ASPIRATIONS OF ADIVASI CHILDREN AND YOUTH AND

INTERGENERATIONAL CONFLICTS

A case study of Jharkhand

Rohit Jain

Introduction

The threads binding society

are breaking
Our brothers and sisters
are stumbling in darkness
Our community is falling apart.
…….
Let‟s knit it up!
Let‟s plait it up together again!

(A song from Singhbhum District, Jharkhand. From „Voices‟ of the Adivasis/Indigenous

Peoples of India, AICFAIP)

Society is breaking up, communities are disintegrating and only isolated individuals
remain. The impact of New Economic Policies on Adivasi, Dalit, Pastoralists, and nomadic
communities is more profound. The Adivasi communities are feeling the impact as they see their
world fall apart, their resources being appropriated, becoming aliens on their own land. The
process is now no longer slow or hidden but blatantly open. In the name of national development,
in the name of infrastructure development and in the name of profits, Adivasi people and other
communities are being forced or coerced to let go of their rights over land, water and forests and
move from being owners to becoming labourers. As this tragedy takes the shape of slow
genocide by the Indian State, people are resisting the future being forced on them.

The real face and motive of the new economic changes is now more apparent. The
sweeping changes being made or planned are indicators of the real motive. The government has
already come out with the new agricultural policy, the new mineral policy and has made other
structural changes paving the way for:

Large scale corporatisation of resources especially land and water

 Foreign direct investments by multinational companies
Corporatisation and commercialisation of basic amenities like health, education, drinking
water
Dismantling of social security nets and legislations for organised labour
Reduced social sector spending

New legislations amending various land acts and removal of protective clauses for tribals
(proposed amendment to Vth schedule of the Indian constitution) are in the offing to remove all
hurdles for large scale corporatisation and privatisation of resources. It is on these resources on
which depend the livelihood of crores of marginalised people like the Adivasis, Dalits pastoralists,
fisherfolk and so on. Today, Adivasi communities live under the constant threat of displacement
from their livelihood resources as various state governments frame legislations, which are
pushing them to the brink of survival. It must be underlined that almost 2 crore Adivasis have
already been displaced since independence.

It is in this framework that we would need to understand the aspirations of Adivasi

children and youth and the intergenerational conflicts. Adivasi societies are now no longer
isolated from the mainstream. Markets backed by private entrepreneurship, rural marketing, T.V.,
video and print media have made deep inroads into the rural hinterland linking the people to the
global market. Their impact can now be seen and also felt. The people‟s consciousness is now
not only being shaped by their immediate surroundings but also by the global market.

Adivasi communities all over the country are responding to these changes in different
ways. Migration in search of work has been one of the most common responses to some of the
above changes. We will study the various changes to understand the aspirations of Adivasi
children and youth and intergenerational conflicts in the context of Jharkhand (previously south
Bihar).

Jharkhand presents us a picture of economic and social exploitation as early as 1772 AD

when the first Paharia revolt took place (See Annexure 1). Jharkhand, home to 30 Adivasi
communities has, since British days, witnessed numerous struggles for tribal assertion over their
land, forest and water. Despite these struggles, economic exploitation of mineral resources and
industrialisation process has gone unabated leading to misery and pauperisation of Adivasi
communities. The latest Draft Industrial policy is driving the final nail in the coffin where Adivasis
will be displaced in large numbers from their livelihood resources. It is in this context that we will
look at the changes, which have taken place in the tribal communities in Jharkhand and the
aspirations of the Tribal children and youth and intergenerational conflicts.

2
 METHEDOLOGY

The study was mainly conducted by talking to tribal respondents from W.Singhbhum
(Chaibasa & Saraikela) Districts, Ranchi District, Gumla and Garhwa Districts.

For the study, I adopted the interview method and focussed on some of the prominent tribes of
Jharkhand - Santhal, Munda, Ho, Oraon and Bhumij. These tribes constitute the majority tribal

population of Jharkhand as shown below:

No. Tribes Population % of total tribal Literacy Rate

(1991) population (1981)
1. Santhal 20,60,730 36.73 12.55 %
2. Oraon 10,54,064 18.79 23.28 %
3. Munda 8,45,887 15.08 22.16 %
4. Ho 5,36,523 9.56 17.71 %
5. Bhumij 1,36,109 2.43 16.45 %

(Source: - Jharkhand Profile, Abhiyan, Madhupur, Deoghar, Jharkhand)

3
 Their occupations were varied - students, agriculturists, lawyers, social activists,
government employees, bank employees, doctors, school teachers, self employed, contractors,
village headmen, politicians & journalist. Their age ranged from as young as 15 years to as old as
80 years.

The discussion with the respondents was on their perspective and opinion on issues like
changes over the years in the Adivasi community especially in the last 10-15 years; changes in
socio-economic status of the Adivasi people; status of education among tribal youth and
aspirations of the youth; status of employment, occupational diversification; changes in the
custom, rituals, worldview of youths, value system; changes in agriculture; changes in life style
and relationship with the non tribal communities especially „Dikus‟.

The „Diku‟ word peculiar to Jharkhand is used in for non-tribal outsiders and people who
exploited the Adivasis. In Meghalaya tribal communities use the word „Dakhar‟ meaning potential
exploiter for outsiders, who want to settle in the village. „Dikus‟ are perceived by the Adivasis in
Jharkhand as people who destroyed their culture and all that which kept the society happy. First
they came as land grabbers, the British colonisers as they ruled them. Now there are big
industries and townships. From individuals, Dikus have been institutionalised and now taken the
form of modern institutions like state machinery, police, judicial and the legal system, political
system and the political parties, industries and development projects.

For some respondents these issues were new and for some a lot of thinking had gone into
some aspects and were already involved in affirmative action.

I present below a gist of my discussions with the various respondents. A brief profile and history
of Jharkhand is being outlined to understand the issues and their context.

4
Brief profile of Jharkhand

Jharkhand, a newly created state (previously South Bihar), is situated in the Eastern part
of India.

Jharkhand, meaning the „Land of the forests‟, has been bestowed with natural wealth
both under the ground and above. The forest cover has declined drastically to 29% posing a
serious threat to the livelihood base of the Adivasi communities. The map below gives an outline
of the major geographical regions in Jharkhand. These geographical regions also represent the
homes of the various Adivasi communities. Ranchi Plateau is home to the Munda community, the
Chhotanagpur plateau is home to Oraon, and the Kolhan upland is home to the Ho community
while the Santhals reside in the Pakaur upland known as the Santhal Parganas.

5
 The land and its resources have meant a lot to the Adivasi communities in Jharkhand:

Our soil contains gold

Everywhere
Underneath there is gold,
Outside there is gold,…

We get vegetables, fruits,

Leaves and flowers,
We live on it,
It is gold for us.

(Tarshila Minz, a woman from Netrahat region, Jharkhand. From „Voices‟ by AICFAIP)

The material and the social consciousness of the Adivasi communities have been formed by the
natural bounty present in nature. As forests get cut, land becomes unproductive, mines and
industries scar the face of the earth, conflicts have increased for the Adivasi communities in
Jharkhand (See Annexure 1 - Brief History of Jharkhand). Conflicts with modern institutions of
governance, conflicts with „Dikus‟ (outsiders), conflicts with new value system today shape the
consciousness of the Adivasi communities. It is these conflicts, which have given rise to a new
set of aspirations within the Adivasi children and youth.

6
Statistical Profile of Jharkhand

Population 21843911 .
ST . 28% of total
SC . 12% of total
Per capita Income Rs. 4161 .
Density of Population 274 persons / Sq. Km. .
No. of Districts 22 .
No. of Sub divisions 33 .
No. of Blocks 211 .
No. of Villages 32620 .
No. of Villages Electrified 14667 45 % of total
No. of Villages connected by roads 8484 .
National Highways 1006 Kms .
State Highways 4662 Kms .
Health centers 506 .
Schools 21386 .
Universities 5 Incl. One deemed University
Total Geographical Area 79.70 Lakh Hectares .
Cultivable Land 38.00 Lakh Hectares .
Net Sown Area 18.04 Lakh Hectares 25% of total area
Net Irrigated Area 01.57 Lakh Hectares 8% of net sown area
Forest . 29% of total area

(Source: Internet site of Jharkhand state at www.nic.in)

Decline in Tribal Population

As discussed earlier, Adivasi population formed the backbone of Jharkhand but over a
period a decline has taken place. Though tribals in Jharkhand constitute 28% of the total
population, their percentage to the total population has been steadily declining. A majority of the
Adivasi population still resides in rural areas. This decline has been for various reasons like in-

7
migration of „outsiders‟ into the area for employment in factories, mines, industries and out
migration of tribals for work. This has brought about a change in the socio-economic environment
of the region, which has had a negative bearing on the Adivasi communities. See Table 3 & 4

Table 3
ST population in rural and urban areas of Jharkhand

S.T Population (1991) 60,44,010 28% of total population

ST population in rural areas 56,04187 93% of the ST population and 33
of the total population
ST population in urban areas 4,39,823 7% of the ST population and 9.5%
of the total population

(Source: - Jharkhand Profile, Abhiyan, Madhupur, Deoghar, Jharkhand)

Table 4

ST population as a percentage of Total population in Jharkhand (District wise)

1931-1991

District 1931 1941 1951 1961 1971 1981 1991

Santhal
Pargana 42.90 41.50 44.67 38.24 36.20 36.79 31.89
Palamu 20.94 20.06 17.45 19.24 19.10 18.33 18.08
Hazaribagh 11.05 12.53 13.81 11.30 11.00 10.78 10.31
Ranchi 62.72 69.73 60.47 61.61 58.10 56.41 53.17
Dhanbad 16.37 14.43 15.10 11.08 10.60 9.11 8.42
Singhbhum 54.08 52.94 44.94 47.31 46.10 44.08 42.48
Total Area 36.81 33.93 32.12 30.26 27.67

(Source: - Abuvah Raj: Swaraj ke liye Jharkhandiyon ka Sangarsh. Ek Sankshipt Itihas by

Mathew Ariparmipal, Tribal Research and Training Centre, Chaibasa, Jharkhand)

Mineral Wealth
Jharkhand is endowed with vast natural resources specially the vast variety of minerals
ranging from Iron ore, Coal, Copper ore, Mica, Bauxite, Fire clay, Graphite, Kyanite, Sillimanite,
Lime stone, Uranium & other minerals. Jharkhand is the leading producer of mineral wealth in the
country. The total value of mineral production is amounted to over Rs. 3000crores. See Table 5

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Table 5

Sl.No. Mineral No. of Production Unit Rank in the Country

Mines
1. Coal 183 59919 Thousand 3
Tonnes
2. Iron ore 28 8659 Thousand 1
Tonnes
3. Bauxite 6 1029 Thousand 3
Tonnes
4. Lime Stone 33 1242 Thousand
Tonnes
5. Copper 5 1189 Thousand 1
Ores Tonnes
6. Manganese 18718 Tonnes -
7. Mica 84 1082 Tonnes 1
8. Kainite 3 4922 Tonnes 1
9. Fire Clay - 49970 Tonnes
10. Graphite - 7276 Tonnes 8
11. Silver - 13648 K.G. -
12. Gold - 254 K.G. 6
13. Uranium - - - 1
14. Cromite - - - 2
15. Asbestos - - - 1
16. Thorium - - - 3
17. Isemenite - - - 2

(Source: Internet site of Jharkhand state at www.nic.in)

Today it is this mineral wealth in Jharkhand, which has brought misery to the Adivasi
communities. Adivasis have no say or ownership rights over this mineral wealth even if it is under
their own lands. Various multinational companies are now eyeing this wealth. The mineral policy
has been changed so as to bring in more investments for exploitation of this wealth. Table 6
below gives displacement data for select projects.

