———$—<__$___]_ FROM LOCAL TO GLOBAL Papers in Asian History and Culture | | i} imemorz ime 1 ' j | (In Three Volumes)Se: ,_—_—_—sSX—_ Published | Buddhist World Press 425, Nimvi Colony, Ashok Vihar, Phase Delhi-110 052 Editor ISBN 9789300852744 (seat: Contents Preface ListofConbutrs Volume 1 [HISTORY AND CULTURE: REGION, SOURCES, ‘CONNECTIONS AND INTERACTIONS 1, TheGree Contacts of Chandrogupa Maury2and Ashok and thelr Relevance to Mauryan and Buds Chronology 2.Asie-Chilenion. 3A ni. 4 6 onoute. I Sheet Kari, 1980: er. eer. 1.2) Kenneth, eo. az pocess 73 ‘Sachehidanand SohaProm Local t Global: Papers in Aslan History and Culture ‘Names and Traditions of Pandharpur 145 “Br Renberg Sand Bath Types and Thor Significance 165 JP-Singh ‘Mother Goddess in Early Medieval Eastern Inia ~The Gender Perspective wr aja Kumar Sinha ‘India and China the Civilization Twins: A Conversation with A. Narain about India and China via telepath netchindia 196 Tan Chung ‘The Vkramdhkadevo-carita of Bilhana: Texts and Eplgraphs in the reading of Biography 216 omila Thapar Indigenous iron Technology of Indl: sues, Perspectives and Prospects us Vibho Tripathi Economic Exchange System In Gupta Period 263 ‘Amit Kumar Upadhyay ‘Avestan Hind and India 276 TP. Verma "Lord ofthe Eastern and Western Oceans": Unguents, Politics, and the Indian Ocean Trade in Medieval South India x0 Philp 8 Wagoner Volume 2 PERSPECTIVES IN ASIAN ART AND AESTHETICS Matsya Avatira ~The Fish Incarnation of Vgnu ; Observations on Some Stone Images from Chamba Himachal Pradesh 337 Ashvini Agrawal Contents Astro-biographies of Sskyamuni and the Great enunciation in Gandhian Art Henry Albery 439. Gestures and Posture in the Buddis: Art of Central sia (Chhaye Bhattacharya: Hoesner 20, The Emotional Dimension of the ‘Nature ofthe World (lokasya svabhavayand the Meaning of Sarde, 1M, Rraystof Byrd 21. Alch: Hints ata Possible Trans-Karakorum Cultural Exchange Gerald Koeice and Melanie Mahlzahn 1 22, APseudo-lnscription Attached toa Teicher’ Portrait inside a Stupa a Siteplan ofthe Buddhist Satighirama at Saht-Bahlol, Ganahara tonafeng Li 23, Discovery and Documentation ofthe Bu Site of Nimogram (Swat, Palstan) and Joan A. Roducha 24, Dimensions of Indian Art Heritage and Contributions of Jsinism and Buddhism DM Tripathi. 25, ‘The Treasure Garden: A Survival of Ancient Landscape ‘Archteceure Gautama ¥.Vofracharya 26, ‘These Essentials (Liu Yao [7A3R) of Chinese Painting Charles Willemen 27. Bizarre Story about Two Kings Identification of some ‘Andhta Reliefs as Scenes from the Sutatoma-Saudisa Narrative Monika Zin 308 293 401 a ae2 ‘From Local to Global: Papers in Astan story ard Culture ‘PROBING INTO BUDDHISM IN INDIA AND ABROAD Memento Mor: Recollection of Death in Early Buddhist Meditation ou Anileyo ‘Two Cass of Assimilation: The Tathdgatagarbha and Prajapéramit Literature in Daoxin's Chan Teachings 600 AW. Barber Detersnining the Corpus of South Asian Female- ‘Authored Buddhist Texte ofthe Ninth othe Eleventh Centuries our rich imme Krogh |. Satth Buddha: A Real Teacher and His Teachings that berate 64s Lalit Shravan’ ‘The incorporation of Indigenous Catya Cul into ‘Buddhisen: Sacred Tree, Pillar, Relic, Stipa, Place, and Emblem 654 Akira Miya Origins ofthe Mahayana: One More Tentative Probing, With the Help of Gleanings from the Kasyapaparivarta 697 Bhukkhu Pasea ‘A Special Git: Manicia's Sacrifice and its Religious Signifeance m3 Yuan Ren Buddhism as an indigenous indian Tradon: AK, Naran's ‘Contention against the Misnomer‘Heterodony’ 78 C.D Sebastian | Ess Preface (ization, Fool would ty to compressa hundred cenuriesinto a and interaction of people and eas” ins, We proceed, io and views of history.Notes on the Greek Text of the Graeco- Aramaic Bilingual Inscription from Kandahar: Jeffrey D. Lerner 1957 Mr, Abdul