PRIVATE LIBRARIES PRIVATELY MADE

Patricia Stirnemann*

Abstract: In the 1240s, several manuscripts from the library of Richard de Fournival (d. 1260) were made
at Amiens, and quite probably in the cathedral chancery. Fifteen scribes can be identified and at least three
also drew pen-flourished initials. Many of the texts are rare copies of philosophical works translated from
the Arabic. It is demonstrated that the books are constructed from older books or quires to which new texts
are appended or interpolated. Similar examples of book making are evoked in the libraries of Henry the
Liberal (d. 1181), count of Champagne, and Bernard de Castenet, bishop of Albi and Le Puy (d.1317).
Keywords: Richard de Fournival (d. 1260), Henry the Liberal (d. 1181), Bernard de Castenet (d. 1317),
book production, chancery scribes, libraries, booklets, Amiens, Troyes, Albi.

Between 1967 and 1973 Richard Rouse wrote three articles on the library of the Sor-
borne.1 One was devoted entirely to the books that had once belonged to Richard de
Fournival, the thirteenth-century theologian, poet, doctor of medicine, and chancellor
of Amiens Cathedral, who died in 1260. The library of Fournival has fascinated schol-
ars ever since its progressive unveiling by Léopold Delisle and Alexandre Birkenmajer.
In his Cabinet des manuscrits, Delisle published Fournival’s Biblionomia, a descrip-
tion of a library arranged as flower-beds in a garden of knowledge, each bed devoted
to a different field of learning.2 Fournival carefully listed the contents of the books in
162 articles. The garden was incredible in the variety and rarity of its literary species.
Indeed the range of titles was so vast and so up-to-date, including recent translations
of scientific and philosophical works from the Arabic, that Delisle thought that the
Biblionomia could only describe an imaginary library. Working from Delisle’s printed
inventories in Poland, Alexandre Birkenmajer discovered that in truth the Biblionomia
described Fournival’s own library, which upon his death in 1260 passed into the hands
of the Parisian university professor Gérard d’Abbeville. When Gérard died in 1272, he
willed his own library along with Fournival’s to the Sorbonne. Birkenmajer found
seventeen surviving books, notably the impressive collections of scientific works
translated from the Arabic, representing twenty-two entries in the Biblionomia hiding
under Gérard’s name in the inventories and fonds of the Sorbonne. Once alerted, other
scholars followed Birkenmajer’s path and identified another seven books. In 1973
Richard Rouse, with the help of Marie-Thérèse d’Alverny, Elisabeth Pellegrin, Jean
Vezin, and Mary Rouse, added another fourteen books to the twenty-four already
recognized as having belonged to Fournival, books that were clearly identifiable in the
Biblionomia. Moreover, Professor Rouse noted that among these were several small
books that had common scribes and illuminators and appeared to have been made for
Fournival. After reading the articles and having found yet another book myself, I
asked Professor Rouse if he would mind if I studied all the remaining books of Fourni-
val and Gérard d’Abbeville in order to determine when and where the books were
made and which of them belonged only to Gérard d’Abbeville. He kindly agreed and
helped by sending references to manuscripts that had been surely or tentatively tied to

*
Institut de recherche et d’histoire des textes, 40 avenue d’Iéna, Paris 75116, France.
1
R. H. Rouse, “The early library of the Sorbonne,” Scriptorium 21 (1967) 42–71, 226–251; idem,
“Manuscripts belonging to Richard de Fournival,” Revue d’histoire des textes 3 (1973) 255–269.
2
L. Delisle, Le cabinet des manuscrits de la bibliothèque impériale III (Paris 1881) 518–535.

Medieval Manuscripts, Their Makers and Users 185–198. 10.1484/M.STPMSBH-EB.1.100065

186 PATRICIA STIRNEMANN

the Biblionomia since the publication of his article.