Table 6
Displacement Data for select projects
S.No. Name of the Project Period of Land Displaced families/
construction Acquisition Proposed displacement
(Acres)
Central Coal Fields
1. Ltd\ Eastern Coal 1981-1985 1,50,300 32,709 families
Field Ltd.
2. Tata Steel Factory 1907 3,564 N.A.
3. Bokaro Steel Factory
1967 1,018 12,847 families
4. H.E.C. (Hatia,
Ranchi) 1958 9,200 12,487 families

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5. Maithan Hydro
Electric Project 1954 --- 1,650 families
6. Panchet Hydro
Electric project 1955 --- 7,650 families
7. Chandil
(Suvarnarekha) 1982 17,683 6,172 families
Hydro electric Project
8. Icha Hydro electric
project --- 8,585 2,902 families
9. Koel-Karo Hydro Proposed in 7,063 families
Electric Project 1955 50,000 (proposed)
10. Netrahat Firing Proposed in 1,471 sq Kms 245 villages
Range 1993 (proposed)

11. Shankh Hydro Proposed in 81,819 8,215

electric project 1995 (proposed)
12. Auranga Dam Proposed in 23,000 30 villages
Project 1994 (proposed)

(Source: - Jharkhand Profile, Abhiyan, Madhupur, Deoghar, Jharkhand)

This data is just the tip of the iceberg. There has been huge displacements from mining,
industries for sanctuaries and other protected areas for which the data is not available. One
estimate is that between 1960 and 1980 22.5 lakh acres (9 lakh hectares) of tribal land have been
alienated from the people for various projects like mines, industries, animal sanctuaries, new
townships, highways, military cantonments and army firing ranges. This is almost 11% of the total
geographical area of Jharkhand. There has been a corresponding decrease in tribal cultivators
(from 72% in 1960 to 60% in 1985) and an increase in tribals offering themselves as wage and
contract labour (from 9% in 1960 to 21% in 1985). If we add the migration data a completely
different picture would emerge of the prevailing socio-economic conditions in Jharkhand

Brief Profile of Tribal communities under study

The Mundas

The Mundas are one of the ancient tribes and are believed to belong to the Kolarian
stock. In physical features, language, social organization, social customs and religious rites, the
Mundas resemble the Hos very closely. The Mundas are essentially agriculturists. Initially the
ownership of land was on community basis. They cleared the virgin forest for cultivation and the
land became their Khuntkatti. Such lands were rent-free. In due course, various other forms of
land tenure system known as "Utakar, Chattisa" etc. emerged in which the rent was paid only for
the year in which the land was cultivated.

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 With the passage of time, a number of free land holdings of the Mundas came under the
zamindari system. The exploitation by the zamindars gave rise to discontent among the Mundas.
Despite protective land laws, the exploitation by zamindars continued which eventually resulted in
Sardari movement. The Birsa movement of the late nineteenth century made the Government
review its land holding policy and enacted the Chhotanagpur Tenancy Act, 1908. It specifically
protected the rights and interests of tribals. Subsequently, for the restoration of the tribal land,
Land Regulation Act of 1969 was enacted. However, due to certain loopholes and operative
defects in the Act, the alienation of the tribal land to non-tribals continues. They also agitated over
the loss of their forest resources due to the nationalization of the forest produce.

The Mundas believe in Sing Bonga as the supreme deity. Besides, there are ancestral
spirits, which are worshipped by each family for the purposes of getting good crops or for
avoidance of sickness, calamities, etc. There are several religious functionaries. Deuari is the
village priest. It is a hereditary position held generally by the eldest son. Deona is the medicine
man who knows the magical techniques of treating sick persons. It is also a hereditary position.
Deosi is another religious functionary who is skilled in curing people affected by witchcraft.

All through the year the Mundas observe several festivals and rituals associated with
various agricultural activities. Some of the important festivals include Garam Dharam, Maghe,
and Sarhul. Halchar Parab festival is observed on the first day of the month of Magh (Jan-Feb)
with the ritual of ploughing for paddy. The Munda year also begins from that month. During the
month of Feb-March, Garam Dharam is worshipped. The whole village community participates in
it. Maghe Parab is also observed during the full moon in Magh. It is a post-harvest festival. The
festival continues for seven days, but the date of Morang-Maghe (four day) is the most important.
Bah also known as Sarhul, is celebrated in the month Phagun (Feb-March). It is connected with
the flowering of Sal tree. The dancing is comparatively quieter than in the case of Maghe-Parab
and no open breach of decorum is perceptible on this occasion. Karma Puja is performed during
the month of May-June and is connected with weeding of paddy. They have also practically the
same annual cycle of festivals as the Hos with the difference that whereas among the latter the
Maghe Parab is more important, in the case of Mundas, it is Ba Parab instead. Tusu Parab is also
observed with great fanfare in this area during Makar Sakranti.

The traditional panchayat, a form of self-government has been losing its importance.
Ordinarily, each village has a Panchayat headed by a Pahan whose office is hereditary. Owing to
the introduction of the statuary Panchayats the authority of the Pahan has been eroded to a great
extent

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The Santhals

The Santhals, like Bhils are believed to belong to the 'Pre-Aryan' period. They are the
third largest tribe in India. Reformist Santhals are known as Safa-har, while the Santhals
converted to Christianity called Um-hor. The Santhals speak Santhali language which has its own
script known as Olchiki. They are generally bilingual. Apart from speaking their Santhali mother
tongue they also speak Oriya, Bengali and Hindi. Santhals were formerly engaged in collection of
forest produce, hunting, fishing and shifting cultivation on hill slopes for their livelihood. But now
they are mainly engaged in settled cultivation. A substantial number of them are landless
labourers and seasonal migration plays a dominant role in their socio-economic life.

The polity of the Santhals is patriarchal. In each village there are five officials. Distinct
functions are assigned to each of them. The headman is known as jogmanjhi. His main duty
is to look after the morals of boys and girls. Pramanik and assistant pramanik assist him.
nayak is the village priest and gorait, a messenger. The majhithan is the usual place for
communal talks and council meetings. There used to be a Pargana Council, which had
jurisdiction over a number of villages. But now, there are hereditary Parganaits for each large
district who preside over the Bir or Santhali High Court. Parganaits is the highest council
recognized by the Santhals. It decides almost all sorts of disputes and its decisions are
strictly followed.

With the introduction of Panchayati Raj there has been some erosion in the authority
of the traditional Santhali Panchayats. But they exercise considerable influence in socio-
economic matters. The present system does not allow active participation of tribals in the
management of their own affairs. As a result the agents of vested interests are forsaking the
rights and privileges of the Santhals.

The Santhals observe several festivals. Soharae, the harvest festival is their most
important festival. It is celebrated with lots of merry-making in the month of Paus (Dec-Jan) after
the winter paddy is harvested. Baha is other important festival. Maghasin, Eroksin, Sakrat and
Karam are other festivals. Bitlaha (excommunication) is an important form of punishment for
promiscuous relationships or incest.

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The Oraons

The Oraons are believed to belong to the Dravadian stock. They generally speak Kurukh
language. The Oraons mainly depend on agriculture and have believed to have first introduced
plough cultivation in the Chotanagpur Plateau. It has been observed that apart from minor
diversification of occupations there has been rapid dispossession of land, forcing increasing
number of them to become a labourer. In spite of protective land laws, a number of them have
been rendered landless due to regular and irregular processes of land alienation. Money lending
law has not been enforced and moneylenders continue to charge exorbitant rates of interest and
fully exploit the tribal people.

The Hos
Hos, popularly known as Larka Kols, are a large group among the different tribal groups.
For conducting communal worship on of the villagers, every Ho village has its priest or deuri. He
offers prayer along with offerings of illi or rice beer and fowl. There is a concept of medicine men
or deonas to counteract the evil influence of a malignant spirit. It is significant that whereas the
deuri is invariably Ho, the deona in many cases does not belong to that tribe.

THE MAIN ISSUES: CHANGES – ASPIRATIONS - CONFLICT

Since independence the Adivasi communities in Jharkhand have seen changes affecting
their lives, lifestyle, mobility and even their values. These changes have had varied impact on
different Adivasi communities and individuals depending on their exposure to such changes.
These changes have been effected by the industrialisation and urbanisation process in the
region, administrative changes such as the panchayati raj, various so called development
programmes, schooling and education, entry of organised religions, infrastructural projects and so
on. Each of the above causes have had very pronounced impact on the Adivasi communities in
Jharkhand.

We will discuss some of the pronounced changes in the Adivasi Communities which have taken
place since independence and more so in the last 10-15 years.

A. Changes due to Education in the Adivasi communities

In my discussion with all the Adivasi respondents from Santhal, Munda, Ho, Oraon & Bhumij
communities one common thing which came out very prominently was spread in modern
education more so literacy in the last 50 years. Invariably all brought this fact out that education

13
has come in a big way in their communities. Educated youths say that the number of „literate‟
youths has definitely grown over the years. (See Tables below)

Literacy Rate in Jharkhand (1991)

Population Total Male Females
Scheduled 26.8% 38.4% 14.75%
Tribe
Total 39.3% 53.5% 24.0%

Literacy Rate for Schedule Tribe Population

(1981& 1991)
Year Total Male Females
1981 17% 26.2% 7.75%

1991 26.8% 38.4% 14.75%

(Source: Census of India data, 1991)

They were sure about the quantitative growth in modern education but more or less negative
about the qualitative aspects of modern education and were equally worried about the
deterioration, which has set in the education system. Apart from a privileged few, today we have
a whole army of „literate drop outs‟ within the Adivasis who are not sure of their future. They have
th th
dropped out at the class 5 level, 8 level or at the matric/inter level. Some have managed to
complete their graduation but are not sure of what future holds for them.

What are the aspirations of these children and youth, who have been exposed to modern
education and have dropped out midway? What has been the impact of this on traditional
tribal societies?

Directionless and Meaningless Education

From forest we were brought into mainstream.

Now we are neither forest animals
nor part of the civilised society.

(Thanka, a woman from Kerala. From „Voices‟ by AICFAIP. These echoes as in Jharkhand can
be found from tribals from other parts of the country.)

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 Most of the respondents said that the present education is directionless. Many of the
educated Adivasi youths today are lost, less confident about themselves and very unsure about
their future. There is very much a class element to this. Children from well to do families who
have access to good education fare better but for the majority, it is government schools whose
quality has deteriorated over a period of time.

Comments by Gloria Sinku represent the views of the well to do tribal families. Gloria Sinku
th
(Munda, 35 yrs) a convent schoolteacher at 7 Adventist School in Khunti, dist Ranch strongly
believes in tribal youths joining the mainstream. She herself is a daughter of an army man.
The curriculum of the school is so designed that students are being programmed to be
achievers in the mainstream society. Children of tribal parents in government service and
military services are sending their children to the convent school, which is essentially a
boarding school.
But there are no inputs on tribal culture and by the time students finish their studies they are
totally cut off from their communities.