Bay Ashna, the He Kandahar, came across a ful of the Omacc preserved inking ‘were engraved within a trapezoidal panel measuring 55 x 50 cm Greek and Aramaic king Agoka (c. 272-282 Bi ‘The Greek text consists of 14 lines and about 2 em below ‘Aramaic version occuples 8 lines. Both are independent p: redactions of the same edict based on central passages found in a ‘number of rock diets fssued by King Agoka and bel Rock Edict 14 as samkhicenalekhapitd “caused to Asoka, however, is not mentioned as ek as MoBacons derived from the nd in the Arama as Pryde from “iyadrad(Priyadrasin in Sa Both texts are universal proclamat of non-kiling and obeying one's p refer to the concept of dhamma of behavior for how people are expected to interact with one 988 the first two of many such publications about the Notes on the Greek Text ofthe Graeeo-Aramale -. sor iption were published: one from the Instituto Italiano per i Medio ed Estremo Oriente? and another In French composed 1¢ Délégation archéologique frangais my analysis to a few remarks concerning ofthe Greek text. Both publications resolved the lacuna of the first same reading. The first phrase of the ins ‘Winpm|Jav facdeds Mobaaons edoéBeuv EBakey role avOpdno1s, The probl how to fl With this genitive plural aorst passive participle, the inscrption’s first phrase would mean “on the completion af ten years.” But there are two problems here is the pethaps large enough to Secondly, the form nattested The common verb mAnpus has ehgpndtvt. If minpndévray isin fact ‘might be explained as an innovative, remodeled form, iuence ofthe common adjective wrong. The rem as Benveniste suggested, could then be taken as evidence of language.” Yet, ever since thi remained asthe standard reading! Although other interpretations have been proposed, each has bbeen rejected in favor of preserving *Anpndévrav, For example, Gallavott toyed with the idea that this expression marking ten years, ‘Seca Ex, might refer to the King’s consecration ceremony. of abhieka, ithe Aramaic phrase, porw ‘bye zy, which occupies the same jominative unsatisfactory to the same as rripn[s Belluv. Gallavot also ofa restoration using wjpn¢ as an edver’ plus a form of fva: waipn[s 6ve]u. But this four-letter supplement the genitive masculine plural noun, ‘whnpn{uivjov, which appears three times on p. 181 in Book 6 of102 Fram Local to Global: Papers in Astan History and Culture Rome's 1931 edition of Pappus of Alexandria's Commentary on the Almagest* In this text, the noun presumably derives from a ‘compound of rns (Ful, completed) and wiv, unvds (month), and ‘thus appears asa neologism for mhjpw unvav, “complete months. ‘The problem of introducing it inthis context isthe earity ofthe noun, since only Pappus is known to have used i, anpnssivavis a noun and rot an expected adjective, and, given that the Inseription refers to regal years and not months, its uses inapproprate.¢ On the other hand a viable alternative to whypn[Bévrfov could be the perfect passive participle whngn[uévjov, which can be novative form for the expected ernpovpévioy, on and withthe stem in -n under the influence of and thus understood a8 “on the -Gallavott had rejected this possibility in favor agree that there is not room. The reconstruction of miyon{uivluv has been rejected as a viable alternative chiefly on the basis that it appears as an unreduplicated perfect passive participle (ie, it lacks the expected prefix ne). Yet this does not seem possible ifthe adjective whine was the principal Jimpetus for the remodeling, In terms of the Inscription, we should understand the opening phrase as 2 genitive absolute. The phrase, ‘bea Ex wnpylévjov, then connotes the ides of When ten years had been completed...” The benefit of wnon[uévlav over non[Sévejov is that the three-letter supplement