In 1984 I wrote a long article on this subject, which awaits publication because I
am still finding new information. The core of the article deals directly with the subject
of this paper. While Richard de Fournival probably bought books or had some books
made by stationers between 1230 and 1240, he begins an organized personal produc-
tion of books only in the 1240s. He does so after he leaves the familia of the English
cardinal Robert Somercote in 1241; at this time he becomes a canon of the cathedral of
Amiens and is named chancellor by his half-brother and then bishop, Arnould de la
Pierre (1236–1247). After Arnould was born, Arnould’s mother, Elisabeth, married
Richard’s father, Roger de Fournival, who was one of the court doctors to Philippe
Auguste, Louis VIII, and Louis IX3.
The books made for Richard in the 1240s form a corpus of over twenty scientific or
literary manuscripts, often composed of booklets containing short tracts. I analyzed the
script and illumination of the manuscripts at the Bibliothèque nationale de France and
built a chronological table of the interventions, noting that codicologically the books
are stratified in three layers: during the first and second campaigns, new fascicles are
added at the end of an existing book, whereas in the third campaign, texts are interpo-
lated between existing quires. The campaigns are presented in tabular form in figures
1 and 2. On the left is the shelfmark, followed by the folios. The next column lists
those manuscripts in which texts were appended to pre-1240 base texts. In seven in-
stances Fournival took a pre-existing text and added new fascicles to it. Columns 3
and 4 regroup the two campaigns that took place in 1240–1245; they are distinguished
by two different penwork styles, one identified by Sonia Patterson, and another that I
call Lumpish. The S-P (Sonia Patterson) flourisher works only with the scribes in col-
umn 3 and is probably also a scribe, namely the scribe identified by Richard Rouse.
Lumpish works only with scribes in column 4 and may also be a scribe. The last col-
umn concerns interventions that occur after 1245, the date of a manuscript containing
Herman the German’s translation of extracts of Aristotle’s Ethics (MS latin 16581).4
Mlle d’Alverny established that Herman translated the extracts in 1243 or 1244 in
Toledo and brought the work to Paris soon after, and that Fournival’s manuscript was
probably copied directly on Herman’s in Paris.
The last campaign ushers is a new style of penwork, characteristic of Paris in the
1240s and which I call “thin parallel line.” I use the date of 1250 as the end-point in
the third campaign in part because this is the putative date of the Biblionomia and in
part because it agrees with the style of the script and penwork.
There are five scribes in the first campaign; the Rouse scribe is the dominant hand.
Unlike all the other scribes, the Rouse scribe-flourisher not only copies new texts, he
also repairs and completes defective or unfinished books and flourishes texts written
by other scribes. There are four scribes in the second campaign and six scribes in the
last campaign, two of whom do their own penwork. Fifteen scribes altogether. There is

3
P. Desportes and H. Millet, Fasti Ecclesiae Gallicanae Tome 1 Diocèse d’Amiens: répertoire
prosopographique des évêques, dignitaires et chanoines de France de 1200 à 1500 (Turnhout 1996) 54–56,
199 n° 447.
4
M.-T. d’Alverny, “Remarques sur la tradition manuscrite de la ‘Summa Alexandrinorum,’” Archive
d'histoire et de doctrine littéraire du Moyen Age 49 (1983) 265–272.
PRIVATE LIBRARIES PRIVATELY MADE 187