The state of general education is best represented by the following comments. G.S Gagarai (Ho),
a bank manager in Chaibasa says:
Youths are educated but the education is directionless. There is no qualitative education.
Similar concerns are voiced by Karmu Mardi (Santhal) a social activist from Khunti village,
Chandil block, Dist Saraikela.
There is awareness towards education. People have become educated but there is no
qualitative growth, there are no values (naitikta).

Devendranath Champia (Ho, 55yrs) politician and ex Dy speaker in Bihar Assembly based in
Chaibasa says:
Educated youths are not getting jobs according to their qualifications. My own daughter
who has studied from a prestigious college in Delhi and done her MBA is working in Tata
Steel Company as a Rural Development officer. She should have got another post. Only
less qualified people are taken in the rural development department.

Chandra Bhushan Devagam (Ho, 64 yrs) an advocate in Chaibasa, with more than 30 years of
government service in Delhi puts his concerns more strongly:
The educated tribal children and youth are confused. They do not know what to do. They
have been paralysed mentally. They no longer belong to the jungle nor they belong to the
town. At least in the forest their mental faculties had to be alert and tough to survive in

15
 the forest (Mansik rup se pangu ho gaye hain. Na jungle ke rahe , na shaher ke. Jungle
me to kam se kam apne ap ko jivit rakhne ke liye maisik rup se majbut rakhna padta hai).

Rural and Urban Divide

93% of the tribal population in Jharkhand is in rural areas and only 7% are in urban
areas. Reach of education has been more in urban areas though rural areas are not untouched.
From my discussion changes due to education have been felt more in the urban areas or areas
near towns and industries. There is the class element also which has determined the outcome of
education. But one thing is sure that modern education has confused majority of the Adivasi
youths and left them directionless and confused. With a very few exceptions, educated Adivasi
youths want jobs, mainly government but which they cannot get as they are not qualified. Many
parents also aspire that their children get into government jobs. Even if the youths are qualified,
not enough jobs are available or they are not able to bribe.

Invariably youths aspire for jobs once they are matriculate and above. Modern education
along with media exposure is also shaping their aspirations very differently. Many of them, who
come from agricultural background, do not go back to agriculture after they finish their studies or
even if they drop out. This is seen more in villages near towns or youths who are studying in
hostels. They get cut off from their villages. Adivasi youths from towns also fare no better.

Alistair Bodera (Munda, 30 years, Graduate), farmer and a social activist from Dudri
village, Murhu block, dist Ranchi expresses his anguish when he sees the state of tribal youths
today in towns”
In cities the tribal youths are caught in between. They do not belong fully to the city, they
have no jobs and cannot do business.

Charan Singh Tuti (Munda, 25yrs, Matric) student and autorickshaw driver from Barigadh
village and residing in Khunti says:
The region (Tamad) from where he comes lot of youths study as well as do agriculture.
The problem is more in the towns where students studying in towns have become lazy
and do not want to go back to the villages. He sees this in Khunti.‟

Mahesh Bhagat (Oraon, 29yrs, Post graduate) student and activist from village Silagai,
Ranchi feels:
In the Oraon belt that is Gumla, Lohardaga districts not much change has taken place.
Educated youth in the village are very much associated with agriculture. Our people are

16
 less in the business line as they cannot cheat. The problem more is in Ranchi where
unemployed tribal youths have become petty contractors, there is an increase in
rowdyism (gundagardi). They have adopted the diku sanskriti.
After this experience they have launched a movement against Dikus called „Dikus go back.‟

Bir Singh Sinku (Ho, 40 years, M.A. Economics) social activist in Chaibasa says that in his
experience:
Both educated girls and boys do not do agricultural work. The problem is more in towns
and villages near the towns. Alcoholism has definitely increased among the Ho youth
resulting in murders at times. These youths come from good homes. Consumption of
English liquor has increased.‟

Alienation from land, culture, society

Modern education has not only confused the youths but has also set in a process of
alienation from their lands, culture and society. Many respondents see modern education as
„Diku‟ education but cannot do much about it. The „Diku‟ culture is being institutionalised and
Adivasis are not untouched by it. It is ironical that various movements in Jharkhand have been
against the „Dikus‟, and every time Dikus have been strengthened and „Diku‟ processes are
getting institutionalised in education, commerce, administration and industries.

Ramesh Murmu puts it very bluntly. Ramesh Murmu (Santhal) is a government employee
and displaced person from the Chandil Dam who stays in the Chilgu resettlement colony.
Chandil says:
„We do not even study in our own language. We will become alien because we study in an
alien language.
His three daughters aspire to be nurse, doctor and politician. But today one of them studying in
the hostel faces different dilemmas. „They are cut off from their culture and do not participate in
community dances. They have forgotten it and their non-tribal teacher teaches them classical
dance, but no Adivasi dances. Now they do not want to learn Adivasi dances (Ab kya
seekhenge).‟ In Jharkhand where the issue of tribal identity has been very crucial, this is an
extremely sorry state of affairs. These are not isolated cases. The whole outlook of the youths is
undergoing change. Today importance of money, contempt for manual labour and preference to
white collar jobs has grown. „Diku‟ values and their way of thinking are slowly being imbibed.

17
 Ravidas Oraon a social activist from a village near Chowka, Chandil says:
The educated youth does not pay attention to agriculture. In their free time, they will while
away there time but not work on their farms. After studying they feel their status has
increased. They will not help their parents even if they are not well off.‟

Karmu Mardi adds a comment about his village:

Land is lying empty in the village but the youths will not do farming. This leads to conflict
with their parents.‟

Birbal Bage (Ho) farmer and social activist from village Tiaposi, Chaibasa says:
Educated youth are not interested in constructive work like agriculture. They want food
without any hard work. They do not want to do any hard work. This is because of their
close interaction with the Diku community. This type of mentality is now being formed
among the tribal youth.‟
Samar Singh Oraon (B.Sc hons 26 years) a government trainee teacher from village
Royadih, Ichagad Block, Saraikela Dist says:
Tribal Youths are getting alienated from agriculture. They will spend their free time
loitering on the roads (chowk). A party culture has come in after the infusion of money
and lot of money goes in liquor and fashionable clothes. Drinking liquor has become a
fashion.

Chandan Singh (Bhumij, Matric, 43 yrs) from Kadamjhor village, Chandil disagrees:
My children will do agriculture (Kheti hamare liye majboori nahi hai). Yes some youth go
to work in the stone crushers but that is because agriculture does not provide food for the
whole year. There are no irrigation facilities.
This is only a half-truth. Chandan Singh has 3 sons and 2 daughters. His elder son left
studies after doing Matric because the behaviour of the non-tribal schoolteacher was bad. He
behaved badly with tribal students and was partial to non-tribal students. Chandan Singh
feels that anyway, today, after matric hardly any jobs are available, so it is better to do
agriculture.

As mentioned earlier, the impact varies in different communities. The Bhumij in

W.Singhbhum area have not been much affected, as the incidence of education has been less
and are also far off from town areas.

18
Changing Values & Aspirations among Adivasis youths

Modern education, exposure to T.V., print media, video, films, Diku culture and
interaction with the Dikus and the outside world is bringing about sweeping changes in the value
structure and aspirations of the Adivasi youths. Comments by Kishore Tudu are the most
representative of the aspirations of many educated Adivasi youths. Kishore Tudu (Santhal youth,
Intermediate, 32 yrs) farmer and petty contractor from village Chakulia, Chandil 25 kms from
Tatanagar represent the thoughts of lot of adivasi youths:
I need money to do things. There is full importance of money in my life. I need the best-
good food, good healthcare. In older days there was no need for money. My grandfather
had a cycle, my father had a motorcycle and today I have a Maruti gypsy. But earning
money is not easy. …Tribal youths are losing interest in agriculture. Youth from my
village work in stone crushers, brick kilns or small factories in Tatanagar inspite of the
fact that many of them have land. They are able to get immediate cash and need not wait
for 6 months for the crop to be harvested ... Tribal youths cannot do business. To do
business they have to learn to fool. Otherwise they (Dikus) will finish us…Now some
tribal youths have become middlemen (Dalal). They cannot cheat outsiders so they cheat
their own people. They are doing fraud in government schemes like Indira Awas Yojana
etc.‟

Kishore Majhi (Santhal, B.A) an unemployed youth from village Chakulia is frustrated:
If such conditions come, then we will resort to fraudulent ways to earn money. We have
to survive.
He is a completely helpless and without direction about how to cope against such odds. The
impact of the „Diku‟ way of life and culture is very much evident from these quotes.

Shravan Mardi (Santhal, I.Sc, 28yrs) a government schoolteacher from village Chhota
Lakha, Chandil narrates the experience of his area, where the Bihar Iron Sponge Factory came
up in 1988:
When the factory came up, outsiders came and along with them, the outside influence.
The youth have got cut off from agriculture. They want jobs. They do not want to do hard
labour. Diku values are being imbibed. They want to earn money through any means. A
youth in the village left his studies and started doing some illegal business. When caught
he committed suicide ... Another influence of the factory has been the union. When the
union was formed lot of young youth, over fifteen years of age, got involved in its
activities, started drinking and left their studies. Today their situation is bad. Some have
left and do not know what to do.

19
 th
Manmohan Singh (Bhumij, 9 class, 28yrs) a farmer from village Bagaldih, Chilgu-
Chakulia Panchayat, around 30 kms from Tatanagar adds:
Many boys in the village do not want to do agriculture. They go to work in the stone
crushers because ready cash is available. There is lot of uncertainty in agriculture.‟

Sunil Minz (Oraon, 30 yrs, B.Com Hons) Journalist and filmamaker based in Ranchi
narrates his experience about his village Gothani, Bhandariya block, Garhwa:
Educated youth are becoming petty contractors. The issue of status is important. There
is no status in agriculture. They are now even opposing the tribal self-rule system as their
commission is being stopped because lot of work is being done through the panchayats.
The “money culture” is becoming dominant.

Buddhram Logri (Ho, I.Sc. 30 yrs) a farmer from Tonto points out:
The politicians today are exploiting educated youths. Youths run after the politicians to
get schemes and are becoming middlemen. With the money they buy motorcycles, as it
is a status symbol.‟

Devendranath Champia adds:

Educated youth are not doing agriculture. There is an increase in unlawful activities
(gundagardi). Outside contractors (Dikus) involve local youths to get the work done.
There is an increase in middlemen (dalali).

Birbal Bage expands on the process:

Outsiders (Diku) first befriend tribal youths, get government schemes on their names and
take all the money. After that they despise them.

Kishore Tudu who himself is a subcontractor shares the same feeling.

Outside contractors subcontract to him because he is a local person and will manage the
local labourers if there is any problem.

20
Increasing Lumpenisation among Adivasi Youths

How happy we feel our children going to school.

How do we know they are seeing cinema instead.
How badly cheated are the poor parents.
How our children are ruining themselves.
How saddening: they are imitating cine-stars.
Oh, to whom shall we tell our misery?

(Song composed by village poets, originally in Ho language, and sung by night school children in
Jharkhand region. From „Voices‟ by AICFAIP.)

