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DOI:10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195176247.003.0003
Keywords: African American politics, political science, public opinion, ideology, black
politics, black political culture
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Ideology and Political Culture in Black Michael Hanchard and Michael Dawson
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Ideology and Political Culture in Black Michael Hanchard and Michael Dawson
I Introduction
This chapter most centrally assesses the contemporary state of the
study of U.S. African American politics by political scientists in the
United States. Although relying heavily on the texts, contributions, and
debates of this subfield within the discipline of political science, our
development of a more ethnographic, context-sensitive approach to the
study of black politics in this chapter can (p.69) also help in the
conceptualization and examination of political phenomena of black life-
worlds in other parts of the globe. The above passage and footnote from
Karl Mannheim’s classic Ideology and Utopia helps illuminate the
attenuated relationship between abstracted empirical knowledge and
the larger social totalities in which such knowledge is situated.
Mannheim’s analytic framing of the relationship between empiricism
and ontology, between presuppositions and observable behavior,
provides an opportunity for the coauthors of this chapter to relate parts
to wholes on the subject of black politics and topics of black political
thought, and to identify the gaps within the literatures of black politics,
in the United States and elsewhere. Part of the problem and process of
identifying gaps in the study of black politics entails recognizing the
role of methodology and epistemology in the determination of which
phenomena will be defined as political and which people and
institutions are identified and characterized as political actors.
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Ideology and Political Culture in Black Michael Hanchard and Michael Dawson
The study of black ideologies, their origins and variations, has been
largely absent from the discipline of political science. Black ideologies
have (p.70) been a topic of inquiry within the discipline only at
moments of national crisis (the 1965 and 1968 riots, for example),4
when students of American politics have stopped to consider the
relationship between black politics, norms and values, and political
behavior. Rarely have black ideologies been examined as a complex or
cluster of ideas and perspectives in their own right, with principles,
aims, and objectives that can only partially be viewed through the lens
of race and racism, the aims and objectives of a white-majority
population, or in campaign speeches, debates, and rhetoric. As a
consequence, the metaphysical, meta-empirical, and ontological terrain
upon which black public opinion rests has been curiously ignored by
most students of black public opinion and politics.5
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Ideology and Political Culture in Black Michael Hanchard and Michael Dawson
this chapter, is the limited use of literature on the topics of ideology and
critical interpretive methods within the fields of political theory and
political sociology. Ironically, political scientists regularly mine these
two literatures in their work on topics pertaining to the welfare state,
bureaucracy, status, class, union, and interest-group formation. Yet
these literatures are rarely consulted by contemporary scholars of
“racial attitudes” and behaviors in American politics, many (p.71) of
whom conduct survey opinion research with the operative
methodological assumption that the study of ideology belongs to an
earlier, less scientific stage of the discipline.
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the celebration of Kwanzaa in these and now many other countries, has
often come with the rejection or diminution of competing religiously
based celebrations such as Christmas.
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Ideology and Political Culture in Black Michael Hanchard and Michael Dawson
Black ideologies, for the most part, did not evolve from a dialectic of
science and religion and certainly were not a consequence of
secularization, although they were undoubtedly influenced by
secularization. Secularization, which in the sociological and political
science literatures is seen as one of the positive outcomes of the
Enlightenment’s emphasis on reason and scientific method, did not
automatically lessen the advocacy of racial and ethnic hierarchies in
Western political and social thought, or in state practices.
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Ideology and Political Culture in Black Michael Hanchard and Michael Dawson
Race and public opinion is a relatively recent focus within the subfield
of American politics. Even more recent is the attention given to the
study of black attitudes about race relations and the republic more
generally by political scientists. For years, the opinions of the black
populace in the United States were considered inconsequential or
marginal to the study of public (p.75) opinion. Starting in the 1970s,
the study of black attitudes and behavior underwent a process of
topical desegregation. Black and white researchers examined black
public opinion as a feature or component of the U.S. mass public, even
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Ideology and Political Culture in Black Michael Hanchard and Michael Dawson
Thus, the terrain for the seeding of ideas and beliefs shifts from the
private and personal to the public and political, reversing, according to
Lane, Harold Lasswell’s dictum. The process of genuinely “outward”
political ideology and (p.76) consciousness transforms individual
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Although there were no blacks included in his study, this fact, in and of
itself, should not be cause to dismiss the prospect of utilizing some of
the qualitative facets of his inward approach for understanding black
political identity and consciousness. Lane’s ethnographic subjects often
mention or discuss racial politics (under the topical headings of civil
rights, Little Rock, white racial prejudice in the South, and social and
sexual implications of desegregation). The politics of race in the United
States, however, makes Lane’s distinctions between inward
(endogenous) and outward (exogenous) sources of political identity and
identification tenuous at best. The ideological forms of racism
problematize, if not collapse, outward and inward distinctions. Racist
ideologies, as we will demonstrate, have both outward and inward
dimensions, often operating simultaneously.