no overlap between campaigns, except on one folio in latin 16652; none of the scribes
seems to have served as corrector, coordinator or librarian. Richard de Fournival was
undoubtedly his own librarian and textual scout, given the wide intellectual range and
the technical sophistication of the scientific texts.
Fournival’s conception of a book was that of a scholar, a researcher, a classifier. It
is a mode of thinking that we find in isolated composite volumes, but rarely we do
know for whom the book is made. With the small library of Richard de Fournival we
observe the book as a labile object, probably unbound and preserved in a wrapper or
held together with a strap or light sewing. The book is in evolution, receptive to new
texts with related thematic content. One particularly eloquent example is a book of
Arabic philosophical works, written in the 1230s and which originally contained Alga-
zel’s De logica, Metaphysica and Physica, and Alkindi’s Liber Algazel (latin 16605,
texts 1 and 2); Avicenna’s Physica (latin 16604, text 1); and Avicenna’s Metaphysica
and De primis et secundis substantiis (latin 16602, text 1) (fig. 3).
Fournival split the book into three parts, each of which he used as a base text for
three new books. To Algazel’s De logica, Metaphysica and Physica and Alkindi’s
Liber Algazel de quinque essentiis he had the Rouse scribe add the Ps. Boethius, De
unitate et uno (only one leaf survives) ; the book is now latin 16605. To Avicenna’s
Physica he had his Rouse scribe add Ps. Avicenna’s De caelo et mundo (the book is
now latin 16604) (fig. 4). During the second campaign, he had two scribes add texts
concerning the intellect by Al Farabi, Alkindi, and Averroes to the Metaphysica and
De primis et secundis substantiis by Avicenna, and during the third campaign he ap-
pended four texts by Alexander Aphrodisias (the book is now latin 16602) (figs. 5 and
6).
Fournival had another impressive collection of philosophical translations from the
Arabic, latin 16613, written during the first campaign by the scribe I call “striped capi-
tals.” In line with his thematic grouping of works, Fournival also interpolated a text
into latin 16613: he inserted Gundissalinus’s De immortalitate anime next to the same
author’s De anima during the third campaign (fig. 7). The book contains, among oth-
ers, three short texts on the intellect by Al Farabi, Alkindi and Alexander Aphrodisias;
these same texts, totaling a dozen folios, were added to latin 16602 in the second and
third campaigns. It is possible that Fournival wanted only the two texts by Averroes on
the intellect and metaphysics and three of the four texts by Alexander Aphrodisias, but
that the scribes copied all the texts in an exemplar by mistake. The repetition was no-
ticed. Marginal notes in latin 16602 indicate that the Al Farabi, Alkindi and Alexander
Aphrodisias texts are already “in the Gundissalinus manuscript,” namely latin 16613
(as noted by Mlle d’Alverny in her description of the manuscript).5
These campaigns were supervised not only with respect to the grouping of texts,
but also with respect to the appearance of the resulting book. A conscious effort was
made to harmonize the visual aspect of the additions (fig. 8). The effort is particularly
apparent in the number of lines per folio, but it also extends to the written space.
Furthermore, the effort to harmonize is made by several scribes who may never have

5
M.-T. d’Alverny, “Avicenna latinus II,” Archive d'histoire et de doctrine littéraire du Moyen Age 29
(1962) 217–233, esp. 231–233.
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met. Does this imply that the scribe had within his reach the book that was to receive
the new text? Were exemplars brought to him or did he go to the exemplars? Did he
rule quires in advance? I have some answers of my own, but even more questions,
given that these are often very rare and very short texts, copied by different scribes.
Fifteen scribes.
Where is the work being done? Where do the scribes and illuminators come from?
How and where do they find their texts? Do they copy in libraries or do they borrow
manuscripts? Let us begin with “where is the work being done.” I have several reasons
for thinking that the books were made in Amiens probably by scribes in the cathedral
chancery. It will be remembered that Richard de Fournival was the chancellor. I have
paged through the three thirteenth-century cartularies of the cathedral looking for
scribes and illuminators. I have not yet identified any scribes writing both in the manu-
scripts and the cartularies. Their dual role is not impossible, but the task will be
hazardous because Fournival’s small books are written mostly in notating, school
hands, what one calls in French “mains de travail,” small script with few serifs, and
the cartularies are written in large formal bookhands. However, I have found the
“lumpish” pen-flourisher in one of the cartularies (fig. 9), and other flourished initials
may be the work of Frogspawn. Another indicator that work took place in Amiens
concerns a small archaeological point. When preparing books for flourishing from the
late twelfth century onwards, French pen-flourishers prepare the dismantled quires for
the alternation of red and blue initials by tracing a small tick beside every other blank
space. In Paris, pen-flourishers invariably tick for red initials. During the first two
campaigns on Fournival’s books, the ticks of the pen-flourishers (S-P and Lumpish)
always indicate the placement of the blue initials. The ticking for blue thus indicates
that the work is not taking place in Paris. The fact that the scribes are “local,” chan-
cery scribes may explain why they commit so many errors, as noted by Mlle
d’Alverny, when copying scientific texts, for this was a domain that was undoubtedly
unfamiliar to them.
After pondering the composition of many of the remaining books, I am more and
more convinced that the scribes may at times be working from booklets or schedula
provided by colleagues or copied by Fournival himself during his travels in Italy, Nor-
mandy and perhaps England. There are no libraries in the region of Amiens or even in
northern France, Paris included, that could have provided so many rare texts. Further-
more there is some “orientation” in the choice of texts. Among the authors found are
recent local luminaries, such as Nicolas d’Amiens, the disciple of Gilbert de la Porrée,
the chronicler Richard de Gerberoy, bishop of Amiens from 1205 to 1210, and the
enigmatic doctor of medicine Ours de Laon (n° 134); the recent north French and
Flemish authors such as Gauthier de Châtillon, Alain de Lille, Gérard de Bruxelles,
Evrard de Béthune; the authors from Normandy (where Fournival was a canon of
Rouen cathedral), Alexandre de Villedieu and Jean de Hautville; or from the Loire
Valley, Matthieu de Vendôme; the Englishmen such as Adelard of Bath, Adam de
Parvo Ponte, Alfred of Sareshel, the twelfth-century philosopher and translator who
lived in Spain and dedicated his De motu cordis (n° 66) to Alexander Nequam, John of
Garland, Geoffrey of Vinsauf, Alexander Nequam. The translations from the Arabic
would certainly have been better known among the English who were so actively in-
PRIVATE LIBRARIES PRIVATELY MADE 189