One of the major concerns shared by the respondents was the increasing lumpenisation
among Adivasi youths. This trend can has been seen in urban areas and villages near towns and
industries. Various experiences by respondents from all walks of life are a testimony to this. This
has also led to serious rethinking and action by the socially conscious people. Shivcharan Paria
(Ho), farmer from village Sikursahi, Chaibasa recounts the experience of his village, which is near
the town:
The youths come to the town do some work like weaving small stools, get good money
and blow it up on clothes, films and liqour. There is growing lumpenisation (Awarapana)
among the educated Ho youth.

The situation in and around Chaibasa town is quite bad. G.S.Gagrai describes the
situation:
The fashion from the Bombay films comes first to Chaibasa. The Ho youth copies it
blindly.

Kamal Kishore Sinku Chingari (Ho, 49 yrs) from village Khairpar, Chaibasa feels that the
situation has deteriorated further.
There is blind copying from Bombay films. People who do not understand Hindi, watch
films and after that indulge in robberies, dacoities, murder and even rape. They consume
liqour and indulge in filmi type robberies, murder etc. Now even during festivals incidence
of robberies and murder are on the increase.‟

Francis Furti (Ho, Intermediate, 30 yrs) a farmer and also trying for a job, from village
Tolidipasahi, Chaibasa elaborates:

21
 The situation is worse near towns, where Adivasi youth indulge in robberies etc. This is
the impact of films also. In the villages the situation is not like this.‟

Devendra Hansda (Ho, Intermediate, 48 yrs) a social activist from Tonto, Chaibasa
explains:
The tribal youths today want a better life - better jobs, good posts - but jobs are not
available. After education they do not want to pick up the pickaxe (Kudal). This has
resulted in increased incidence of crime like dacoity, robberies, murder and even rape.
This is also reaching the villages…. Old people are unable to stop the youths. They do
not listen.

th
Mrs Narmi Dang (Munda, 9 class, 50 yrs) is a housewife and social worker from Gumla,
but presently residing in Khunti block, Dist Ranchi. She describes the situation in her village:
Educated tribal youth in Khunti just roam around aimlessly. Their education is incomplete
(adhuri shiksha). They spend and waste money. They take money from their parents to
do business but simply waste it. They follow some local politician and pass their time.

Kalyan Nag (Munda, B.Com, 40 yrs) farmer and social activist from village Katud, Khunti
block agrees:
I know around 50-60 educated tribal youths from middle class families who just waste
their time and do nothing fruitful. They do not listen to their parents.

Bir Singh Sinku who is a social activist with a voluntary organisation JOHAR in Chaibasa
gives a social angle to the increasing criminalisation:
Increasing criminalisation among Ho youths is because of absence of dialogue between
the young and the old in the Ho community unlike in the Santhal community where this
dialogue still exists and older people have some hold over the young people. In the Ho
community this dialogue has stopped possibly because of modern education and
religious conversions.

Alistair Bodera, who also is social activist, says:

Within educated Munda youths there is not much criminalisation. In the Khunti region,
government employees (non-tribals) try to frame the tribal youths under false charges.
They have tried to this to me many times.

22
Impact of education on girls

The respondents have felt the impact of modern education on girls. This is discussed in
detail under section E of this paper. Some comments by respondents reflect the issues, which
have been discussed above. The table below provides the Female literacy rate for Scheduled
Tribes in Jharkhand.
Female literacy rate in Jharkhand
(1991)

Class Total Population Schedule Tribe

Population
Class 1-5 37.45% 35.56%
Class 6-8 31.63% 29.0%
Class 9-10 27.20% 24.9%

(Source:- Jharkhand Profile, Abhiyan, Madhupur, Deoghar, Jharkhand)

The drop out rate in girls from ST population is much higher. In 1991, almost 65% of the ST girls
had not gone to school. The following comments reflects the trend, which is evident in the society.

Samar Singh Oraon says:

Girls usually after school go back home and do agricultural work and other home chores.
Boys prefer to stay and waste their time but not share their responsibilities at home.

Kamal Kishore Sinku adds:

Within girls the negative impact of education is less. A graduate girl in his area (Chaibasa
region) will work on the farm. The unfortunate aspect is that as boys refuse to work on
the farm or share the burden of home chores, and as a consequence burden on girls
have increased.‟

Dr Chandravati Boipai (Ho, MBBS, 40 years) at present based in Khunti government

hospital says:
The educated tribal girls in rural areas are more understanding than boys. The situation is
worse in urban areas. It is now being seen that girls staying in hostels do not want to go
back home to their villages during the vacations. They have to do hard work if they go
back.‟

As mentioned earlier these are trends more in urban areas or villages near urban areas.
23
Summary of Issues discussed in Section A

The modern education system has produced a large army of „Literate Drop Outs‟ from the
Adivasi communities in Jharkhand. The modern education system has also shaped the
aspirations of the Adivasi youths, which is greatly influenced by „Diku‟ culture. Majority of the
educated of the tribal youths today are directionless, confused and lost. The impact is more in
urban areas and varies from community to community. Comments of Chandrabhushan Devagam
and Kishore Tudu are important in this regard. There is a class element also. Comment by Gloria
Sinku represents the thinking of middle class educated tribal families in service. Modern
education has brought forth the conflict between the Adivasi community values and the modern
capitalist values. (See Annexure 2)

An alienation process has set in the educated Adivasi youths and its ramifications can be
seen in the areas of culture, imbibing of Diku values, getting cut off from agriculture, forests, their
own society, increasing alcoholism, lumpenisation. These are areas of concern. If education is
harbinger of renaissance, then it cannot be seen in the Adivasi communities of Jharkhand. What
sort of Tribal youths are being shaped? Will they be in a position to oppose the Dikus, who control
important aspects of their lives even today. Will they be able to take on the mainstream society on
their terms and conditions. These are some questions, which the Adivasi communities would
need to address.

B. Impact of Changes on rituals, customs and beliefs

Changes in Traditional customs, Marriage celebrations & other rituals.

Another area where changes in the Adivasi communities in Jharkhand can be seen is the
area of traditional customs, Marriage celebrations and other rituals. Partially brought about by
modern education & increased interaction with the mainstream society and the Dikus, these
changes represent the aspirations of the educated tribal youths. Status is definitely an issue and
marriages are events to show off one‟s status. This is an increased tendency among the well to
do tribals or tribals in the service class. Increased identification with the „Dikus‟ and contempt for
their own people is definitely on the increase as we will see in Section D. Let us see what the
respondents have to say in this regard.

24
 G.S.Gagrai is quite vocal about the changes, which are coming in the Ho community:
Our lifestyle has changed. Our food habits are changing. Major change can be seen in
the marriage system. Previously the people from the bride side used to come to the
bridegroom‟s house but now that is changing. The bridegroom is going now goes with the
„barat‟ to the bride‟s house. In some circles there is a demand for dowry.

Vidyadhar Oraon adds:

There is no dowry but some well-to-do families have started giving. Its impact can be seen
on the Oraon society.

Samar Singh Oraon points out:

There is lot of show of wealth in marriages. Expenditure has increased. People have
started giving T.V., godrej almirah. The rich families want to show off their status. Poor
people have also started imitating this.‟

Narmi Dang further describes the situation:

Munda community has become closed due to its interaction with the Dikus. In a particular
region of Tamar they will not accept the girl without the marriage, which was not the case
before. Marriages have become events to show off their wealth by the educated class.
During rituals the people have started calling the Hindu Brahmin instead of the Adivasi
„Pahan‟. System of matching horoscopes of boys and girls has also started. This is more
in mixed villages where interaction with the Diku community is more.

Karmu Mardi describes the situation among the Santhals:

In the Santhal community show of wealth has not come during marriages, but some
educated people are insisting for gifts during the marriage. People give but at present it is
not a problem. Marriages do not break if someone is not able to give dowry or gifts.

Shivcharan Paria adds:

Film music has definitely entered marriages. In the Ho community forced marriage is no
longer there. Now marriages take place with the consensus of the boy and the girls and
even their parents.

Francis Furti says:

In rural areas, during marriages people have started giving bicycles, beds (palang)
instead of the customary goats or cows.

25
 Buddhram Logri agrees with Francis:
Gift culture has definitely increased. Instead of the traditional cow, bullocks people give
modern consumer items. The people from the bride side now give to the bridegroom. In
marriages some educated families have started calling the Brahmins instead of the
traditional Adivasi priest.

Kamal Kishore Sinku reports similarly:

Dowry and gifts are also becoming a trend. In fact this has lead to very comical
situations. Once, the people from the bride‟s side gave a cupboard but the bridegroom
did not have the place to keep it as their house was small. Half the cupboard was inside
and the other half outside. The practice of taking a baraat or procession to the bride‟s
place has also started. Older people do not protest as they fear that educated people will
regard them as fools.

Bir Singh Sinku elaborates:

The impact of Hinduism is now very much there on the rituals especially marriages.
Instead of the traditional „deuri‟ people call the Hindu Brahmin. These marriages are
called „Dikuandi‟ (marriages by brahmins). Protest has started against this practice.
Marriages are also becoming events to show one‟s status.

Ravidas Oraon‟s comment also points out that a reaction has set in:
In marriages service class people like to show off. But many people are protesting
against this and it is even leading to violence (marpeet). The youths are protesting
against this show of wealth.

Mahesh Bhagat and his friends have tried to oppose the expensive „gift culture‟ in their
(Oraon) community. They persuade people not to give gifts openly. If someone wants to give gifts
they are persuaded to give them later. The changes that are coming are now being opposed by
some of the educated tribal youths. But the task is formidable. The impact of Hinduism is also
very much evident in the some of the rituals present in the Adivasi communities. The tribal
families staying in mixed villages or are in close contact with the non-tribals are increasingly
becoming closed. G.S.Gagrai highlights a trend:
In the death ceremony, some people have started submerging the ashes of the dead in
the river, a Hindu custom.‟

Kamal Kishore Sinku sees the „Ho sanskriti being polluted. Holi and Diwali are now
celebrated‟. Mahesh Bhagat adds that „People have also started building temples and have

26
adopted Hindu way of worship.‟ Vidyadhar Oraon observes that other non tribal festivals and
customs have also come in like „Hari Kirtan‟ and Murti Puja‟ and he feels that this is because of
the interaction with the non tribals. Ravidas Oraon feels that previously there was more openness
in Oraon community. Boys and girls used to find their own partners but it was done under the
supervision of the guardians. The society has now more restrictions.

Disappearing Traditional socialisation structures

The impact of „Diku‟ culture has been on the traditional socialising structures of the adivasi
communities. Sunil Minz sees a decline in the overall traditions in the Oraon community.
Due to the influence of films „Akhara‟ (traditional community centres in the village) have
now broken up along with the Ghumkudiya(Youth training centres).

In other communities this is also evident. As a consequence transmission of adivasi values is

being hampered. The role of socialising the youth is now being taken over by the modern
schooling system with disastrous implications.

