voice, as when the narration echos the quotation. Careful
attention to the evidential basis of what a conversationalist says, whether it is hearsay or was
witnessed, is a common feature of Mayan discourse and is evident in this example with the
speaker's fmal evaluative comment that what he was told was nothing but lies.
(7) D (A): ''Aaj ma' in-tia'al-i'ij" ki(ij) ten.

EXCL NEG ISG.A-own-FOC QUOT ISG.IOPR
, "Oh, it isn't mine," he said to me.
D (D): "Komo no a-ti'a'al

how NEG 2A-own
"How isn't it yours
si .. jun =tuul winik t-uy-a'l-aj ten-ej

ifone=ANIM man cOM-3A-say-cTs ISG.IOPR-TOP
if a man told me
ke a-ti'a'al .. a-k'aba' .. b'aay-lo' ke" ..

SUB 2A-own 2A-name like-DIST SUB
that it is yours, your name, it is thus,"
D (A): ''Aaa pak'-t-ej k-im-bel inw-il-a' tu'ux k'iix-a'an

EXCL wait-TRN-IMPTS INC-ISG.A-go ISG.A-see-DTs where tie-PART
"Oh, wait, I'm going to see where
t-im-men" kii. {J: laughter} ...

to-ISG.A-do QUOT
I have it tied," he said.
D: Ka' bin-een t-u-pach inw-il-a'. ...

then go-ISG.B at-3A-back ISG.A-see-DTS
Then I went behind him to see it.'
Chen u-tus
only 3A-lie
It was only his lie
i ma'an mix u-sum-i/ ..

and NEG/EXIST NEG 3A-rope-pos
and it (the animal) didn't even have its rope,' (91.24.261-68)
Dialogue is also prominent in mythic, historical, and personal narrative discourse (cf.
25.5.2). In fact, narrative is generally categorized as tzikb'al, 'conversation' or 'talk', and there are
often formulaic openings and closings in which the conversational history or story pedigree is
mentioned, as in (8) (cf. 25.4). In this example, the historical narrative about to be related is
introduced by citing the trans generational tellings of the tale from grandparents to children in
parallelisms involving the verb tzikb'al, 'to tell'. This transgenerationallinkage to ancestors adds
authority to the history.
(8) B'el in-ka'a in-tzikb'al-t-e u-mo'nok xet'-el .. kweentoj '"

go ISG.A-go ISG.A-relate-TRN-DTS 3A-small piece-pos story
'I am going to tell a small piece of a story.' (92.3.1)
K-u-tzikb'al-t-ik to'on ... in-noolaj .. jach uchij ...

INC-3A-relate-TRN-ITS IPL.IOPR lSG.A-grandmother very long.ago
'My grandmother told it to us, long ago,
ke la'ayti'-oo'-ej t-uy-ojel-t-aj-oo' ...

SUB 3IPR-PL-TOP cOM-3A-know-TRN-CTS-PL
that they knew it
xan tum en u-noolaj-oo' t-u-tzikb'al-t-aj ti'ij-oo'. ...

also because 3A-grandmother-PL cOM-3A-relate-TRN-CTS 3IOPR-PL
also because their grandparents told them.' (92.3.5-8)
Dialogue in narrative is also typically introduced by a form of the verb a'tik, 'to say', for
both direct and indirect quotation. Direct quotation may be additionally marked by a terminal kiij
quotative marker, and reportative markers may also be present (cf. 14.4.9, 23.2.3). Speakers'
turns typically form discourse units and are often linked in dialogic series interspersed with
narrator's comments, which together may form speech-action sequences (cf. 25.4).
One need not have multiple characters to have quoted speech, and interior monologues
often playa similar role in counterpoint to the narrative voice. In (9), the cognitive verb tuktik,
'think', functions in the same way as the verb of speech, a 'tik, 'say', to introduce parallel discourse
sections. These sections are also marked by a parallel use of synonymous motion verbs, with one,
taleen, 'I came', opening the fIrst section and its synonym, k'ochoken, 'I arrive', closing the fIrst
and fmal sections of this example.
Analogs of different conversational functions of repetition are evident in narrative, with
inter-speaker or inter-discourse-unit repetition adding to cohesion and reinforcing the message,
while same speaker or intra-discourse unit repetition signals unit boundaries. In narrative, a
variety of voices, including direct and indirect quotation of characters and the narrator's
comments, intermingle (Bakhtin 1986; Volosinov 1973). In (9), interior monologue is echoed by
the following constructed dialogue, which is followed by the familiar structure of speakers' turns
corresponding to narrative units with extensive inter-unit parallelism, where one voice repeats and
reinforces what a previous voice has said. So, for example, after the flight attendant agrees to help
the narrator, the narrator repeats aloud the concerns he had been worrying about silently.
(9) I a '-ka' tal-een-ej ...

and DET-when come-1SG.B-TOP
'And when I came,
tan-in-tuk-l-ik ...
DUR-1SG.A-think-NOM-ITS
I was thinking,
tan-in-tuk-l-ik
DUR-1SG.A-think-NOM-ITS
I was thinking
b'ix k-im-b'el im-b'et-ej ...

how INC-lsG.A-go ISG.A-do-DTS
how I was going to do it, (92.2.14-17)
tumen tan-in-tuk-l-ik ..
because DUR-1SG.A-think-NOM-ITS
because I was thinking
b'ix k-im-b'el im-b'et-e(j)

how INC-1SG.A-go ISG.A-make-DTS
how am I going to manage
a'-ka' k'och-ok-en . ...

DET-when arrive-DIS-1SG.B
when I arrive.' (92.2.25-27)
Ka' t-in-t'iin-aj ..
then COM-lsG.A-call-cTs
'Then I called her,
ka' t-inw-a'l-aj Ii'ij ...

then COM-lsG.A-say-cTs 3IOPR
and I asked her
wa patal uy-an-t-ik-en . ...

CONDABIL 3A-help-TRN-ITS-IsG.B
if she could help me.
T-inw-u'y-aj .. ke la'ayti'-ej k-u-t'an .. ich 'espanyol. ...

COM-I sG.A-hear-cTs SUB 3IPR-TOP INc-3A-speak in Spanish
I heard that she spoke Spanish.
Ka' t-uy-a'l-aj ten-ej ...

then cOM-3A-say-cTs ISG.IOPR-TOP
Then she told me
ke je'-uy-an-t-ik-en-ej
SUB ASSUR-3A-help-TRN-ITS-ISG.B-TOP
that she would help me
i b'a'ax in-k'a't-i). ...

and what ISG.A-want-TS
and what is it that I want.
Ka' t-inw-a'l-aj ti'ij-ej ..

then COM-lsG.A-say-cTs 3IOPR-TOP
And I told her
ke ten-ej jach tan-in-tuk-l-ik ...

SUB ISG.IPR-TOP much DUR-ISG.A-think-NOM-ITS
that I am thinking a lot
b'ix k-im-b'el im-b'et-ej ..

how INC-ISG.A-go ISG.A-do-DTS
how I am going to manage
ka' k'och-ok-en ... t-a' 'ariyopweertoj-il Teejas-ej ..

when arrive-DIs-IsG.B to-DET airport-pos PN-TOP
when I arrive at the Texas airport' (92.2.33-45)
In example (10), the repetition patterns are not primarily between speakers but between a
character in the narrative, the Lord of the Deer, who is giving orders to a captive hunter, and the
narrator's descriptive voice. Each quoted portion is framed initially by speech verbs, and the fIrst
two also have the terminal quotative frame kii). Alternating with the quoted-speech sections are
descriptive sections in which it is confIrmed in repetititive, parallel constructions that the hunter
did what the Lord of the Deer commanded.
(10) I ka' bin t-uy-a'l-aj a' nojoch=winik ti'ij-ej:

'And then, they say, the old man said to him,
"Ba'-la ko'ox .. b'el in-ka'a in-jok'-es-eech .. ka' xik-ech t-aw-otoch . ...

TEMP-PROX HaRT go lSG.A-go ISG.A-leave-CAUS-2SG.B SUB gO/DIS-2SG.B to-2A-home
"Now let's go, I'm going to take you out for you to go to your home.
Pero yan a-mutz'-ik aw-ich" ..

but OBLIG 2A-close-ITS 2A-eye
But you have to close your eyes,"
ki b'in ti'ij. ...

QUOT REPORT 3IOPR
they say he said to him.
I a' winik-ej .. aj-tz'on-ej

and DET man-TOP MASC-shoot-TOP
And the man, the hunter,
ka' t-u-mutz '-aj uy-ich . ...

then COM-3A-shut-CTS 3A-eye
then he shut his eyes.
" 'Asta inw-a'l-ik tech

untilISG.A-say-ITs 2SG.lOPR
"(Not) until I tell you
ke k-a-jeb'-e' aw-ich-ej
SUB SUB 2A-open-DTS 2A-eye-ToP
that you should open your eyes
k-a-jeb'-ik" ..
INC-2A-Open-ITs
do you open them,"

QUOT REPORT DET old.man 3 IOPR-TOP
they say the old man said to him.
I la'ayti' ka' t-u-mutZ'-aj uy-ich . ..

and 3IPR then cOM-3A-close-cTs 3A-eye
And he, then he closed his eyes.
Ka't-uy-a'l-aj a' chiimach ti'ij-ej: ..

then COM-3A-say-cTs DET old.man 3IOPR-TOP
Then the old man said to him,
"B'a-lajjeb'-e' aw-ich." ...