fits the avallable space. To consider the syntax, the genitive absolute, Axa ‘When ten years had been completed [of kingship! with the subject Baowieig MhoSaoans, Although the Greek seems to suggest completed regal years, precisely which ten years are at issue is not expressed, and while those who read the understood the event upon which this iogical reckoning Is founded, we do not. The implication i that the calendrical system used by Agoka would have been known to the Greeks of Kandahar, and hence the event to which the inscription Notes onthe Greek Text ofthe Graeea-Aramate 302 Itself dificult to determine, as it occurred some four years after his accessicn to the throne and involved “a complicated rite of lanointment which conferred on the physical person ofthe king the quality ofa holy being" Other events that have been proposed as starting points for this expression include Nis coronation, his conversion to Buddhism, his pilgrimage to pay homage tothe Buddha at Bodh Gaya, or the publication of his edicts on dhamma* ‘Weave inthis statement an Indian measurement ef time that is expressed in years completed, which apparently isnot connected wit any known Greek or Macedonian era. iis interesting to compare this phrase withthe one that begins Rock Edict 13 ofthe Greek inscription (114); 6y66u éra Baoraioveas Mhaba0c w eighth year of King Picasses' reign." The expression is not only put in a different ‘but clearly refers toa specific year of Piodasses! sovereignty, although we still do not know the calenérical system sed for this measurement of time. We may only conchide that the event(s) that occurred ten years previously was so well known by these who read the bilingual inscription thatthe translator deemed it unnecessary to state the obvious ‘Aicka appears in both Greek inscriptions as ThoBacong derived from the Pratt form Priyadrasi (Sanskrit priyadarsin), looking with kindness (upon everything)" az in both the Shahbirgarhi and Mansehva edicts* A few points are worth noting First, the name of the kingis preceded by the regal tile Baavieis.* I on the other hand. “Piodasses” is ' tite, the author(s) ofthe inscriptions has evidently yecause it deviates from the formulae structures ‘evident inthe Prakeit texts (the royal epithet, Devanampriva® ("dear ta the gods"), +a personal name, Privadrasi, «the regal title rj (king) a personal name, Privadra, +a title, rfja, We never find, however, two connected tithes (eg, Devanampriya raj).108 ‘From Local to Global: Papers in Asan History and Culture Indeed, the terms devanampriya and priyadrasi are found more than a hundred times in the texts, whereas the name A‘oka, or rname2* Both formulae seem to be derived from the Achaemenidan model employed in inscriptions: @dtiy Dérayavanush (Xshaydrshd, ‘ArtaxshaGrd) xskdyaBiya, “says Darius (Xerxes, Artaxerxes) the this respect, Devanampriya Priyadrasi raja does not mean who is beloved of the gods, looking with kindness spon, everything” but “The Beloved of the Gods, King Priyadraf.” We may suppose that the translator to render devanampriva into Greek, because ofthe misunderstandings the term would invoke: The purpose of the inscriptions is to promote morality, pity, and self- control, whereas the use of such an epithet would no doubt smack of hhybrs. In this respect, the omission appears to act as a compromise. gods, 2 the Greek Inscriptions would have been lost had devonampriya be decrees was retained. Thus all references to the king's lation are omitted and are simply replaced with his pattern of endowing him with royal 3 deal Greek monarch. There Is nothing “oriental” about this Indian king for he is presented as a Greek sovereign, Ins. 10-11, we are also confronted witha unique expressior: kal cawpl ecl unepl xal xv peopurépwy, “they respect thelr ‘the faculty of