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Contemporary
Central Banking
By Lucky Yona
Introduction
Over the years, central banking has evolved drastically and exhibited various
permutations. The discipline has been kept dynamic by new economic theories, changing
financial crises. Over the last few decades however, there has been an international
inflation targeting. With maturing financial markets and price discovery mechanisms
worldwide, this modern light touch approach to central banking has been increasingly
considered the ideal. While achieving some macroeconomic objectives, this paper argues
that inflation targeting regimes do not sufficiently concern themselves with the wider
financial climate. Consequently, monsters can feed and grow in unattended to financial
markets, monsters that could render years of light touch measures mere busywork in a
matter of days. We see evidence for this most saliently in the financial crisis of 2008 and
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the Asian financial crisis a few years prior where despite sensible inflation conditions
under targeting regimes, outcomes were nonetheless tragic. In both cases, financial
stability and regulation were not the mandate of central banking entities, entities that are
otherwise committed to ensuring the stability of their constituent economies. Add to this
a growing body of research and literature that questions the effectiveness of inflation
targeting in the first place, and the imperative to take a second look the current approach
This paper will begin by briefly discussing the history of post Bretton Woods central
banking regimes, our arrival at the inflation targeting, and the apparent success of the
regime. The discussion will then segue into a survey of the arguments presented against
the effectiveness of inflation targeting regimes. Next, this paper will draw from the events
of the North Atlantic crisis to demonstrate the consequences of framework myopia and
argue in favor of a financial stability mandate among central banks worldwide. Policy
observations. I will conclude with a brief discussion of challenges that central bankers
must wrestle in years to come pertaining to the emergence of drastically novel economic
announce the suspension of US dollar convertibility to gold. This effectively put an end to
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decades of the Bretton Woods monetary order. Monetary policy in the years to follow was
conducted ad hoc and without a particular framework.1 Immediately after, direct control
policies such as wage and price controls were implemented to manage economic
conditions but these proved unsustainable.2 Following this, the US and other major
economies went on to deploy tools such as interest rate policies (without a targeting
aggregate stock of credit in the wider financial systemin order to achieve monetary
policy objectives.3 A number of other economies chose to establish hard and soft pegged
exchange rates as their monetary system, placing exchange rate stability as the primal
focus of central banking, with other domestic interests taking a back seat.4 However, with
increases in capital flows over the years, along with other kinds of perturbation, this
system resulted in undue pressure on other important economic parameters and made
intervention difficult. Consequently, many economies did not stay on fixed regimes
(although some still do) for long and soon floated their currencies.5
1Ghizoni, S. (2017). Nixon Ends Convertibility of US Dollars to Gold and Announces Wage/Price Controls | Federal Reserve
History. [online] Federalreservehistory.org. Available at: https://www.federalreservehistory.org/essays/
gold_convertibility_ends
2 Ibid
3Brookings Institute. (2017). An Analysis of Credit Controls and related Devices. [online] Available at: https://
www.brookings.edu/wp-content/uploads/1971/01/1971a_bpea_davis_duesenberry_fand_krause.pdf
4 IMF (1996). Exchange Rate Regimes as Inflation Anchors. [online] Available at: https://www.imf.org/external/pubs/ft/
fandd/1996/03/pdf/quirk.pd
5Leduc, S. (2001). On Exchange Rate Regimes, Exchange Rate Fluctuations, and Fundamentals. SSRN Electronic
Journal
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Other monetary systems were to follow. Benjamin Friedman of Harvard details one of
these such systems that was in place in the United States and other major economies
during the 1970s onwards: the use of explicit money growth targets. Under money
growth targeting, policymakers would decide upon an ideal rate of money growth (the
money base measure deployed varied across various jurisdictions) that was in line with
expectations of economic activity, price levels, employment and any other objectives of
the central bank in question. This was then contrasted with what was observed in the
economy. Should the observed money growth exceed the ideal, then instruments such as
short term interest rates were deployed in order to bring the monetary aggregates in line
with the policymakers expectations.6 But money growth targeting was soon to face its
own demise. Financial innovation in the late 1970s, manifesting notably as the rise of
money market mutual funds meant that traditional regulated deposits were increasingly
were taken, such as a switch to a broader money target in the United States, and later a
move from money quantity targets to price of money of money targets.7 However,
continued financial innovation and the abstraction of financial activity into dimensions
not captured by traditional monetary aggregates meant that money growth targeting as a
major monetary policy regime was doomed. In the early nineties, Alan Greenspan,
Chairman of the Federal Reserve at the time, was quoted by the New York times that