volved in their translation and the extraordinary collection of Ciceronian texts may
have been obtained in Italy. We know that Fournival acquired at least two astronomi-
cal manuscripts in Italy, as noted by Steven Livesey and Richard Rouse6 in their arti-
cle on Nimrod the Astronomer. Fournival’s stated intention in the Biblionomia is to
construct a public library for the city of Amiens. He seems to be gathering texts in a
systematic, encyclopedic way, perhaps even working from “lists” of the treatises, such
as Nequam’s chapter in Sacerdos ad altare (known only in one manuscript, Camb.
Gonville and Caius Coll. 385 (605)) or Evrard de Béthune’s Laborinthus (1213), as
Palémon Glorieux implied. 7 While several scholars have studied what Richard de
Fournival’s library contained in the year 1250, it would be equally interesting to con-
sider what books are left out of the Biblionomia, such as history books, vernacular
works and Richard’s own writings.
How do the physical aspects of the making of Fournival’s library compare with
other surviving private libraries that were privately made during the central middle
ages, namely the princely library of Henry the Liberal, count of Champagne, dating
largely from the 1160s, and the ecclesiastical library assembled in the 1290s by Ber-
nard de Castanet, bishop of Albi? There are several resemblances. Seven books in the
library of Henry the Liberal were “made-at-home” by a small coterie of scribes and
illuminators attached to the court, and the style of their script and illumination has
allowed us to recognize books from the library even if they do not appear on the
inventory, which ends abruptly with a mutilated leaf. 8 At least one book, Henry’s
Flavius Josephus, was split apart in order to insert missing material. On the other hand,
each manuscript tends to contain a single text. No books appear to have been made
commercially in nearby Sens where a vigorous, albeit short-lived, booktrade was
established in the 1160s, 70s and 80s.9 The library has a strong thematic orientation,
containing a remarkable series of historical texts. These include Livy, Valerius Maxi-
mus, Aulus Gellius,10 Josephus, Freculph, Aimoin de Fleury, Sigebert de Gembloux,
Geoffrey of Monmouth. Exemplars came from near-by establishments but it is not
clear whether the exemplars were lent to the count or had to be copied in the owner’s
library. Unlike Fournival’s books, two of Henry’s books have colophons, each written
by the scribe William the Englishman. In this princely library the scribes and illumina-
tors, whose work is of high quality, are not necessarily dependent upon developments
in nearby centers. One scribe is English and another may be Flemish. Two or three
artists working at the court appear to come from the north or Flanders and they may be

6
S. Livesey and R. Rouse, “Nimrod the Astronomer,” Traditio 37 (1981) 225: the Toledan Tables (n°
60, MS 16209) and latin 15461 (Alkorismi De pratica arismetica, Compotus prosaicus, Pratica arismetica de
proportionibus et minutis).
7
P. Glorieux, “Etudes sur la Biblionomia de Richard de Fournival,” Recherches de théologie ancienne
et médiévale 30 (1963) 205–231 ; idem, “Bibliothèques des Maîtres parisiens,” Recherches de théologie
ancienne et médiévale, 36 (1969) 148–183.
8
Splendeurs de la Cour de Champagne au temps de Chrétien de Troyes, exhibition catalogue, n° hors
série La Vie en Champagne (June 1999); “Un manuscrit de Claudien fabriqué à la cour de Champagne dans
les années 1160,” La Tradition vive. Mélanges d’histoire des textes en l’honneur de Louis Holtz (Paris-
Turnhout 2003) 53–58.
9
P. Stirnemann, “En quête de Sens,” Quand la peinture était dans les livres. Mélanges en l’honneur de
François Avril, ed. E. König, C. Zöhl, AND M. Hofmann (Turnhout 2007) 303–311.
10
Pointed out to me by Richard Rouse in 1982.
190 PATRICIA STIRNEMANN