TEMP-PROX open-IMPTs 2A-eye
"Now open your eyes."
A '-ka' t-u-jeb '-aj uy-ich b'in

DET-when cOM-3A-open-CTS 3A-eye REPORT
When he opened his eyes, they say,' (91.15.130-47)
In summary, many of the same discourse resources and processes occur in both
conversation and in narrative discourse, and dialogic repetition is an essential characteristic of
both. In conversation, repetition is an important mechanism for guiding tum-taking and the co-
construction of a discourse. Other means for signalling attention and cueing end of turn are
available, including stereotypic backchannels and terminal adverbial morphology. People talk
about people talking in conversation and in narrative and the conventional markers of constructed
dialogue are the same in both, although they seem to be used more formulaically in narrative.
Repetition among different narrative voices highlights message content, adding the
weight and credibility of different voices echoing one another. Repetition within a voice or
discourse unit signals unit boundaries and may be used to shift topics (cf. 25.4). The resulting
discourse is aesthetically pleasing, modelled after the construction of a satisfying conversation and
drawing on the power of face-to-face interaction.
25.4. Discourse Unit Boundaries

Many of the mechanisms used to mark discourse boundaries have been mentioned in
earlier sections of this chapter. In this section, boundary markers will be reviewed, with emphasis
on the marking of units above the clause. The framing functions of morphological markers at the
phrase and clause levels were described in 25.2. These terminal markers, in combination with
parallelisms, typically mark larger sections of discourse such as turns, scenes, or episodes (cf.
25.3).
The conjunction ij, 'and', temporal adverbs, and motion verbs in the completive aspect
often mark changes of scene (1)-(4) (cf. 14.2.5.3). The adverb ka'may mark a series of events
involving scene changes, as in (1)-(2) (cf. 20.2.2.1, 24.1.1).
(1) Ka' sas-aj-ij ka'-ej .. t-u-laak' k'in-il-ej

then clear-CIS-3SG.B world-TOP on-3A-other day-POS-TOP
'Then it dawned, the next day,
jO'm-ij u-jan-al-oo'. ...

fmish-3SG.B 3A-eat-NOM-PL
they fmished eating.
Ka' .. t-u-mach(-aj) u-b'aat ...

then cOM-3A-grab(-CTS) 3A-ax
Then he grabbed his ax,
t-u-mach(-aj) u-jool ..
cOM-3A-grab(-CTS) 3A-bag
he grabbed his bag,
t-u-mach(-aj) u-maskab' ..
cOM-3A-grab(-CTS) 3A-machete
he grabbed his machete,
ka' b'in-ij. ...

then go-3SG.B
then he went.
Ka' koch-ij-ej ..
then arrive-3SG.B-TOP
Then he arrived,
b'ay jun='awat b'in t-a'jaal kaj-ej ..

like one=shout REPORT from-DET edge town-TOP
like at a shout's distance from the town, they say,
ka' ok-ij ... jaal b'ej ...

then enter-3SG.B edge road
and he entered, at the side of the road,
ka' t-u-kiixan-t-aj jum=p'e che'. ...

thencoM-3A-seek-TRN-CTS one=INAM tree
and he looked for a tree.' (91.12.13-24)
(2) Ka' p'at-ij chen u-noj taan u-k'ab'. ...

then remain-3SG.B only 3A-big sole 3A-hand
'Then only the big sole of its paw remained.
Ka'jok'-iO) a' b'alum-ej

then leave-3SG.B DET jaguar-ToP
Then the jaguar left
ka' b'in-ij. .. ,
then go-3SG.B
then it went.
Ka't-u-kuch(-aj) u-si' a' nojoch=winik-ej

then cOM-3A-Ioad(-CTS) 3A-frrewood DET big=man-TOP
Then the great man loaded his wood
ka' b'in-i(j) t-uy-otoch . ...

then go-3SG.B to-3A-house
and he went home.' (91.12.129-33)
In addition to adverbials and conjunctions, independent pronouns, noun phrases, or

prepositional phrases often appear at the beginnings of sections as well, reflecting contrastive
focus or topic shift, as in (3) (cf. 8.1.2, 9.9, 9.11, 11.2, 13.1.2, 16.4). An extended section
of personal narrative is given in (4) to show how repetition and morphosyntax combine to mark
section breaks, including both topic shifts and scene shifts.

'And by then I didn't want to work more,
ka' b'in-een ti chi-tal t-in-k'aan. ...

then go-ISG.B SUB lie-POSIT in-lSG.A-hammock
and I went to lie down in my hammock.
'Aasta ka' man-ij u-k'as-il inw-ool-ej

until when pasS-3SG.B 3A-bad-ABST ISG.A-body-TOP
When the weakness of my body passed
ya tuny-ok-ol k'in . ..
already DuRl3A-enter-IIS sun
the sun was already setting.
U-yum-il a' meyaj-e'

3A-owner-POs DET work-ToP
The boss of the job,
ka'tal-ij-e'
when come-3SG.B-TOP
when he came,
t-u-patz'-t-aj-een . ...
cOM-3A-massage-TRN-CTS-lSG.B
he massaged me.' (91.10.108-14)
(4) I chumuk t-a' kol-ej ..

and middle Of-DET milpa-TOP
'And in the middle of the milpa,
te' wa'anjun=tuul keej-i'ij. ...

LaC stand/PART one=ANIM deer-LaC
there was standing a deer.
Ka't-in-tz'on-aj. ...
then COM-lSG.A-shoot-CTS
Then I shot it.
A '-ka' wak'-ij in-tz'on-ej ..

DET-when explode-3sG.B lSG.A-gun-ToP
When my gun fIred,
chen t-inw-il-aj ..
just COM-lSG.A-see-cTs
I just saw
tu'ux lik'-ij u-siit' ...

where rise-3SG.B 3A-jump
where it jumped up
i lub'-ij. ...
and fall-3SG.B
and it fell.
A-ka' k'och-een .. a' tu'ux t-inw-il-aj u-lub'-ul-ej ...

DET-when arrive-lsG.B DET where COM-lsG.A-see-CTS 3A-fall-IIS-TOP
When I arrived where I saw it fall,
a' b'a'alche'-ej .. ma'an t-u-kuuch-il. ...

the animal wasn't in its place.
Chen a'-ka' t-inw-u'uy-aj-ej ..

only DET-when COM-l SG.A-hear-cTS-TOP
Only when I heard it,
u-jum a' .. pokche' ..

3A-sound DET foliage
the sound of the foliage
tu'ux b'in-ij ..
where go-3SG.B
where it went,
tu'ux k-u-b'el tun-jil-t-ik u-b'aj ...

where INC-3A-go 3A/DUR-throw-TRN-ITS 3A-REFL
where it goes hurling itself,
i b'in-een t-u-pach ..
and go-lSG.B to-3A-back
and I went behind it,
tzay-een t-u-pach . ...

follow-lSG.B PREP-3A-back
I followed behind it.
I nak-ij inw-ool ti senkech xi'mal .. tulakal a' k'aax tu'ux mas sup'-ej ..
and tire-3SG.B lSG.A-self SUB so.much walk all DET forest where more overgrown-TOP
And my body was tired from so much walking, all around the forest where it's more
overgrown,
te' k-u-kiix-t-ik-i'ij
LOC INC-3A-seek-TRN-ITS-SCOPE
there it seeks it,
te' k-u-b'el ..
LOC INC-3A-go
there it goes,
te' k-u-jil-t-ik u-b'aj-i'ij. ...

LOC INC-3A-throw-TRN-ITS 3A-REFL-LOC
there it hurls itself.
I ma' pat-aj-ij in-miich-ik. ...

and NEG ABIL-CTS-3SG.B lSG.A-grab-ITs
And I couldn't grab it.
A '-ka' t-inw-il-aj ke ma' pat-aj-ij in-miich-ik-ej ..

DET-when cOM-lsG.A-see-cTs SUB NEG ABIL-CIS-3SG.B lSG.A-grab-ITS-TOP
When I saw that I couldn't grab it,
ka' b'in-een t-u-laak' kot. ...

then go-ISG.B to-3A-other milpa
then I went to the other milpa.' (91.2.16-41)
Speaker turns also function as narrative-discourse units, as in (5), a folkloric narrative.

The narrative opens by mentioning the source of the story, a friend. This introduction is in the
form of a formulaic opening involving indirect quotation with the speech verb, tzikb'al, 'talk'.
Similar formulae initiate constructed conversational turns. The source information leads into a
constructed dialogue in which speaker-turn units become narrative-discourse units. To close the
tale, the narrator makes reverse links from the end of a character's speech to the end of the story,
again citing his friend as source (6).
(5) T-u-tsikb'al-t-aj tenjun=tuul inw-et=meyaj ... inw-et'ok ...

cOM-3A-relate-TRN-CTS ISG.lOPR one=ANIM lSG.A-with=work ISG.A-companion
'One of my co-workers, my companion, told me,
ke yan bin ... u-yum-il a' ba'alche'-oo'-ej. ...

SUB EXIST REPORT 3A-owner-POS DET animal-PL-TOP
that they say that the animals have their owner.
Ii ... k-uy-a'l-ik ten-ej ...

and INc-3A-saY-ITs ISG.lOPR
And he asks me
ke wa ma' inw-ojel b'ix u-men-b'-el u-sekreetoj-il ...

SUB COND NEG ISG.A-know how 3A-make-PAS-IIS 3A-secret-POS
if I don't know how their charm is made
ti'-a'(al) ka' pat-ak u-tz'on-ik mak .. a' keej-oo'-ej. ...

so that one would be able to shoot the deer.
I ten-ej .. t-inw-a'l-aj ti'ij-ej ..

and ISG.IPR-TOP cOM-lsG.A-say-CTs 3IOPR-TOP
And me, I said to him
ke ma' inw-ojel '"

SUB NEG ISG.A-know
that I don't know,' (91.16.1-10)
(6) ka' kap-ij u-tzikb'a(l)-t-ej t-uy-iitan ..

then begin-3sG.B 3A-tell-TRN-DTS to-3A-wife
'then he began to tell it to his wife,
a' ba'ax t-uy-il-aj-ej .. .ich kol-ej. ...

DET thing cOM-3A-see-CTS-TOP in milpa-ToP
the thing that he saw, in the milpa.
Ii chenjo'm-ij b'in u-t1.ikb'a(l)-t-ik t-uy-iitan

and only fmish-3SG.B REPORT 3A-tell-TRN-ITS to-3A-wife
And they say he just fmished telling his wife
a' ba'ax uch-i(j) ti'ij-ej ..

DETthing happen-3sG.B 3IOPR-TOP
what happened to him,
ka' kim-ij. ...

then die-3sG.B
and he died.
A '-lo(j) jun=tuul inw-et=meyaj-il

DET-DIST one-ANIM ISG.A-with=work-pos
That, one of my co-workers
t-u-tr,ikb'a(l)-t-aj ten.
cOM-3A-tell-TRN-CTS ISG.IOPR
told me.' (91.16.154-61)
Intra-speaker repetition also marks unit boundaries, as when the narrator's self-quotation
ends with a couplet at the beginning of (7), and when the ending of the flight attendant's response
repeats its beginning, ftrst signalling the end of direct quotation with the repetition of Ma' asaakil,
'Don't be afraid', and the speech verb, tuya'laj. There also may be parallelisms between quoted
speech and subsequent action, forming speech-action sequences, as in (8).
(7) tu'ux patal in-jok'-ol

where ABIL ISG.A-Ieave-Ils
'where I can leave
i tu'ux patal inw-ok-ol. . ..

and where ABIL ISG.A-enter-IIS
and where I can enter.
I la 'ayti' t-uy-a'l-a(j) ten ...

and 3IPR cOM-3A-say-cTs lSG.IOPR
And she told me,
"Ma' a-saak-il ... nojoch=winik" ki ten ..

NEG 2A-fear-NOM hig=man QUOT ISG.IOPR
"Don't he afraid sir," she told me,
"in-ten k-im-b'el im-b'en-es-eech

EMP-1SG.IPR INC-1SG.A-go ISG.A-go-CAUS-2sG.B
"I am going to take you,
in-ten k-im-b'el inw-a'l-eO) tech ..