6 Friedman, B. (1996). The Rise and Fall of Money Growth Targets as Guidelines for U.S. Monetary Policy.
7 Ibid
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the relationship has completely broken down8, marking the United States transition
away from the two decade long era of money growth targeting.
Following the dismissal of money growth targeting by the Fed in the summer of 1993, a
new era in central banking was soon to be birthed and an international consensus began
adopt a number of central banking ideals. To begin with, central banking independence
and inviolability became a core tenant of any self respecting nation.9 Prior, central banks
worldwide were subservient to fiscal actions and imperatives that seriously jeopardized
stability imperatives. Many nations, advanced or otherwise, had interest rates that were
set by the respective Treasury; the Bank of England, for instance, only took full control of
interests rates in 1997. Stanley Fischer, Vice Chairman of the Federal Reserve, elegantly
summarizes the issue with fiscal interference in monetary policy by stating that the
biases that were likely to exert themselves in the absence of an independent central
bank. 10 These biases, he continued, often arose from the political sphere, where there
may be strong pressure to temporarily boost activity for the sake of political clout, or
pressure to exploit central bank power to finance government expenditure. There seems
to be empirical support for this perspective; an extensive survey of the interplay between
8Steven Greenhouse (1993). Fed Abandons Policy Tied to Money Supply. [online] New York Times. Available at: http://
www.nytimes.com/1993/07/23/business/fed-abandons-policy-tied-to-money-supply.html [Accessed 8 Dec. 2017].
9 Goodman, J. (1991). The Politics of Central Bank Independence. Comparative Politics, 23(3), p.329.
10Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System. (2017). Speech by Vice Chairman Fischer on central bank independence.
[online] Available at: https://www.federalreserve.gov/newsevents/speech/fischer20151104a.htm
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Along with central bank independence came a distinct focus on inflation management as
the primary goal for monetary policy. Economies worldwide started moving to inflation
targeting. The modern inflation targeting regime has a number of key features and
stability as the utmost goal of monetary policy. Secondly, inflation targeting mandates for
the public announcement of specific numerical short to medium term targets for
policy decisions and processes. Open communications with the public along with a set of
accountability measures for the central bank in attaining its inflation goals are generally
for the attainment of stable price levels in countries that adopted the regime. Indeed, the
era coinciding with the worldwide adoption of inflation targeting regimes is one
11Cukierman, A. (2008). Central bank independence and monetary policymaking institutions Past, present and
future. European Jouranl of Policitcal Economy.
12
Imf.org. (2017). Classification of Exchange Rate Arrangements and Monetary Frameworks. [online] Available at: http://
www.imf.org/external/NP/mfd/er/index.aspx
13Horvth, R. and Vako, D. (2016). Central bank transparency and financial stability. Journal of Financial Stability,
22, pp.45-56.
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worldwide. The chart below demonstrates this trend in the United States.14 There is too, a
the outcomes of inflation targeting in New Zealand, Canada, and the United Kingdom.15
Comparing VAR projections of inflation based on historical data against realized inflation
under inflation targeting regimes, the authors demonstrate that inflation targeting was
effective in achieving price stability, and higher growth than on the previous trajectory.