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Ideology and Political Culture in Black Michael Hanchard and Michael Dawson
Lane does not limit his findings to this particular cohort, however, but
applies them to the United States writ large, and asserts that “the
substitution of ‘error’ for ‘evil’ is apparent in many moral dilemmas.”15
The substitution of the word “error” for “evil” is perhaps another
indication of American (U.S.) (p.77) pragmatism, the substitution of a
rationalist, seemingly nonevaluative adjective for one that
unambiguously declares not only moral wrong, but a nefarious,
dastardly character. An error can be coincidental, without any
intentionality on the part of an individual. Evil, however, suggests
intentionality and motive, perhaps even Hadean sources for human
misdeed.16
You act as though you were made for the special use of these
devils.…Awake, awake, millions of voices are calling you! Your
dead fathers speak to you from their graves. Heaven, as with a
voice of thunder, calls on you to arise from the dust.18
Heaven above, devils on earth, and voices from the grave are all a part
of the evocative imagery Garnet summons in the effort to spark
mobilization among the enslaved black masses to rise up against their
oppressors. For these students, as well as the generations of U.S.
African Americans socialized within various congregations and
denominations of the black church, diatribes against white devils by
adherents of the Nation of Islam are neither surprising nor
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(p.81) Eldridge Cleaver, author of the now legendary Soul on Ice, also
wrote about self-hatred, the absence of historical memory and self-
pride, and its impact on his development as a black adult male. As
briefly noted in chapter 2, Eldridge Cleaver’s career as a rapist—among
other criminal activities—was influenced (according to the author) by
the absence of self-pride, or perhaps more accurately, the presence of a
distorted sense of pride. Of his career as a rapist he wrote:
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(p.83) Missing from Lane’s method are factors that mediate the
relationship between subjectivity and ideological formation, such as
social structure, individual volition, and agency.
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of gauging what the future Malcolm Xes and Eldridge Cleavers are
currently reading.
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among the black middle classes who ascribe in whole or in part to these
two ideological formations and related practices.
Black middle classes have often taken their normative and ideational
cues from their working-class, less formally educated counterparts.
Neither Lane, Converse, nor the bulk of mainstream accounts of
ideology and public opinion can explain the upward diffusion of
ideological forms and idea clusters in the circulatory system of black
politics and political culture. The verticality principle cannot account
for the upward trajectory of black ideological diffusion.
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Ideology and Political Culture in Black Michael Hanchard and Michael Dawson
There are other indicators to suggest that the line often drawn to
distinguish between black middle and working classes is at best dotted,
rather than continuous.43 Data on residential segregation, for example,
suggest that increasing numbers of black middle-class professionals are
moving into predominantly black or black integrated neighborhoods
with a high proportion of stable, working-class families and individuals
due to greater comfort and the ability to move within their residential
neighborhoods without generating (p.87) undue suspicion by local
police forces or neighbors. The innumerable cases of “mistaken
identity” in which prominent and not-so prominent middle-class and
elite blacks are arrested and/or harassed by police suggests that
middle-and higher-status blacks are not just imagining prejudice among
law enforcement officials and neighbors, but actually living and
experiencing it.
There is at least one larger lesson for political scientists to take from
this more contextual and interpretive account of the contours,
complexities, and nuances of black ideological formation. The
aforementioned ideological formations—popular and elite, sectarian
and nonsectarian—were already saturated with ideas and beliefs of the
larger society concerning notions of the public good, community, and
proper and improper modes of conduct. It would be too crude to rely on
a sociologically deterministic account that merely equates ideology with
socioeconomic status, such as class, gender, or race.44
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Africanists such as Curtin and Davidson seek not to valorize Africa, but
to give a more objective and sophisticated account of Africa’s internal
dynamics, relations and contributions to the rest of the world, including
Europe. While adherents to Afrocentrism believe that the cluster of
ideas, beliefs, and texts of their theory provides the appropriate
corrective to Eurocentric histories of Africa that diminish and neglect
Africa’s precolonial past, this may be the only common interpretive
guideline shared with Davidson and Curtin.
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(p.94)
Third, African
nationalists of the
same era, as well as
those whom they
influenced throughout
the world who
emphasize the
Figure 3.1 Sniderman-Piazza Explanation
uniqueness of African
for Relationship between Belief in
culture and
Conspiracy Theory, “Afro-Centrism” and
civilization, help
Anti-Semitism
constitute the third
category of Africa-
centered adherents.
Leopold Senghor is one obvious example. Each of these categories
contains perspectives that focus, in whole or in part, on Africa. Each
could be said to highlight the ways in which African civilizations and
peoples have been caricatured in much of modern Western, as well as,
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(p.95)
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relevance for the study of black politics and political thought. Chapter
4, motivated by an incident witnessed by the first author, becomes an
opportunity to consider the possibilities for empirical observation
provided by the interpretive scheme of quotidian politics, by means of
an exploration of an ethical practice of aversion among subordinated
groups, an example perhaps of black ideological forms operative in
daily life.