hearing’), which is here used as a predicate ir nominative plural. I€ may be considered a variant of the attest ‘aos, and, though grammatically corect, it nonetheless seems to Notas on the Greek Text ofthe Graeco-Aramaic 105 represent an innovative and local ereation2” As this Is a nominal they respect” or “they woot by itself does not pose that t governs twodative singuars plural with a definite aril, ‘words meaning “obey” do fluctuate between taking for example, usually takes a dative, Gallavoti has made astrorg argument that imposed a direct translation from an Indian original; indeed ‘such a construction with a genitive and a dative overned by the same substantive is frequent in the Indian inscriptions" While the passage is evidently lied from some Prakrit orginal, it s ble to_a Greek reader. tis for this reason thatthe construction in I. 18-19 of Rock Edict 13 offers nice comparison. In this case, @ similar expressior appears: val ‘iSdoxaiov ea marépa al jncépa fmatexdveoBat xal BaHee and to respect and to esteem tir teacher and ft Here the verbs take as their direct nouns without a definite article. Stylsticaly, the inscriptions are different, yet each conveys nearly the same idea. A the same 5 they representa translationed tera: scriptions, a well asthe accompanying Aramaic text, for example, list the mother before the father. The Greek eriptions, however, ae the only examples where he hierarchy of ther and mother” occurs. For example, among tke Buddhist cave yo ca matdpitaro ud imalena kartam ‘citudiesa bhikhisamghasa niyaticam ‘aha putena Dhorimarahitena of Dharymadeva the ym Datanitiyala. In pious one tad this cave106 ‘From Local to Global: Papers tn Astan History and Cutie he had order to reverence all Buddhas, he together with his son, Dhammaralitn, quarters In the course of explaining the donation of a Caltyagrha and terns thet ldrdgnidata made on behalf of his parents, the {nseription, whichis remarkable for a variety of reasons, contains the phrase, métépitaro idisa"in hanor of his mother and father."ASola's Greek inscriptions. on the other hand, are more rellecive of the ‘ranslator, his audience, and the alm of the translation per se than, they are of the ethnic identity of Agoka himself" Simialy, dragnidata's inscription, dated perhaps as late asthe third century CE, is not so much an indication of a Hellenized Indian, a8 it of 2 ‘man whose jat is Yooaka whi erited from his father and has ‘passed on t hs son, Dhammarakhita.* By expressing virtually the same concept differently, the passages in both Greek inscriptions reveal that this was a period of linguistic Mux The translator(s) was grappling with a whole series of ‘new ideas which reqeired transmission into readable Greek That this ‘was suecessfl js undeniable, but the degree of this success al indicates that the Greek speaking population of Kandahar may well hhave been undergoing a fundamental change in its language. The Passage In Rock Eat 23 presents us wi of Greet that is ‘more standard than che passage in the exhibits @ greater tendency to fuse together new {grammatical constructions in order to create a wholly new set of the passages in each inscription true to Greek sensi self shows signs of underoing change. ‘here is no article before the title BactAebs, explaining i as standard ‘Greek when referring to an eastern monarch, although this practice "Notes on the Greek Text ofthe Grarco-Aramale. 