Source: (Mishkin & Possen, 1998) Figure 2: UK Projection vs. Realized Inflation under IT
14 https://www.statista.com/statistics/191077/inflation-rate-in-the-usa-since-1990/
15 Mishkin, F. and Posen, A. (1998). Inflation Targeting: Lessons from Four Countries.
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Other researchers have also corroborated the positive outcomes of inflation targeting on
other economic metrics such as GDP growth.16 Mishkin doubled back on his analysis with
another paper ten years later that presented further empirical evidence that inflation
targeting helps countries achieve lower inflation in the long run, have smaller inflation
independence, improve monetary policy efficiency, and obtain inflation outcomes closer
to target levels. This assertions are widely supported in the community.17,18 Have we
In stark contrast to the evidence in favor of the effectiveness of inflation targeting regimes
presented above, the first questioning to the central banking status quo to be discussed
here, has to do with a growing body of evidence that seems to undermine the premise
that inflation targeting is an effective monetary policy and central banking framework. For
instance, after conducting an intervention analysis on time series data, researchers out of
Cambridge demonstrated that central banks which adopted inflation targeting did not
experience inflation reduction beyond that which would have occurred regardless of the
intervention. They further argued that the countries originally studied by proponents
16 Amira, B., Mouldi, D. and Feridun, M. (2013). Growth effects of inflation targeting revisited: empirical evidence
from emerging markets. Applied Economics Letters, 20(6), pp.587-591.
17
Bernanke, B.S. A Perspective on Inflation Targeting. Remarks delivered at the Annual Washington Policy
Conference of the National Association of Business Economists, Washington, DC, March 25, 2003.
18Corbo, V.; Landerretche, M.O.; and Schmidt-Hebbel, K. Assessing Inflation Targeting After a Decade of World
Experience. Central Bank of Chile, Santiago, 2001.
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countries actually suffer from the adoption of an inflation targeting regime.20 While I
have picked only two studies here for demonstrations purposes, these publications are
regime.21,22 The evidence presented here does not mean we should immediately throw
inflation targeting out of the window. Rather, as phrased by Mohan, it reveals an ongoing
markets.23 Additionally, the awareness that inflation targeting may not be as foolproof
should embolden central bankers and policymakers to consider unconventional ideas that
fall out of consensus but my otherwise have potential. Indeed, there is some evidence to
suggest that strict inflation stabilization objectives under may be more costly than liberal
(or experimental) policies.24 Indeed, Ben Bernanke infamously proclaimed that monetary
19Angeriz, A. and Arestis, P. (2006). Has inflation targeting had any impact on inflation?. Journal of Post Keynesian
Economics, 28(4), pp.559-571.
20Anna Samarina, Mirre Terpstra & Jakob De Haan (2014). Inflation targeting and inflation performance: a
comparative analysis. Applied Economics Vol. 46 , Iss. 1,2014
21Willard, Luke Byrne. Does inflation targeting matter? A reassessment. Applied Economics, vol. 44, no. 17, 2012,
pp. 22312244., doi:10.1080/00036846.2011.564136.
22Huang, Ho-Chuan, and Chih-Chuan Yeh. Inflation targeting on unemployment rates: a quantile treatment effect
approach. Applied Economics Letters, vol. 21, no. 7, 2014, pp. 453458., doi:10.1080/13504851.2013.866198.
23 Mohan, R. (2011). Growth with Financial Stability. Delhi: Oxford University Press.
24Tillmann, Peter. The conservative central banker revisited: Too conservative is more costly than too liberal.
European Journal of Political Economy, vol. 24, no. 4, 2008, pp. 737741., doi:10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2008.09.006.