EMP-1SG.IPR INC.,.ISG.A-go ISG.A-say-DTs 2SG.IOPR
I am going to tell you
b'b: k-a-b'el a-b'et-ej. ...

how INC-2A-go 2A-do-DTS
how you are going to do it.
I je'-a-k 'och-ol-ej
and ASSUR-2A-arrive-IIs-TOP
And yes, you will arrive,
ma' a-saak-il
NEG 2A-fear-POS
don't he afraid,
si wa 'yej .. tulakal yan kiw-an-t-ik ki-b 'aj. "

yes here all OBLIG IpL.A-help-TRN-ITS IpL.A-REFL
yes, here we all have to help one another."
B'ay-lo' t-uy-a'I-aj ten-ej. ...

like-DIST cOM-3A-say-cTs ISG.IOPR-TOP
Thus she told me.' (92.2.51-62)
(8) "ki-b'el Ii xi'mal.. kik-il-a'

IPL.A-go SUB walk IpL.A-see-DTS
, "we're going to walk to see
a' b'a'ax kiw-il-ik ... ich a' k'aax-ej." ...

DET what IPL.A-See-ITS in DET forest-ToP
what we can see in the forest."
Ka' b 'in-oo'. ...

then gO-PL
Then they went.
Ka'jo'm-ij uy-uk'-ik-oo' uy-uk'-ul-ej ...

then fmish-3SG.B 3A-drink-JTS-PL 3A-drink-NOM-TOP
Then they fmished drinking their drink
ka' I-u-ch'a'-aj-oo' u-tz'on-oo'-ej

then cOM-3A-take-CTS-PL 3A-gun-PL-TOP
and took their guns
ka' b 'in-oo'. ...

then gO-PL
and they went.' (91.13.29-36)
In summary, repetition and morphosyntax playa crucial role in marking unit boundaries
in all discourse genres. In conversation, same-speaker repetition marks potential turn-change
boundaries, while different-speaker repetitions reinforce social solidarity. In narrative genres,
repetition and morpho syntax mark boundaries of units such as scene and episode, as well as topic
changes, including change of quoted speakers.
25.5. Discourse Genres

Discourse genres are a product of speech practices and are not rigidly defined by the
presence or absence of certain features (Brody 1986; Hanks 1987, 1989). Nevertheless, prototypes
of different genres can be described, and different structures are characteristic of different genres.
The following is intended as a brief sketch of major genre types. Examples of each are found in
Hofting (1991). Because of its precarious language status, it has not been possible to study the full
range of former genres in Itzaj Maya.
25.5.1. Conversation
Conversation (tzikb'al) is the broadest, most flexible, and most basic speech genre (Brody
1993, 1994). Any of the observed Itzaj genres may be part of conversation. Characteristic of
conversation are mUltiple discourse participants, tum-taking, extensive backchanneling through
different-speaker repetition, and a high degree of involvement of discourse participants, marked
by frequent exclamations, eye-contact, gesturing, and a large pitch range. Quoted speech is
characteristic of both conversational and narrative speech varieties.
25.5.2. Narrative
Narrative genres require a principal speaker, who typically receives frequent feedback in
the form of backchannels from hislher audience. Any type of narrative may be referred to as a
kweentoj or tzikb'al. Most narratives have dramatic qualities and are structured around thematic
peaks. Long narratives typically involve episodic and scene structures with character changes. A
good speaker is able to engage the audience, create dramatic tension, and arrive at its resolution.
25.5.2.1. Personal Narrative

In personal narrative, the speaker claims to have personally participated in the events
described and first-person verb forms are prominent. Text 1 in the Appendix, "The Yellow
Crocodile," is an example of personal narrative. Quoted speech is common, but reportative
markers are not. Personal narratives typically have clear openings and closings framing a single
thematic peak, but more than one peak is possible. In the case of "The Yellow Crocodile," the
peak is the description of a crocodile eating a man in lines 43ff., but several related secondary
thematic peaks follow.
25.5.2.2. Mythic Narrative

Mythic narratives refer to events that took place in the distant past and typically open
with a existential presentative structure, as in (1). The reportative marker b'in is pervasive and the
narratives often mention the source of the story, e.g., a grandparent, at the beginning and ending
of the tale (cf. 25.3, 25.4). Linguistic parallelisms, including quoted-speech structures, are
especially prominent. An abbreviated reference to the source, given in a parallelism in the closing
lines of a mythic narrative, is shown in (2).
(1) Uchij ... yan-aj-ij b'in ka'=tu(ul) winik ... waye' t-a' kaj-ej. ...
long.ago EXIST-CIS-3SG.B REPORT two=ANIM man here in-DET town-TOP
'Long ago, there were two men here in the town.
K'och-ij jun =p'e k'in-ej

arrive-3SG.B one=INAM day-ToP
A day came
/ca' b'in-oo' ti tz'on . ...

when gO-PL SUB shoot
when they went to shoot.' (91.13.1-5)
(2) I b 'ay-Io' p 'at-ij ... u-kweentoj-il a' b'a'ax uch-ij ti'ij-ej. ..

and like-DIST remain-3SG.B 3A-story-pos DET what happen-SG.B 3IOPR-TOP
'And thus ended the story of what happened to him.
La 'ayti' a '-10' t-inw-u 'y-aj-ej in-ten

3IPR DET-DIST COM-lsG.A-hear-CTS-TOP EMP-1SG.IPR
That is what I heard, me,
tan-in-ch 'i./-il .. jach uchij. ...

DUR-lsG.A-grow-IIs very long.ago
when I was growing up, long ago.' (92.3.157-60)
Mythic narrative tends to be the most highly structured of genres, with formulaic
openings and closings, as well as episodic and scene structures. Trickster tales of the rabbit and
the fox are a subtype. 1 Others include tales of supernatural beings such as the lords of the forest,
lords of the hills, and lords of the deer. The ancient Maya hero twins are also in evidence, as are a
variety of supernatural beasts. Mythic tales often explicitly take place in the region, and local
landmarks are often referred to in the narratives.
25.5.2.3. Historical Narrative

Historical narratives relate events believed to be true and witnessed by credible sources.
Text 2 in the Appendix, "The Bandits," is an example of historical narrative. In such narratives,
the reportative marker is common, as the events were not witnessed by the narrator. Care is often
taken to trace the oral transmission of the tale through reliable sources known to the narrator, as in
"The Bandits," which offers the names of protagonists who were known inhabitants of San Jose.
As one heads back in time, the line between history and myth blurs, so that certain narratives
share qualities of both. For example, a narrative relating to a horse left in the care of the Itzaj by
Cortes has many mythic elements but is considered historical (Hofling and TesucUn 1992).
25.5.3. Procedural (Expository) Discourse

Procedural discourse, which describes local customs and work, is quite different in
structure from narrative genres. It often lacks dramatic organization. Instead, it follows an event
schema through its various stages to describe a process as a whole. For example, discourses
describing the agricultural work of milpa farming (Hofling 1991: Text 20) or the gathering of
chicle (the natural latex used in the manufacture of chewing gum; Hofling 1991: Text 22) are
chronologically organized according to sequences of stages. Passive voices are especially
prominent in procedural discourse, and agents tend to be impersonal or absent (cf. 16.3). Rather
than introduce actual characters, roles are described.
25.6. Cultural Schemata

All varieties of discourse reflect a core of certain basic cultural schemata (Hofling 1993,
1 Interestingly, these are actually stories of the rabbit (ajt'u'ul) and the opossum ('och).
Zorro in Spanish may refer to either 'opossum' or 'fox' in different dialects. In the Peten, zorro
refers to opossum, while gato de monte (ajch 'umak in Itzaj) refers to fox (Hofling 1997).
1999). The local landscape of named hills, caves, trees, lakes, dense forest, powerful rains, and
winds provide the context for talk. Natural and supernatural animals, human beings, and
anthropomorphic spirit beings populate this landscape and behave in intelligible ways.
Protagonists often go on journeys, leaving the safety of their homes in town to visit
distant places in the forest, where they have encounters with dangerous animals and other beings.
Strangers go on journeys and arrive at Lake Peten Itza, and they too can be dangerous. A prudent
person follows the customs of the ancestors (because they reflect wisdom), is alert to possible
dangers, and acts cautiously. Appearances are often deceiving and careful observation is required
to ascertain reality and to determine the motives of others.
The universe reflected in Itzaj discourse is a marvelously dangerous place. To thrive in
such a world the prudent person listens carefully to the discourse of others and is attentive to the
details of natural and social surroundings.
APPENDIX: TEXTS
562 ITZA} MA fA GRAMMAR
1. Ajk'an 'Ayim, Ajjanal-mak 1

The Yellow Crocodile, the Man-eater
Told by Fernando Tesucun, San Jose, Peten, July 3, 1991
1. R'el in-ka'a in-tzikb'al-t-ej '"

go lSG.A-golSG.A-tell-TRN-DTS
I am going to tell
2. jum=p'e mo'nok .. kweentoj ...

one=INAM short story
a little story,
3. ka'ax koom ... [three-second pause]

although short
although it's short,
4. yok' u-k'och-ol ..
SUB 3A-arrive-IIS
so that it comes
5. ti ojel-b'-el ...
SUB knoW-PAS-iiS
to be known
6. b'ix ki-kiij-tal tulakal aj-[ .. ]meyaj-o'on ..

how INc/lpL.A-live-PosIT all MASC-work-lpL.B
how we live, all of us workers
7. yan-o'on ... t-a' paarkej Tikal-ej. ...

EXIST-lpL.B in-DET park PN-TOP
that are in the park of Tikal.
8. A' kweentoj-ej u-k'ab'a' ...

DET story-TOP 3A-name
The story is called,
9. "'Ayim" ...
crocodile
"Crocodile, "
10. ''Aj-k'an 'ayim ...

MAsc-yellow crocodile
"The Yellow Crocodile,
11. aj-jan-a-mak. " ...

MAsc-eat-NoM-person
the Man-eater."
I In text transcriptions, perfonnance errors are enclosed in square brackets [ ], and

corrections are enclosed in parentheses ( ).
TEXT 1: THE YELLOW CROCODILE 563
12. Jum=p'e k'in ...

one=INAM day
One day,
13. jun=tuul aj-meyaj ..

one=ANIM MASC-work
a worker
14. [ixi' .. ] ich kiw-et'ok ...

[?] among 1pL.A-COmpanion,
among our companions,
15. b'in-i ti litz ...

go-3SG.B SUB fish
went to fish
16. t-u-chi' a'ja' yan ...

at-3A-edge DET water EXIST
at the edge of the lake
17. t-a' paarkej-ej. .. ,

Of-DET park-TOP
of the park.
18. Tan-uy-ok-ol k'in ...

Night was falling
19. i to'on-e ti-kiw-a'al-aj ti'ij ..

and 1PL.IPR-TOP cOM-lpL.A-say-cTs 3IOPR
and we told him
20. ke ma' u-b'el ...

SUB NEG 3A-go
that he shouldn't go
21. tumen .. te' .. natz' .. yan a' .. 'ayim ...

because LOC close EXIST DET crocodile
because there, close, is the crocodile,
22. ke patal [u- .. u-] .. u-jan-t-ik. ...

