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Introduction
Our purpose in this work is to provide a broad anthropological con-
text for possible educational reforms of the public schools that serve
U.S.-Mexican’ populations in the southwestern United States. Our
position is that public schools often ignore the strategic and cultural
resources, which we have termed funds of knowledge, that households
contain. We argue that these funds not only provide the basis for un-
derstanding the cultural systems from which U.S.-Mexican children
emerge, but that they also are important and useful assets in the class-
room. Many assumptions about these cultural systems informing pol-
icy and practice in public schools are not supported by the actual na-
ture of these populations, since, as Greenberg has said, ”the difficulty
in educating our children begins in . . . industrial societies of the work
place from the home” (1990:317). This separation makes an under-
standing of the cultural system necessary to build constructive rela-
tionships between teachers, students, and parents, relationships
which are needed to improve the educational quality and equity in
schools that serve U.S.-Mexican populations.
We argue that grasping the social relationships in which children are
ensconced and the broad features of learning generated in the home
are key if we are to understand the construction of cultural identity
and the emergence of cultural personality among U.S.-Mexican chil-
dren. We will explain why educational structures and practices often
militate against such cultural identity and why we should consider al-
ternative policies. By examining the historical processes by which
U.S.-Mexican cultural identity has been constructed, we hope to pro-
vide a critical perspective on the deficiency model or a minority model
of instruction used for culturally different students. *
313
314 Anfhropology & Education Quarterly Volume 23, 1992
After 1929, legal citizenship rather than culture became the hallmark
of ethnic identity. For many Mexicans born in the United States, im-
migration restrictions on Mexican kin created a they-us differentiation
that interrupted the easy flow of kin between extended cross-border
familial networks. As American schools under the guise of "Ameri-
canization" programs relegated the Spanish language to a secondary
position and denigrated its use, self-denial processes set in. This ex-
perience led some U.S. Mexicans to change their names, anglicize
their surnames, and internalize self-hatred and self-deprecation (Rod-
riguez 1982).
Differentiation has been repeatedly accentuated by systematic pro-
cesses of deportation, repatriation, and voluntary departure, such as
"Operation Wetback in 1954,"4or the recent immigration sweep, "Op-
eration Jobs," in 1982. The intent of the Immigration Reform and Con-
trol Act (IRCA) passed in 1986 was to stem undocumented immigra-
tion. IRCA, however, has had no striking impact on the labor sectors
of which Mexican undocumented workers are a part (Chavez 1988;
Chavez et al. 1992; Cornelius 1988). What it has done is to legalize
Mexican migrants, guarantee their permanent settlement, and in-
crease the flow of individual workers and families back and forth to
the United States with newly acquired legality (Cornelius 1988:4).
The more profound consequence of IRCA is that it has created fur-
ther division between eligible and noneligible Mexicans. Even within
the same extended family, the legalization of one family member
sharply contrasts with the illegality of others. Because reform bills
such as IRCA immigration usually are followed by immigration
sweeps, each roundup further emphasizes the "foreignness" of the
population in Mexico, and further differentiates them from U.S. Mex-
i c a n ~Such
. ~ demographic and political splitting between Mexican-
born and U.S.-born Mexicans establishes the cultural basis for the cre-
ation of an ethnic U.S. Mexican, and the denial of cultural continuity
between these populations.
Cross-Border Relations
Yet, despite the political and cultural divisions that,have arisen,
cross-border families and clustered households6 continue to balance the
effect of the disruption of identity and self-reference. As a result, Mex-
ican households typically are nested within extensive kinship net-
works that actively engage them in the lives of relatives on both sides
of the border. Because many Mexicans work in highly unstable labor
markets, in their struggle to make a living they are not only forced to
crisscross national boundaries, but they must also depend on one an-
other to gain access to resources found on each side.
As Mexican families have crisscrossed the border in response to the
intermittent booms and busts in the border economy, they have pro-
duced an associated phenomenon, one we term generational hop-
VClez-IbanezlGreenberg Funds of Knowledge 317
dren. Unlike Tomas, Hortencia has always had her own stable plat-
form, in spite of her early childhood, during which her mother and
father and his brothers moved from mining town to mining town in
Arizona, searching for work both during the Depression and later,
when the mines began to be exhausted. It was only after her father was
injured in a mine accident that they moved to Tucson, where he and
his brothers began a handyman’s service. Thus, much of Hortencia’s
early household experience centered on her father’s relations and their
households; she also helped keep the books for the handyman’s ser-
vice.
Tomas’s household experience was almost opposite to that of Hor-
tencia. It began in Phoenix, the city where he was born, when his par-
ents, who had migrated from Mexico to seek work, were ”repa-
triated.” While attending school intermittently in Sonora, Tomas sold
vegetables with his father on the streets of a northern Mexican border
town; their income barely supported the family of six. After his fa-
ther’s death in 1945, Tomas, aged ten, moved to Tucson by himself.