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policy is too blunt a tool to be routinely used to address possible financial imbalances.25
The second pain in the neck with the current central banking regime is the rather myopic
operational scope. As mentioned earlier while discussing the prime features of the
inflation targeting regime, inflation is a core, and rather dominant tenant of modern
central bank policy scope. In the years leading up to the North Atlantic financial crises,
inflation was at rather low levels and the Fed, singularly focussed, continued to maintain
mushrooming credit, derivatives, and shadow banking activity, among other ills in the
economy. Similarly, in the years leading up to the dot-com crises of the early 2000s,
monetary policy would have seemed rather successful as inflation was low and CPI
numbers were tame.26 Yet in both of these crises, outcomes that matter to a central bank
and the citizens in its jurisdiction were affected rather severely, with deflationary pressure
and tragic losses in output and employment as some of the dire consequences of the
crises. It is clear in observation of these crises that the scope of the central banks
mandate is perhaps to be reconsidered. Ultimately, the goal of inflation targeting is, for all
practical purposes, financial stability. But before we can discuss policy and scope
25Speech by Chairman Bernanke on the effects of the great recession on central bank doctrine and practice. (n.d.).
Retrieved December 10, 2017, from https://www.federalreserve.gov/newsevents/speech/bernanke20111018a.htm
26CPI-All Urban Consumers (Current Series) . U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics,
data.bls.gov/pdq/SurveyOutputServlet.
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implications, we must first observe, from the legacy of crises past, what forces are the
Despite a surface level diversity in the nature and causes of crises, a unifying theme
amongst almost all of them is a proliferation of excessive leverage. Indeed, even before
the North Atlantic crisis, there was some understanding of this issue; the Basel process
had been put in place to ensure healthy and sufficient capitalization in banks not too long
prior. However, in the case of the North Atlantic crisis, excessive confidence in the risk
incentivizing prudence) meant that some banks remained compliant with Basel guidelines
while holding trivial capital reserves.27 Along with this came the rapid growth in
securitized credit and complex derivatives. The magic of securitized products was that
they transformed illiquid underlying assets into liquid financial instruments of seemingly
high quality. The blunder among regulators on this matter was centered around efficient
market hypothesis doctrine, with the prevailing view being that such products would
attenuate and soak up shocks to the financial system.28 Add to this a fattening shadow
banking sector that allowed for reduced capitalization among traditional banks, further
growth in credit and securities derivatives, and bogus credit rating institutions, and the
consequence was that the global economy became bicameral. Finance, and real
27 Mohan, R. (2011). Growth with financial stability. Delhi: Oxford University Press.
28 Ibid
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economic activity were divorced; by 2005 trading in oil futures was 10 times the actual
volume of oil produced. 29 With financial regulators unable to properly assess risk in this
new complex financial system due to old tools, the global economy was destined for
doom. In the backdrop of the North Atlantic Crisis, what should be the new bounds of
While central banks deploying inflation targeting certainly help reduce the probability
that toxic credit and asset bubbles emerge, the evidence explored in this paper suggests
that a more granular approach is necessary and it is argued here, in agreement with
growing support from field experts,30 that financial stability should be a principle tenant in
the practice of central banking. Some notable policy implications of this mandate are
explored in this section. Nonetheless, it is not expected that a central bank bring all the
regulation functions to be discussed under one house. Rather, it is proposed here that
some critical financial stability interventions be made internal, with the rest being closely
overseen by the central bank. A new revised mandate could perhaps stipulate the
following: (1) Maintain low and stable inflation (or some other macro objective), (2)
Undertake the oversight, coordination, and supervision of regulatory bodies for all
systemically important financial markets and their ancillaries. With this speculative
29 Ibid
30 Ibid
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framework for the implementation of the financial stability mandate, we will commence
to explore the practical ramifications of such, beginning with the matter of asset prices.