Commercialisation of Handiya (Traditional Rice Beverage)

Handiya (Traditional Rice Beverage) represents one of the main aspects of Tribal culture in
Jharkhand. Handiya was a symbol of cooperation, unity and collectivity among the Adivasis. . On
the invitation of one cup of handiya people gathered together and completed lot of tasks related
to agriculture, digging of ponds, other village works. Traditionally taken during Adivasi festivals
and rituals, community control over this drink is now eroding. On the one side educated youths
are opposing consumption of Handiya in marriages, festivals and rituals due to the influence of
„Dikus‟, on the other side selling of Handiya is being seen as means to earn quick money.
Previously due to the fear of elders the educated youths did not abuse handiya. But now the
elders keep quiet due to the fear of the youths.

Sunil Minz sees the commercialisation of Handiya to get instant cash as a major change. Women
now sell Handiya in the market places.

Elaborating on this, Alstair Bodera says:

Munda community is backward because of liqour and Handiya. Now the Handiya is being
commercialised which previously was a traditional drink used during festivals or other
rituals. Now Handiya is being sold in the market and weekly bazaars.

27
 Kalyan Nag adds:
Previously Handiya was used only during festivals or during rituals. But now it has
become a source of income.

Vidyadhar Oraon feels:

The youths have also brought about some changes in the rituals, like reducing
consumption of Handiya. When they compare with other non-tribal communities, they feel
that Handiya is bad.

Charan Singh Tuti says that in his village people have made efforts to stop the brewing of
mahua liqour as it was cause for lot of conflicts in the village. Increased alcoholism among
educated youths and commercialisation of Handiya leading to its increased consumption by the
Adivasi community go along side by side. A drink, which was taken only during festivals or rituals
is now being consumed daily in certain regions affecting the overall productivity of the people and
resulting in increased conflicts.

Community Dances

Community Dances in the Adivasi communities represent the essence of the Adivasi
community life and its core values of oneness, collectivity and co-operation among all the
members of the community. Community dancing has been of the victims of modern education
among the Adivasi communities residing in or near urban areas.

Guddu Majhi (Santhal, 25years) asserts:

The traditional customs are very much intact. There has been a slight reduction in
participation in community dancing by the educated youths. They feel that it would not
look nice to for educated youths to dance in front of the people.

His uncle Haripada Singh adds that with the inflow of money, youths go off to see films.
So where is the time for dancing etc!

Ramesh Murmu who is a displaced person from the Chandil Dam is very aggrieved about
the destruction of culture:
Santhal culture is slowly being destroyed. After displacement the community is scattered
and there is no entertainment or enjoyment (Ab jindagi me wo khusi, anand nahi raha).
We are again trying.

28
The irony is that his three daughters do not know their traditional dances. UmaCharan Singh
(Bhumij, 80 years) from village Makula says that in his community, women used to dance earlier
but that has stopped now. Youths do not have that same appreciation of dance. (Ab „Rasik‟ admi
nahin hai). This observation is supported by Ravi Singh from the same community”
Rituals and customs have not changed. Community dancing in the Bhumij has definitely
stopped. During marriages it takes place. Girls do not dance. Impact of films can also be
seen in dances. This is all part of „Yug parivartan‟.

Chandan Singh draws a parallel with the dinosaurs:

As dinosaurs became extinct our dances are also becoming extinct.

Sukhibala Tudu (Santhal, 53 yrs) from a nearby village Chakulia responds by saying:
Diku culture has come in the Bhumij community. They are more Hinduised. Compared to
them, Santhals have still preserved their culture.

Vidyadhar Oraon observes says that there is a reduction in dancing as non-tribal people
tease them. However, Samar Singh disagrees with his uncle‟s feeling that there is a reduction in
community dancing, though he agrees that some changes have come in it due to impact of the
films. Of the Santhal community, Karmu Mardi says:
There is no reduction in community dances though the music is changing now it is more
film music and the educated youths are not learning the traditional instruments. The non-
educated youths do continue to have their traditional dance and music.

Reduction in community dancing is again an urban aspect and more so among the educated
youths. Impact of films and film music is also very much evident. As this important aspect of
Adivasi life gets eroded, threat of disintegration of Adivasi communities and erosion of its core
values increases.

Loss of Traditional Adivasi Languages

Modern education has definitely taken away the traditional Adivasi languages more
among the educated youths and educated families who have migrated to cities or other states.
Modern education is imparted in an alien language with an alien set of values. The net result is an
„Alienated youth‟ from its culture and society. Vidyadhar Oraon describes the situation:
We have lost our language. Oraons in Chandil region speak Bengali. They lost their
language when they migrated to this part from Ranchi many years back.

29
Echoing the same observation, Buddharam Logri says:
The educated Ho people are now forgetting their own language.

Reduction in blind beliefs (Andh vishwas) and the issue of Witch Hunting (Dayans)

One positive change, which has come due to education, has been in the reduction of
blind faith. Educated youths have been opposing many of the blind beliefs present in their society
and its result has been positive. Sunil Minz describes this positive impact of education:
„One positive change which has come is a reduction in blind beliefs in the community.
Educated youths have played a major role in this.‟

Samar Singh says that a major area where the educated youths are in conflict with the
elders is the practice of identifying witches (Dayan) and shortening the duration of the rituals. The
youths are opposed to practice of identifying Dayans and want to reduce the duration of many of
the rituals. Ravidas Oraon adds that youths have made efforts to ensure less usage of Handiya.
Chammi Murmu has been working on the issue of Dayans and she has had to face opposition
from the villagers. She and her team have been able to work out a compromise done on this
issue. Shivcharan Paria says that now, girls are protesting against the branding of Dayans even
in the Ho community.

Summary of discussions in Section B

After education, another area where changes are coming in the Adivasi communities is the area
of traditional customs, rituals & beliefs. Education, interaction with mainstream society and
„Dikus‟, exposure to modern market and media, impact of organised religion have triggered of
these changes. The impact is more in or around urban areas. These changes also represent, the
changing aspirations of the educated Adivasi youth who today identify more with the ideals of the
mainstream society then with their own community. Some of the evils of the „Diku‟ society have
entered the Adivasi customs and it is passed off as a „Status‟ issue. Though protests have
started the Adivasi community needs to reflect on this collectively.

C. Changes in Structures of Traditional Tribal Self Rule & Conflict Resolution

Another area in which modern education has had an impact is in the area of Traditional
Tribal Self Rule and Conflict Resolution. In Jharkhand, Adivasi communities had a very well
defined Self Rule structures and process of conflict resolution. With the advent of British Rule,
these structures got eroded but they still functioned. After independence, these structures have

30
more or less become extinct except for the Munda-Manki system that exists in a very diluted form
today. Modern education has added to this erosion. Table below gives a bird eye view of the Self-
rule structures in various Adivasi communities.
Community Main Features of Self Rule Structures
1. „Manjhi‟ (village Headman) incharge of
Internal and external matters.
2. „Jog-Manjhi‟ (Dy Secretary of Manjhi)-
all records of marriages is with him
and is also the leader of the youths.
During marriages, he leads the youths.
3. „Desh Manjhi\Mode Majhi‟:-Head of
Majhis from 5-8 Villages. Higher than
Majhi.
Santhal 4. „Parganait‟:- Head of Majhis from 15-
20
Villages. Higher than the Desh Manjhi
Areas of Jurisdiction
„Manjhi‟ was incharge of
administrative, judicial and
revenue matters. „Jog Manjhi‟ is
the judge for resolving conflicts
related to marriage. Areas which
these people looked after were
1. Conflict within families and
village.
2. Criminal cases except
murder.
3. Cases of Sexual abuse
And harassment.
4. Cases of children before
Marriage or outside wedlock.
5. Cases leading to social
Boycott.
6. Conflicts related to land &
property
7. Incharge for harmony and
unity in the community.
8. Incharge for celebration of
social, religious festivals.
If dispute is not settled by the
„Manjhi‟, then it goes to the Desh
Manjhi. If „Desh Manjhi‟ is not
able to solve the dispute then it
goes to the „Parganait.‟
Parganait‟s decision is final.
Social Boycott is done under the
leadership of the Parganait.
31
 1. „Munda:- Village Headman
2. „Manki‟:- Head of Mundas from 15-20
villages.
Ho 3. „Teen Manki‟:- committee of 3 Mankis.
Areas of jurisdiction :- as
mentioned in the case of
Santhals.
If dispute is not settled by
„Munda‟, then it goes to „Manki‟. If
he is also not able to solve then it
is referred to „Teen Manki‟

1. „Munda‟:- Village headman Areas of jurisdiction :- as

2. „Padha Raja‟:- Head of „Mundas‟ from
12-20 villages called a „Padha‟.
Munda Previously there were 12 „Padhas‟ but
now there are 22 „Padhas‟.
3. „Raja‟:- Head of 22 „Padhas‟
mentioned in the case of
Santhals. Also incharge of
development works in the village.
Disputes not solved by Munda go
to the Padha Raja and then to
the Raja. Padha Raja and Raja
do not intervene until they are
invited to do so.

1. „Mahto‟:- Village headman Areas of jurisdiction :- as

Oraon 2. „Padha Raja‟:- Head of Mahtos from 5- mentioned in the case of
15 villages. Santhals.
3. „Padha dewan‟:- coordination of all the Disputes not solved by the Mahto
„padharajas‟. go to the Padha Raja.
(Adapted from Jharkhand Mein Adivasiyon ki Paramparik Swashashan Vyvastha, by Bir Singh
Sinku, Birsa, Chaibasa)

Tribal self-rule structures represented the community‟s own independent identity and
autonomy. They also represented community‟s way of dispensing justice based on their core
values of equality, co-operation and collectivity. Modern institutions of governance, which have
been under the control of the „Dikus‟, have eroded these structures leading to further weakening
of Adivasi communities. As educated tribal youths gets co-opted and assimilated in the modern
structures of governance, traditional structures are now more weakened. This not a phenomenon
only in urban areas but also in rural areas.

Let us see what our respondents have to say for this.

32
 Alistair Bodera reflects thus:
Traditional system of governance and conflict resolution is slowly breaking. People, both
educated as well as illiterate, now do not value the „Padha‟ system. Educated people
think they are above the community. Because of Diku mentality the „panch‟ system is
breaking, more so in the last 10-15 years. Land cases have started going to courts.
These were initially resolved in the village. The number of lawyers in Khunti has
increased from 50 to 500. They are making money that is why they are happy (Chandi
hai tabhi to khush hai).‟

G.S.Gagrai is pained when he says”

In the Ho community collectivity and co-operation among people is diminishing. People
staying in towns and near towns do not believe in the panch system.
Sunil Minz also shares the same concerns that traditional systems are breaking down but
he also asserts that people are rethinking on this. He cites the example of Bedo block of Ranch
district where Oraons of 53 villages have decided that no disputes should go the police and this
decision is being followed. Yet Guddu Majhi (Santhal, Matric) RMP from Village Chakulia, Chandil
feels that the panch system is breaking.
Youths do not listen to the panch. They go the police. The cult of violence is coming in.
They want to teach a lesson. „One who wields a stick is the king‟ policy is being followed
by some of the youths (Hinsa ki pravitti aa gayi hai. Sabak sikhana chahte hain. Jiski
Lathi uski bhains vala niyam apnane lage hain)‟.

Pointing to the role played by modern institutions, Ramesh Lal Murmu says:
The government has taken away the right from the community to punish the guilty.‟ The
new boys have more faith in the new legal system (Naya ladka jyada kanuni vala ho gaya
hai).‟

However, Vidyadhar Oraon sees it from a different angle:

Moneyed people do not believe in the panch or their decision. Conflict has increased and
people have started going to the police.