107 seems not to have been followed since the Achaemenids-This detal, however, does not account for the general lack of articles, such asin L10 before the dativus commodP® expla unspl and in 1S varit ‘ntoav yy, where we would expect xatk naa chy yiv-* Finally, Harmatta has remarked that in I avo would have sufficed in creating a more elegant style than robs évOpdinous, which seems redundant.” ‘These expressions are more indicative ofa spoken language than they are of an epigraphic literary style; they suggest that traditional Greek grammatical constructions are in the process of changing in ‘hich @ new manner of expression is developing. While undoubtedly in direct communication with their kindred further to the west, the reels of Arachosia also found themselves in a wholly diferent social milieu which demanded their greatest creativity in order to adapt to their surroundings. AAs each inscription bears a standard Greek philosophical vocabulary, a number of authors have cited as parallels numerous passages that are attested inthe writings of the Pythagor at frst glance, seem incre fons, edicts of an Indian king, are far ret and place from these authors. For example, Robert ary phrase, éméxerau Bactheds ra éqpoxun, in 155-6 of Inscription, introduces the king “as a vegetarian because this idea of vegetarianism closely resem phrases expressed by Pythagoreans and successors of Aristotle, among others.> But while 0 evltence of direct Phiiosophical borrowing, the use of st phil expressions allows the translator(s) of these inscriptions the cultural gap between the worlds of India and Greece. Agoka may not have been a vegetarian because he was 2 Buddhist; rather hhave been following a tradition, cited in Kautiya's Arthas ‘Ahimsa ideal of resisting cruel sacrifices and vegetarianism." In any event, it is clear that distinct traditions of vegetarianism: one Greek, the other indian, In the inscription, however, the translator has successfully Fused the108 ‘Prom tocol t Globat Papers in Aslan History and Clture sn practice of vegetarianism with that of the Greek Rather than enting the two as Incompatible, or somehow unique to each culture, both are presented as facets of one and the same tradition, Readers of these Inscriptions perceived ASoka as embodying a ‘number: wed readers to proclamations. In losopher king. The i, and expresses messages are understand the ki every real sense, ASoka is a Greek vegetarian. translators have shown that he Present us with a Hellenistic koine modelled on Attic prose unique to Arachosia. Based on a stylistic analysis of the scriptions, Robert has concluded that they indicate the work of at ast three differe He contends, for example, lon is written in ious proclamat ‘hich is perfectly suited for this that the longer mo {wo translators. The portion corresponding to Rock Edict 12 (l1-11) exhibits, for Robert, “a solid standard philosophical styl" while that of Rock Edit 13 (:12-22) represents the work of another author, in which “everything Is abrupt and asyndeton."® These considerations have led Harmatta to see in both portions ofthe inscription a conscious attempt toward the development of koine-linguistie forme, with Rock Edict 12, displaying a greater tendency toward Ati forms, while the second half exhibits a “Hyperkoinismus"® Both regard these inscriptions 25 exemplary specimens of high Hellenistic iterary merk Unfortunatly, itis Impossible to determine solely on a stylistic criterion whether these inscriptions represent the work of one or more translators, and by whom they were written (Greek, Indian, Iranian), We must bear in ‘ind that the inscriptions are an attempt to render into Greek a constellation of non-Greek ideas, Rather than viewing Agoka’s Greek inscriptions as explicitly bound to a given itary style, they are more Indicative of changes inthe Greek spoken at Kandahar when in contact ‘ith and under the influence of Prakrt and indian culture. Certainly, the translator(s) of these inscriptions drew upon existing Greek traditions as his model for attempting to render Notes on the Greek Text ofthe Graeco-Aramale 109 ‘We see in these inscriptions an attempt he Greek so as to convey the rieaning of was at