SUB ABIL [3A- 3A-] 3A-eat-TRN-ITS
that it could eat him.
23. I la'ayti' t-uy-a'l-aj .. to'on-ej:

and 3IPRCOM-3A-say-cTs IpL.IOPR-TOP
And he told us,
24. "Ma' .. ma' tun-b'et-ik ten mix=b'a'al. ...

NEG NEG DuR/3A-do-ITS ISG.IOPR NEG=thing
"No, it's not doing anything to me.
25. In-ten-ej jach tak in-jan-t-ik kiiy ..

EMP-lSG.lPR-TOP much DES lSG.A-eat-TRN-ITS fish
Me, I really want to eat fish,
26. i b'e/ in-ka'a inw-i/-a' ..

and go lSG.A-go lSG.A-see-DTS
and I am going to see
27. wa pata/ in-litz-ik. " ...

COND ABIL lSG.A-hook-ITS
ifI can hook it."
28. I b'in-ij. ...

and go-3SG.B
And he went.
29. Ma' sam-ik u-b'el ..

NEG while-PERF 3A-go
Not long after he went
30. t-u-chi' a'ja'-ej ...

to-3A-edge DET water-TOP
to the edge of the waterhole,
31. t-u-kiix-iin-t-aj u-xot'-ol che' ...

cOM-3A-seek-NOM-TRN-CTS 3A-piece-NoM wood
he looked for a section of a log,
32. ka' niik-l-aj-ij ..

then sit-POSIT-CIS-3SG.B
then he sat down,
33. ka' kap-ij ti litz . ...

then he began to fish.
34. Jo'm-a'an u-jok'-s-ik yaab' tz'eek kiiy. ...

end-PART 3A-Ieave-cAus-ITS much little fish
He had already taken a good bit of fish.
35. Chen a '-ka , .. uy-b'-ij ..

only DET-when hear-PAS-3sG.B
Only then he was heard
36. men [u- .. ] uy-et='aj-meyaj-il-oo'-ej . ...

by [3A-] 3A-with=MASC-work-POS-PL-TOP
by his co-workers.
37. Kap-i ti awat. ...

begin-3sG.B SUB shout
He began to shout.
TEXT J: THE YELLOW CROCODILE 565
38. Ka' .. tal-i uy-et'ok-oo' uy-il-a'

then COM-3SG.B 3A-companion-PL 3A-see-DTS
When his companions came to see
39. b'a'ax k-uy-uch-ul ti'ij-ej ...

what INC-3A-happen-Ils 3IOPR-TOP
what was happening to him,
40. chen u-ya'ax-il [u- .. ] u-nok' ..

only 3A-green-pos [3A-] 3A-shirt
only the green of his shirt
41. k-u-man ..
INC-3A-pass
was passing,
42. tun-sut-ik u-b'aj y-ok'ja'. ...

DuR/3A-turn-ITS 3A-REFL 3A-over water
spinning on the water.
43. A' 'ayim-ej .. tal-ij ...

DET crocodile-ToP come-3SG.B
The crocodile came
44. y-alam a' .. ja'-ej ...

3A-below DET water-TOP
beneath the water,
45. ka't-u-mach-aj. ...

then cOM-3A-grab-cTs
46. T-u-mach-aj u-k'ab' a' winik-ej ..

cOM-3A-grab-cTs 3A-hand DET man-TOP
47. ka' I-u-pul-aj Ii ja'. ...

and it threw him into the water.
48. A '-ka' lub'-ij a' winik lija'-ej ...

DET-when fall-3sG.B DET man in water-TOP
49. ka' I-u-mach-aj [/-UU .. ] t-u-ju' ...

then cOM-3A-grab-cTs [at-3A] at-3A-waist
50. ka' t-u-tz'am-aj y-alam a'ja'-ej ...

and it pulled him under the water,
51. i ka' kap-i u-sut-u"'..

and then begin-3sG.B 3A-tum-DTS
and then it began to spin him.
52. Ya chen u-ya'ax-il u-nok' a' winik-ej ..

already only 3A-green-POs 3A-shirt DET man-TOP
Then only the green of the shirt of the man
53. k-u-chik-[ .. ]p-aJ-al y-ok' a'ja'-ej. ...

INC-3A-see-PAS2-DTR-ns 3A-over DET water-TOP
appeared over the water.
54. I ka' t-u-tutz'-aj-oo'jum=p'e mo'nok chem ...

and when cOM-3A-push-cTS-PL one=INAM small canoe
And when they launched a canoe,
55. a' mak-oo' k'och-oo' uy-il-a'-oo'-ej. ...

DET person-PL arrive-PL 3A-see-DTS-PL-TOP
the people that arrived to see him,
56. ka' b'in-oo' uy-il-a'-oo'

then gO-PL 3A-see-DTS-PL
then they went to see
57. wa patal u-jok'-s-ik-oo'. ...

COND ABIL 3A-Ieave-cAus-ITS-PL
if they could take him out.
58. A' .. 'ayim-ej .. ma' t-u-jalk'ii'-t-aj. ...

DET crocodile-TOP NEG cOM-3A-Iet.loose-TRN-CTS
The crocodile didn't tum him loose.
59. I a' winik-oo' k'och-oo' et a' mo'nok chem-ej ..

and DET man-PL arrive-PL with DET small canoe-TOP
And the men that arrived with the little canoe
60. t-u-miich-aj-oo' a' winik t-uy-ok-ej ..

cOM-3A-grab-cTs-PL DET man at-3A-foot-TOP
grabbed the man by his foot,
61. ka' .. kap-oo' u-[ .. ]jok'-es-oo'. ...

then begin-PL 3A-Ieave-CAUs-PL
and began to take him out.
62. Ma' pat-aj-ij u-jok'-s-ik-oo'

They weren't able to take him out
63. tumen [a' .. ] a' 'ayim-ej u-miich-m-a ma'lo' ..

because [DET] DET crocodile-TOP 3A-grab-PERF-CTS well
because the crocodile had seized
TEXT J: THE YELLOW CROCODILE 567
64. t-uy-ok a' winik-ej. ...

by-3A-foot DET man-TOP
the man's foot well.
65. [Ii' ... ] I k'och-oo' aj-kiin-an-oo'

[and] and arrive-PL MAsC-guard-NOM-PL
And the guards arrived
66. yan u-tz'on-oo '-ej ...

EXIST 3A-gun-PL-TOP
that have guns,
67. ka' [t-u-wak'-s-iijaa1 t-u-wak'-s-(aj-oo,) .. u-tz'on-oo'-ej ..

then [coM-3A-explode-CAus-CTS?] cOM-3A-explode-CAuS(-CTS-PL) 3A-gun-PL-TOP
then they discharged their arms
68. yok' u-jak'-iil (u)y-ool a' .. 'ayim-ej. ...

SUB 3A-frighten-IIS 3A-spirit DET crocodile-TOP
in order to frighten the crocodile.
69. A' .. tu'ux t-uy-ub'-aj u-wak'-iil a' tz'on-ej ..

DET where cOM-3A-hear-cTS 3A-explode-ns DET gun-TOP
Where (the crocodile) heard the guns ftre,
70. b'aay-lo' pat-aj-ij u-jalk'ii-t-ik [a' .. ] a' winik-ej. ...

thus-DIST ABIL-CIS-3SG.B 3A-Ioosen-TRN-ITS [DET] DET man-TOP
thus they were able to free the man.
71. Ya (a') winik-ej kim-en ich u-jok'-sii-b'-iil. ...

already (DET) man-TOP die-NOM SUB 3A-Ieave-CAUS-PAS-IIS
The man was already dead when he was pulled out.
72. Ii .. kap-oo' u-tz'aj-oo' ik' .. ti'ij ..

and begin-PL 3A-give/cTs-PL air 3IOPR
And they began to give him air
73. [uu- .. ] u-lil-t-oo' ...

[3A-] 3A-shake-TRN-PL
to shake him
74. uy-il-a'-oo'
3A-see-DTS-PL
to see
75. wa patal [u- .. ] u-ch'i'-ik u-mus=ik' a' winik-ej. ...

COND ABIL [3A-] 3A-get-ITs 3A-breath=air DET man-TOP
if it was possible for the man to get his breath.
76. Ya ma' pat-aj-ij

already NEG ABIL-CIS-3SG.B
Already he couldn't,
77. ya ka' .. jok'-i [stumble] y-ok' lu 'um-ej ..

already when leave-3sG.B 3A-over earth-ToP
already when he came out on land,
78. ya kim-en
already die-NOM
he was already dead
79. i ma' pat-aj-ij .. u-sut .. t-uy-ool. ...

and NEG ABIL-CIS-3SG.B 3A-retum to-3A-self
and he couldn't return to himself (revive).
80. Ijo'm-ij a' kim-ilje'-loj. ...

and end-3sG.B DET die-NoM OST-DIST
And that death ended.
81. Uch-ij ... k'och-ij u-Iaak' .. aj-nojoch=winik ..

happen-3SG.B arrive-3SG.B 3A-other MASC-great=man
A while ago, another gentleman came,
82. aj-meyaj xan ...

MASC-work also
a worker too,
83. tu'umb'en aj-meyaj. ...

new MASC-work
a new worker.
84. Aal-b'-ij ti'ij-ej ..

say-PAs-3sG.B 3IOPR-TOP
It was said to him
85. ke .. ka' u-jok'-es ja' ...

SUB SUB 3A-Ieave-CAUS water
that he take out water,
86. ka' u-ch'ul-u' tulakal a' pak'-aal-oo' yan ...

SUB 3A-wet-DTS all DET plant-NoM-PL EXIST
to soak all of the plants that are
87. t-u-tzeeljun=kul noj naj

at-3A-side one=round big house
at the side of a big building
88. tu'ux k-u-k'och-ol tulakal aj-turiistaj-oo'-ej. ...

where INC-3A-arrive-IIS all MASC-tourist-PL-TOP
where all the tourists arrive.
89. [Kap-ij uu- .. ] Kap-ij u-chun-u' u-meyaj. ...

[begin-3SG.B 3A-] begin-3sG.B 3A-begin-DTs 3A-work
He started to begin his work.
90. Yan ... [komo] ka'=p'e mes ...

EXIST [like] twO=INAM month
It was about two
91. wa ox=p'e mes tan-u-meyaj ...

or three=INAM month DUR-3A-work
or three months he was working
92. iij ... a' 'ayim .. t-u-kin-s-aj aj-yax winik-ej ..

and DET crocodile cOM-3A-die-CAUS-CTS MASC-frrst man-TOP
and the crocodile that killed the frrst man,
93. la'ayti't-u-kin-s-aj [u-] a' nojoch=winik xanje'-loj. ...

3IPR cOM-3A-die-CAUS-CTS [3A-] DET great=man also OST-DIST
it killed this gentleman too.
94. I nak'-ij a' nojoch=winik-ej

and rise-3SG.B DET great=man-TOP
And the gentleman went up
95. u-tul-u' [u-... u- .. ] u-kum ...