Samar Singh Oraon agrees with Vidyadhar Oraon but feels that it is still a small
percentage of people who don‟t believe in the panch, say around 20 %. He says that in his area
the social system of Oraons is not as strong as the Santhals.

33
 Ravidas Oraon outlines the reason for this decline:
Election system has been introduced in the „Padha-Patti‟ system like the panchayat
system. Previously decision was based on consensus but now on a majority vote leading
to increased differences among the people.
People do not believe the panch system. In certain cases panch have set several times
but after the decision the affected party goes to the police. The intervention of the
administration has increased. The panch do not handle the criminal cases. They more or
less handle social cases involving women.‟

Karmu Mardi is of the opinion that faith in the panch system depends from village to
village:
If there is bias in decision-making then the affected party goes to the police. In villages
where dikus are more and Santhals less, intervention of police is more. In mixed villages
holding a gram sabha meeting is also very difficult.‟

Chammi Murmu (Santhal, 30 yrs, Matric) social activist from village Solgadiya on the
Tatanagar-Chaibasa road points to the growing participation of women:
We are ensuring that women start participating in the gram sabha meeting. They are now
called for the gram sabha meetings.

Birbal Bage felt that in between the situation had deteriorated quite a lot when people
refused to follow the panch decision. But now, because of the intervention of socially conscious
people, he felt that the situation has improved. Devendra Hansda analysis reveals earlier,
leadership of the traditional system was not based on descent by birth. When this started
happening the system weakened and later the panchayat laws further weakened the system.
Chandrabhushan Devagam, an advocate, finds that the number of litigation cases have
increased. Civil cases pertaining to land, earlier solved by the Munda-Manki system, are now
coming to the courts. The Munda- Manki system has been weakened by the panchayat system
and also by its leadership being based on birth (Vanshavali). That is why the quality of the system
has gone down. He belongs to the Munda-Manki family, and a family member who was the least
qualified, headed the system in his village. He felt that the system is no longer based on merit
which is the reason for its deterioration. Kalyan Nag adds that if the punishment decided by the
panch is more or if it is not in favour of a particular party, the matter is taken to the police. Land
litigation and other cases have increased and people resort to courts for dispensation of justice.

34
Summary of discussion in Section C

As the traditional tribal self-rule and conflict resolution structures have started
disintegrating, conflict and legal litigation has increased. It is the educated people who do not
have faith in their own community‟s ability to resolve conflict and increasingly turn to modern
structures, which are in the control of the „Dikus‟ and do not necessarily, deliver justice. This has
been amply proved time and time again when modern courts have indefinitely delayed justice. As
these traditional structures break, Adivasi communitys‟ resolve to maintain their own independent
identity and autonomy gets weakened further. Will weak communities be able to resist the new
challenges that are coming?

D. Disintegration of Adivasi Society

The changes, which we have been discussing above, are leading to disintegration
of Adivasi society. On the surface it seems that not much has changed but the problem goes
much deeper. We discuss below some of the areas which are some of the causes of
disintegration of the Adivasi society.

Problem of Stratification

Adivasi societies more or less have remained equitable with not much economic
disparity. After the infusion of modern education and educated Adivasi youths joining government
service or public sector units, a new economic stratification has emerged in tribal societies, which
was not there before. This new salaried class with a regular income which has emerged has
brought with it new standards of living, changed life style and a new set of mainstream values. Its
impact on Adivasi society can be seen understood by the following quotes:

Bir Singh Sinku feels that

„The adivasi community is now becoming stratified as a new class of service people is
coming up. This has increased the economic disparity in the society. They have got cut off from
their own families and at times they will not even support their poor relatives.‟

G.S.Gagrai says that

„Educated people in the community are wandering aimlessly and that is why there is a big
gap. They are also misleading the other people. The social system of the community is breaking.

35
 Ramesh Murmu says that after displacement they are staying in a „Khichdi‟ (mixed)
samaj in the resettlement colony where hardly any organic linkages remain with the earlier
community.

Chandrabhushan Devagam narrates his experience when he returned from Delhi after
retirement after 30 years
„I felt a stranger when I returned back to Chaibasa after a gap of 30 years. From a
majority, the tribals in the district have been reduced to a minority.

The 5 % people who have got the opportunity to study and get government jobs do not
identify with the poor tribals. They do not even speak their own language. Now their own native
places have become foreign. When tribal officers come to their native during vacations their
children say „Let us go to our own home.‟

He sees that „ Today the poor tribals are not able to protect what they have. They are
being driven to the periphery. He sees this daily when he visits the vegetable market in Chaibasa.
The adivasi people are not able to protect their own spaces are being driven out by the dikus.

Alistar Bodera points to a very important aspect.

„The youths, who earn money from outside and come back do not spend the money for
their betterment. The money is blown on their own entertainment rather than building any
productive asset.

Kalyan Nag says that „People in service come to the village as guests.‟

Vidyadhar Oraon points out that

„Oraon society is becoming economically stratified. The rich people do not care for the
poor relatives (Prem Bhav Nahi Raha).

Ravidas Oraon says that

„The family members in service have got cut off their families. There is disintegration in
Oraon society in their area.

Karmu Mardi is of the opinion that

„Disintegration in Adivasi community is more in those villages which are mixed and have
a „Diku‟ population. Even though in his own area there is the Bihar Sponge Factory, their village

36
has not turned into a town. Only recently some Santhal youths have got into service so there is
no stratification at present in the society.

Sunil Minz says that tribal youths have adopted „Diku‟ culture and that is why there are
tensions within the society.

Buddhram Logri points out an emerging trend in the Adivasi communities

„Neo middle class and a neo brahmanical class has emerged in the Adivasi community
resulting in breaking of society. Feeling of oneness and collectivity has gone down.‟

Mahesh Bhagat and his friends have started taking affirmative action against those who
do not confirm to the norms of Oraon community.
„Social pressure is applied to those educated people who do not agree to the social
norms of the community. If they still do not agree they are socially boycotted. Three such people
have been boycotted.‟

Stratification has created a neo middle class among the tribals, consisting of government
employees and officers, public sector employees, bank officers, contractors, who subscribe to the
views, values and aspirations of the mainstream society. If the Adivasi middle class was the
harbinger of renaissance in their communities, then the Adivasi communities today would have
been in a different position. On the contrary, they are now increasingly becoming partners to the
spoils of the economic fallout of the exploitative policies of the state. As mentioned earlier in
Section A, lot of educated youths who have failed to get jobs are now becoming petty contractors
and middlemen and exploiting their own people. The state has found new ways of co-opting the
educated youths and make them vehicles of implementing its exploitative policies.

Role of Organised Religion

As discussed in previous sections, organised religion has played a divisive role and
continues to play so. Religious conversions have divided tribal society and have created new set
of values and aspirations. But now as some people are realising this they are trying to bridge their
differences.

Bir Singh Sinku says that

„Organised religion and conversions have broken the traditional Adivasi society. Along
with the „Sarna‟ religion there is Christianity, Ram dharma, Shiv dharma, Ganga dharma and
other variations of Hindu religion. This has created divisions within the Adivasi communities.

37
 Kalyan Nag says
„Organised religion has also weakened the society. People do not sit together and even
do not participate in rituals.‟

The observations on impact of religion on Adivasis, by a group of 150 traditional Adivasi

leaders representing the Ho, Munda, Oraon, Khadia, and Santhal communities, who met in
th
Banjhi, Santhal Parganas on 19 April, 1995, are of importance.

„ The cultural and religious beliefs of the Adivasi people are characteristic for their non-
dogmatic attitude always depicting their closeness to nature and natural forces. The founded
religions like Christianity on the contrary insist on dogmas and doctrines as distinguishing
elements in their system of religious faith and beliefs. This has proven to be a disturbing factor for
those Adivasis who have accepted other faiths.‟
(From Jai Jharkhand, published by Sarini & Birsa-Johar, Chaibasa, Jharkhand)

Migration

One of the major problems in many areas of Jharkhand has been out migration of tribal
population. The problem has increased in the last 15 years. Agriculture is not developed and
there is only one crop a year. Irrigation facilities are inadequate and frequent droughts have
accelerated the process of migration.

Not all migration is due to economic reasons. Educated youth especially women are
migrating to escape the drudgery of agriculture and hard work. Migration is becoming a major
problem in some areas, as the productive force within the tribals go out of the State. Only elders
and children remain. This in many ways is weakening the society. There are hardly any
substantial monetary returns and whatever money comes is not necessarily used for building
productive assets. It gets blown up on non-essential items as some respondents have told.

Bir Singh Sinku says that

„Out migration is also disintegrating the society. In the last 15 years this has increased.
Men and women migrate to brick kilns. In comparison to what they get, their exploitation is much
more. Women also migrate to big cities to do house keeping work even if there is no economic
problem at home.‟

38
 Budhram Logri says that
„Migration has increased in the last 10 years. Women are the most affected. Women
migrate to brick kilns and even outside the region.

Party Politicisation

The activities of Political parties have increased over the years. As indicated in earlier
sections, educated „tribal drop outs‟ are forming the backbone of the political parties and criminal
mafias (patronised by political parties and politicians) existing in cities, industrial towns and
habitations. These youths to earn quick money through political patronage run after local leaders
to get development schemes. The beneficiaries of the various development schemes are chosen
on the basis of loyalty to a particular politician or political party in power. This is bringing about
different type of divisions in society, which only adds to weakening of Adivasi society.

Buddhram Logri says that

„Educated youths today are being exploited by the politicians. Youths run after the
politicians to get schemes and are also becoming middlemen. With the money they buy
motorcycles as it is a status symbol. Influence of party politics can be felt now in the villages.‟

Bir Singh Sinku says that

„Along with religion, the political parties have also divided the Adivasi communities.‟

Summary of Section D

Disintegration of Adivasi societies is now being hastened by the process of new

economic stratification, religious conversions and adoption of new religious cults, out migration
and party politicisation. In all these educated people are playing a crucial role. A new middle class
among Adivasis has emerged over the last 50 years whose aspirations & dreams are that of the
mainstream society. The Adivasi middle class is also fast emerging as the new consumerist class
in towns and cities. Instead of becoming harbingers of renaissance in their own communities,
they are consciously and unconsciously aiding the disintegration process within their
communities. As Adivasi communities weaken, they also loose their internal strength to fight the
exploitative forces of the state.

39
E. Impact on Women
The various changes which we have discussed in previous sections have had an impact on
tribal women. Some impacts have been positive while others have weakened the position of
women.

Impact of Education

In many cases where education has been liberating, it has also burdened the girls as
boys have started shirking work in the fields and home.

Bir Singh Sinku observes that

„Impact of education on girls has been two ways. Some girls after finishing their studies
want to become something or achieve something. Some study so that they can get a good
bridegroom.‟

Samar Singh Oraon says

„Girls usually after school go back home and do agricultural work and other home chores.
Boys prefer to stay and waste their time but not share their responsibilities at home.

Kamal Kishore Sinku also feels that

„Within girls the negative impact of education is less. A graduate girl in his area
(Chaibasa region) will work on the farm. The unfortunate aspect is that as boys refuse to work on
the farm or share the burden of home chores, and as a consequence burden on girls have
increased.‟

Impact of Migration

Migration is another area which has affected women both at home and also in the work
area. If men migrate, women have had to bear the burden of running the household. If women
migrate she is exposed to the uncertainties of the unorganised labour market.

