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Industrialization
UNIT 14 UNDERDEVELOPMENT
Structure
14.1 Introduction
14.7 Summary
14.8 Exercises
14.1 INTRODUCTION
Prior to the late eighteenth century, life was nothing other than ‘nasty, brutish and
short’ for the vast majority of human beings. Technology changed slowly and
sporadically, but it eased life only for a small ruling elite in the pre-industrial societies.
In the late eighteenth century, Britain began to industrialize on the basis of technical
progress in textile, coal-mining, iron-smelting and steam-power. Soon industrialization
started to spill over to other regions. International flows of capital and commodities
provided the stimulus for this development. However, this development was not
uniform. Many tropical countries lagged behind as they were the victims of this
developmental process due to the prevalence of colonialism. India, for example,
quite advanced at the end of eighteenth century, could not protect its industries
because of British control. The confident march of ‘progress’ was shattered in the
‘age of crisis’ marked by the two world wars and the Great Depression in Europe.
The dominant powers met in a conference at Bretton Woods, New Hampshire and
agreed to establish two international organizations designed to supervise the
emergence of a liberal international economic order. The International Monetary
Fund intended to deal with monetary questions and the International Bank for
Reconstruction and Development or the World Bank’s purpose was promotion of
long –term flow of funds for reconstruction. Many former colonies started gaining
formal independence around the same time and fretted about being left behind in the
process of development. These countries adopted policies in which economic
development became a priority. The questions of growth, development and under
development became the global norms.
In the light of the above context we will look at what underdevelopment means,
various features of underdevelopment, how underdeveloped countries are
distinguished from the developed ones and how scholars have attempted to
understand it and counter it. To elucidate some of these aspects a short discussion
62 of the experiences of some of the developing countries has been given.
Underdevelopment
14.2 MEANING OF UNDERDEVELOPMENT
We live in an agonizing, inextricably designed bipolar world marked by severe
deprivation and social exclusion on the one hand and affluence and opulence on the
other. Eight hundred and eighty million are malnourished and millions go without
schooling. On the other extreme, three richest people in the world have assets that
exceed the combined GDP of 48 least developed countries. Such deprived people
are wholly or partially excluded from full participation in the society in which they
live due to lack of options, entitlement to resources and lack of social-capital. These
statements can be analyzed if we understand the meaning of development and
underdevelopment.
Economic development may be defined as the process by which a traditional society
employing primitive techniques and capable of sustaining only a low level of income
is transformed into a modern, high technology, high-income economy. Such a
developed economy uses capital, skilled labour and scientific knowledge to produce
wide variety of products for the market. Capital goods and human capital and relevant
scientific knowledge play a major role as factors of production in such a society.
Broadly speaking, lack of development may be defined as underdevelopment. World
Bank has set the following development goals:
Reduction of poverty,
Low mortality rates,
Universal primary education,
Access to reproductive health services,
Gender equality,
National strategies for sustainable development.
Many underdeveloped countries are not in a position to attain these high objectives
because of grinding poverty, low income and lack of resources. It is hazardous to
generalize about the underdeveloped world. Although they resemble in many negative
term- they are less industrialized, mostly non-European in descent, located in tropical
regions and many of them are former colonies yet they vary in cultural, economic
and political conditions. They share wide-spread and chronic absolute poverty, high
and rising burden of unemployment and underemployment, growing disparities in
income distribution, low and stagnant agricultural productivity, sizeable gap between
urban and rural levels of living, lack of adequate education, health and housing facilities,
dependence on foreign and often inappropriate technologies and more or less stagnant
occupational structure.
Despite these resemblances and common features, there are significant differences
among the underdeveloped countries in the size of the country (in terms of geography,
population and economy), their historical evolution, their natural and human resource
endowments, the nature of their industrial structure and polity and other institutional
structures.
Low income compared to the developed world economies is considered to be a
major characteristic of underdeveloped regions. Ghana and India with per capita
income below $785 are low-income countries; China between ($785-3125) is a
lower middle-income country while Brazil in the per capita income of $3125-9655
range falls in the upper middle-income category. However, per capita income is only
63
a measure of average income based on market valuations. It is not a complete indicator
Capitalism and of incidence of poverty. Some extra dimensions such as life expectancy, health
Industrialization
facilities, conditions of employment, social-structure and distribution of income must
be taken into account to make a proper assessment of a country’s economy. Most
underdeveloped countries are characterized by contrast between luxury and squalor,
skewed distribution of income, low productivity, high level of unemployment and
disguised rural/urban unemployment marked by surplus human labour who shares
agricultural chores that are otherwise redundant.
fewer producers compared to consumers in these societies, a factor that also affects
investment in productive capacities.