Notes:
(1.) Karl Mannheim, Ideology and Utopia (New York: Harcourt Brace
Jovanovich, 1936), 89.
(3.) In his famous essay on mass beliefs, Philip Converse eschewed use
of the term “ideology” largely in accordance with this assumption. As a
consequence, the more Durkheimian, Hegelian, and Gramscian
understandings of ideology (lower case ideologies that have their
influence upon daily life), were ignored by students of American
political culture in political science. In European circles, however,
thinkers ranging from Louis Althusser and Henri Lefebvre to Cornelius
Castoriadis have provided alternative theorizations and examinations of
ideology in daily life that are not inevitably bound up with a state- or
elite-generated ideological form. See Philip Converse, “The Nature of
Belief Systems in Mass Publics” in Ideology and Discontent, ed., David
Apter (New York: Free Press, 1964), 206–261; John Zaller, The Nature
and Origins of Mass Opinion (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
1992).
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Ideology and Political Culture in Black Michael Hanchard and Michael Dawson
(6.) For one of the few accounts of the ideological context in which the
study of American politics has been situated as related to the neglect of
the study of ideology itself, see William E. Connolly, Political Science
and Ideology (New York: Atherton Press, 1967).
(7.) This is also true for formal political participation in New World and
African polities, though this is not the focus of this chapter.
(10.) See Taeku Lee, Mobilizing Public Opinion: Black Insurgency and
Racial Attitudes in the Civil Rights Era (Chicago: University of Chicago
Press, 2002); and Doug McAdam, Political Process and the Development
of Black Insurgency, 1930–1970 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press,
1982).
(11.) Eddie Glaude, Exodus! Religion, Race and Nation in Early 19th
Century Black America (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2000);
Cornel West, Prophetic Fragments: Illumination of the Crisis in
American Relations and Culture (Grand Rapids, Mich.: William B.
Eerdmans, 1993); and Cornel West, Prophecy Deliverance: An African
American Revolutionary Christianity (Louisville, Ky.: Westminster John
Knox Press, 2002).
(14.) Ibid.
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(17.) Henry Highland Garnet, “An Address to the Slaves of the United
States of America” (1843), in Black Nationalism in America, ed. John H.
Bracey Jr., August Meier, and Elliot Rudwick (Indianapolis, Ind.: Bobbs-
Merrill, 1970), 71. Emphasis in original.
(19.) See Taylor Branch, Parting the Waters: America in the King Years,
1954–1963 (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1998).
(20.) James Baldwin, “The Black Boy Looks at the White Boy,” in
Nobody Knows My Name (New York: Vintage International, 1993), 216–
241.
(22.) James Baldwin, Tell Me How the Long the Train’s Been Gone (New
York: Dell, 1968), 12–13.
(24.) Ibid., 1.
(25.) Ibid., 2.
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(27.) Eldridge Cleaver, Soul on Ice (New York: Dell, 1992), 26–27.
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(36.) See Franklin Frazier, Black Bourgeoisie: The Book That Brought
the Shock of Self-Revelation to Middle-Class Blacks in America (New
York: The Free Press, 1997).
(37.) See Philip Foner. American Socialism and Black Americans: From
the Age of Jackson to WWII. (Westport, Conn: Greenport Press, 1977).
(39.) See Paul Gilroy, Against Race: Imagining Political Culture beyond
the Color Line (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2000).
(40.) See Winston James, Holding Aloft the Banner of Ethiopia (New
York: Verso, 1998); and Huey P. Newton’s discussion of “pork chop
nationalism” to characterize the culturalist tendencies of Karenga’s
organization US in his 1968 publication Huey Newton Talks to the
Movement: About the Black Panther Party, Cultural Nationalism, SNCC,
Liberals and White Revolutionaries (Chicago: SDS).
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(47.) Paul Sniderman and Thomas Piazza, Black Pride and Black
Prejudice (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2002), 27–29.
(49.) Ibid.
(52.) See for example, Molefi Asante, The Painful Demise of Euro-
Centrism (Trenton, N.J.: Africa New World Press, Inc, 1999), 199n2.
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(54.) Sniderman and Piazza, Black Pride and Black Prejudice, 22.
(57.) Basil Davidson, ed., The African Past: Chronicles from Antiquity to
Modern Times (Boston: Little, Brown, 1964), 3–4.
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(64.) Sniderman and Piazza, Black Pride and Black Prejudice, 69–71.
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Ideology and Political Culture in Black Michael Hanchard and Michael Dawson
(66.) See Sniderman and Piazza, Black Pride and Black Prejudice, 24.
(72.) See Robert L. Allen, The Port Chicago Mutiny (New York: Amistad,
1993).
(73.) See Sniderman and Piazza, Black Pride and Black Prejudice, 24.
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about. They claim that Taylor and other adherents to these means of
interpreting human agency ignore internal hierarchies and tensions in
communal life. Power and inequality are overlooked in the search for
community.
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