Buddharam Logri says that

„Migration of women has increased in the last 10 years. The women are more affected.
They have started going to the brick kilns and even outside. They do not tell at times when they
go.‟
Ravidas Oraon says

40
 „Girls going for working in the stone crushers face exploitation, low wages. There is no
accident compensation, no job security.‟

Kalyan Nag says that

„Migration of women not necessarily from poor homes have increased to earn money.
Some of them go without telling. Many of them work in cities as household maids. Even when
they come back they have not picked up any skills which will help them earn a livelihood back
home.‟

Participation of women in Panchayats

In the new panchayats system, women are groping their way, though it has not been
easy. Chammi Murmu has been working on the issues of women. She has ensured that women
participate in the village meetings and they attend the gram sabha meetings.

Alistair Bodera says that

„Position of women in the Munda community is going down. The men are not accepting
women leadership. They fear that their rights will be taken away if women come ahead. This is
more evident in the gram sabha meetings where women are not called. The presence of women
is nil or minimum. There is discontent among women in this regard.‟

Increasing sexual exploitation of women

So many big projects were accomplished here.

After the HEC (Heavy engineering Corporation.
Ranchi) only a few were given jobs.
The majority are jobless even today.
Ill clad they pull rickshaws
On the street of Ranchi.
Look at the condition of the women and children.
They have become ragpickers.
Today they collect the refuse of the HEC
for making a living.
The fashionable hotels, motels, lodges…
Whom are they for?
Our tribal girls are sold there!
The unemployed tribal girls

41
 Are lured into flesh trade.
If we are displaced
we will too end up in the flesh trade.

(An unnamed lady activist of the movement against Koel-Karo dam project, Jharkhand. From
„Voices‟ by AICFAIP.)

Some of the respondents definitely felt that sexual exploitation of tribal women is on the
increase, both at the work place as well home. Though no factual information is available, their
experience suggests this and is a matter of in-depth study.

Dr Chandravati Boipai has been posted at Khunti government Hospital. Her experience
in the last 4 months is that
„Rape on adivasi girls are on the increase in this region. In the last 4 months there have
been 10 rape cases on adivasi girls, which I have attended to. Unwanted pregnancies are also
on the increase in this area.‟

Mrs Narmi Dang points out to a very interesting trend in the area.
„Non tribals get married to tribal girls and when there work is done, they leave the girls
and sometimes even murder the girls.‟

Summary of Section E
Women have held a very equitable position in Adivasi communities. Though they still
continue to do so, influence of modern education, displacement, exposure to unorganised labour
market, migration is tending to weaken her position. These are trends warranting collective
action by the Adivasi communities.

CONCLUSION

We are being exploited.

We are at the mercy of contractors,
The mine owners, who give us wages.
They tell us how much we can eat.
How much we can wear.
How to live.
They teach us culture.

42
 They give us identity.
They discriminate.
They teach us to discriminate against them.
Our children hate the diku (outsider).
Our children hide
when the contractor comes to the village
Why?
The children see them as evil spirits.
They see them as the destroyers of our identity.

(Samil Ekka, male aged 50 years of Kuntra, Greater Jharkhand, Orissa. From „VOICES‟
by AICFAIP)

The above quote partially sums up the discussion but not fully as the „Diku‟ is now within
the Adivasi communities. It has entered through education, modern governance structures and
religion. It has triggered of changes in the Adivasi communities more so in and around the urban
areas. Even though from outside it seems that majority of the Adivasi population remains
untouched from some of these processes, the situation is not so. Adivasi population is no longer
living in isolation and with markets penetrating rural areas in a big way, it is only a matter of time
that rural population gets affected by the various changes discussed in this paper.

There has been a quantitative spread in education in Jharkhand within the Adivasi
communities in the last 50 years but the same cannot be said about the quality of education.
Infact it has deteriorated over a period of time. This education has not only left majority of the
Adivasi youths confused, directionless and lost but also has alienated them from their land, forest,
culture and society. Many of the tribal youths in villages around towns and cities do not want to go
back to agriculture and would rather do odd jobs, or work in stone crushers etc as wage
labourers. For many educated Adivasi youths today agriculture work\manual labour is below their
dignity. They would rather while away their time or follow some politician or become petty
contractors for various development schemes or henchmen cum sub contractor for bigger „Diku‟
contractors to manage the people if there is any problem in execution of development and
infrastructural projects.

Increasing lumpenisation among the Adivasi youths and blind aping of Mumbai films is
another area of grave concern. These youths today fall easy prey to the machinations of the
various political parties and mafias existing in industrial townships and habitations.

43
 One can also see the impact of market and consumerism on the traditional customs,
marriage celebrations and other rituals. A „modern gift culture‟ is emerging along with the impact
of „Hinduism‟ on rituals, customs and marriages. For the educated Adivasi middle class status is
an issue and marriages are events to show off one‟s status.

Traditional socialising structures have disappeared in many places. Community dances

representing the essence of Adivasi community life and its core values of oneness, collectivity
and cooperation among all the members of the community are slowly falling victim to a new
consumerist consciousness among the Adivasi youths in or near urban areas. Enjoyment “Anand”
in life is now missing. Adivasi communities control over the socialising process of Adivasi youths
and transmission of its core value from generation to generation is decreasing. This is being
replaced by modern institutions like schools, hostels, markets and the entertainment industry.
This is being accompanied by loss of traditional Adivasi languages and commercialisation of
some important aspects of Adivasi way of life like the „Handiya‟.

Traditional structures of self-rule and conflict resolution have weakened and are slowly
losing their significance. These self rule structures represented Adivasi communitys‟ own
independent identity and autonomy and their way of dispensing justice based on their core values
of equality, consensus, cooperation and collectivity. Modern structures of governance based on
concept of „majority decision‟ and English jurisprudence do not reflect these values and have
progressively weakened the traditional structures.

Along with the above changes, emergence of a neo middle class among Adivasis,
Organised religion, increasing migration and party politicisation among youths is hastening the
disintegration of Adivasi societies. As communities weaken, they also loose the internal strength
to fight the exploitative forces of the state.

A major impact of these changes has been on women. In some cases where education
has been liberating but in many cases it has also increased the burden of the girls as boys have
started shirking their share of work at home and agriculture. Displacement and migration has also
exposed the women to the uncertainties of the unorganised labour market. This is also reflected
in the increased sexual exploitation of women.

Some of the issues discussed in this paper are also true for other Adivasi communities in
the country. Modern education has created a huge army of „Drop outs‟ among the tribals, which is
confused, directionless and lost. New sets of aspirations among the youths have been created
but the means are not there to achieve them. There is increased identification with the

44
mainstream society, but they are not able to assimilate there also. They provide cheap labour and
at best remain „second class citizens‟ of the mainstream society with majority of them doing
„second-class jobs‟.

Societal control over their own people has weakened and its ramifications can be seen in
increased litigation and violent conflicts. Though there is nothing like the „Generation gap‟,
distancing is taking place between the educated salaried class of tribals and rest of the tribal
population. This has brought in conflicts of different nature when tribals have to struggle against
their own people who are in the administration, police and mainstream politics even to get their
basic rights. The mainstream society manipulates the aspirations of a large number of educated
tribal youths or the „Army of drop outs‟ to extend its cultural hegemony over the adivasi
communities and implement its exploitative policies. Today the „State‟ is using the educated youth
against their own people when they get co-opted in government jobs, public sector units and now
in multi national companies. The state uses these youths as „Dalals‟ (middlemen) to push through
schemes, which are destructive, and alienates Adivasi communities from their land. Migration and
increasing marginalisation of tribal women are other common issues prevalent all over the
country.

Some changes discussed in the paper like the weakening of traditional self-rule
structures, increasing marginalisation and sexual exploitation of Adivasi women need indepth
studies.

When we have discussed impact of modern education, nowhere I mean that education is
not necessary or important. But based on the vast experience from all over the country we
definitely need to evaluate the pedagogy of modern education, the values which it want to
transmit, its role in strengthening communities and their self esteem and more so empowering
them in such a way so that they can negotiate with the mainstream society on their own terms
and conditions. Unfortunately modern education today have left majority of the Adivasi youths in a
limbo or „Trishanku‟. The revolutionary potential and the renaissance role of education needs to
be rediscovered and strengthened to enable Adivasi communities to lead a life of self-dignity.

The threat of industrialisation on Adivasi communities is very real in the new state of
Jharkhand. Various multinational companies are eyeing the vast mineral resources of Jharkhand.
The state government is already bending backwards to facilitate the companies entry into the
state. International experience shows us that large international mining companies have got
legislations changed in their favour in South Asia, Africa and Latin America. The new government
in its draft industrial policy has proposed an industrial corridor on the Ranchi Tatanagar Highway

45
(more than 100 kms) with a width of 5 kms on each side of the road. If this comes through, then it
only means large-scale displacement of tribals. Already the large tracts of Adivasi lands alongside
the highway and coming under Vth Schedule has already been encroached upon by the non-
tribals.

After saying all this I would still say that Adivasi culture in Jharkhand is still a vibrant
culture and has the potential to revitalise its own society, which is passing through a crisis. The
challenge is to recognise this and address it. Some people have realised this and are addressing
it.

Yet, as long as we are there,

With the last breath of our life,
We reorganise those broken threads of cohesion,
And hence we uphold our life and existence.

(P.Anjayya, born 1974, poet of the Koya community, Andhra Pradesh. From „Voices‟ by AICFAIP)

REFRENCES:

1. Jharkhand Profile, compiled by Praveer & Praveer Peter & brought about by Abhiyan,
Madhupur, Dist Deoghar, Jharkhand. 2001.
2. Jharkhand Virasat avem Vikas: Dr Satyanarayan Munda, Sail-Rakab Puthi Centre,
Calcutta, 2000.
3. Jai Jharkhand, published by Sarini and Birsa-Johar. 1999.
4. Abuvah Raj: Swaraj ke liye Jharkhandiyon ka sangarsh. Ek sankshipt itihas by Mathew
Ariparmipal, Tribal research and Training Centre, Chaibasa, 2000.
5. Jharkhand mein Adivasiyon ki Paramparik Swashan Vyavastha, Bir Singh Sinku,
Birsa, Chaibasa, Jharkhand, 1998.
6. Voices of the Adivasi\Indigenous Peoples of India published by AICFAIP, New Delhi, 2001.