thattime spoken in Kandahar. An examples the aberrant use of the article discussed above. Indeed, in the phrase xal foot maxpl xa jmcpl xal tov the part of the to experiment the Greek 1 ten-year period Is unknown, Finally, Aéoka's Greek inscriptions ilustrate how the Greeks of Kandahar experime these new expressions! that ultimately ena in society became less exotic and more thereby allowing the Greeks an active participatory role with society, ‘The translatr(s) was cultured, highly articulate, and well versed in Greek and Sanskrit texts, as well as in the Prakrit of Magadha. His ability to make ASoka appear Greek had the effect o” allowing the Penetration of indian ideals into this Greek community. The fat that ‘Agoka’s promulgation of dhama is cloaked in Greek offers evidence tha the circumstances in which Kandahar's Greeks found themselves involved paradoxes contradictions; separation and distance the production of tradition. Theles ive memory prefigured radical breaks0 ‘FromLocalt Global: Papers in Aslan History and Culture soclety, The cultural served to keep both groups Separate and distinct was ulkimately replaced by tutel understanding ‘conclude with restored text and tra ‘ofthe bilingual inscription: ‘Aca fev Mnpn{utv}nv BacrfA}eds Niobaaons eiaeBevaly E5ellfev wots d= Spidnais, al tnd rosrou ebseBeortpous ois dvOpdomous éxoinoty kal névea 5 ed@yvet xardcxdaay yi’ wal én Bacideds av fubrixuy ea of Aamo v@parmor ea 3a04 Onpevra fade, Baodéos némuvea Snpeiovtes Kall] etwas dpa némauvran rig dexpa 100% kara vay, nal EvrKoOL nap ‘al unl xai rv npeaBurépwov made a mpbrepov eal ro5 AoUHOD AGiOV kal Gyewov xavd éves tara ovatus Sdtovow. lation of the Greek text When ten years had been completed, King Piodasses set forth piety ‘omen, and from this time hhemade men more pious and. things 5 flourish throughout the entre land, and the king refrains from animal esh as do also ‘other men; and as many hunters and fishermen as there are ofthe king have ceased hunting and some were intemperate, they have ceased thelr bad mixture Oot character according to thelr own ability, and they respect their father and mother and their elders contrary to thelr | former practice, and inthe future by doing these things they willspendbetter and ner lives in ll that they de "Notes on the Greek Text ofthe Graeco-Aramale a In Rememberance My first recoll undergraduate because the t in wave a gunet lecture on the Baktrian Greeks and Indo-Greeks. 1 was from that ‘moment enthralled with the topic, a5 | had never before heard anything so magnificent. | resolved at that moment to write my term, paper on the subject. And so did. Naturally, I based the entire work, fon Tarn and\Narain, of whose works 1 understood nathing, but somehow combined both, Who better to ask to read drafts than Professor Narain? And read them he did and met with me and made id, Compassionate suggestions for improvement. When finally the Paper, like the semester, was over, tried meeting wth hit to give him the finished product, but! never succeeded ‘him and 1 knew time was becoming short as he would soon return to India, As matters turned out, happened to arrive at his offce when one of his gradsate students was packing his briefcase for work to do ‘on the long plane ride back home. When I explained to her that {had a paper that I had written and that Professor Narain had asked me to Bive him a copy (he was after all on pins and needles waking with bated breath, cr so I naively believed), she dutifully placed ft in his briefcase. when, as an 2, primarily | have often wondered what it must have been like for Professor Naran, finally to be rid of this incessant student who showed up at the most unpredictable times, to open his oriefcase somewhere over the Atlantic only to find my paper asking tebe read and commented. Bur 