3A-fill-DTS [3A- 3A-] 3A-pot
to fill his pot
96. y-ok'jum=p'e che'. ...

3A-on one=INAM log
on top of a tree trunk.
97. I a' che'-ej ...

and DET tree-TOP
And the tree,
98. li'-litz'-kij ..
REDUP-slippery-ADJ
was slippery
99. tumen ch'ul. ...

because wet
because it was wet.
100. Pitz'-k'--aj-ij uy-ok a' winik-ej ..

Slip-CELER-CIS-3sG.B 3A-foot DET man-TOP
The man's foot slipped,
101. ka' lub'-ij tija'. ...

when fall-3sG.B in water
then he fell in the water.
102. I a'noj 'ayim-ej ..

and DET big crocodile-ToP
And the great crocodile,
103. a'-ka' t-uy-ub'-aj u-lub'-ul a' winik tija'-ej

DET-when cOM-3A-hear-CTS 3A-fall-IIS DET man in water-TOP
when he heard the man's fall in the water,
104. ka' tal-ij ..

then come-3SG.B
then he came
105. ich a' pokche' ..

inside DET vegetation
inside the vegetation
106. tu'ux kiij-a'an-ej. ...

where live-PART-TOP
where he lives.
107. Ka' t-u-miich-aj .. t-u-pol a' winik-e' ..

then cOM-3A-grab-cTs on-3A-head DET man-TOP
Then he grabbed the man by the head,
108. te't-u-miich-aj-i'ij . ...

LOC cOM-3A-grab-CTS-LOC
there he grabbed him.
109. [i t-u-l .. t-u- .. ]

[and COM-3A-? COM-3A-]
110. T-u[u .. ]-p'a'-aj [u-] u-t'a' a' winik

cOM-3A-open-CTS [3A-] 3A-forehead DET man
It opened the man's forehead
111. tu'ux t-u-tz'op-aj [u- ... u- u-] u-yej u-koj-ej (u-tz'a 'ay-ej) ...
where COM-3A-sink-CTS [3A- 3A- 3A-] 3A-edge 3A-tooth-TOP (3A-canine-ToP)
where the edges of his teeth (canines) sunk in.
112. I a'-ka' k'och-ij [a' .. uu- ... ] uy-et='aj-meyaj-il-oo'-ej ..

and DET-when arrive-3SG.B [DET 3A-] 3A-with=MASC-work-poS-PL-TOP
And when his companions arrived,
113. ka't-u-jok'-s-aj-oo' ..
then cOM-3A-Ieave-CAUS-CTS-PL
then they took him out,
114. ya a' nojoch winik-ej

already DET great man-TOP
already, the gentleman,
115. ya kim-en. ...

already die-NOM
he was already dead.
116. A' nojoch=winik-ejje'-la'

DET great=man-TOP OST-PROX
That gentleman,
TEXT I: THE YELLOWCROCODlLE 571
117. u-k'ab'a' uch-ij-ej ..

3A-name happen-3SG.B-TOP
was named
118. aj-Gawd'eensiyo....
MASC-PN
don Gaudencio.
119. I a' yax winik ... kim-ij-ej ..

and DET flISt man die-3sG.B-TOP
And the flISt man that died,
120. u-k'ab'a'-ej
3A-name-TOP
his name was
121. Salb'ad'or Garriid'o . ...

PNPN
Salvador Garrido.
122. A '-10' uch-ij .. ti paarke Tikal. ...

DET-DIST happen-3sG.B in parkpN
. That happened in the park of Tikal.
123. Ii .. yan-aj-ij u-laak' kim-en ..

and EXIST-CIS-3SG.B 3A-other die-NOM
And there was another death,
124. jun=tuul .. 'aleman .. turiista . ...

one=ANIM German tourist
a German tourist.
125. La'ayti' k-u[u .. ]-wen-el ...

3IPR INC-3A-sleep-lls
He was sleeping,
126. [u-] kiij-l-aj-ij ..

[3A-] live-posIT-CIS-3sG.B
he lived
127. a' k'in-oo' p'at-ij Ti=k'al-ej ...

DET daY-PL remain-3SG.B in=aguada-ToP
the days that he stayed at Tikal,
128. kiij-l-aj-ij tijum=p'e mo'nok naj ..

live-POSIT-CIs-3SG.B in one=INAM small house
he lived in a small house
129. tu'ux u-k'ab'a' Kaampin ...

where 3A-name PN
where it is called "Camping"
130. tu'ux k-u-k'och-ol tulakal a}-turiista}-oo' ..

where INC-3A-arrive-IIS all MASC-tourist-PL
where all of the tourists arrive
131. ke ma' [u- .. ] u-k'a 't-oo' u-b'o 't-oo' 'otel-e} ..

that NEG [3A-] 3A-want-PL 3A-pay-PL hotel-TOP
that don't want to pay for a hotel,
132. te' k-u-b'el-oo' ti wen-e/-i'ij. ...

LOC INC-3A-go-PL SUB sleep-lIS-LOC
there they go to sleep.
133. l' .. to'on-e} ki-tuk-l-ik ...

and IPL.IPR-TOP INC/lpL.A-think-NOM-ITS
And we think,
134. tumen a'-lo' ma' ti-kiw-i/-a' ...

because DET-DJST NEG COM-IPL.A-see-DTs
because we hadn't seen it
135. chen ki-tuk-l-ik ...

only INc/lpL.A-think-NOM-ITS
we only think it,
136. ke miiya [a' .. ] a' no} 'ayim}e'-lo} ..

that maybe [DET] DET big crocodile OST-DIST
that perhaps that big crocodile,
137. la'ayti' xan t-u-jan-t-a} ..

3IPR also cOM-3A-eat-TRN-CTS
it also ate him
138. tumen [a' .. ] a' .. 'aleman-e} ..

because [DET] DET German-TOP
because the German,
139. ma' .. chik-p-a}-i} ..

NEG appear-PAs2-CIS-3SG.B
he didn't appear,
140. mix b'i-k'in chik-p-a}-i}. ...

NEG INTER-day appear-PAs2-DTR-3SG.B
he never appeared.
141. I sat-i}. ...

and 10se-3SG.B
And he was lost.
142. I to 'on-e} }ok'-o 'on ki-kiix-iin-t-e} tulakal tu 'ux

and IPL.JPR-TOP leave-lpL.B IpL.A-Seek-NOM-TRN-DTS all where
And we went out to look for him all over
TEXT J: THE YELLOWCROCODILE 573
143. ich k'aax ..

in forest
in the forest,
144. t-a' h'ej-oo'-ej. ...

in-DET road-PL-TOP
and on the roads.
145. Ii tan-ki-k'at=peksil-t-ik ..
and DUR-lpL.A-ask=news-TRN-ITS
And we were asking for news,
146. wa ma' il-h'-ij ..

CONDNEG see-PAS-3SG.B
if he wasn't seen
147. men[n] wa=max. ..

by INTER=who
by anyone.
148. I mix=maak [t-uu .. ] t-uy-a'l-aj ..

and NEG=person [ cOM-3A-] cOM-3A-say-cTs
And no one said
149. [ke .. ] ke t-uy-il-aj. ...

[SUB) SUB cOM-3A-see-CTs
that they saw him.
150. Mix=maak t-uy-il-aj ..

NEG=person cOM-3A-see-CTs
No one saw him,
151. mix=maak uy-ojel ...

NEG=person 3A-know
no one knew
152. tu'ux h'in-ij a' winik-e. ...

where go-3SG.B DET man-TOP
where the man went.
153. In-to'on-ej ki-tuk-I-ik ke ..

EMP-lpL.IPR-TOP INC/lPL.A-think-NOM-ITS SUB
As for us, we think that
154. [tal ke] miiya [.. ee .. ] em-i ti[i .. ] ichkil. ...

[come? SUB] maybe [uh] lower-3SG.B SUB bathe
maybe he went down to bathe.
155. Ak'ii'='u-sas-tal ..
night=3A-light-INCH
At dawn
156. wa et-e(l) ak'ii' ..

or with-pos night
or at night,
157. jok'-i ich a'ja'-ej ..

go.out-3SG.B in DET water-TOP
he went out in the water
158. i .. miich-b'-i wal men a' 'ayim-ej. ...

and grab-PAS-3sG.B maybe by DET crocodile-TOP
and maybe he was grabbed by the crocodile.
159. Tumen[n] ma' chik-p-aj-ij ..

because NEG appear-PAs2-CIS-3SG.B
Because he didn't appear,
160. mix b'i-k'in ..

NEG INTER-time
ever,
161. tak b'a-je'-la'-e ..

until TEMP-OST-PROX-TOP
until now,
162. mix=maak .. t-uy-ojel-t-aj ..

NEG=person cOM-3A-know-TRN-CTS
no one knew
163. tu'ux b'in-ij. ...

where go-3SG.B
where he went.
164. Chen u-nok' ...

only 3A-clothes
Only his clothes,
165. u-tak'in ...

3A-money
his money,
166. u[u .. ]-'anti'oojos ...

3A-glasses
his glasses,
167. [uu- .. ] u-kaamara

[3A-] 3A-camera
his camera
168. tu'ux k-u-jok'-s-ik .. retraato ...

where INC-3A-Ieave-CAus-ITS picture
where he takes photos,
169. te'laj tz'lip-a'an y-alam u-k'aan-i'i ..

there everything is heaped below his hammock,
170. u-k'aan te' yan .. y-alam a' naj-ej. ...

his hammock that was there under the cabana.
171. U-xana' ...

3A-shoe
His shoes,
172. tulakal (a~ [u- .. ] b'a'ax k-u-man-s-ik-ej

all DET [3A-] thing INc-3A-pass-cAuS-ITS-TOP
all the things he carries,
173. te' laj yan y-alam a' naj-ej. ...

LOC all EXIST 3A-be1ow DET house-TOP
are all there under the cabana.
174. I a' winik-ej ma' chik-p-aj-ij ..

and DET man-TOP NEG appear-PAs2-DTR-3SG.B
And the man didn't appear,
175. mix b'i-k'in ..

NEG INTER-time
ever,
176. takb'a-je'-la'-ej ..
until now,
177. mix=maak t-uy-ojel-t-aj ..

NEG=person cOM-3A-know-TRN-CTS
no one knew
178. tu'ux b'in-i a' 'aleman-ej. ...

where go-3SG.B DET German-TOP
where the German went.
179. I u-nojoch-il a' paarkej-ej ...

and 3A-big-pos DET park-ToP
And the boss of the park,
180. a'-ka't-uy-il-aj
DET-when cOM-3A-see-CTs
when he saw
181. ke ma' .. chik-p-aj-i ..

SUB NEG appear-PAs2-DTR-3SG.B
that he didn't appear,
182. u-yum-il tulakal a' b'a'ax-oo'-tak ..