Assuming that central banks worldwide continue to prefer inflation targeting, notable
improvements can still be made, ones that would encourage stability. As put forward by
Cecchetti, a central bank concerned with stabilizing inflation about a specific target level
is likely to achieve superior performance by adjusting its policy instruments not only in
response to its forecast of future inflation and the output gap, but also to asset prices. 31
Under this view, critical financial markets that often originate crises, are more closely
monitored for asset price misalignment, a task, the author suggests, that is not any more
difficult than estimating output, inflation and other theoretical metrics, while offering
more robust risk mitigation. This indeed offers an arguably quick easy fix to the current
regime with little structural reform. For this reason, it prioritized here as very pragmatic
Macroprudential regulation, the second policy imperative, concerns itself with the
mitigation of systemic financial risk and clarifies policy implications. Mohan identifies a
number of areas of prudential oversight that require fortification such as capital adequacy
and infrastructure provision for OTC derivatives.32 Promisingly, the first of these has
already seen meaningful discussion and ongoing transformation. The ideal for capital
31Cecchetti, S. (2001). Asset prices and central bank policy. Geneve: Internat. Center for Monetary and Banking Studies
[u.a.].
32 Mohan, R. (2011). Growth with financial stability. Delhi: Oxford University Press.
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adequacy following the crisis has been improved quality and quantity of capital among
financial institutions, especially with respect to Basel Tier I capital. Indeed, changes to the
Basel rules mean that by 2019, banks will have to abide to stricter capital requirements.33
Nonetheless, Tier I capital quality requirements, though stricter, still wont meet an ideal
were only common equity and retained earnings classify as Tier I. Basel requirements can
Rather than set static requirements, a new regime of freely adjustable requirements could
allow for much better risk mitigation and provide powerful macro control for central
an institution's size and importance also provides further safety, as systemically vital
entities can be held to higher standardw. Importantly, it is insisted upon here that if some
of the concessions made available to superior risk managing institutions as they were in
the previous crisis, we can expect problematic patterns to reemerge. It is crucial that
regulators assume that what can go wrong, certainly will and that no particular institution,
With observers taking lessons form the crisis of 2008, there has been increased favor for
improved infrastructure and regulation in the over the counter (OTC) derivatives market.
banks should demand that OTC derivates such as credit default swaps (CDS) be traded
on central exchanges rather than bilaterally, and be subject to transparency and reporting
33 Ibid
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obligations similar to those for traditional financial instruments such as equities. This too
seems like a promising avenue for the reduction of systemic risk. As regulators begin to
make this a reality however, they must be aware that the implementation of such central
exchanges, despite benefits, may also present some risks. I argue here that such systems,
will make complex derivatives highly liquid, and create an environment for the creation
of third and fourth order derivatives that if not sufficiently regulated, may worsen
regulators woes.
Yet another weakness in macro-prudence that was made apparent by the recent financial
crisis was the lack of any meaningful regulation of large private capital pools. Private
equity and hedge funds, sectors that are now at economy threatening size cannot go be
free to do as they please. Applying similar capital requirements, and risk management
restricted34 sectors in search of yield. It is this same phenomenon that can be attributed to
practitioners with a true pulse of underlying conditions. Mohan proposes that better
designed systemic risk metrics would include capital adequacy ratios with systemic risk
factors. Such risk factors to be internalized in such a metric include leverage ratios,
34 Ibid
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maturity mismatch and bank credit expansion.35 I add here that in the current
environment, it would be rather trivial (in technological terms) for regulators to mandate
automatic, real time live reporting of these metrics and others, directly from systemically
significant financial institutions; these institutions already use these metrics themselves in
their computer systems to monitor performance and for other purposes. While politically
difficult, strengthened central bank independence and authority could allow for such
implementations and the result would be holistic and timely measures of systemic risk in
hyper dynamic financial markets, allowing regulators to curb problems more competently.