1 will always remember and treasure the kindness and generosity of a professor to an exasperating student, and his wise counsel For he never uttered a word of iscouragemen: (a look of exhaustion, certainly, as now t understand it), but always spoke with the same advice - to avoid compromising myself for gratification of the moment, never settle for mediocrity, and never own a coin because I will became too attached.a ‘From Locel to Glaba: Papers nAstan History and Culture teful for the comments by my colleague and friend Jim hose insightful and practical suggestions have led to 2 ved text. Naturally, any shortcomings are my iy. Scerrato1964, 1901-1962, 1. The identification of the city i Wve; compare the views of Fussmani966, ; Helms 1982, 18; Fraser 1996, 132: rous publ inscription as well as another in Greek likewise a Kandahar, see Cf, 168-169, CL Eggermont 1965-1966, 56. Lamotte 1958, 794; Barua1943, 222-223, Alsdorf 1960, 63; Barua 1943, 220-221. Kosambi 1959, 204 Puglese-Carratel tal. 1958. A transl subsequently appeared in Puglese-Carra ‘Schlumberger etal, 1958, 1-48 tal 1958, 11-14; and 1964: 20-31 for a full Aiscussion ofthe Greek text. Note Altheim and Stieh! 1959, 243, Who remain the only researchers to propose the untenable ‘reading of 6¢xa Exaw wanon®|éuay based on a cast 10. According to Robert in Schlumberger et al 1958, 13; ef. Gallavott 1959, 114, the reading exceeds the room , ‘the N would crowd out the possiblity that three other letters placed tightly together could ft within the remaining space. sp ney = un ‘Robert 1958, 10: e-Carratell et.al. 1964, 29 and Fa 1. 82, 170: “La lecture est srement établiedepulsla premiére éition’” ‘Notes on the Greek Text of the Graeco-Arama us tsi 195%, 114-117. The same argument was later repeated in an abridged English version: Gallavort 1959, 185- 187. For the meaning ofthe phrase, he concluded that it should be understood as 6éxa éxav ramp vray, 44, Pappus d’Alexandrie 1931 (6.42, 6.4.17, 64.19). 1, such -unvos compounds, including Eunos " éwuinvos ch” “through months”; farté-unvos “missing the right month.” 16, 1 am grateful for the comments provided to me from Cuomo Serafina Heike Setin-Wels, and Alexander R Jones about the use ofthis term by Pappus. 17, See also Morant 2008 who observes that npn{.Jav is 19, 20, a. 22 23. ‘unacceptable: “VunicaIntegrazione possibile & ranpnylévaw, che 48 adito perd a una forma dopplamente scorreta: se si accetta ‘einpnudvev si ha a che fare con un perfetta (che sarebbe la forma attesa anche da un punto di vista sintatico, come pit avanti nénauvrai) senza raddoppiamento formato sw un non attesato “rhnpéw in luogo del consueto ¢ corretto minpba ocumento impedisce la lettura manpousévu col presente, che sanerebbe ogni dul Gallavotti (1959, 186) who adds that this is perhaps expressed inthe Aramale version by the obscure phrase poytw (byd 2), and ‘which the Greek interpreter had attempted to represent. Eg. Schlumberger in Schlumberger et al. 1958, 5-6; Dupont- Sommer in Schlumberger etal, 1958, 22-24; Alsdort 1960, 64 For this and all subsequent references to this inscription, see Cl! 083, Benveniste 1958, 37-38, 47; Dupont-Sommer 1958, 23-24; Alsdorf 1960, 63; Scerrato 1964, 45; Carratlli 1964, 35-36; of Harmatta 1965, 82, 84-88, Note the 196¢ inscription in which Baoveic is replaced by the participle Baavesovros, whose usage is identical.4 3 ‘From Local to Global: Papers in Aslan History and Culture ki and Sircar 1979, 53-54, 87-98: Pugiore-Carratlli 1950, 1964, 142-146; Thapar 1960,43; Thapar 1997, 6 226-227; Noman 2012, 49-50, On devanampriva, see: Barua 1943, 219-220. Benveniste 1964, 142-146, Kent 1953, 5, 97-99, 181, For a concise overview with bibliography, see: Walbank 1993, Unlike von Hindber 2010, 266, who admits the is hard to agree with Scharfe 1971, 215 et passim the term is a back formation from the Greek, ‘postoOpacitin, the ass ofa simple analogy: éxaxotua isto Emjxoos as Evacodee isto eves, ). Robert 1958, 16 - Gallavott 19596, 19 14: of Whitmey1889, 96 (2864), 99 (297); Altheim and Stchl 1953, 246, ‘See the comments of Guardueci2969, 94; Schmitt 1990, 47 For purposes of comparison, see the Nasik inscription recorded by the Saka Dimactka Vudhika, where a similar exp recorded: me métafpitaro udise, "in honor of my mother and father" (Laders 1912, no. 1148), ‘Verner 1999-2000, 90-93. 