free to take outside commissions. I suggest this because one of the early artists in
Henry’s books also painted an initial in a book belonging to Saint-Allyre, near Cler-
mont Ferrand (Clermont Ferrand, B.M., MS 15, Gospel of Matthew, glossed).
The library of Bernard de Castanet has been studied by Hiromi Haruna-Czaplicki.11
The seventeen identified books are again the work of a group of local scribes, seven in
number, who appear to be attached to the chancery of the cathedral. Two of these
wrote several of Bernard’s books, one is also the main corrector. There is one penwork
artist and one main illuminator. One or two of the scribes may reappear in the cartu-
lary; line endings take the same form in the cartulary and the manuscripts. The books
are decorated with painted initials having no gold or iconography, and their style de-
pends upon developments in Toulouse and books imported from Paris to Toulouse,
just as the pen-work styles in Fournival’s books depend upon developments in Paris.
Haruna-Czaplicki found the early twelfth-century exemplar for Castanet’s copy of
Bede’s Ecclesiastical History of the English People in the library of Moissac. Her
proof is conclusive. At one point in the text the scribe turned two pages of his exem-
plar instead of one and decided to fit the missing text into the margins. The text of the
marginal insertion agrees exactly with the text of the two pages in the exemplar. The
library of Moissac probably provided the exemplar, no longer extant, for another
manuscript of Castanet, a deduction Dr Haruna-Czaplicki was able to make from the
presence of a brief account of the translation of relics from Lyon to Moissac. Yet an-
other manuscript contains a variety of texts apparently drawn in part from a manu-
script in Villeneuve-lès-Avignon or perhaps one at Beauvais. Others may rely on
exemplars at Saint-Pons and Saint-Victor de Marseilles. Eleven of Bernard of Casta-
net’s books are dated with colophons, sometimes with several colophons, indicating
that some books were composed by supplement, like Fournival’s. We can follow the
constitution of the library from 1291 to 1300. It contains mainly works of the Fathers:
Gregory, Ambrose, Jerome, Bede, Isidore, Augustine, Origen; but Bernard also has
Caesar’s Gallic Wars and Florus’s epitome of Livy. As the decade draws to a close
Castanet moves forward in time, adding works by Hugh of Saint-Victor, Alain de Lille
and the Speculum naturale of Vincent de Beauvais. Bernard de Castanet was a close
friend of the Inquisitor Bernard Gui, and two texts, by Augustine and Alain de Lille,
concern heresy. One manuscript, Chambéry 29, is what one could call a “miscellany”
or “recueil,” dated 1297 to 1298. The texts, catalogued by Caroline Heid,12 are nearly
all very short, the longest being the first and fourth, the Honorius Augustodunensis
and the Smaragdus, with 39 and 49 folios respectively. Those in bold face type travel
together and are all found in an early twelfth-century manuscript from Beauvais and
partially in a manuscript of around the same date from Villeneuve-lès-Avignon. The
manuscript presents a conscious grouping of fascicles on subjects of interest for the
pastoral work and preaching of a bishop, works probably collected over time in book-
lets and consigned to a fair copy, like Fournival’s books.