He lived in the storage closet of a grocery store, which the store’s
owner allowed him to use in exchange for his labor. Soon afterwards,
Tomas was taken into custody by the police for truancy. He was placed
in a foster home where he remained until he was of legal age. With a
seventh-grade education, he joined the army. For the next ten years
he attended several service-connected schools and was trained as a
maintenance mechanic for army planes and helicopters. After his dis-
charge from the service in 1962, he and Hortencia returned to Tucson
to be near her family of orientation. Tomas joined the Arizona Army
National Guard, where he has worked as a maintenance person for 25
years.
Generational Funds and Their Transmission
For both Hortencia and Tomas, however, since the mid-1980s the
focus of all their activities has been their grandchildren, their children,
their church, and their country. The children of their eldest son and
eldest daughter are frequent visitors. Hortencia and Tomas care for
their four grandchildren at least three times a month, as well as for the
entire weekend at least twice a month. Hortencia especially enjoys
being with her grandchildren and her mother while preparing the
Sunday dinners that are held either in the great grandparents’ home
or in Hortencia’s. The great grandchildren and grandchildren help
with the housecleaning, marketing, cooking, and table preparation.
Hortencia devoted much effort to teaching each of her children, and
now her grandchildren, the computational skills in which she excels
after so many years as a bank teller. Almost nightly, Hortencia posed
simple problems to her children, progressing to increasingly more dif-
ficult ones. She had them compete with her and with one another until
someone made an error and was eliminated. Hortencia has begun the
same process whenever her older grandchildren visit.
320 Anthropology & Education Quarterly Volume 23, 1992
Class Changes
One paradox of funds of knowledge in urban contexts is that, al-
though they help households, depending on their content and
breadth, to be independent of the marketplace, individuals gain funds
through work and through participation in labor markets. Yet, even
as such funds help households obtain a degree of independence of the
marketplace, there are major obstacles to their permanency or trans-
mission from one generation to another. Succeeding generations often
do not gain a complete and functional understanding of the funds that
their ancestors had unless they remain within the same class segment
or are able to transliterate such knowledge into a new, rewarding labor
arena. Urban residents, nevertheless, often attempt symbolically to re-
tain such funds by constructing equivalent conditions and contexts for
their maintenance and transmission. Such attempts take the form of
economic and ideological investments in small ranching and farming
projects, which are often not profitable, but which aim to recapitulate
early childhood experience. Because wages in highly segmented labor
markets are low and unstable, working-class households have had to
jump from one sector of the labor market to another, holding several
jobs and pooling their wages to make ends meet. However, because
the independence is problematic, the broad funds of knowledge
alone, which they have acquired in this process, cannot guarantee
their well-being or survival. Thus, the ability of households to cope in
rough economic seas rests equally on the exchange relationships
among them.
Depending on kin or friends also is fraught with problems. Besides
the uncertainty experienced in the search for work, the frailty of hav-
ing to depend on others for assistance with child care, household
maintenance, and transportation leads people to make very deter-
mined efforts to enter primary labor markets. Such formal-sector jobs
are prized not just because they pay better, but because they provide
formal benefits that help underwrite the households’ reproduction
and lessen their dependence on others. This quest for stability is of
single importance for U.S.-Mexican households. If they cannot find
employment within primary labor markets, then they are willing to
make extreme investments in education in the hope that their children
will gain such an entree. The irony is that educational institutions also
serve as important mechanisms of denial for access to such labor mar-
kets.
Social Distribution of Funds of Knowledge
Significantly, nevertheless, funds of knowledge do become part of
the implicit operational and cultural system of daily life. Friends and
kin often provide a safety net and substantial aid in time of crisis. Such
exchanges occur in such a routine and constant fashion that people are
hardly aware of them. These exchanges take a variety of forms: labor
V6lez-IbanedGreenberg Funds of Knowledge 323
servations show that when little girls “play school” they emulate
teacher-originated and -directed sequences. The children taking the
role of teacher allow for markedly little active student-controlled in-
teraction, and imitate as well the expectations of rote or uncreative re-
sponses to instruction (Tapia 1989). In addition, the school model of
instruction is emphasized by parents during homework periods, with
strong punitive measures either threatened or carried out if tasks are
not completed. This use of the schooling model created one of the few
sources of adult-child conflict in the households we observed. Such
basic cultural conflict becomes further exacerbated when understood
within a larger cultural framework of human emergence. For the U.S.-
Mexican adult, who has emerged within both culturally constituted
zones of comfort and formal educational settings, self-doubt, nega-
tion, and cultural resistance will emerge together. However, there are
processes beyond any adult’s control that mitigate even the zones of
comfort within the household. These are the institutionalized pro-
cesses of literacy fracturing within each household.