While the risks and consequences of financial under-regulation have been exposed earlier,
I feel strongly that a discussion of issues in contemporaneous central banking would not
developments, monetary policy and financial regulation will become exceedingly difficult
Since the early 2000s, new types of market participants have been at play, ones that
violate traditional assumptions of market actor behavior. Take for example a type of
algorithmic trading known as high frequency trading (HFT). Under HFT, computer
algorithms decide on portfolio positions and these positions are held for seconds or
35 Ibid
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fractions of a second before exit. The fastest high frequency trading robots can execute as
many as 40,000 trades in the time it takes to blink an eye.36 As of 2016, it is estimated that
between 10-40% of all US equities trading volume was attributable to HFT,37 while 60%
of futures trades in 2012 were also initiated by HFT.38 While there is evidence to support
that HFT increases the degree of liquidity in the market due to the effective price
discovery mechanisms of the hyper fast computerized systems,39 the dangers of such
financial activity have already reared a head. On May 6, 2010 at 2:32 PM Eastern Time,
a large e-mini (a tradable index future contract) sale was initiated by a mutual funds
(Waddell & Reed Financial) trading algorithm. HFT robots reacted dramatically. They
quickly dumped e-minis while cross-market arbitrageurs robots did the same in equities
markets. Running out of demand for e-minis, the HFTs started rapidly trading amongst
themselves, forcing prices lower.40 The end result? $1 trillion in market value disappeared
across various exchanges only to recover about 40 minutes later in what was coined the
Flash Crash. Speaking on what he called a near miss, Andrew Haldane, Chief
[The flash crash] taught us something important, if uncomfortable, about our state
of knowledge of modern financial markets. Not just that it was imperfect, but that
"40 U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission and the Commodity Futures Trading Commission (September 30,
2010). "Findings Regarding the Market Events of May 6, 2010" (PDF)
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these imperfections may magnify, sending systemic shockwaves... Flash crashes, like
While the Flash Crash of 2010 resolved rather easily and without intervention, the
outcomes had the potential to be much worse if, for example, a group of highly
capitalized HFTs were programmed to execute hedging trades in other securities and
exchanges, and consequently triggered more cascades of sell offs. Even so, HFT trading is
only one example of unfamiliar yet substantive novel financial phenomenon. The
billion41 in market capitalization this year marks the beginning of a challenging era for
extremely high volatility, evidence of flash crash like currency market events,42 and an
unclear path to monetary policy if at all possible. The key point here is that finance is
changing more dramatically than (arguably) ever before and such developments are not
isolated or niche, but are quickly becoming relevant tensors as pertaining to financial
regulates and beyond. For instance, out of Chicago came a brilliant proposal to redesign
exchanges to eliminate the HFT arms race. In such markets orders [are] processed in a
batch auction instead of serially reducing the potential for volatile high speed trades.43 It
41
42Reid, D. and Kharpal, A. (2017). Bitcoin suffers mystery flash crash on popular cryptocurrency index. [online] CNBC.
Available at: https://www.cnbc.com/2017/10/10/bitcoin-price-falls-after-russia-proposes-ban-on-exchanges.html
43Budish, E., Cramton, P. and Shim, J. (2015). The High-Frequency Trading Arms Race: Frequent Batch Auctions
as a Market Design Response. The Quarterly Journal of Economics, 130(4), pp.1547-1621.
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is this level of engagement with current affairs that is necessary for regulators and central
Conclusion
This paper is titled Issues in Contemporary Central Banking and as such, I have tried to first,
establish context by exploring the recent history of central banking and transition to the
current dominant regime, along with a discussion of the increasing doubts about its
dismiss inflation targeting entirely but rather start a conversation on the path to better
discussed, and actionable policy imperatives, such as . Importantly, I have tried to provide
While fully embracing the mandate of financial stability and the policy imperatives within
that mandate would be there is a new rigor that will be required of central bankers
pursuing that goal. As a financial professional commenting on the Flash Crash remarked,
If central banks are to remain functional, they need to adapt faster to financial markets
than they do now. In their ranks, there must be as many computer scientists as there are
economists. This a mere matter of pragmatism. How can one decide on what regulation
measure to deploy to curb a particular threat to stability, let alone enforce it, if they do
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20