Underutilization of labour, a key phenomenon in the underdeveloped world is
manifested in two forms. It occurs as underemployment, or people working less
than they would like, daily, weekly or seasonally. Another form is disguised
unemployment where people are nominally working full time but whose productivity
is so low that their absence would have a negligible impact on total output. The
underemployment in urban centres is reflected in preponderance of labour in informal
sector i.e. people engaged in petty-trading, casual and irregular wage work, in
domestic services of very small ‘micro’ (enterprises) in unregulated sectors. This is
about 60-70% in Kumasi (Ghana), 40-50% in Calcutta (India) and about 43% in
Sao Paulo (Brazil). The sprawling slums in such underdeveloped cities are related to
this phenomenon.
The concentration of people on primary or agriculture production or stagnant
occupational structure is another indicator of underdevelopment. This sector is
characterized by primitive techniques, poor organization and limited physical and
human-capital and hence, low productivity. In many parts of Latin America and
Asia, it is also characterized by land-tenure systems under which peasants usually
rent rather than own their lands. Although, many underdeveloped economies are
not, strictly speaking, mono-crop economies or economies dependent on single
crop exports for their foreign earnings; yet many such countries rely heavily on a
small number of primary exports for the bulk of their foreign earnings. Ghana, for
example, depends on selling of Cocoa, timber and minerals to the West. Brazil,
despite recent diversification, relies on Coffee and minerals as major export items.
The exports of primary products, in fact, account for 60-70% of the annual flows of
total foreign earnings into the underdeveloped regions.
Another typical feature of underdevelopment is the dependence of these countries
on rich, advanced nations in terms of technology, foreign aid and private capital
transfers. Along with the capital flows, the values, attitudes and standard of behaviour
of the advanced countries are also superimposed on them. The phenomenon of
‘plunder by bureaucracy’ to emulate western life style and ‘brain-drain’ are a result
of such cultural invasion. In 1997, International Bank for Reconstruction and
Development commitments amounted to $14.5 billion as loans to the poorest
countries. The grants and loans provided by the OECD countries and private capital
flows are bigger than this amount. Much of this foreign investment is located in
mining or other extractive industries, which removes non-renewable resources at
rates and prices that are not in the interest of sustainable development. On the other
hand, many of the underdeveloped countries face foreign-debt crisis as a result of
increasing outflows required for dividends and repayments exceeding the new net
borrowings at one point or the other.
harness domestic savings. In short, private greed will produce public good. Others
like Gunnar Myrdal, Raul Prebisch and Oswald Sunkel have raised doubts that
foreign investment will automatically lead to development. They believe that it will
merely create ‘enclaves’ of development surrounded by the vast oceans of
underdevelopment.
The plan also stressed a large expansion of employment opportunities. It was also
meant to give a boost to the weak and nascent private sector. Resources were made
available for capital goods sector through foreign aid and investment and also through
state loans and credits. The result was that public sector’s share in the production of
reproducible capital increased from 15% in 1950-51 to 40% in 1976-77. The share
of state enterprises in the net domestic product grew from 3% in1950-51 to 16% in
1984-85. It created infrastructure and basic industrial base as an incentive to the
rapid growth of private enterprises. The system of import and investment licensing
led to monopolistic controls often severing the critical link between profitability and
economic performance. It led to a spectacular rise of big Indian business with a
marriage of convenience with foreign collaborators. The big industrial houses enjoyed
the benefits of an infrastructure developed through revenues generated from indirect
taxes on public. They also got subsidized energy inputs, cheaper capital goods and
long-term industrial finance from the public enterprises. As a result of these benefits,
the assets of 20 big industrial houses grew from Rs.500 crores in 1951 to Rs.23,
200 crores in 1986.
However, there was no dynamic structural change in the Indian economy. Large
numbers of people remain tied to underdeveloped agriculture despite ‘green
revolution’. In the urban centres, a sizeable number of people living in sprawling
slums find employment in the informal sector and petty distributive activities associated
with it. The land reforms did not touch agrarian relations and the basic inequality in
rural assets persists. Therefore, there is only a restricted mass market catering to the
need of urban and rural elites. In these circumstances, a shift out of Mahalanobis
model became necessary, as the state could not find enough resources, within a
mixed economy framework. The private enterprises found the production of ‘non-
essential’ consumer goods more profitable. The state resorted to inflationary indirect
taxation and deficit-financing in order to finance unprofitable public enterprises
engaged in the production of investment goods. The private sector now clamoured
for the dismantling of public sector on the ground that it was causing budget deficits,
high inflation, high-wages and interest rates. The effects of earlier industrialization
had led to high government deficits, inflation and interest rates regime. For example,
the central government’s budget deficit grew from 6.4% of GNP in 1980 to 8.9% of
GNP in1990. The government’s domestic debt rose to 56% of GDP in1991. India
was close to ‘technical default’ on its foreign debts as reflected in the foreign exchange
crisis of 1991. At this point, the pace of ‘liberalization’ was speeded up under the
IMF structural adjustment programme. It meant easing of restrictions on imports
and foreign investment, steps to make rupee convertible, a huge cut in sugar and
fertilizer subsidies, deregulation of steel distribution and a curb on government’s
deficit by way of reduction in government’s spending on subsidies and social-services.