Conclusions
The funds of knowledge that Mexican populations have historically
acquired in the U.S.-Mexico borderland reflect the ongoing character
of the organization of production and its technological basis. Conse-
quently, the agrarian pursuits that the population followed in the rural
countryside included a broad range of skills that also could be mar-
keted in urban and industrial settings. Yet, their very success in adapt-
VClez-IbaAezlGreenberg Funds of Knowkdge 329
ing to the unstable labor markets contained the seeds of cultural de-
mise. In moving from the countryside to the city, the social and cul-
tural context in which their identities were forged was fundamentally
altered, and the transmission of funds of knowledge, in some in-
stances, was lost.
Yet, social exchange between households, clusters of households,
and kinship networks not only continues to provide individuals access
to historic funds of knowledge, but also provides them the cultural
matrix for incorporating new understandings and relationships in a
“Mexican” way. These funds and their functions in social relation-
ships, thus, will continue to be characteristically ”shaped’ by the Mex-
ican experience of structural changes in the economic and political en-
vironment. So, although the case studies reflect a common apprecia-
tion for religious values in each household, the differences between
them are also striking. The attention in the Serrano case paid to coun-
try and patriotism creates an emphasis that may be ”ethnically” dif-
ferent from that of other families. This is a reflection of the continued
intensity of the army experience for the Serranos, which provides a
wider basis of identity reference to a national prism in which citizen-
ship and culture are regarded as analogous. In spite of these differ-
ences, the basis of social density and the multiplicity of relations, re-
gardless of rural-urban dimensions, occupation, or language prefer-
ence, remain at the core of the way both households have unfolded
within the life cycle. Identity formation and emergence as Mexicans in
the United States thus arises from the matrix of social relations in the
clusters of households, and not from ”cultural” iota as such. Such
identity becomes implicitly “cultural,” in that, as other works (Velez-
IbaAez 1988) have shown, these matrices become the social platforms
from whence children emerge.
Policy Implications
There are several policy implications that flow from an understand-
ing of the full range of household strategies and their probable out-
comes as mentioned in this study.
Educational Policy Reform
The implications of our finding for educational policy reform seem
clear. What is needed is a critical reexamination of the cultural basis of
evaluation and assessment of U. S.-Mexican children, a close analysis
of the cultural basis of instruction and pedagogy, and field testing of
the nature of the social relations between U.S.-Mexican children, their
parents, and the educational institutions that serve them.
Concerning evaluation and assessment, we should pay some atten-
tion to more dynamic forms of assessment that seek to measure chil-
dren’s learning potential. The process would use mediated learning
practices within the assessment context, with the assessor actively
330 Anthropology & Education Quarterly Volume 23, 1992
Notes
made between themselves as real Mexicanos and the despised pochos from the
United States.
6. One important type of variant further removed from the border in this re-
gard is that familial "clustering" of households, or extension of families beyond
the nucleated household, increases rather than lessens with each succeeding
generation. We have termed these cross-border clustered households because
77.1%of our sample have relatives in Mexico, and of the total sample, a sig-
nificant proportion (61%)organize their extended kin relations in the United
States in a clustered household arrangement of dense bilateral kin and main-
tain kin ties with their Mexican relatives. Recent studies (Keefe 1979:360;Keefe
et al. 1978,1979; Griswold del Castillo 1984:129-132) have shown that, despite
class, Mexican extended families in the United States become more extensive
and stronger with generational advancement, acculturation, and socioeco-
nomic mobility. These findings as well are supported by findings in a national
study that has found that the clustered residential households we will be de-
scribing for Tucson, Arizona, were more common among U.S.-born Mexicans
than they were among Mexican immigrants or Anglos (see V6lez-IbBfiez 1992).
7. The case study uses pseudonyms to protect the identity of the informants
and to maintain confidentiality; some events have been changed.
8. Confianza is a cultural construct indicating the willingness to engage in gen-
eralized reciprocity. For a full discussion, see V6lez-lbanez and Greenberg
(1984:lO-16).
9. John Ogbu states that for any child "there is discontinuity in the social-emo-
tional socialization received in the home and school" (1982:292), and goes on
to detail the discontinuity in the home of home language use, contextual learn-
ing, as well as the stylistics involved. Citing Cook-Gumperz and Gumperz,
who contend that there are shifts from the largely oral tradition of the home
to the literate tradition of the school, Ogbu considers these as part of the larger
problem of discontinuity. Within the context of literacy fracturing, however,
we suggest yet a further type of discontinuity: literacy fracturing, that is, the
elimination of the process, possibility, and practice of literacy activities in
Spanish within the U.S.-Mexican household and a shift to the oral tradition.
In the nonethnic English-language dominant home, no such structural con-
dition is liable to occur other than illiteracy.
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