46
Annexure 1

Brief History of Jharkhand:

The brief history outlined below provides us a picture of the Adivasi struggle
against the British and later with their own government to assert their rights over
land forests and water. The context today might have changed but this struggle
continues even today as represented by the Koel-Karo movement, the
Swarnarekha dam movement, the Netrahat movement and many other smaller
struggles being waged by the Adivasis in Jharkhand

Events

1765 – Successful military mobilization to bring Santhal Pargana under

British rule
1772-80 – Paharia revolt
1780-85 – Tilka Manjhi led the tribal revolt and managed to injure British army
chief
1785 - Tilka Manjhi hanged to death in Bhagalpur
1795-1800 - Tamar revolt
1797 – Munda revolt under the leadership of Vishnu manaki
1798 – Chaur revolt in Birbhum Bankura
1798-99 – Bhoomij revolt of Manbhoom
1800-02 – Munda revolt under the stewardship of Dukhan Manaki of Tamar
1819-20 – Munda revolt in Palamu under the leadership of Bhukan Singh
1832-33 – Khewar revolt under the leadership of Bhagirath, Dubai Gosai and
Patel Singh
1833-34 – Bhumij revolt under the leadership of Ganga narain of Birbum
1855 – Santhals waged war against the permanent settlement of Lord Cornwallis
1855-60 – During late 1850‟s Sidhu had accumulated about Ten Thousands
Santhals to run parallel govt. against British rule. The basic purpose was to
collect taxes by making his own laws. British govt. had announced an award of
Rs. Ten Thousand to arrest Sidhu and his brother Kanhu. This movement
remained very active in Kahalgaon and Raniganj.
1856 – Police brigade was constituted

47
1856-57 – Martyr Sahid Lal, Vishwanath Shahdeo, Sheikh Bhikhari, Ganptrai and
Budhu Veer led a movement against the British govt. in the sepoy mutiny
1874-99 – This period is famous for Birsa movement
1874 – Kherwar movement shot into fame under the leadership of Bhagirathi
manjhi
1881 – Kherwar movement started
1895-1900 - Launching of ULGLAN under the leadership of Birsa
1912 – Bihar bifurcated from Bengal and some parts of Chotanagpur merged into
Bengal
1913 – Constitution of Chotnagpur unati samaj
1914 - Tana Bhajgat movement started which had the participation of more than
26000 tribals
1915 – Publication of Adivasi titled magazine started
1929 – Simon commission presented with a memorandum which demanded the
information of Jharkhand state
1936 – Orissa was created as a separate state
1947 - On Dec. 28 All India Jharkhand Party came into inception
1951 – Jharkhand party was elected to Vidhan Sabha as a main opposition party
1969 – Shibu Soren founded the Sonat Santahl Samaj
1971 - A.K.Roy founded the Marxist M.C.C to demand the separate Jharkhand
state
1973 - N.E.Horo named his party as Jharkhand Party and on March 12th he
presented the then Prime Minister a memorandum for separate Jharkhand state
1977 – Jharkhand party proposed for separate Jharkhand state which included
not only Chotanagpur and Santhal Pargana of Bihar but adjoining area of Bengal
1978 - The convention of All India Jharkhand Party was held on May 21
1978 - June 9 came to co-memorated as Birsa day
1980 – Establishment of Jharkhand Kranti Dal
1986 –September 25, All Jharkhand Students Union gave its first call for
Jharkhand bandh , it was a huge success
1987 - Call for boycott of Independence day . The home minister of India directed
the bihar government to prepare a report on detailed profile of all districts of
Chotnagpur and Santhal Pargana
1989 - 72 hours of economic blockade by AJSU was total success
1989 - 6 days of economic blockade by Jharkhand Mukti Morcha was success

48
1994 - On Jan 6 Laloo Prasad Yadav declared in Ranchi that Jharkhand
development autonomous council bill will be passed in budget session
1995 – Jharkhand area autonomous council was formed which comprised of 18
districts of Santhal Pargana and Chotnagpur and Shibu Soren was nominated as
the Chairman
1997 - June , Bihar government sanctioned 24 Crores for conducting the
elections of Jharkhand Autonomous Council
1997 - July , Shibu Soren offered support to minority government of Laloo Prasad
Yadav with a condition of a separate Jharkhand bill in the assembly
The Year 2000 August 2 - The bill to create a separate state of Jharkhand to be
carved out of Bihar was passed in Lok Sabha by voice with two key allies of
ruling NDA strongly opposing the measure and the opposition Rashtriya Janta
Dal and the CPI - M demanding it to be referred to a parliamentary committee.
The long cherished demand of people of the region was fulfilled, the celebration
is on through out the Jharkhand region.
August 11 - Parliament today approved the formation of Jharkhand when the
Rajya Sabha passed by voice - vote the Bihar reorganisation bill 2000 to carve
out the new state out of Bihar's northern region.
August - 25 - President Mr. K.R. Narayanan approved the Bihar reorganisation
bill 2000.
October – 12 - The center has issued the gazette notification starting November
15 to be the appointed date for the formation of new Jharkhand Government.

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ANNEXURE 2

Traditional Jharkhand & Modern Societies

Some basic Differences

Area Traditional Jharkhand society – core Modern societies - dominant

values values
1. Nature - Values of coexistence with nature - Exploitative relationship
(Land, forest and judicious use - To try and bring nature under
Water) - Balance and harmony with the man‟s control
environment and nature - All elements of nature for man‟s
- Land is for community (past, use
present and future generations) use
and cannot be sold or transferred.
2. Economy - Collectivity - Individualistic
- Overall Welfare - Personal profit
- Community ownership - Individual ownership
- Cooperation - Competition- survival of the fittest
- Living for the present - Live for the future
- Exchange\ Barter system - Profit\savings
- Decentralised - Consumerism
- Distributive - Modern currency
- Protective - Centralised
- Saving for future
- Destructive
- Exploitative
3. Social - Equality - Inequality, stratified
system - Equality in woman –man - Patriarchal
relationship - Believe that some tasks in society
- Dignity of physical labour are below dignity
- Socialism (importance to - Individualism (more importance to
community) individual and family)
- Individual is a member of - Competition
community
- Cooperation
4. Political - Self rule, Gram swaraj - Representative democracy
system - Participatory democracy - Rule by brute force (Jiski Lathi
- Decision by consensus Uski Bhains)
- Socialism - Decision by majority vote
- Bureaucracy and power politics
5. Culture - Peoples‟ culture is an undivided - Culture is above nature, culture is
part of nature a product of human beings
- Culture is celebration of nature - Desire to control all elements of
- Mutually compliments with other creation
elements of creation

6. Literature, - People oriented - Urbanised

Arts & - Community expression, „Akhara‟ – - Commercialisation of Arts
Music centre for community cultural - To show off
recreation
- Participatory

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 Area Traditional Jharkhand society – core
values
- Universe centered
7. Religion - Part of Nature
- Emphasis on balance and harmony
with nature and society
- Emphasis on social mores set by
society
8. Philosophy - Emphasis on enjoyment,
celebration (Ras, anand)
- Life is not only for work, but for
leisure and enjoyment (Anand).
Enjoyment through dance and
singing.
- Too much work is not good,
because it oppresses other beings
in nature
- To only do that much labour which
provides our livelihood
- Life is for celebration
Modern societies - dominant
values
- Individual centred
- Emphasis on individual liberation
- Ritualism
- Importance to hard work
- Without hard work, nothing can
be acquired
- Life is a serious business.
Importance given to individuals
based on his achievement and
status.

(Source:- Abuvah Raj: Swaraj ke liye, Jharkhandiyon Ka Sangarsh. Ek Sankshipt Itihas by

Mathew Ariparmipal. Tribal Research and Training Centre, Chaibasa. 2000)

51
Annexure 3

List of Respondents

S.No. Name Age Community Education & Region

(Years) Profession
1. Guddu Majhi Male, 20 Santhal Matric, R.M.P Dist Saraikela
(W.Singhbhu
m)
2. Haripada Singh Male,50 Santhal Agriculture “
3. Luv Kishore Majhi Male, 25 Santhal B.A., unemployed “
4. Ramesh Lal Murmu Male, 48 Santhal Government “
service
5. Saviya Murmu Female, Santhal Student “
17
6. Swati Murmu Female, Santhal “ “
16
7. Kumariya Murmu Female, Santhal “ “
14
th
8. Manmohan Singh Male, 28 Bhumij 9 class, “
agriculture
9. Gurcharan hansda Male,17 Santhal Student “
10. Kondha Hansda Male, 40 Santhal Agriculture “
11. Umacharan Singh Male 80 Bhumij “ “
12. Kunwar Singh Male, 64 Bhumij Rtd government “
school teacher
13. Bijay Singh Male 25 Bhumij Shopkeeper & “
agriculture
th
14. Ravi Singh Male, 30 Bhumij 8 class, “
agriculture
15. Chandan Singh Male, 43 Bhumij Matric, “
Agriculture
16. Sukhibela Tudu Female, Santhal Agriculture “
53
17. Kishore Tudu Male, 32 Santhal Matric, “
Agriculture, Petty
contractor
18. Vidyadhar Oraon Male, 50 Oraon Government “
school teacher
19. Ramlagan Oraon Male, 20 Oraon Student “
20. Samar Singh Oraon Male, 26 Oraon Government “
school teacher
21. Ravidas Oraon Male, 34 Oraon Inter, agriculture “
22. Karmu Mardi Male, 38 Santhal B.A., social “
activist
23. Shravan Mardi Male, 28 Santhal Government “
school teacher
24. Chhotu Kisku Male, 23 Santhal Inter, “
unemployed
25. Sukhram Mardi Male, 35 Santhal Matric, Mason “
26. Bir Singh Baski Male, 20 Santhal Matric, service in “
NGO
27. Domon Baski Male, 21 Santhal Inter, Social “
activist
52
28. Dhanuram Murmu Male, 42 Santhal Inter, agriculture Dist Chaibasa
(W.Singhbhu
m)
29. Chammi Murmu Female, Santhal Matric, social “
30 activist
30. Birbal Bage Male, 50 Ho Matric, “
agriculture, social
activist
31. Shivcharan Paria Male, 29 Ho B.A. (Part I), “
agriculture
32. G.S.Gagrai Male, 45 Ho Bank Manager “
33. Kamal Kishore Male, 49 Ho Undegraduate, “
Sinku agriculture
34. Francis Furti Male, 30 Ho Inter, agriculture, “
trying for job
35. Devendranath Male, 48 Ho Inter, social “
Hansda activist
36. Buddhram Logri Male, 30 Ho Inter, agriculture “
37. Jagannath Male, 48 Ho B.A., agriculture, “
Munda (village
headman)
38. Teresa Sundi Female, Ho B.A.final, service “
26 in NGO
39. Chandrabhushan Male, 64 Ho Advocate “
Devagam practising in
Chaibasa after 30
yrs of
government
service in Delhi
40. Devendranath Male, 55 Ho Politician, Ex “
Champia Deputy Speaker,
Bihar Assembly
41. Bir Singh Sinku Male, 41 Ho M.A.(Economics), “
Social activist
42. Dr Chandravati Female, Ho M.B.B.S., Dist Ranchi
Boipai 40 Government
Doctor posted at
Khunti
th
43. Narmi Dang Female, Munda 9 class, “
50 housewife and (native Gumla)
social service

44. Alistair Bodera Male, 30 Munda B.A., agriculture, Dist Ranchi

social activist,
was active with
AJSU
45. Gloria Sinku Female Munda Convent teacher “
35 at Khunti
46. Kalyan Nag Male, 40 Munda B.Com, “
agriculture,
running an NGO
47. Charansingh Tuti Male, 25 Munda Student, “
autorickshaw
driver

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48. Birsa Oreya Male, 50 Munda Government “
Service, ADM
49. Mahesh Bhagat Male, 28 Oraon M.A., student Dist Ranchi
activist, trying for
a job
50. Sunil Minz Male, 30 Oraon B.Com, Journalist Dist Garhwa
& Filmmaker

54