3A-owner-pos all DET thing-PL-PL
the owner of all the things
183. p'at-i(j) y-alam a' naj-ej ..

remain-3SG.B 3A-below DET cabana-TOP
that remained below the cabana,
184. ka' t-u-mol-aj-oo'-ej ..

then cOM-3A-collect-cTS-PL-TOP
then they collected them
185. ka' t-u-tiika'-t-aj-oo' tulakal ..

then cOM-3A-send-TRN-CTS-PL all
and they sent them all
186. t-u-'emb'ajaadaj-i(l) 'alemaanya ...

to-3A-embassy-pos Germany
to the German embassy,
187. [ee .. ] t-u-kaj-il Gwatemaala . ...

[uh] in-3A-city-pos PN
in Guatemala City.
188. Te'-lo' ... miiya tiika'-b'-i wal

LOC-DIST perhaps send-PAS-3SG.B maybe
From there, perhaps it was sent
189. [t-u- ... t-u- .. ] t-u-tat

[to-3A to-3A] to-3A-father
to his father
190. wa t-u-na' a' winik-ej

or to 3A-mother DET man-TOP
or to the mother of the man,
191. tulakal a' b'a'ax ...

all DET thing
all of the things
192. t-a' ... winik .. sat-al-ej. ...

Of-DET man lose-PART-TOP
of the lost man.
193. Tak b'a-je'-la ma' ki[?]w-ojel b'a'ax ...

until TEMP-OST-PROX NEG IPL.A-know what
Until now we don't know what,
194. b'a'ax fin-i(l) yan-aj-ij .. t-a' winik-ej. ...

what end-pos EXIST-CIS-3SG.B to-DET man-TOP
what end the man had.
TEXT i: THE YELLOW CROCODILE 577
195. La'ayti' u-mo(~nok .. kweentoj-il ..

3IPR 3A-small story-pas
That is the small story of
196. a' b'a'ax uch-ij .. Tikal-ej. ...

what happen-3sG.B PN-TOP
what happened at Tikal.
197. [Ii ... ] Ii [a' .. ] a' 'ayim-ej ...

[and] and [DET] DET crocodile-TOP
And the crocodile,
198. [u-' .. ] kin-sii-b'-ij ...

[3A-] die-cAUs-PAS-3SG.B
was killed,
199. tz'on-b'il. ...

shoot-PART2
shot.
200. Yax-i/-e .. lom-b'i/ ...

fIrst-pas-ToP pierce-PART2
First it was harpooned,
201. i ma' kim-ij. ...

and NEG die-3SG.B
and it didn't die,
202. i yan-aj-ij u-tz'on-ik-oo'.

and OBLIG-CIS-3SG.B 3A-shoot-ITS-PL
and they had to shoot it.
203. [inaudible .. truck passing]
204. Jach yaab' ma(a)k t'an-aj-ij k'as ..

very many person speakiAP-CIS-3sG.B bad
Many people spoke ill
205. tumen .. kin-sii-b'-ij a' 'ayim-ej. ...

because die-cAUS-PAS-3sG.B DET crocodile-TOP
because the crocodile was killed.
206. Tumen .. Tikal .. pwes .. paarkej ...

Because Tikal, well, is a park,
207. pero ma' patal u-kin-sii-b'-iil mixjun=tul b'a'alche'. ...

but NEG ABIL 3A-die-CAUS-PAS-US NEG one=ANIM animal
but one cannot kill even one animal.
208. I a' [m .. ] max k-u-kim-es .. jun=tuul b'a'alche'-ej ..

and DET who sUB-3A-die-CAUS one=ANIM animal-ToP
And whoever would kill an animal,
209. k'och-ok uy-ojel-t-ej [u- .. ] u-nojoch-il a' meyaj-ej ...

arrive-DIS 3A-know-TRN-DTS [3A-] 3A-big-pos DET work-TOP
when the director comes to know it,
210. k-u-jok'[ .. ]-sii-b'-iil .. t-a'meyaj-ej ..

INC-3A-Ieave-CAUS-PAS-IIS from-DET work-TOP
he is taken from work
211. i k-u-toJ-ol-b'-ol
and INC-3A-throw-NOM-PAS-IIS
and he is thrown out
212. ka'jok'-ok t-a' paarkej-ej. ...

SUB leave-DIS from-DET park-TOP
so that he leaves the park.
213. Te' k-u-jo'm-ol u-[ .. ]mo'nok kweentoj-il

LaC INC-3A-end-IIS 3A-small story-pos
There ends the small story
214. a' b'a'ax .. t-in-k'a'ol-t-a i uch-ij ..

DET whatCOM-lSG.A-know-TRN-CTS and happen-3sG.B
of the things that I knew and that happened
215. ich inw-et='aj-meyaj-il-oo' ..

among ISG.A-with=MASC-work-POS-PL
with my work companions
216. t-a' paarke Tikal-ej.

in-DET park PN-TOP
in the park of Tikal.
TEXT 1: THE YELLOWCROCODlLE 579
2. AjWit'oo'
The Bandits (Wit's)
Told by Fernando TesucUn, San Jose, Peten, July 9, 1992
1. B'el in-ka'a in-tzik-b'al-t-ej ...

go ISG.A-go ISG.A-tell-NOM-TRN-DTS
I am going to tell
2. u-xet'-el kweentoj ...

3A-piece-pos story
part of a story
3. b'a'ax .. uch-ij ..
what happen-3sG.B
of what happened
4. jach uch-ij ...

very happen-3sG.B
very long ago
5. tan-u-chu'um-p-aJ-al a' kaj-oo'je'-Ia'-ej ...

. DUR-3A-begin-PAs2-DTR-iiS DET town-PL OST-PROX-TOP
when these towns were being formed,
6. San Josej i San 'And'res . ...

PN andpN
San Jose and San Andres.
7. K-u-tzik-b'al-t-ik to'on ...

INC-3A-tell-NOM-TRN-ITS IpL.lOPR
(My grandmother) told it to us
8. in-noolaj .. jach uch-ij. ...

ISG.A-grandmother very happen-3sG.B
very long ago.
9. [T-ii1 T-u-[ .. ]fronteeraj-il Meejiko .. i Gwatemaala ...

[on-DET?] on-3A-border-POs PN and PN
On the border of Mexico and Guatemala
10. te' kiij-a'an yaab' aj-wach-oo'. ...

LOC live-PART many MASC-Mexican-PL
there lived many Mexicans.
II. Tal-oo' t-u-kaJ-al-oo' ti kiij-tal .. ,

come-PL from-3A-town-NOM-PL SUB live-POSIT
The came from their towns to live
12. t-a'fronteeraj-ej. ..
on-DET border-TOP
on the border.
580 ITZA} MA YA GRAMMAR
13. I te'-loj ... t-u-mol-aj u-baj-oo'. ...

and LOC-DIST cOM-3A-collect-CTS 3A-REFL-PL
And they gathered there.
14. Yan-aj-ijjun=tuul u-nojoch-il .. ich-i/-oo'. ...

EXIST-CIS-3SG.B one=ANIM 3A-big-pos in-POS-PL
There was a boss among them.
15. Ka' .. tal-oo' ..

then come-PL
Then they came,
16. t-u-tuk-l-aj-oo' ..
cOM-3A-think-NOM-CTS-PL
they thought
17. tal .. tak I-a' lu'um-oo' .. wa'ye'-ej ...

come until to-DET land-PL here-TOP
of coming down to these lands here
18. ti ok-ol. ...

SUB steal-NOM
to steal.
19. K-u-tal-oo'-ej ..
INC-3A-Come-PL-TOP
When they come,
20. k-uy-ok-I-ik-oo' wakax ..

INC-3A-steal-NOM-ITS-PL cattle
they steal cattle,
21. k-uy-ok-I-ik-oo' tzimin .. aj-kax ..

INC-3A-steal-NOM-ITS-PL horse MASC-chicken
they steal horses, chickens,
22. tulakal a' ba'ax k-uy-il-ik-oo' ...

all DET thing INc-3A-see-ITS-PL
all of the things they see
23. ke yan t-a' mak-oo' kiij-a'an-oo' wa'ye'-ej ..

that belong to the people living here,
24. tulakal k-u-mol-ik-oo'

all INC-3A-gather-ITs-PL
they gather it all
25. i k-u-b'i-s-ik-oo'. ...

and INC-3A-go-CAUS-ITS-PL
and they take it.
TEXT 2: THE BANDITS 581
26. A'-lo' k-u-b'et-ik-oo' ...

DET-OIST INC-3A-do-ITS-PL
They do that
27. kaad'a ka'=p'ee .. ox=p'e mes ...

each two=INAM three=INAM month
every two or three months
28. t-a'jaab'-ej ...

in-DET year-TOP
of the year
29. k-u-tal-el-oo' wa'ye'-ej. ...

whenlINc-3A-Come-IIS-PL here-TOP
when they come here.
30. K-u-miich-ik-oo' ..
INC-3A-take-ITS-PL
They take
31. a' noj b'ej k-u-b'el tak B'eenkej-ej

DET big way INC-3A-go till PN-TOP
the road that goes to Benque,
32. te' k-u-b'el-oo'-i'ij ...

LOC INC-3A-go-PL-LOC
there they go,
33. te' k-u-putz'-ul-oo'-i'ij ...

LOC INC-3A-flee-IIS-PL-LOC
there they flee,
34. tumen [t-u-noj t-a' .. ] t-u-chi' a' noj=ja'-ej ...

because [in-3A-big in-DET] in-3A-edge DET big=water-TOP
because on the shore of the lake,
35. tulakal u-b'aak' a'ja'-ej ..

all 3A-circumference DET lake-TOP
all around the lake
36. yanjum=p'e noj=b'ej. ...

EXIST one=INAM big=way
there was a road.
37. A' b'ejje'-lo k-u-bel tak ...

DET way OST-OIST INC-3A-go until
That road goes up to
38. tak ti B'eenke .. Kaayoj ...

until to PN PN
Benque, Cayo,
39. (u-)lu'um-i(l) B'eliisej ..

(3A-) land-pos PN
territory of Belice,
40. te' k-u-b'el-oo' .. tulakal aj-'ok-ol-oo'-i'i}-ej ...

LOC INC-3A-go-PL all MASc-steal-NOM-PL-LOC-TOP
there all of the thieves go
41. i u-k'ab'a'-oo'-ej .. aj-Wit'-oo'. ...

and 3A-name-PL-TOP MASC-PN-PL
and they were called the Wit's.
42. I aj-Wit'-oo'-ej ...

and MASC-PN-PL-TOP
And the Wit's,
43. a' kil u-putz'-ul-oo'-ej ...

DET when 3A-flee-uS-PL-TOP
when they flee,
44. a' kil u-k'och-ol-oo' t-a' lu'um-oo' wa'ye'-ej ..

DET when 3A-arrive-us-PL in-DET land-PL here-TOP
when they arrive here,
45. k-u-miich-ik-oo' .. ix-ch'up-oo'. ...