6 The remarks of Sick 2007, 272-273. ‘Thus Altheim and Stihl 1959,246. ‘The same holds true for the Greek version of Rock Ealct 13 before the accusatives in Is. 18-19 7. Harmatta 196,04, Rohert 1959, 12-10, 45-46, Robert 1956, 14-16, Note also his (1956: 12-13) remark thatthe Phrase, ré-00 faouiéws ounpépavra of Rock Balt 13 (118) of Notes on the Greek Text ofthe Graeco-Aramale us 40. Alsdort 1960, 66. 41, Robert 1958, 12. 42, Robert 1950, 138. 43, Harmatta 1966, 79-60 44. CE Burstein 2010, 45. Portions of this paper will appear in Lerner, J.D. “The Greek Inscriptions of ASoka,"Studies and essays in honour of Valery P. ‘Nikonorov on the occasion of his sixtieth birthday presented by his {friends and colleagues, compiled and ed. AA. Sinitsyn, MLM. Kholod, St Petersburg forthcoming References Alsdorf L. 1960, “Zu den Agoka-Inschriften”Indologen-Tagung 1958. Verkandlungen der Indologischen Arbetstagung In Essen- Bredeney, Villa Higel 13-15. Jul 1955, Hrsg. E. Waldschmidt. Gottingen. Altheim, F, and Ro Stic, 1959, “The Greek-Aramaic Bi Inscription of Kandahar and its Philological Importance,” ‘and West ns. 10/4, 243-260, Barua, B.M. 1943. Inscriptions of Asoka, Part 2: Translation, Glassary & (General Index. Calcutta, Benveniste £. 1964, ufidits Asoka en traduction grecque », Journal asiatique 252, 137-157. ‘Burstein, S. M. 2010. “New Light on the Fate of Greek in Ancient Central and South Asia", Anciené West and East 9, 181-192 IG. Chote d inscriptions grecques: textes, raductions et notes publiés sous a direction de ; Pouilloue. 2003. Ed, Poullowx Paris (Ul. Corpusinscriptionumlranicarum; Par Inscriptions ofthe Seu ‘and Parehian Periods and of Eastern Iran and Central Asia; vol. Inscriptions in Nonslranian languages. 2012. Eds. Rougemont/?. Bernard. London.116 ‘From Locel to Global: Papers in Aston History and Culture Eggermont, P. H. L. 1965-1966, “New notes on Agoka and his successors" Persia 2, 25-70. at J. 1961-1962"Graeco-Aramale inscription of Asoka near Kandahar’, Epigraphia Indica 34,18. Fraser, P.M, 1979, The Son of Aristonax at Kandahar", Afghan Stuaies 2,92, Fraser, P.M, 1996. Cities of Alexander. Oxford. 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Sanskrit Grammar, Including Both the Classical ‘Language and the Older Dialect, of Vedo and Brahmana, Cambridge, Mass, Heritage Studies as a Bridge across Continents" K. Paddayya “Whit ths planet has gone cycling on acording tothe fied law of gravity, fom so simple a beginning endless forms most beautiful and most wonderful have Been, and ‘are being evolved” Charles Darwin The Origin of Spcier (41960: 79), Introduction he human cultural world (Fig. humble beginnings going back to the early part of the Plestocene period more than two million years ago, human culture ‘assumed numberless forms across space and time ~all most beautifl ‘and most wonderful, to repeat Darwin's words, And the world is an Immense mosaic of cultural forms. tn the past this diversity sometimes produced discord and strife. We are yet to free ourselves from them now. Happily, true to his self-corrective abilities, man sooner or later initiates remedial steps. ‘The Asiatle Soslety which Sir William Jones established in Calcutta [Kolkata] in 1764 was one such step (Fig, 2). The Oriental