The main strategy of this phase is export-substitution with minimum public sector
intervention and unrestricted entry of foreign capital. Despite all these grand designs,
there is no basic structural change in the Indian economy. About 70% of our population
continues to live at bare subsistence level. About 76.6 million agricultural labourers
earn about 1/10th of what an organized sector worker earns. In the 1980s, the
number of unemployed youths registered in government exchanges crossed 34 million
or 10% of the total active population or the total number of productive people
employed in the urban manufacturing sector.
the core industrial areas. As a result, the Chinese industrial growth increased from
11% per annum during 1970-80 to 16% per annum during 1990-97. The direct
foreign investment in China rose from $11.16 billion in 1992 to above $40 billion in
1996. There was, however, only gradual erosion of state control rather than a quick
retreat from planning. The Chinese state-owned enterprises were reformed. The
15th Congress of Chinese Communist Party decided to corporatize the state-owned
enterprises. Many of them have been converted into share-holding companies.
However, many of the basic components of a ‘pure’ market economy are still in
their incipient stage in China. Government guided investment mechanisms, a state-
controlled banking system and dominant state-owned enterprises still run in a
framework moulded primarily on the previous planned economy. The Chinese
economic reforms have raised incomes, created considerable private wealth and
reduced the incidence of chronic poverty. However, declining profits, growing
unemployment, idle capacity, unrepayable debts of state enterprises and environmental
costs due to over-dependence on coal in China’s fuel use are some of the
accompanying benign effects. Though China has slightly improved its position from
low-income (below $785 per capita income) to lower middle-income group ($786-
3125 per capita income), it still suffers from the signs of underdevelopment. However,
its record in achieving remarkable transition in health, nutrition and educational
accessibility has been universally acclaimed. It has also considerably raised life
expectancy and lowered infant-mortality besides taking effective public action to
ensure access to nutrition, health facilities and social support. In comparison to India’s
elitist, urban-biased schooling, China’s thrust has been towards universalization of
primary education, though it also has its own privileged urban schools financed by
the national government as well as private schools. However, the disparities in
education and health services between regions, gender and across social groups
and classes are less marked.
‘user charges’ or charges levied on citizens for these public services at the point of
use. Ghana, with a per capita income of $379 in 1998, continues to be one of the
low-income underdeveloped regions despite its attempt to overcome chronic poverty
and underdevelopment. The growth-promoting effects of a few heterogeneous
industrial projects on the other sectors of economy have been insignificant. Ghana is
still part of a system of dependence that links external pressures of international
financial institutions and transnational corporations with internal process of
underdeveloped resources and primitive technology characterized by self-reinforcing
accumulation of privilege on the one hand and the existence of marginal social groups
on the other.
14.7 SUMMARY
In this Unit we have discussed the meaning of development and underdevelopment,
the salient features of underdeveloped economies, a few key approaches to understand
the phenomenon of underdevelopment and the policy options available to fight the
ills of underdevelopment. In the light of these, we also discussed the nature of
economic change attempted in four countries namely, India, China, Brazil and Ghana.
74 Underdevelopment represents much more than economics and the simple
quantitative indices such as measurement of incomes, employment and inequality. Underdevelopment
14.8 EXERCISES
1) Write a short note on the nature of employment in an underdeveloped economy.
2) Compare the export-promotion and import-substituting strategies for achieving
industrial development.
3) Compare the strategies of development adopted by India and China.
4) Explain why Brazil is considered to be an underdeveloped country despite
relatively higher per capita income.
75
Capitalism and
Industrialization
GLOSSARY
Absolute poverty: A situation where a population or section of a population is
able to meet only its bare subsistence needs.
Age-structure: The age-composition of a given population.
‘Big-push’ theory: A theory stating that all underdeveloped countries require a
massive investment to promote industrialization.
Debt-service: Interest due on loans, over and above capital repayments.
Economies of scale: These are economies of growth resulting from expansion of
the scale of productive capacity of a firm or industry leading to increases in its output
and decreases in its cost of production per unit of output.