INc-3A-grab-ITs-PL FEM-woman-PL
they grab the women.
46. Tulakal ix-ch'up=paal-oo' ki' t-uy-ich-oo'-ej ..

all FEM-wornan=child-PL good to-3A-eye-PL-ToP
All of the young women that they liked,
47. k-u-miich-ik-oo'
INc-3A-grab-ITS-PL
they grabbed them
48. i k-u-kiij-tal-oo' y-et-el. ...

and INC-3A-live-poSJT-PL 3A-with-pos
and they raped them.
49. Tak ix-ch 'up-oo' yan uy-icham-oo' ...

even FEM-woman-PL EXIST 3A-husband-PL
Even the women with husbands,
50. k-u-miich-ik-oo'
INc-3A-grab-ITS-PL
they grabbed them,
51. ka'ax ma' u-k'a't-oo'-ej .. ix-ch'up-oo'-ej ..

although NEG-3A-want-PL-TOP FEM-woman-PL-TOP
although the women didn't want to,
52. k-u-miich-ik-oo' ... [eej .. ] et u-muk'-oo'. ...

INC-3A-grab-ITs-PL [uh] with 3A-force-PL
they took them by force.
53. I jach yaab' ix-ch 'up ..

and very many FEM-woman
And many women
54. yan-aj-ij u-paal-oo' .. wa'ye'-ej ..

EXIST-CIS-3SG.B 3A-child-PL here-TOP
had their children here,
55. u-paal aj-wach-oo'. ...

3A-child MASC-Mexican-PL
children of Mexicans.
56. [Ii ... ] I b'aay-loj ya a' otzil mak-oo' .. kiij-a'an-oo' wa'ye'-ej

[and] and thus-DIST already DET poor person-PL live-PART-PL here-TOP
And thus, then the poor people living here
57. ya saak-oo'. ...

already afraid-PL
were afraid.
58. Kil uy-ub'-ik-oo' ..

when 3A-hear-ITs-PL
When they hear
59. [ke tan-u-tal aj-] ke utak aj- Wit'-oo '-ej ..

[that DUR-3A-come MASC-] that coming MASC-PN-PL-TOP
that the bandits are coming,
60. k-u-miich-ik-oo' b'ej-ej

INC-3A-grab-ITs-PL road-ToP
they take to the trails,
61. k-u-b 'el-oo u-muk-u' u-b 'aj-oo' ich k'aax ...

INC-3A-gO-PL 3A-hide-DTS 3A-REFL-PL in forest
they go to hide in the forest,
62. ich u-kol-oo' ..

in 3A-milpa-PL
in their milpas,
63. te' k-u-muk-ik u-b'aj-oo'-i'ij. ...

LOC INC-3A-hide-ITS 3A-REFL-PL-LOC
there they hide themselves.
64. Kil u-man [u- .. ] u-t'an-il ke yaj ... ma'an-oo'-ej ..

when 3A-pass [3A-] 3A-word-POS that already NEG/EXIST-PL-TOP
When the word passes that they aren't there anymore,
65. k-u-kap-iil-oo' tijok'-ol t-u-kaYe'. ...

INC-3A-began-IIS-PL SUB leave-lIS in-3A-again
they begin to come out again.
66. [Ii] .. I b'aay-loj ..

[and] and thus-DIST
And thus,
67. i b'aay-loj ...

and thus-DIST
and thus,
68. ['aasta ke] 'aasta ka' a' gob'iyeernoj .. Gwatemaalaj-ej ...

[until that] until when DET government PN-TOP
until the government of Guatemala
69. t-uy-a'l-aj ...

cOM-3A-say-cTs
said
70. ke ya nak-a'an (u)y-ool a' otzi(l) mak-oo'-ej .. tantoj ...

that already tire-PART 3A-spirit DET poor person-PL-TOP such
that the people were tired of all
71. a' b'a'ax k-u-men-b'-el ti'i} men aj-Wit'-oo'-ej. ...

DET thing INC-3A-do-PAS-IIS 3IOPR by MASC-PN-PL-TOP
the things that were done to them by the Wit's.
72. Ka' .. tal-Do' ...

then come-PL
Then they came,
73. ka' tal-oo' sold'aad'oj-oo' ...

then come-PL soldier-PL
then the soldiers came,
74. aj-Sakaapaj-il-oo' ..
MASC-PN-POS-PL
the Sacapanecs,
75. Jutiaapaj-il-oo' ...

PN-POS-PL
the ones from Jutiapa,
76. tulakal a' .. nukuch kaj-oo' ...

all DET big town-PL
from all of the big towns
77. t-u-toj-il tu'ux k-u-jok-ol a' k'in .. Gwatemaalaj-ej ..

in-3A-direction-pos where INC-3A-come.out-IIS DET sun PN-TOP
in the direction where the sun rises from Guatemala (east of Guatemala)
78. tal-oo' waye' ti Peten-ej. ..

come-PL here to Peten-TOP
they came here to Peten.
79. 1[.. eeyi' .. ] tulakal aj-Peten-il-oo '-ej ..

and [uh] all MASC-PN-POS-PL-TOP
And all of the Peteneros,
80. t-u-mol-aj u-b'aj a' winik-oo'-ej ..

cOM-3A-gather-cTs 3A-REFL DET man-PL-TOP
the men gathered,
81. ka' b'in-oo' .. et-el u-tz'on-oo'. ...

then gO-PL with-pos 3A-gun-PL
then they went with their guns.
82. Pwes k'och-oo' [tak t-a1 ..

well arrive-PL [till to-DET]
Well, they arrived
83. tu'ux yan a'fronteeraj-ej ...

where EXIST DET border-TOP
where the border is,
84. te' t-u-miich-aj u-b'aj-oo' ..

LOC cOM-3A-grab-cTs 3A-REFL-PL
there they engaged
85. et-el.aj-Wit'-oo' .. ti b'ate'-il-ej. ...

with-pos MASC-PN-PL in fight-NOM-TOP
the Wit's in battle.
86. Ii ... yan nukuch=winik-oo' aj-waye'-il-oo'-ej ...

and EXIST great=man-PL MASC-here-POS-PL-TOP
And there were some gentlemen, natives of here,
87. [u-k'ab'a'-ej .. ] u-k'ab'a'jun=tuu[-i'ij-ej

[3A-name-ToP] 3A-name one=ANIM-PARTIT-TOP
the name of one of them was
88. d'on B'artoolome Tuut. ...

PNPN
don Bartolome Tuut.
89. 'Olegaaryo Tesukun ...

PNPN
Olegario Tesucun,
90. B'aleeryo Koyi' ...

PNPN
Valerio Coyi,
91. i aj-'Isidooro 'Ald'aana

and MASC-PN PN
and don Isidoro Aldana,
92. la'ayti-oo' u-nukuch-il-oo' [a' .. ] a' sold'aadoj-oo' b'in-oo'-ej. ...

3IPR-PL 3A-big-poS-PL [DET] DET soldier-PL gO-PL-TOP
they were the leaders of the soldiers that went.
93. I aj-[ .. ]'Olegaaryo ... i yun B'artoolo Tuut-ej ..

and MASC-PN and sir PN PN-TOP
And don Olegario and don Bartolo Tuut
94. la'ayti' b'in-oo' ti 'espiiyaj-il ..

3IPR gO-PL SUB spy-NOM
they went to spy,
95. k'och-oo' tak t-a'fronteeraj

arrive-PL til to-DET border
they arrived at the border
96. tu'ux [yan a1 ... u-mol-m-aj u-b'aj tulakal a' mak-oo'-ej ...
where [EXIST DET] 3A-gather-PERF-CTS 3A-REFL all DET person-PL-TOP
where they had gathered, all of the people,
97. te' kiij-a'an-oo '-i'i). ...

LOC live-PART-PL-LOC
there they were living.
98. A '-ka' k'och-i) yun B'artoolo et-el yun 'Olegaariyoj-ej

DET-when arrive-3SG.B sir PN with-POS sir PN-TOP
When don Bartolo came with don Olegario,
99. ka' t-uy-il-aj b'ix yan-il a' ... plantel-oo'

then cOM-3A-see-CTS how EXIST-FOC DET camp-PL
then they saw how the camps were
100. tu'ux kaj-a'an-oo'-ej. ...

where live-PART-PL-TOP
where they were living.
101. La'ayti'-oo'-ej k'och-oo' et-el'ak'a'. ...

They arrived at night.
102. I a'-k'a' t-uy-il-aj-oo'-ej ..

and DET-when cOM-3A-see-cTs-PL-TOP
And when they looked,
103. tulakal aj-Wit'-oo'-ej ..

all MASC-PN-PL-TOP
all of the Wit's
104. tan-u-men-t-ik-oo' ...

DUR-3A-make-TRN-ITS-PL
were making
105. jach ki'mak uy-ool-oo' ..

very happy 3A-spirit-PL
themselves very happy,
106. tan-uy-[ .. ]ok'ot-oo' ..

DUR-3A-dance-PL
they were dancing,
107. yan u-pax-oo'. ...

EXIST 3A-marimba-PL
they had a marimba.
108. Tan-u-[u- .. u- .. ]men-t-ik-oo' k'in=k'aba' ...

DUR-3A-[3A- 3A-]make-TRN-ITS-PL day=name
They were celebrating birthdays,
109. u-k'in =k'ab'a' uy-atan-oo'. ...

3A-day=name 3A-wife-PL
the birthdays of their women.
110. I te'-loj ..
and LOC-DIST
And there,
Ill. ka' tal-ij a' 'espiiyaj-oo'-ej

when come-3S0.B DET spy-PL-TOP
when the spys came,
112. ka' t-uy-a'l-aj ti'ij tulakal uy-et=sold'aad'oj-il-oo'-ej ..

then cOM-3A-say-cTs 3IOPR all 3A-with=soldier-POS-PL-TOP
then they told all of their fellow soldiers
113. keejach ma'lo' 'ooraj ti'ij ka' ok-ok-oo' ...

that very good hour SUB SUB enter-DIS-PL
that it was a very good time to enter,
114. 'ak'a'= 'u-sas-tal ..

night=3A-bright-INCH
before dawn,
115. u-tz'on-o'-oo' aj-Wit'-oo'-ej

3A-shoot-DTS-PL MASC-PN-PL-TOP
to shoot the Wit's
116. tumen laj kal-a'an-oo'. ...

because all drunk-PART-PL
because they were all drunk.
117. Ja'-ka'ok-oo'-ej ...

and DET-when enter-PL-TOP
And when they entered,
118. aj-Wit'-oo'-ej rna' uy-ojel-oo'

MASC-PN-PL-TOP NEG 3A-know-PL
the Wit's didn't know
119. b'a'ax k-u-b'el ti uch-ul-oo' ti'i} . ..

what INC-3A-go SUB happen-Ils-PL 3IOPR
what was going to happen to them.
120. Chen a'-k'a t-uy-ub'-aj-oo' ..