11
Hiromi Haruna-Czaplicki, “Les manuscrits enluminés exécutés pour Bernard de Castanet, évêque
d’Albi de 1276 à 1308, et la production du livre à Toulouse aux alentours de 1300” (thesis, Université de
Toulouse II-le Mirail 2006).
12
C. Heid and A. Ritz, Manuscrits médiévaux deChambéry: textes et enluminures (Turnhout 1998) 111–
116.
PRIVATE LIBRARIES PRIVATELY MADE 191

CHAMBERY BM, MS 29, DATED 1297–1298

1–39v Honorius Augustodunensis, Gemma ecclesie (treatise on the Divine Office)
39v–43 Treatise on the Eucharist
43–43v Text on the tower of Babel
44–93v Smaragdus, Diadema monachorum (a guide to monastic life)
93v, 28 lines that are usually found as an appendage to the Liber quare (Q&A on
liturgy)
94–111 Alcuin, Q&A on Genesis
111–112v Glosses on the epistles of St. Jerome
112v–114 Glosses on difficult nouns
114–114v Glosses on difficult sentences
114v–116v Glosses on Greek nouns
116v–117 Twelve ways of obtaining remission from sin
117a–117v end of the Glosses on Greek nouns
117vb–121 Q&A on Old Testament
121v–126 Explanations of biblical passages (Psalms, Kings)
123a–126 Explanation of Jerome's prologue to Kings
126–126v Gregorius Illiberitanus (dub.), De Salomone
126v Gloss on word Baal
126v Gloss on the word Leena from the Physiologus
126v–127b Gloss on the word Catezizare
127b–127va Explanation of Ecclesiastes 12.5–7
127v Note on the seven vices
127v–131 Glossary
131v–149 Glossary
150–177 Honorius Augustodunensis, Elucidarium (summary of Christian theology)
178–189v Treatise on the six sacraments
190–193 Short summa on penitence, attributed here to a certain Stephanus OP,
usually found attributed to Ps Odo Rigaldus, Formula confessionis

Two observations may be made in closing. The scribes of Henry, Richard, and Ber-
nard are all members or employees of the bookman’s “institution,” be it the court and
its collegiate church or the cathedral. In Henry’s case, I do not have a cartulary in
which to search for scripts, and I did not find his scribes writing charters. However,
the obituary for the count’s collegiate church has several memorials for named scribes,
which shows the esteem in which they were held.13 All scribes need not necessarily
work in the chancery, but it is not unusual to find a chancery scribe writing books for
the library in monasteries and institutions. Cartulary and charter scribes wrote books at
Pontigny and Chaalis, and a royal chancery scribe wrote books for Saint-Victor, as
Françoise Gasparri discovered.
My second point concerns the life-span of these ad hoc manuscript-making opera-
tions. It may just be a matter of coincidence, but none of the ateliers seems to last
longer than a decade, and in each case there seems to be an external cause for the
cessation of activity. I have found no books made in-house for Henry the Liberal after
1170; the murder of Thomas Becket and the dispersal of his ecclesiastical court seems
to undermine Henry’s élan, although it must be said that the work of Chrétien de
Troyes is largely situated in the 1170s and early 1180s. Curiously, the campaigns one

13
Troyes, B.M., MS 365, ed. C. Lalore, Collection des principaux obituaires et confraternités du
diocèse de Troyes (Troyes 1882) 213–249.
192 PATRICIA STIRNEMANN

observes in Richard de Fournival’s books seem to overlap the episcopacy of his step-
brother, Arnould de la Pierre, who resigns in 1147 with a pension of 400 livres. In
1248, Arnould’s successor, Gérard de Conchy must appeal for arbitration from Rome
in a conflict that pits him against the chancellor, Richard de Fournival, concerning the
emolument of the seal of the episcopal officiality. Its augmentation had excited dis-
cord and jealousy. Were the manuscript-making activities of Richard protected by his
step-brother? Was he obliged to discontinue his personal use of the chancery when his
half-brother retired? Finally, the building of the library of Bernard de Castanet comes
to an abrupt close around 1300 undoubtedly because of a violent turn-about in his life.
In 1302 an uprising against him at Albi forces him to take refuge in Toulouse where
he is heavily fined by the royal jurisdiction. In 1306 he is replaced as bishop by the
abbot of Fontfroide. He is indicted in 1307, exonerated by Clement V in 1308 and
translated as bishop of Le Puy. In 1316 he is made cardinal and dies in 1317. Like
other acts of creation, the private building of a library is a fragile and expensive en-
deavor that can attain great heights, but the flame can be easily extinguished.
PRIVATE LIBRARIES PRIVATELY MADE 193

FIG. 1
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FIG. 2

FIG. 3
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FIG. 4

FIG. 5
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FIG. 6

FIG. 7
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FIG. 8
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FIG. 9