Exchange-control: A governmental policy designed to restrict the outflow of
domestic currency that also controls the amount of foreign exchange obtainable by
the citizens.
Gross national product or GNP: The sum total of all incomes that accrue to the
factors of production in a particular country including net earnings by its citizens in
foreign countries.
Income per capita: Total GNP of a country divided by its total population.
Indirect taxes: Taxes levied on goods purchased by the consumers and exported
by the producers. Examples of indirect taxes are excise duties, sales taxes, export
duties and custom duties. They are a major source of governmental revenues in the
underdeveloped countries.
Intermediate production goal: Goods that are used as inputs into further levels of
production (e.g. iron ore in steel production).
Terms of trade: The ratio of a country’s average export price to its average import
price.
76
Underdevelopment
SUGGESTED READINGS FOR THIS BLOCK
Allen, Tim and Thomas, Alan, eds., Poverty and Development into the 21st
Century, OUP, Oxford, 2000.
Amin, Samir, Unequal Development: An Essay on the Social Formations of
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1700-1820, Oxford 1985.
Bernstein, Henry, ed., Underdevelopment and Development: The Third World
Today, Penguin, Harmondsworth, 1973.
Bhagwati, J., Dependence and Interdependence: Essays on Development, Vol.
II, Oxford, 1985.
Braudel, Fernand, Civilization and Capitalism, 15th-18th centuries, Vol. II
(Wheels of Commerce), Collins, London, 1982.
Cipolla, Carlo M., Before the Industrial Revolution (European society and
economy:1000-1700), Methuen and co. Ltd., London,1976.
De Vries, J., The Economy of Europe in an Age of Crisis, 1600-1750, Cambridge,
1982.
Despande, G.P. and Acharya, Alka, eds., Crossing A Bridge of Dreams: 50 Years
of India and China, Tulika, New Delhi, 2000.
Dobb, Maurice, Studies in the Development of Capitalism, Routledge and Kegan
Paul, London and Henley, 1962.
Frank, Andre Gunder, On Capitalist Underdevelopment, Oxford University Press,
Bombay, New York, 1975.
Gould, Julius and Kolb, William K., (eds.), A Dictionary of the Social Sciences,
The Free Press, 1964, compiled under the auspices of the UNESCO.
Hamerow, T., The Birth of a New Europe: State and Society in the 19th Century,
Chapell Hill & London, London, 1983.
Hill, Christopher, Reformation to Industrial Revolution: A Social and Economic
History of Britain 1530-1780, Weidenfeld and Nicolson, London, 1967.
Kennedy, P., The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers: Economic Change and
Military Conflict from 1500 to 2000, Random House, New York, 1988.
Kriedte, Peter, Peasant, Landlords and Merchant Capitalist, Europe and the
World Economy 1500-1800, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1983.
Kuper, Adam, and Kuper, Jessica, (eds.), The Social Science Encyclopaedia,
2nd edition, Routledge, London, 1996.
Landes, D. S., The Unbound Prometheus: Technological Change and Industrial
Development in Western Europe from 1750 to the Present, Cambridge University
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Lloyd, P.J. and Zhang, Xiao-Guang, eds., China in the Global Economy,
Northampton and Massachusettes, 2000.
77
Capitalism and Maitra, Priyatosh, The Globalization of Capitalism in the Third World Countries,
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Praeger Publishers, Westport, 1996.
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Phukan, Meenaxi, Rise of The Modern West, Macmillan India Ltd., Delhi 1998.
Pollard, S., Peaceful Conquest: The Industrialization of Continental Europe,
1760-1970, Oxford, 1981.
Sen, Asok, The Transition from Feudalism to Capitalism, Occasional Paper no.
65, Centre for Studies in Social Sciences, Calcutta.
Sheehan, J.J., German History, 1770-1866, OUP, Oxford, 1993.
Sweezy, Paul, The Theory of Capitalist Development, University of Pennsylvania,
1994.
Trebilcock. R.C., The Industrialization of the Continental Powers 1780-1914,
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Wallerstein, I., The Modern World-System, III: The Second Era of Great
Expansion of the Capitalist World-Economy, 1730-1840s, 1989.
Wallerstein, Immanuel, The Modern World System I, Capitalist Agriculture and
the Origins of the European World Economy in the 16th century, Academic
Press, New York, 1974.
Wallerstein, Immanuel, The Modern World System II, Mercantilism and the
Consolidation of the European World Economy 1600-1750, New York, 1980.
Weber, E., Peasants into Frenchmen: The Modernization of Rural France 1870-
1914, London, 1977.
Wehler, H.U., The German Empire, 1871-1918, New York, 1985.
78