Only when they heard
121. u-chu'um-p-a.!-al u-wak'-iil u-tz'on-oo'-ej ..

3A-begin-PAs2-DTR-IIS 3A-explode-Ils 3A-gun-PL-TOP
the shots begin,
122. ka'laj=wej-oo'....
then all=scatter-pL
then they all scattered.
123. A'-ka'wej-oo'-ej ..
DET-when scatter-PL-TOP
When they scattered,
124. tulakal a' sold'aad'oj-oo' b'in-oo' aj-wa'ye'-il-oo'-ej ...

all DET soldier-PL gO-PL MAsc-here-POS-PL-TOP
all of the soldiers that went, those from here,
125. ya laj=b'aak'-a'an-oo'. ... [tape delay]

alreadyall=surround-PART-PL
they had them surrounded.
126. Ya laj=b'aak'-a'an-oo' ...

alreadyall=surround-PART-PL
Then when they were all surrounded,
127. tulakal u-jaal a' plantel-ej ..

all 3A-perimeter DET camp-TOP
all around the camp,
128. ya ma'pat-aj-i} .. u-bel-oo'. ...

already NEG ABIL-CIS-3SG.B 3A-go-PL
then they couldn't go.
129. Jyanjun=p'e noj riiyoj ..

and EXIST one=INAM big river
And there was a big river (Rio Azul, or ix-Kan=rio)
130. natz' t-a' plantel-ej ..

close to-DET camp-ToP
near the camp,
131. te' t-u-pul-aj u-b'aj-oo' tija'-ej. ...

LOC cOM-3A-throw-CTS 3A-REFL-PL in water-TOP
there they (the Wit's) threw themselves into the water.
132. [A' sold'aad'oj-oo'-eJl (Aj-Wit'-oo'-ej)

[DET soldier-PL-TOP] (MASC-PN-PL-TOP)
The Wit's,
133. laj=b'aak'-a'an
all=surround-PART
they were all surrounded,
134. laj=wej-al-oo' .. tak t-u-chi' a' riiyoj-ej

all=scatter-PART-PL til-3A-edge DET river-TOP
they were all scattered all along the shore of the river,
135. te' yan-oo'-i'ij. ..

LOC EXIST-PL-FOC
there they were.
136. Tulakal aj-Wit'-oo' t-u-pul-aj u-b'aj-oo' tija'-ej ..

all MASC-PN-PLCOM-3A-throw-CTS 3A-REFL-PL in water-TOP
All of the bandits threw themselves in the water,
137. te' k-u-tz'on-b'-ol-oo' men a' soold'ad'oj

LOC INC-3A-shoot-PAS-IIS-PL by DET soldier
there they were all shot by the soldiers,
138. aj-wa ye'-il-oo '-ej. ...

MAsc-here-POS-PL-TOP
those from here (Guatemala).
139. I k-u-Iom-b'-ol-oo' et-el b'ayoneetaj. ...

and INC-3A-stab-PAS-IIS-PL with-pas bayonet
And they were stabbed with bayonets.
140. Ilaj=kin-s-iib(-ij) aj-Wit'-oo'-ej. ...

and all=die-cAus-PAS(-3sG.B) MASC-PN-PL-TOP
And all of the bandits were killed.
141. [Ii ... ] Ite'e-Io' ka' tal-oo' ...

[and] and LOC-DIST when come-PL
And there, when they came,
142. a' yun B'artooloj-ej ..

DET sir PN-TOP
don Bartolo,
143. ka' tal-ij-ej ..

when COM-3SG.B-TOP
when he came,
144. tich-al u-bak-el u-kostiiyaj ..

come.out-PART 3A-bone-pos 3A-rib
his rib bone was sticking out
145. tu'ux man=tz'on-b'-ij xan men aj-Wit'-oo'-ej. ..

where mis=shoot-PAS-3SG.B also by MASC-PN-PL-TOP
where he was wounded too by the Wit's.
146. I yun 'Olegaryo ..

and sirPN
And don Olegario,
147. ma' uch-ij mix=b'a'al ti'ij ..

NEG happen-3sG.B NEG=thing 3IOPR
nothing happened to him,
148. la'ayti' [u- .. ] nojoch-aj-ij ..

3IPR [3A-] big-CIS-3sG.B
he became an officer (was promoted for his action)
149. ich-il uy-et=sold'aad'oj-il-oo'-ej. ...

in-pos 3A-with=soldier-POs-pL-TOP
among his fellow soldiers.
150. A '-ka' tal-oo' wa'ye'-ej ...

DET-when come-PL here-TOP
When they came here,
151. t-u-tz'aj-oo' .. (ti ojel-b'-el)

cOM-3A-give/cTs-PL (SUB know-PAS-IIS)
they gave it to be known,
152. kap-ij u-tzik-b'a(l)-t-oo' b'ix .. ich u-b'et-ik-oo'. ...

begin-3sG.B 3A-talk-NOM-TRN-PL how SUB 3A-do-ITS-PL
they began to talk about how they did it.
153. [Ii ... ] I la'ayti'-oo'-ej ..

[and] and 3IPR-PL-TOP
And they,
154. nak'-sii-b'-ij [u-... ] u-graad'oj-oo' ..

raise-CAus-PAS-3sG.B [3A-] 3A-rank-PL
they were promoted,
155. yun B'artooloj-ej ..

sir PN-TOP
don Bartolo
156. k'och-ij ti kapitan-il ..

arrive-3SG.B to captain-ABsT
arrived at captaincy
157. i yun 'Olegaaryoj ..

and sirPN
and don Olegario
158. k'och-ij ti koronel-il. ..

arrive-3sG.B to colonel-ABST
arrived at colonelcy.
159. A' b'aa'x (man-ij t-)a' otzil-oo'-ej ..

DET what (pasS-3SG.B to-)DET poor-TOP
What happened to the poor fellows is that
160. pero rna' uy-ojel-oo' xok. ...

but NEG 3A-know-PL read
they didn't know how to read.
161. Mentiik-ej rna' b'i-sii-b'-oo' ti kwartel ..

therefore-TOP NEG go-CAUS-PAS-PL in fort
Therefore they weren't taken to the fort,
162. wa'ye'p'at-oo'-ej. ...

here remain-PL-TOP
they stayed here (in San Jose).
163. I ... man-sii-b'-ij u-tak'in-oo'

and pass-CAuS-PAS-3sG.B 3A-money-PL
Their money was brought to them
164. ti'ij u-patal u-kux-tal-oo'

SUB 3A-ABIL 3A-live-POSIT-PL
so they could live
165. 'aasta ka' kim-oo'. ...

until when die-PL
until they died.
166. I [a1 aj-Wit'-oo'-ej ...

and [DET] MASC-PN-PL-TOP
And the Wit's,
167. [eej .. ] b'in-oo', ...

[uh] gO-PL
they went,
168. [ii a' a1 a' rna' kim-oo'-ej ..

[and DET DET] DET NEG die-PL-TOP
those that didn't die,
169. putz'-oo'...
flee-PL
fled.
170. Ya laj=wej-oo'-ej
then all=scatter-pL-TOP
Then they all scattered,
171. ka' b'in-oo' tulakal t-u-kaj-il Meejikoj

then gO-PL all to-3A-town-pos PN
then they all went to towns in Mexico,
172. [t] te' laj=sat-oo '-i'i}. ...

[?] LOC all=lose-PL-LOC.
there they were all lost.
173. I ya ma' sut-n-aj-ij

and already NEG retum-AP-CIS-3SG.B
And then they didn't return
174. ti ka'=tal-oo' t-u-ka'yej. ...

SUB REPET=come-PL to-3A-again
to come here again.
175. Tak b'a-je'-la'-ej

Until now,
176. ya ma' k'och-oo' mix b'i-k'in ...

already NEG arrive-PL NEG INTER-day
they haven't ever come
177. u-miich-ii'-oo' ix-ch'up-oo' wa'ye'-ej.

3A-grab-DTs-PL FEM-woman-PL here-TOP
to attack the women here.
593
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ITZAJ MAYA GRAMMAR

ITZAJ MAYA GRAMMAR

Charles Andrew HoDing

with Felix Fernando Tesucun

University of Utah Press

Salt Lake City

All rights reserved

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Hofting, Charles Andrew

5. Numerals and Numeral Classifiers 141

6. Adjectives, Adverbs, and Participles 147

7. Particles and Exclamations 181

MORPHOSYNTAX, SYNTAX, AND DISCOURSE

9. Nominal Morphosyntax 205

10. Possession 255

11. Pronouns in Discourse 288

12. Locatives 303

13. Prepositions and Prepositional Phrases 312

14. Adverbials 329

15. Verbal Morphosyntax I: Tense, Aspect, and Mood 356

16. Verbal Morphosyntax II: Transitivity and Voice 384

17. Statives and Equational Constructions 401

18. Interrogation 418

19. Negation 432

21. Conditional Clauses 460

22. Relative Clauses 468

23. Complements 486

24. Adverbial Clauses 508

25. Style and Poetics 535

Appendix: Texts 561

#A Set A person marker MASC masculine noun classifier

Root Classification adjphr adjective phrase

morphology chapters 2-7.

References to sources of examples taken from

1.3.2.1. [1] (- [h]) - 0 I V[-stress] _ {~}

1.3.3.7.1. CV'C - CV'VC I_{~} (obligatory)

1.3.4.1. Ijl - 0 I _ {~}

1.3.6.3. N - lIJ] I _ {C(o~er]} (optional)

1.3.6.4. 1m! vs. In! contrast I{~}_ V

1.3.7.1. /b'1 - [7] 1 _ {;} (optional)

1.3.7.2. {~} - [7] I V'V _ s (optional); V'V's - V's (optional)

1.3.7.3. C[+velar] - [7] I _ {~ } (morphophonemic)

1.1. Phonemic Inventory and Orthography

1.1.1. Phonemic Inventory

Labial Alveolar Palatal Velar Glottal

Front Central Back

Examples of vowel contrasts:

Vvs. VV Vvs. V'(V) VVvs. V'(V)

e ek' 'star' ch'ej 'wedge' ch'eem 'sleep in eye'

kij 'henequen' kil 'when' siis 'cold'

0 kok 'stingy' jol 'hole' jool 'tump line'

u kuch 'bundle' suk 'tame' k'uum 'ayote'

1.1.2. Pronunciation Guide

1.2. Stress, Juncture, and Pause

(lb) tal-ij 'he came'

(lc) tal-i) ten 'slbe came to me'

(2b) a' winik-ej or a' winikej 'the man'

(2c) nuk-uch winik-oo' 'great men'

(2d) a' nukuch winik-oo'-ej 'the great men'

(3a) k-uy-il-ik - kuyilik 'slbe sees it'

(3b) k-uy-il-ik-ech 'slbe sees you'

(3c) ta(a)n-uy-il-ik 'slbe is seeing it'

(3d) tanuyilik-ech 'slhe is seeing you'